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Published: 04 June 2014

Science and the arts: Rock and research

Karen Kaplan 1

Nature volume 510 , pages 177–179 ( 2014 ) Cite this article

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Neuroscience

Scientists who moonlight as musicians get more from a gig than a fistful of cash.

Scientists are used to facing the music. Failure stares them down every time their grant is denied, their paper is rejected, their fellowship is declined or their experiment flops.

But many deal with the anguish of figuratively facing the music by literally making it. Although no formal statistics document the number of researchers who are professional or amateur musicians, anecdotal evidence suggests that they are legion. Those who cultivate a second life as musicians say that the misery of failed experiments, vetoed grant applications and rebuffed manuscripts falls away whenever they pick up their guitar, trumpet or drumsticks.

One might wonder why early-career researchers — who typically work 70–80-hour-plus weeks — spend what little spare time they have rehearsing, performing and recording music when they could be, say, sleeping, or spending that time with their family. In part, say scientist-musicians, it is because performing live onstage or setting down tracks in the studio is akin to a powerfully addictive drug: it gives them such a rush that they must keep coming back for more. Indeed, research has confirmed that creating, performing and listening to music produces dopamine, the same neurochemical released during sex and other such pleasurable experiences ( V. N. Salimpoor et al . Nature Neurosci. 14 , 257–262; 2011 ). But scientist-musicians also say that making music helps them to unwind and recalibrate. Rumination, recrimination or self-flagellation about what went wrong with the research programme or why the tenure application was turned down disappears when they focus on the next note or chord and the audience's response.

It has another advantage, too. For many who pursue music, it feeds and bolsters their science. Freeing their mind from the tightly structured rigours of an experiment and the tedium of data collection to wander through fields of melodies and measures nurtures their scientific creativity. Days, even hours, after a particularly satisfying performance, writing stint or rehearsal session, a researcher often finds that she or he can suddenly devise a better way to approach a study, develop a stronger hypothesis for a manuscript or come up with a different rationale for a grant.

There is, of course, another, more fundamental reason for the time sacrifice: performing music onstage, writing and even rehearsing it is great fun.

“You get obsessed with it,” says Joseph LeDoux, a neuroscientist at New York University and singer-songwriter and guitarist for blues-rock band The Amygdaloids, who perform at clubs and other venues and have recorded two original CDs and an extended play. “A lot of what I do for the band is write, and I'm a decent writer. It's not the same kind of writing as a paper or a grant, but it's freeing and releasing to write that way.”

The immediate audience feedback is a huge part of live music's allure and a counterpoint to science's slower pace, says Cliff Schweinfest, scientific review officer for the US National Cancer Institute in Rockville, Maryland, and trumpet player for the NIH Community Orchestra, a volunteer group of classical and Renaissance musicians whose day jobs are with the US National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other federal agencies. “Music gives you an instantaneous pay-off,” he says. “That's very satisfying — it's a good complement to science, which has a much slower pace.”

The music–science interplay can have real benefits. One study, for instance, has found that people who form companies and file patents are much more likely to be involved in the arts than are those who have never done these things ( R. LaMore et al . Econ. Dev. Q. 27 , 221–229; 2013 ). Long-term participation may enhance creative potential in science and technology, and scientists who are musicians are likely to be highly successful, publishing provocative papers or producing many patentable inventions, says psychologist Robert Root-Bernstein from Michigan State University in East Lansing, and an author of the study. “They are more successful by any set of criteria, including publishing and grants,” he says. “They are more innovative. A lifelong exposure to music helps to foster a more creative approach to work.”

Blurred boundaries

So tightly intertwined are science and music for evolutionary researcher Greg Graffin, who fronts the punk-rock outfit Bad Religion in Los Angeles, California, that the lines between them often blur. Lead singer and songwriter for the band since he was 15, Graffin perceives a profound connection between the anti-establishment, alienative nature of punk music and the demands of scientific research for rational thinking and for challenging existing doctrine. The mindset has piloted both his science and his music for the past 35 years. “That was the way I was thinking when I was 16 — to challenge authority to make headway in this world,” he says. “It's worked for me in punk, and it's what I do as a scientist.” Of the four books he has published, Anarchy Evolution: Faith, Science, and Bad Religion in a World Without God is perhaps the most iconoclastic, examining the conflict between religion and science.

Hugely successful as a punker — Bad Religion headlined iconic clubs such as Whiskey a Go-Go in West Hollywood, California, when he was 17 — Graffin slowed his research career for a while, fitting in a doctorate, a postdoc and stints at the bench between tours and records. But he could never bring himself to leave science completely for music, lucrative though his music career has been. He is now a lecturer in evolution at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, and is preparing to publish a book on the biological basis of species coexistence. He teaches and conducts research in the autumn and spring, and reserves summers for touring, writing and recording — because even now, decades later, music still holds a seductive allure.

There's such a dichotomy — the lights, the stage, the sensation of the moment — and the inverse of that, the quiet solitary work of data collection.

“To this day, there's nothing more rewarding than playing concerts and just seeing the people mouth the words and sing along,” he says. “There's such a dichotomy — the lights, the stage, the sensation of the moment — and the inverse of that, the quiet solitary work of data collection.”

Although his music and his science are closely knit in his mind, Graffin tries to keep them separate, especially for his students, in an effort to preserve his scientific identity. “In a lecture, I don't even talk about music, but [students] come up after class,” he says. “I don't want to promote that part of my life — in a sense they're indulging me, to see me as a scientist. I'm walking the line between the two worlds.”

Plant geneticist Milo Aukerman also straddles an oft-indistinct boundary between research and music. Long-time frontman and lead singer for Los Angeles-based early punkers the Descendents, Aukerman followed a path similar to Graffin's, sandwiching his graduate programme and postdoc between tours and recording sessions. After completing his postdoc in 1999 — it took six years, thanks to a series of leaves for touring and recording — Aukerman joined DuPont in Wilmington, Delaware, in 2001. Then music came knocking again. “I hadn't been at DuPont for more than a year when the band called. I said, 'I can't tour', and they said, 'How about a record?', and I said 'I could squeeze that in',” he recalls. The CD was released in 2004 to significant acclaim, but Aukerman had decided it was time to focus again on his science — until 2010, when the muse called him back once more. Now, he joins the band for weekend shows and brief international tours that he fits in during holidays.

Complementary cures

Music and science, he says, are different sides of the same coin — they both draw on creative energies and abilities. “From the very beginning of my interest in biology, it was about what you could do. This was a raw substance, this was like something you sculpted, that you could create with,” Aukerman says. “It's the same way in music. Having innovated — writing a song, interpreting a riff in a different way — brings the same exhilaration that you get from science.”

And the research can inform the music. The Amygdaloids' original tunes are about the brain or the mind in some way — and LeDoux finds that the music affects his work in a positive fashion. “I've got much better at being a performer — I'm more relaxed now, more spontaneous, and that also helps flipping back to science — I'm more willing to free-associate,” he says, adding that being a rocker has improved his performance on the podium when he gives talks. “During a science lecture, you might be in your own mind, facing the screen, looking for the next slide, but with music, you've got to be right there — onstage as a musician, it's all about grabbing the audience. And I've become much more conscious of that in my work.”

For some, the music offers more direct insights: it is part and parcel of the research itself. Thomas Scelo, an acoustics consultant and classical guitarist, knows that the connection between his music and his research is substantive, even crucial. The director of Marshall Day Acoustics in Hong Kong, Scelo works with cities, private companies, architects and others to create concert halls, opera houses and other performance venues in Europe, Asia and Oceania.

Scelo designs with his ear: his main objective is “to make sure the music sounds great”. Although he has a doctorate in architectural acoustics and a master's in physics, he maintains that he could not do his job were he not a musician. “My job is to link science and music,” says Scelo, who began playing guitar at 6, joined a classical orchestra at 18 and has been performing in orchestras and in the occasional rock band ever since. “As a musician, I understand what musicians need on the stage so they can perform under optimum conditions,” he says. “The outcome of my work is emotion. I have done good science if I see people at the end of the concert in tears.”

Classical pianist and violinist Jukka Pätynen, who researches concert-hall acoustics and music processing and auralization at Aalto University in Espoo, Finland, is equally reliant on his musical life for his science. “The orchestral sound and musical content is quite familiar to me — it's one of the biggest strengths of my background for my research work,” says Pätynen, who performs regularly in a regional orchestra. “Because I am a concert pianist, I know what I'm talking about when I take a room's acoustic measurements. It's quite easy to get into the details of the sound and how the orchestra would need to sound there or here, and how things sound different in different parts of a room.”

Are there downsides to fitting a second life as a musician into the taxing, time-consuming career of a researcher? Only that, sometimes, the music has to take a back seat. Singer and ukulele player Ali Dreyfuss, a doctoral student in theoretical nuclear physics at Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge, gigs as often as she can with the swing-blues band Solomon Douglas Swingtet. Sometimes it is nowhere near as much as she would like — she has not travelled with them since last November, thanks to a gruelling class and research schedule combined with band dates that are not worth her while monetarily to fly out of town.

Still, Dreyfuss says that she welcomes any chance to step up onstage and immerse herself in torchy blues or high-octane swing. For her, too, music provides a way to recharge. “My work creates little bursts of activity and creativity, but as a nuclear theorist, I have to recognize all these rules and restrictions — I have to put pieces together, like a puzzle,” she says. “After doing that for hours and hours and hours, you've accumulated a bunch of stress and frustration, and something needs to discharge your brain. Music gives you a different way to unplug.”

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Kaplan, K. Science and the arts: Rock and research. Nature 510 , 177–179 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1038/nj7503-177a

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v.14(2); 2017 May

Music and the brain: the neuroscience of music and musical appreciation

Michael trimble.

1 Institute of Neurology, University College London, UK, email ku.ca.lcu.noi@elbmirtm

Dale Hesdorffer

2 Gertrude H. Sergievsky Center and Department of Epidemilogy, Columbia University, New York City, USA

Through music we can learn much about our human origins and the human brain. Music is a potential method of therapy and a means of accessing and stimulating specific cerebral circuits. There is also an association between musical creativity and psychopathology. This paper provides a brief review.

Art history is the unfolding of subjectivity…. (T. Adorno)

An evolutionary perspective

There have been many attempts to identify behaviours which reliably distinguish our species, Homo sapiens , from our closest living cousins. Ascribed activities, from tool-making to having a theory of mind and empathy, have been rejected, as observations of anthropologists and ethnologists continue to emphasise similarities rather than differences placing us within the great chain of beings. There can be no doubt about the greater development of our cognitive attributes, linked closely with the evolutionary developments of our brain, in terms of both size and structure. Bipedalism, the use of fire, the development of effective working memory and our vocal language efficient communication have all emerged from these genetic–environmental adaptations over several million years (Pasternak, 2007 ).

Two features of our world which are universal and arguably have been a feature of an earlier evolutionary development are our ability to create and respond to music, and to dance to the beat of time.

Somewhere along the evolutionary way, our ancestors, with very limited language but with considerable emotional expression, began to articulate and gesticulate feelings: denotation before connotation. But, as the philosopher Susanne Langer noted, ‘The most highly developed type of such purely connotational semantic is music’ (Langer, 1951 , p. 93). In other words, meaning in music came to us before meaning given by words.

The mammalian middle ear developed from the jaw bones of earlier reptiles and carries sound at only specific frequencies. It is naturally attuned to the sound of the human voice, although has a range greater than that required for speech. Further, the frequency band which mothers use to sing to their babies, and so-called motherese or child-directed speech, with exaggerated intonation and rhythm, corresponds to that which composers have traditionally used in their melodies. In the same way that there is a limited sensitive period in which the infant can learn language and learn to respond to spoken language, there must be a similar phase of brain development for the incorporation of music.

One of the differences between the developed brains of Homo sapiens and those of the great apes is the increase in area allocated to processing auditory information. Thus, in other primates the size of the visual cortex correlates well with brain size, but in Homo sapiens it is smaller. In contrast, increases in size elsewhere in the human brain have occurred, notably in the temporal lobes, especially the dorsal area that relates to the auditory reception of speech. The expansion of primary and association auditory cortices and their connections, associated with the increased size of the cerebellum and areas of prefrontal and premotor cortex linked through basal ganglia structures, heralded a shift to an aesthetics based on sound, and to abilities to entrain to external rhythmic inputs. The first musical instrument used by our ancestors was the voice. The ear is always open and, unlike vision and the eyes or the gaze, sound cannot readily be averted. From the rhythmic beating within and with the mother’s body for the fetus and young infant, to the primitive drum-like beating of sticks on wood and hand clapping of our adolescent and adult proto-speaking ancestors, the growing infant is surrounded by and responds to rhythm. But, as Langer ( 1951 , p. 93) put it, ‘being more variable than the drum, voices soon made patterns and the long endearing melodies of primitive song became a part of communal celebration’. Some support for these ideas comes from the work of Mithen, who has argued that spoken language and music evolved from a proto-language, a musi-language which stemmed from primate calls and was used by the Neanderthals; it was emotional but without words as we know them (Mithen, 2005 ).

The suggestion is that our language of today emerged via a proto-language, driven by gesture, framed by musicality and performed by the flexibility which accrued with expanded anatomical developments, not only of the brain, but also of the coordination of our facial, pharyngeal and laryngeal muscles. Around the same time (with a precision of many thousands of years), the bicameral brain, although remaining bipartite, with the two cooperating cerebral hemispheres coordinating life for the individual in cohesion with the surrounding environment, became differently balanced with regard to the functions of the two sides: pointing and proposition (left) as opposed to urging and yearning (right) (Trimble, 2012 ).

The experience of music

A highly significant finding to emerge from the studies of the effects in the brain of listening to music is the emphasis on the importance of the right (non-dominant) hemisphere. Thus, lesions following cerebral damage lead to impairments of appreciation of pitch, timbre and rhythm (Stewart et al , 2006 ) and studies using brain imaging have shown that the right hemisphere is preferentially activated when listening to music in relation to the emotional experience, and that even imagining music activates areas on this side of the brain (Blood et al , 1999 ). This should not be taken to imply that there is a simple left–right dichotomy of functions in the human brain. However, it is the case that traditional neurology has to a large extent ignored the talents of the non-dominant hemisphere, much in favour of the dominant (normally left) hemisphere. In part this stems from an overemphasis on the role of the latter in propositional language and a lack of interest in the emotional intonations of speech (prosody) that give so much meaning to expression.

The link between music and emotion seems to have been accepted for all time. Plato considered that music played in different modes would arouse different emotions, and as a generality most of us would agree on the emotional significance of any particular piece of music, whether it be happy or sad; for example, major chords are perceived to be cheerful, minor ones sad. The tempo or movement in time is another component of this, slower music seeming less joyful than faster rhythms. This reminds us that even the word motion is a significant part of e motion , and that in the dance we are moving – as we are moved emotionally by music.

Until recently, musical theorists had largely concerned themselves with the grammar and syntax of music rather than with the affective experiences that arise in response to music. Music, if it does anything, arouses feelings and associated physiological responses, and these can now be measured. For the ordinary listener, however, there may be no necessary relationship of the emotion to the form and content of the musical work, since ‘the real stimulus is not the progressive unfolding of the musical structure but the subjective content of the listener’s mind’ (Langer, 1951 , p. 258). Such a phenomenological approach directly contradicts the empirical techniques of so much current neuroscience in this area, yet is of direct concern to psychiatry, and topics such as compositional creativity.

If it is a language, music is a language of feeling. Musical rhythms are life rhythms, and music with tensions, resolutions, crescendos and diminuendos, major and minor keys, delays and silent interludes, with a temporal unfolding of events, does not present us with a logical language, but, to quote Langer again, it ‘ reveals the nature of feelings with a detail and truth that language cannot approach’ (Langer, 1951 , p. 199, original emphasis).

This idea seems difficult for a philosophical mind to follow, namely that there can be knowledge without words. Indeed, the problem of describing a ‘language’ of feeling permeates the whole area of philosophy and neuroscience research, and highlights the relative futility of trying to classify our emotions – ‘Music is revealing, where words are obscuring’ (Langer, 1951 , p. 206).

Musical ability and psychiatric disorder

There is an extensive literature attesting to some associations between creativity and psychopathology (Trimble, 2007 ). The links seem to vary with different kinds of high achievement, and mood disorders are over-represented. Although samples of creative people have a significant excess of cyclothymia and bipolarity, florid manic–depressive illness is relatively uncommon. Biographies of famous musicians are of considerable interest in exploring brain–behaviour associations. Attempts to transform descriptions of people from biographies into specific DSM diagnoses cannot achieve high levels of validity and reliability, since lack of autobiographical materials and reliable contemporary medical accounts makes any diagnostic formulation necessarily tentative. However, with regard to classical composers within the Western canon, it must be of considerable significance that there are so many who seem to have suffered from affective disorders, the incidence of mood disorders ranging between 35% and 40% (Mula & Trimble, 2009 ). It is possible that similar associations occur in non-Western composers, although studies have not been published. In contrast, none seems to have had schizophrenia. These results have importance in understanding the structure and function of the human brain, and suggest avenues for therapeutic investigation which will vary with diagnosis.

Music therapy

Music provides and provokes a response, which is universal, ingrained into our evolutionary development, and leads to marked changes in emotions and movement. The anatomical associations noted above suggest that music must be viewed as one way to stimulate the brain. Music provides a non-invasive technique, which has attracted much interest but little empirical exploration to date. The therapeutic value of music can be in part explained by its cultural role in facilitating social learning and emotional well-being. However, a number of studies have shown that rhythmic entrainment of motor function can actively facilitate the recovery of movement in patients with stroke, Parkinson’s disease, cerebral palsy and traumatic brain injury (Thaut, 2005 ). Studies of people with memory disorders, such as Alzheimer’s disease, suggest that neuronal memory traces built through music are deeply ingrained and more resilient to neurodegenerative influences. Findings from individual randomised trials suggest that music therapy is accepted by people with depression and is associated with improvements in mood disorders (Maratos et al , 2008 ). Further, the potential applications of music therapy in patients with neuropsychiatric disorders, including autism spectrum disorders, albeit intuitive, have led to psychotherapeutic uses aimed at directly evoking emotions.

Evidence suggests that music can decrease seizure frequency, stop refractory status epilepticus and decrease electroencephalographic spike frequency in children with epilepsy in awake and sleep states. We know that many people with epilepsy have electroencephalographic abnormalities and, in some people, these can be ‘normalised’ by music. In addition to the need for trials of musical interventions in epilepsy, we should also consider whether the results of sonification of an electroencephalogram, which directly reflects the time course of cerebral rhythms, may be used to entrain ‘normal’ brain rhythms in people with seizure disorders. Alteration of the electroencephalogram via biofeedback of different components of sonified electroencephalography, or modulation of the musical input to a stimulus that affects the emotional state of the patient and hence cerebral and limbic activity and cerebral rhythms, are therapeutic possibilities which are currently being investigated (Bodner et al , 2012 ).

These data suggest that the effects and cost-effectiveness of music therapy in patients with neuropsychiatric disorders should be further explored. To date, most work has been done with Western-style compositions, and the well structured music of Mozart and Bach has been a popular basis for interventions. The following paper by Shantala Hegde notes the potential of other musical styles as therapy. Through music we learn much about our human origins and the human brain, and have a potential method of therapy by accessing and stimulating specific cerebral circuits.

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“Wild Years”: Rock Music, Problem Behaviors and Mental Well-being in Adolescence and Young Adulthood

Empirical Research
Open access
Published: 11 October 2021
Volume 50 , pages 2487–2500, ( 2021 )

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Tom T. Bogt ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6819-4831 1 ,
William W. Hale III 2 &
Andrik Becht 2

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Adolescent preferences for non-mainstream types of rock music can be markers of adolescent problem behaviors, but no study has ever investigated whether this relationship continues into adulthood. In a six-wave study, 900 Dutch adolescents were followed from ages 12 to 21 ( Mage T1 12.4, 51.1% girls), while reporting on depressive symptoms, mental well-being, aggression and drug use. A latent class growth analysis on their preferences for specific types of rock music revealed four fan groups. When these fan groups were compared to one another, in adolescence, the all-out rock fans displayed the highest peak in depressive symptoms and the lowest dip in well-being and the rock/metal fans reported the most aggression. And for both these groups, drug use increased at the onset of adulthood. Pop fans displayed a profile characterized by low depressive symptoms and aggression, and high in mental well-being. Finally, the popular rock fans held an in-between position between pop fans, on one side, and the all-out rock fans and rock/metal fans, on the other side. Thus, music preferences can be markers of problems, not only in adolescence but also in young adulthood. Still, music can enhance mood, helps to cope with problems, and peers in fan groups can provide support. This research focuses on the relationship between music and problem behaviors, specifically among members of the all-out rock fans and rock/metal fans, but many of these young people might have had more personal problems if they had not had their music and their fan-group peers.

Trajectories of Goth Music Preferences in Adolescence and Psychological Adjustment in Adulthood

Catherine McConnell, François Poulin, … Éric Lacourse

Goth Music and Depressive Symptoms among Adolescents: A Longitudinal Study

Tom ter Bogt, William W. Hale III, … Alessio Vieno

Music Preferences, Friendship, and Externalizing Behavior in Early Adolescence: A SIENA Examination of the Music Marker Theory Using the SNARE Study

Aart Franken, Loes Keijsers, … Tom ter Bogt

Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript.

Introduction

Music is the soundtrack of adolescents’ journey into adulthood. In identifying with a specific body of songs, as well as with the creators of these songs and other fans, adolescents define and finetune their ideas about who they are, who they want to be, and with whom they want to socialize (North & Hargreaves, 1999 ). In adolescence music preferences “show who you are” and have been referred to as a “badge” (Frith, 1981 ; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006 ). As lyrics and, more in general, personae and images of artists address a wealth of situations, cognitions and feelings, music is also a medium that can help in defining and tackling difficulties (Schäfer et al., 2013 ; Ter Bogt et al., 2016 ). But music preferences have also been connected to problem behaviors. Theories such as the Music Marker Theory (Ter Bogt et al., 2013 ) and the Peer Group Mediation Model (Slater & Henry, 2013 ) posit that young people facing problems may seek non-mainstream music as a way to cope with problems, but that within non-mainstream music scenes their problems may exacerbate, as they adopt the sometimes maladaptive attitudes and behaviors that are normative in these groups. Fans of different types of non-mainstream rock music have indeed been shown to be prone to school dropout, drug abuse, self-harm, and depression (for a review see: Lozon & Besimon, 2014 ). However, most of the studies in this field only cover the development of a specific (rock) music style or scene, and, mostly, rely on cross-sectional data. Of the few longitudinal studies on rock music and problem behaviors, none have followed fans into adulthood, to examine whether their problems are specific for adolescence or last into adulthood. Therefore, this study aims at identifying several distinct types of mainstream and non-mainstream rock fans, and follow them across adolescence, to explore heterogeneity in development of problem behaviors and mental well-being. It further aims to test whether adolescent problem behaviors dissipate when these fans find a more definite identity and place in life, or whether fans’ problems carry into their adulthood.

Rock Music and Its Audience: A Brief History

Music labeled as “rock” encompasses a range of different styles. The history of rock music covers more than sixty years and is beyond the scope of this article. However, a few basics should be discussed in order to identify the various subtypes of rock music and their fans which are the focus of this research.

It is difficult to distill definite musical essentials for rock, but during the sixties and seventies of the last century it became synonymous with electronically amplified music, with a strong drum beat, and often, but not always, loud guitars and vocals. “Rock” cannot be fully distinguished from “pop” in musical terms, but these notions generally distinguish more “serious”, album-based rock music for (young) adults versus single-based “top of the pops” music for teenagers (Frith, 1981 ; 2020 ; Gillet, 1996 ). Another relevant distinction that partly overlaps the pop-rock division is mainstream versus non-mainstream. Mainstream music is often upbeat, melodic music in radio-friendly formats, directed at a large audience of listeners (Dowd, 2013 ). Pop music is by definition mainstream music. Melodic rock songs can be mainstream, but the brash, louder rock variants are often qualified as non-mainstream. Renfrow et al. ( 2011 ; 2012 ) indicated that “intense” (rock) music is experienced by listeners as animated and strong, as dense, distorted, and loud. By the mid and late sixties, bands such as The Who, Cream, Led Zeppelin, and the Jimi Hendrix Experience were called “rock” bands. In the last three decades of the past century, rock, both in mainstream and non-mainstream varieties, became a dominant popular music genre in the single and album charts, in addition to pop and soul music (Gillet, 1996 ).

In the seventies and eighties an important subgenre appeared: heavy metal. Heavy metal artists criticized the softer, popular types of rock and veered back to what they believed was the core of the genre: extremely loud vocals, guitars and drums (Christe, 2003 ; Garofalo & Waksman, 2017 ). In the nineties and the first decade of the new century, two new popular subgenres developed in the spectrum of rock music: goth and emo rock. In the U.S., goth gained popularity (and notoriety) through the music of Marilyn Manson. With highly provocative lyrics, video clips and looks, “Anti-Christ Superstar” Marilyn Manson became one of the most successful bands of the late nineties and early new century (Wright, 2000 ). Emo is another non-mainstream rock genre and subculture originating from seventies punk and new wave, thematizing feelings of out-of-placeness and teenage angst (Greenwald, 2003 ). Not all bands in the off-mainstream rock scene were as bleak, nihilistic, violent and loud as Marilyn Manson or, for example, Cannibal Corpse (sic). The goth, emo and metal scenes produced more melodic, “symphonic” bands such as Within Temptation and Nightwish, that incorporated elements of classical music in their musical vocabulary and consolidated a more female audience.

Rock has evolved into a myriad of styles and substyles. The more melodic and mainstream forms reach a broad audience across socio-economic and gender groups. The non-mainstream subgenres are adored by a smaller, but still substantial, group of fans. While the vast majority of rock artists are male, newer styles such as goth or symphonic rock, involve more female musicians and singers. In terms of other demographic characteristics, the ethnic/racial composition of the group of rock musicians and their audiences is overwhelmingly white, at least in the U.S. and Europe.

The Relationship between Music Preference and Adolescent Problem Behaviors

Music can address problems and help young people cope with difficulties. The existence of a relationship between music preferences and adolescent problems may, therefore, not come as a surprise. Particularly non-mainstream types of music –heavy metal, goth, emo, ganstarap– have been framed to directly cause problems, but the relationship between music listening and problems is far more intricate (Ter Bogt et al., 2013 ). Adolescents with emotional and behavioral problems –now to be referred to as simply problem behaviors– such as those who are bullied and feel out of place, may seek music and youth subcultures that address and reflect these experiences. Still, the immersion in these youth subcultures may also instigate or worsen problems. The relation between music and youth subcultures, on the one hand, and problem behaviors, on the other hand, might be the result of processes of both selection and influence (Young et al., 2006 ). Several authors have tried to describe and theorize on these processes in more detail.

In his Theory of Media Delinquency , Roe ( 1992 ; 1995 ) argues that the trajectory of individuals and groups within the social status hierarchy results in a specific segmentation of music audiences. Students that do well in school and anticipate high status refrain from socially disvalued media such as violent videos and extreme types of rock music; they demonstrate a preference for culturally acceptable music genres such as classical music, blues, jazz or pop. Conversely, students dissatisfied with school and anticipating occupational problems or failure tend to identify with a non-mainstream genre such as heavy metal music.

In their Peer Group Mediation Model , Slater and Henry ( 2013 ) propose that music and music videos are directly relevant for adolescent drug use, as adolescents may imitate this behavior. But, in addition to social-cognitive processes, another mechanism is important. Music and music videos provide early adolescents with social identities that precede and encourage involvement with peer groups that embrace such identities. Once involved with such peer groups, adolescents will not only adopt or finetune their attitudes and behaviors in the direction of peer norms, but they will also deepen their involvement with media types that drove them in the direction of their peer crowd. Hence, media and peers are part of a “reinforcing spiral” (Slater, 2007 ).

Ter Bogt et al. ( 2013 ) proposed a highly similar model in order to explain the relationship between music preferences and adolescent problems. Music Marker Theory assumes that the modelling of attitudes and behaviors in music media may lead to the adoption of these attitudes and behaviors among their fans. But the authors also introduce a socialization mechanism. Early adolescents, on average, already know which music they prefer. Through music, they are drawn to specific crowds, varying in problem behaviors. Peers explicitly or implicitly demand compliance to social group norms, thus stimulating the acquisition or reinforcement of norms, attitudes and behaviors consistent with those of the group. In groups characterized by more frequent internalizing or externalizing behaviors, and acceptance of these behaviors as normal, adolescent problem behavior is expected to occur more frequently and escalate more quickly (Franken et al., 2017 ). Music preferences function as an early marker of concurrent and later problems, working through peer group socialization.

Thus, the literature provides evidence for three social-cognitive, selection and socialization processes relevant for the relationship between adolescent music preferences and problem behaviors. First, adolescents may model their behaviors and attitudes on their selected music media. Secondly, an adolescent’s social position and pre-existing psychosocial problems can affect his/her choice of music. And finally, music preferences push adolescents in the direction of music scenes that are either more or less characterized by problems. Problem behaviors can be exacerbated in groups in which problem behaviors such as juvenile delinquency, drug use and misuse, depressive feelings, is the social norm, or at least tolerated.

Empirical Studies on Rock Music, Problem Behaviors, and Mental Well-being

Research shows that fans of popular forms of rock music do not stand out as being problematic, though it must be noted that Dutch studies found more aggression and delinquency among those preferring rock compared to their peers that preferred pop (Mulder et al., 2007 ; Ter Bogt et al., 2013 ). However, this relations was qualified as weak, and compared to pop fans, rock fan did not show elevated the levels of internalizing problem behaviors and drug use.

A more problematic profile may be present among fans of heavier rock music. Deena Weinstein’s Heavy Metal: A Cultural Sociology (1991) and Jeffrey Arnett’s Metalheads: Heavy Metal Music and Adolescent Alienation (1996) are two defining studies of metal fans. Obviously, many metal fans are attracted to this music for its esthetic qualities, but a part of the audience is also attracted to metal as it reflects their position in life. As Arnett’s title suggests, many metal fans are alienated from institutions such as family, school, church, workplace, and from society at large. They are disproportionally the product of broken homes and at odds with their parents, teachers, bosses and other authorities. Heavy metal music lyrics thematize the fact that life can be miserable and the world a dark and hostile place. In contrast, the heavy metal scene feels as a safe haven, a social sphere to retreat to with likeminded peers. Weinstein discusses the marginal position of many metal fans in similar terms but adds an important positive qualification. Metal fans identify as “proud pariahs”, alienated indeed, but happy with and proud of the company of kindred spirits in a crowd that feels warm and inviting. Both authors depict metal concerts as a gathering of the tribe where social isolation, failure, anger, and worries are forgotten and transcended, and fans feel togetherness in a unique, uplifting socio-musical ritual.

Although, heavy metal and other non-mainstream music may represent a valuable resource for young people (Baker & Brown, 2016 ; Sharman & Dingle, 2015 ), these fan groups consistently show more behavioral problems than, for example, their pop music-oriented peers. Preferences for metal music are related to reckless behavior, aggression, drunk driving, drug abuse, delinquency, school dropout, depression and suicide ideation (Arnett, 1991 ; Hughes et al., 2018 ; Lacourse et al., 2001 ; Martin et al., 1993 ; Roe, 1992 ; Scheel & Westeveld, 1999 ; Selfhout et al., 2008 ; Tanner et al., 2008 ; Ter Bogt et al., 2013 ).

Scottish fans of goth rock are more inclined to self-harm and attempted suicide than those not identifying with this subculture (Young et al., 2006 ). A UK study found that liking goth at age 15 materialized as a powerful predictor for depression and self-harm at age 18. (Bowes et al., 2015 ). A Dutch study found that, for both girls and boys, goth music preferences emerged as an early marker of dormant or developing depressive symptoms (Ter Bogt et al., 2021 ). All these studies included strong sets of confounders that did not render goth’s effects insignificant. In a small scale, qualitative study, a relationship was reported between belonging to the emo rock subculture and high tolerance towards self-harm, suicide ideation and suicidal behaviors (Trnka et al., 2018 ). These results prompted all these researchers to conclude that members of the goth and emo rock scene are vulnerable young people.

The literature shows that many rock fans simply like the music because of its esthetic qualities, but a preference for heavy metal and other forms of non-mainstream rock may indicate a range of adolescent internalizing and externalizing problems. Male, white, working-class adolescents in distress made metal their music of choice in the eighties and nineties, as the music reflected their social position and problems, and the metal community offered a welcoming and soothing social environment. In recent times, the same holds true for a, in terms of gender and socio-economic status, more diverse group of fans of goth, emo and other non-mainstream rock.

However, there are some important limitations in the previous studies of the development of adolescent problem behaviors in rock music fans. Most studies have concentrated on only one type of music or a specific subgroup of rock fans, and the majority is cross-sectional. In the longitudinal studies on this topic, the focus lies often on only one subgroup of rock music fans. And in the few longitudinal studies that include several types of rock music fans, the statistical analysis is variable centered instead of person centered , implying that music is modeled as factors in multivariate analyses, and not as groups of fans for these analyses. However, the aforementioned theoretic models on the relationship between rock music and adolescent problem behaviors suggest that fan groups are a key element in the mechanism through which music preferences translate into problem behaviors. Therefore, a wide range of rock fan groups should be examined when exploring the relation between rock music types and problem behaviors. Furthermore, though it has now firmly been established that associations between preferring non-mainstream types of music and adolescent problem behaviors exist, it has never been investigated whether these problems remain over time; whether they are “adolescent limited” or “adolescent onset” (Moffitt et al., 2002 ; Odgers et al., 2008 ). It should be explored whether being part of an alienated youth culture or non-mainstream music scene may mark not only concurrent problems in adolescence but also future problems in early adulthood.

Current Study

The literature lacks a person centered, longitudinal study following different rock fans across adolescence into adulthood, assessing their music preferences in relation to internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, and well-being. Therefore, this study aims, first, at identifying the existence and development of various types of rock fan groups, including mainstream rock types, and non-mainstream types such as goth and heavy metal, or maybe even other fan groups with mixed prefrences. Second, this study aims to explore heterogeneity in fans’ problem behaviors (specifically, depressive symptoms, aggression, and drug use) and mental well-being across adolescence. Third, this study will examine if fans’ problem behaviors are best described as either adolescent limited problem behavior or remain present in adulthood. Based on the review of the literature it was hypothesized that at least three different fan groups within the rock spectrum can be discerned: fans liking popular rock, but not non-mainstream genres; fans preferring non-mainstream rock only; fans liking all types of rock music (Hypothesis 1). It was further assumed that fans liking popular rock will display less depressive symptoms, aggression and drug use, and more mental well-being, compared to fans more inclined towards non-mainstream rock (Hypothesis 2). Whether the problems and lower level of mental well-being of the last group disappear in young adulthood is open to question, but it is safe to assume that alienated adolescents in non-mainstream scenes may find it more difficult to integrate in adult life, and, thus, may remain more often problem ridden than mainstream music-oriented adolescents making a fluent transition into adulthood and adult responsibilities (Hypothesis 3). It should be stressed that, in line with the aforementioned theories, music is not identified and modelled as a causal agent; music preferences are conceptualized as markers of concurrent and future problem behaviors.

Participants

Participants were 900 adolescents ( Mage T1: 12.4 years, range 10–13 years, 51.1% girls) who participated in the early adolescent cohort of the CONflict And Management Of RElationships study (CONAMORE) (Meeus et al., 2004 ). CONAMORE is a prospective, longitudinal study that examines the relationships of Dutch adolescents with parents and peers as well as their emotional states. In the current study, data were used from six waves with a 1-year interval between waves 1 to 5, and a 5-year interval between wave 5 and 6.

Participants came from various high schools in the Dutch province of Utrecht. Parents and students received a letter in which the aims of the study were described, and information was given about the option of not participating. Participating students were required to provide written informed consent. Less than 1% decided not to participate. Participants completed a series of questionnaires in their classroom after school hours. Research assistants, who attended the administration, provided verbal instructions about filling out the questionnaires in addition to the written instructions printed above each questionnaire. Students were explicitly guaranteed confidentiality of their answers to the questionnaires. For students who were absent on the day of testing, a second assessment time was organized. Students who were absent on both days of testing were not assessed. At each of the 5 yearly waves, respondents received 10 euros. Five years later, when these students were young adults, they were again approached (mean age at T6: 21.3 years). The CONAMORE study was approved by the Ethical Review board of the Faculty of Social Sciences of Utrecht University.

Sample attrition across six waves was relatively low, with 78% of the adolescents who participated in the first wave still participating in the sixth wave. Thus, 22% of the participants dropped out over the course of the study. Next, we conducted additional analyses to test whether the drop-out group differed on any of the study variables compared to the participants. Results from a MANOVA revealed that adolescents who dropped out were slightly older 12.58 years vs. 12.32 years at W1, F (1, 133) = 5.84, p = 0.017, partial η 2 = 0.04, and had slightly higher levels of depressive symptoms (1.25 vs 1.11, F (1, 133) = 10.41, p = 0.002, partial η 2 = 0.07) compared to adolescents who participated both at wave 1 and wave 6. Participants did not differ on music preferences, aggression, drug use or mental well-being scores at wave 1 (all p s > 0.053). Boys were more likely to drop out over the course of the study compared to girls, χ 2 (1) = 21.60, p < 001, φ = 0.16. In all our subsequent analyses we included all participants with and without missing data. Missing data were handled in Mplus 8.4 using full information maximum likelihood (FIML).

Demographic variables

At wave 1, respondents reported on their gender, age, and current level of education (High school vs. vocational training).

Music preferences

Adolescents’ music preferences were assessed by means of the Music Preference Questionnaire (MPQ) (Sikkema, 1999 ). The MPQ consists of a list of 13 established categories of music, including rock, heavy metal and goth music. Subjects were asked to indicate on five-point Likert scales “the extent to which they liked” each of the genres listed (from 1 = do not like at all to 5 = like very much ). Option 6 indicated do not know this type of music . These scores were treated as missing values that were estimated in the analyses.

Depressive symptoms

The Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI) is a widely used self-report questionnaire of depressive symptomology in children and adolescents aged 8–18 years (Timbremont & Braet, 2002 ). The questionnaire is composed of 27 items that review various depressive symptoms categories such as mood, vegetative, cognitive, and psychomotor disturbances. The questionnaire is scored on a three-point scale (1 = not true , 2 = a bit true and 3 = very true ). The total scores on the questionnaire can range from 27 to 81, with higher scores being reflective of greater depression. The CDI has strong internal consistency and validity in nonclinical populations (Saylor et al., 1984 ). Cronbach’s alpha for depressive symptoms ranged between 0.90 and 0.93 across waves 1‒6.

Mental well-being

Mental well-being was measured by means of the Cantril ladder (Cantril, 1965 ). This measures the feeling of general well-being and happiness. Respondents were asked to indicate on a ten-point scale how they generally feel (from 1 = very bad to 10 = very well ).

Aggression was measured by a self-report questionnaire, originally developed by Björkqvist et al. ( 1992 ). In the present study, only the subscale for aggression was used. This subscale consists of 17 items. Examples of these items are: When I’m mad at a classmate, I ‘call the other names’, ‘hit or kick’ and ‘curse’. The items were scored on a 4-point scale, ranging from 1 = never , 2 = sometimes , 3 = often to 4 = very often . In this study Cronbach’s alpha for aggression ranged between 0.85 and 0.93 across waves 1‒6.

Two items in the Adolescent Criminal Behavior questionnaire (Baerveldt et al., 2003 ) measured adolescents’ cannabis use and use of other drugs than cannabis in the last 12 months. The items were also scored on the 4-point scale, ranging from 1 = never to 4 = four times or more .

Statistical Analyses

First, it was examined whether different rock fan subgroups existed, based on their developmental shape in rock, heavy metal, and goth music preferences. To this end, a multivariate latent class growth analyses (LCGA; Jung & Wickrama, 2008 ) was conducted on the study’s data from all of the six measurement waves in Mplus 8.4 (Muthén & Muthén, 2017 ). To determine the number of latent classes that had the best fit to the data, the Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC; Schwarz, 1978 ) and the Lo-Mendell-Rubin adjusted Likelihood Ratio Test (aLRT; Lo et al., 2001 ) were used. A lower BIC value indicates a better fitting model. A significant aLRT indicates that a model with k classes fits better than a model with one class less (i.e., k - 1 classes). In addition, entropy, a measure of qualification certainty, should be acceptable (i.e., 0.75 or higher; Reinecke, 2006 ), and every class needs to cover at least 5% of the sample for meaningful interpretation and subsequent analyses (Muthén & Muthén, 2000 ). Subsequently, potential gender differences in the class distribution were explored.

Secondly, the development of problem behaviors (i.e., depressive symptoms, aggression, and drug use) and mental well-being were modelled across adolescence. To this end, four univariate latent growth curve models (LGMs) were conducted for each measure. From these LGMs, the intercept and slope factor scores for each individual were saved. Next, intercept and slope difference between the rock fan subgroups were tested. To account for classification error and keep the class distribution similar to the earlier LCGA class solution, a three step BCH approach was used (Asparouhov & Muthén, 2014 ).

Finally, it was examined whether differences in depressive symptoms, aggression, drug use and mental well-being persisted from adolescence into young adulthood. To this end, a three step BCH approach was used to examine mean level differences in problem behaviors and well-being at T6 between rock fan subgroups.

Some of the scores on the study variables were non-normally distributed. Rock music had a relatively normal distribution, but scores on the heavy metal, goth, depressive symptoms, drug use and aggression variables were all positively skewed. Scores of mental well-being were negatively skewed. Histograms with the distribution of scores for all study variables across all waves are presented in online supplementary material S1. To account for the non-normal distributions of data, all models were estimated with the robust MLR procedure (Muthén & Muthén, 2017 ).

Identification of Rock Fan Groups and Trajectories

The first aim and hypothesis regarded the identification of rock fan groups. Prior univariate growth models revealed non-linear developmental trajectories of rock, heavy metal and goth music preferences (Ter Bogt et al., 2013 ). Therefore, we specified a multivariate quadratic LCGA for identifying different fan groups. Results revealed that a 4-class solution best fitted the data (BIC = 40078.11, aLRT p < 0.001, entropy 0.90). The BIC of this 4-class solution was lower than in the 1 through 3-class solutions, and a significant aLRT indicated that the 4-class solution provided a better fit with the data compared to a 3-class solution. While the BIC of the 5-class solution (BIC = 39792.04) was lower than the BIC of the 4-class solution (BIC = 40078.11), the aLRT of the 5-class solution was not significant ( p = 0.062) and entropy (0.88) lower than for the 4-class solution (entropy 0.90). Therefore the 4-class solution was kept as the final model. Fit indices of all tested 1 through 5 class solutions are presented in online supplementary material Table S1. The estimated trajectories of the final 4-class solution are depicted in Fig. 1 , and the exact parameter estimates of the intercept and slope factors of the 4 different classes can be found in Table 1 .

Final 4-class solution latent class growth curve analyses with estimated trajectories for rock, heavy metal, and goth music preferences across adolescence into young adulthood. Note. Range of music preferences scores depicted on the vertical axis: 1 (do not like at all) to 5 (like very much)

Individuals in the first trajectory class (45%) scored lowest on all three rock subgenres, especially on metal and goth. Additional analysis of the preferences of this group showed that they particularly liked the most popular type of pop music, that is, music represented in the pop charts. In order to not address this group with a negative identity –“rock haters”‒ they were characterized by a positive music identification. Therefore, this group of adolescents was labeled pop fans . The second trajectory class (33%) included individuals with a relatively high preference for rock but dislike of heavy metal and goth. Hence, this class was labeled popular rock fans . The third class (15%) included individuals that liked rock and heavy metal, but disliked goth music. Therefore, this class was labeled the rock/metal fans class. Finally, the fourth class (7%) included individuals that liked all rock subgenres and were labeled the all-out rock fans . This 4-class solution can also be interpreted as dividing mainstream fans in the pop and popular rock groups from non-mainstream fans in the rock/metal and all-out rock groups.

Gender Differences in Rock Fan Groups

Chi-square analysis revealed significant sex difference in the distribution of boys and girls across rock fans subgroups, χ 2 (3) = 19.86, p < .001, φ = 0.149. Girls were more likely to be present in the all-out rock trajectory ( n = 39 girls vs. n = 22 boys), and in the pop fans trajectory ( n = 220 girls vs. n = 193 boys). Boys were more likely to follow the rock/metal fans trajectory ( n = 45 girls vs. n = 87 boys). The number of boys and girls in the popular rock fans group was equal ( n = 147 boys, n = 147 girls).

Developmental Trajectories of Problem Behaviors in Rock Fan Groups

Regarding the second aim, it was tested whether rock fans subgroups differed in their development of problem behaviors and well-being across adolescence into young adulthood. To this end, four univariate latent growth model (LGM) analyses were conducted ‒depressive symptoms, aggression, drug use and mental well-being‒ to establish average growth trajectories. For all measures, a quadratic growth model provided the best fit with the data, as indicated by CFI values ranging between 0.93 and 1.00, and RMSEA values between 0.02 and 0.06. Figure S1 shows the univariate growth trajectories for each behavior outcome.

Next, intercept and slope differences were examined across different rock fans subgroups. Table 2 shows the parameter estimates and differences between rock fan subgroups in intercept and slopes for depressive symptoms, mental well-being, aggression, and drug use. Figure 2 depicts the developmental trajectories of problem behaviors across rock fans subgroups.

Differences in development of depressive symptoms (panel A ), Aggression (panel B ), Drug Use (panel C ), and Mental Well-being (panel D ) across rock fans subgroups. Note. Range of scores depicted on the vertical axis: Depressive symptoms 1–3, Aggression 1–4, Drug Use 1–4, and Mental Well-being 1–10

Pop fans and popular rock fans showed a significantly lower depressive symptoms intercept compared to all-out rock fans. No other intercept differences were found. Over time, all-out rock fans showed a peak in depressive symptoms around age 17 years, that resulted from a stronger linear increase and subsequent quadratic decrease in depressive symptoms, compared to pop fans and rock/metal fans. Although less pronounced than the all-out rock fans, the popular rock fans showed a stronger increase and subsequent decrease in depressive symptoms as well, compared to pop fans and rock/metal fans.

All-out rock fans reported the lowest intercept of mental well-being compared to all other classes. Popular rock fans showed a lower intercept of well-being compared to pop fans. Moreover, both pop fans and all-out rock fans showed the steepest decrease in mental well-being compared to popular rock fans and rock/metal fans. The slopes of pop fans and all-out rock fans did not differ significantly from each other. However, because all-out rock fans started with a lower baseline/intercept of mental well-being the dip in mental well-being was most pronounced for the all-out rock fans compared to the other classes.

Rock/metal fans reported a higher intercept of aggression compared to all other classes. Only one significant difference in development of aggression between rock fans subgroups was found; all-out rock fans showed a slightly steeper quadratic decline of aggression into young adulthood compared to popular rock fans.

No intercept differences in drug use were found between rock fans subgroups. However, pop fans showed a significantly stronger linear increase in drug use compared to all other classes, that did not differ from each other. Rock/metal fans and all-out rock fans had a stronger positive quadratic slope compared to pop fans. As a result, both rock/metal fans and all-out rock fans showed a diverging developmental pattern with stronger increases in drug use into young adulthood, compared to pop fans and popular rock fans.

Problem Behaviors in Young Adulthood

For the third aim, it was examined whether problem behaviors and a lack of mental well-being persisted from adolescence into young adulthood by comparing mean levels of these measures in young adulthood (at T6) across the four different types of rock fans and non-fans. Results revealed no significant differences at T6 for depressive symptoms and mental well-being. However, drug use and level of aggression differed between classes in young adulthood. Concerning drug use, at T6 all-out rock fans reported significantly higher drug use levels compared to pop fans ( p = 0.032). Rock/metal fans reported significantly higher drug use levels compared to popular rock fans ( p = 0.002) and pop fans ( p < 0.001). Rock/metal fans also reported more aggression at T6 compared to pop fans ( p = 0.039). Finally, popular rock fans reported more aggression compared to pop fans ( p = 0.001).

Gender Differences

Additional sensitivity analyses in MANOVAs with rock fans subgroups as independent variables, gender added as a covariate, and with intercepts, slopes and mean scores at T6 of problem behaviors and mental well-being as dependent variables, revealed virtually similar results.

Music is a highly relevant medium for adolescents and young adults. Music enhances mood, helps to develop an identity, but has also been related to adolescent problems. The literature on music and problem behaviors lacks longitudinal studies tracing a range of specific music fan groups across adolescence. This study focusses on the rock spectrum of music and uncovers different types of rock fans and non-fans, follows them from early adolescence into adulthood, and explores the development of depressive symptoms, aggression, drug use and mental well-being in these groups.

The fist aim was to investigate whether different fan groups can be identified based on preferences for not only rock music but also heavy metal and goth. It was hypothesized that at least three groups would be present: fans liking popular rock but not non-mainstream genres; fans preferring non-mainstream rock only; and fans liking all types of rock music. Results of the multivariate latent class growth curve analyses (LCGAs) largely confirm this hypothesis but also revealed a fourth group with specific music developmental patterns: adolescents disliking all kinds of rock music. Nearly half (45%) of the respondents can be characterized as pop fans, as they do not like any kind of rock music and prefer mainstream pop music. A second, large group consists of popular rock fans (33%), preferring (mainstream) rock but disliking non-mainstream genres such as goth and heavy metal. Third, rock/metal fans (15%) favor both rock and metal but are not particularly fond of goth. Last, a small group of all-out rock fans (7%) likes all three genres. Thus, rock emerges as a relevant music style discriminating between a large group of non-fans (45%) and an even larger group of three types of fans adding up to 55% of the sample. These results also indicate a difference between mainstream pop and popular rock fans on the one hand, and non-mainstream rock/metal and all-out rock fans on the other.

Music preferences seem to be most outspoken in late adolescence (see Fig. 1 ), with preferences and dislikes for specific genres peaking at this age. Pop fans dislike rock, particularly in late adolescence; popular rock fans show a stable and slightly increasing preference for rock but strongly dislike other rock genres in late adolescence, just like pop fans. Rock/metal fans show an increasing preference for both rock and heavy metal in early adolescence, peaking in late adolescence and decreasing thereafter. This pattern is the most explicit for the all-out rock fans, demonstrating the steepest increases in early to middle adolescence, highest peaks in late adolescence and decreases into young adulthood, when compared to other fans. Several authors have referred to music preferences as a “badge” that demonstrates who you are or want to be, signaling to peers with whom you want to socialize (Frith, 1981 ; North & Hargreaves, 1999 ; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006 ; Selfhout et al., 2009 ). These results demonstrate that this badge function of music taste may be most present and functional in late adolescence and may lose some of its significance in young adulthood. Rock/metal and all-out rock fans, to a certain extent, move back to the mainstream by no longer really adoring the rock genres that are disliked with a vengeance by mainstream pop and rock fans. In other words, differences between adolescent fans are most significant in late adolescence, but music loses some of its discriminative power in young adulthood.

The second aim was to test whether fan groups differ in the prevalence and development of depressive symptoms, aggression, drug use, and mental well-being across adolescence and into young adulthood. The third aim regarded the question whether problems and lack of mental well-being are typical adolescent phenomena or whether they carry over into adulthood. Our results provide evidence that adolescents in the non-mainstream groups of all-out rock fans and rock/metal fans indeed show more problems compared to their peers, particularly when compared to the pop fans group. Our results corroborate the conclusions of earlier qualitative and cross-sectional studies that loud, rebellious music indicates adolescent problem behaviors (Arnett, 1996 ; Lozon & Besimon, 2014 ; Trnka et al., 2018 ; Weinstein, 1991 ). However, the approach in the current study further nuances the relationship between music and problem behaviors. For example, all-out rock fans differentiate themselves across adolescence with more internalizing problem behaviors (such as, depressive symptoms and a lower degree of mental well-being), while rock/metal fans more often have more externalizing problem behaviors (such as, aggression). Both these fan groups display rapidly increasing drug use in late adolescence and early adulthood. It is reassuring though, that in young adulthood the two non-mainstream fan groups no longer show more depressive symptoms and lower levels of mental well-being than their peers in other fan groups.

More specifically, in early adolescence all-out rock fans show higher depressive symptoms rates than pop fans and popular rock fans. All-out rock fans’ depressive symptoms increase more rapidly up to age 17 than in any groups, and decrease more rapidly thereafter, implying that a peak in depressive symptoms in late adolescence is typical for this group. This peak in depressive symptoms is reversed in a dip in mental well-being that is, again, more pronounced in this group than in other groups. The all-out rock fans do not stand out regarding aggression. On the contrary, their aggression fades away more rapidly compared to, for example, popular rock fans. All-out rock fans seem to continue their drug use into adulthood. In late adolescence drug use increases sharply and in young adulthood is higher than among pop fans. Considering the entire period from early adolescence into young adulthood, the findings tentatively suggest that all-out rock fans continue to show the highest risk for problem behaviors, albeit for different types of problem behaviors in adolescence versus young adulthood. It may be that they come to terms with their inner demons when reaching adulthood and finding a more definite identity, but elevated depressive symptoms seem to translate into more drug use, a process that should be researched further.

In early adolescence, rock-metal fans already report more aggression compared to all other subgroups. Their trajectory across adolescence does not divert from other groups, implying that they keep on showing the highest scores on aggressive behavior that decreases in late adolescence and young adulthood. Still, in young adulthood their aggression levels are higher than among pop fans. And similar to the all-out rock fans group, their increasing drug use carries over into adulthood. Rock/metal fans are not particularly different from their peers regarding depressive symptoms and mental well-being.

The healthiest developmental pattern is present in the pop fans group. Their depressive symptoms and aggression follow a U-shaped trajectory and an inversely U-shaped trajectory for mental well-being. Overall, they show less depressive symptoms and aggression that the non-mainstream rock groups, and their mental well-being is higher across adolescence into young adulthood. Their drug use increases more strongly in early and mid-adolescence, but in young adulthood it is lower than in the all-out and rock/metal groups.

The popular rock fans are an in-between group. In early adolescence they do not divert much from their peers in the pop fans group with low depressive symptoms, aggression and drug use, though their mental well-being is lower. Across adolescence they show a pronounced increase in depressive symptoms, and in young adulthood they report more aggression, but their drug use remains low.

In conclusion, for many young people adolescence is a period in which depressive symptoms, aggression and drug use increase and mental well-being decreases, but these developments are most pronounced in non-mainstream fan groups: the rock/metal fans (15%) and all-out rock fans (7%). Compared to a reference group of pop fans, all-out rock fans show the highest peak in depressive symptoms and lowest dip in mental well-being. Rock/metal fans differentiate themselves in terms aggression. Both rock/metal and all-out rock fans show a pattern of developmental divergence with strong increases in drug use in late adolescence and early adulthood compared to pop-fans/and popular rock fans. These findings highlight that adolescence/young adulthood is a problematic period for non-mainstream fans and being part of these fan scenes indicates more drug use or aggression in young adulthood. On the positive site: it is reassuring that in young adulthood no remaining differences were found between pop fans and non-mainstream fans in terms of depressive symptoms and mental well-being.

A small number of longitudinal studies have tracked non-mainstream fans in adolescence and found them to be vulnerable in terms of internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors (Bowes et al., 2015 ; Slater & Henry, 2013 ; Ter Bogt et al., 2013 , 2021 ; Young et al., 2006 , 2014 ). This study discovered that preferences for non-mainstream types of music may not only be a marker of problem behaviors in adolescence but also predict more problems in young adulthood. As such, these findings closely resemble Moffit, 1993 developmental principle that the rock/metal and all-out rock fans’ problems are not “adolescence limited” but “adolescent onset” (Moffit, 1993 ; Odgers et al., 2008 ). Most problematic remains their accelerated increase in drug use in young adulthood. Still, it is important to stress that during the transition to adulthood, for these vulnerable non-mainstream groups of rock fans, depressive symptoms and aggression decrease substantially, and mental well-being increases. The term “wild years” – the ups and downs in mood, the sensation seeking behaviors – may be most appropriate to describe their adolescence.

Strengths and Limitations

This study is characterized by several strengths. First, it was the first to follow a variety of rock music fans from early adolescence into young adulthood. Second, it connected fan development trajectories with longitudinal trajectories of a range of problem behaviors and well-being across adolescence into early adulthood. Inevitably, there were limitations to this study as well. First, in focusing on fan groups this study draws on concepts developed in the Peer Group Mediation Model (Slater & Henry, 2013 ) and Music Marker Theory (Ter Bogt et al., 2013 ). Though a key assumption of these theories is corroborated – music preferences indicate, foreshadow, and mark problems – the analytic strategy did not involve the process of peer mediation itself. Second, differences in problem behaviors across subgroups were significant but small. Small effect sizes may function as a warning to not stereotype fans. The proportion of metal/rock and all-out rock fans showing problems is higher than among pop fans or popular rock fans, by no means all of them can be characterized as “problematic”. Third, rock is an umbrella term and, as this paper shows, differences within the broad rock fan community are relevant not only in terms of music preferences themselves, but also in relation to the outcomes that were studied. That said, future research should discriminate more finely between fans, particularly within the group that emerged as “rock haters” and was subsequently labeled as pop fans in this investigation. A more complex characterization based on a larger number of music preferences might result in the discrimination of “true” pop fans and, additionally, other groups that, for example, like two other types of highly popular music, hip hop and dance. Again, a yet finer distinction might uncover larger mainstream and smaller non-mainstream hip-hop and dance fan groups. Fourth, rock music’s audience is predominantly white. By focusing on rock as a basis for the differentiation in fan groups, the resulting fan groups may be biased in terms of ethnicity. As already suggested, future studies should include a broader range of mainstream and non-mainstream types of music – R&B, hip hop, techno trance, hardhouse, classic music – and trace the development of their fans. The resulting groups can be compared to pop fans, that, again, emerged as a large group of well-integrated and non-problematic youth. Fifth, rock music is a world-wide phenomenon. Most of the studies on music and problem stem from the U.S. or a selective set of countries in Europe: Sweden, UK, and The Netherlands. It is important to replicate studies across different contexts to explore whether the meaning and effects of mainstream and non-mainstream types of music are similar in different cultural settings. Sixth, defining qualitative studies on fans (Arnett, 1996 ; Weinstein, 1991 ) have shown that non-mainstream scenes may literally be a lifeline for some members. Both the music itself and the company of like-minded young people, often facing similar problems and feelings of alienation, provide comfort and a welcoming social environment. The longitudinal analyses in this study rely on sophisticated statistical tools but were insensitive in terms of modeling the fine mechanisms through which music preferences can translate into problem behaviors or, alternatively, buffer problems. And the data that were collected did not include measures of positive effects of music listening or fan group membership. Presently no longitudinal study has disentangled positive and negative effects of belonging to non-mainstream music fan scenes. Future studies should do so.

Music is important to most young people and it is a benevolent force in their lives. Music improves mood, soothes when in trouble, energizes at parties and helps you find friends; it may be key to your own identity. But this study also uncovers that non-mainstream music preferences may indicate or foreshadow problems in adolescence and even in young adulthood. These results primarily point at negative consequences, but it should be recalled that many of these young people might have been in a more troublesome state if they had missed the music and their friends. Future studies should try to better extricate different consequences, both positive and negative, of being part of non-mainstream fan scenes.

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Bogt, T.T., Hale, W.W. & Becht, A. “Wild Years”: Rock Music, Problem Behaviors and Mental Well-being in Adolescence and Young Adulthood. J Youth Adolescence 50 , 2487–2500 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-021-01505-0

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EDITORIAL article

Editorial: the impact of music on human development and well-being.

$\nGraham F. Welch$

1 Department of Culture, Communication and Media, University College London, London, United Kingdom
2 Department of Philosophy, Sociology, Education and Applied Psychology, University of Padua, Padua, Italy
3 School of Humanities and Communication Arts, Western Sydney University, Penrith, NSW, Australia
4 Melbourne Conservatorium of Music, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Editorial on the Research Topic The Impact of Music on Human Development and Well-Being

Music is one of the most universal ways of expression and communication for humankind and is present in the everyday lives of people of all ages and from all cultures around the world ( Mehr et al., 2019 ). Hence, it seems more appropriate to talk about musics (plural) rather than in the singular ( Goble, 2015 ). Furthermore, research by anthropologists as well as ethnomusicologists suggests that music has been a characteristic of the human condition for millennia (cf. Blacking, 1976 ; Brown, 1999 ; Mithen, 2005 ; Dissanayake, 2012 ; Higham et al., 2012 ; Cross, 2016 ). Nevertheless, whilst the potential for musical behavior is a characteristic of all human beings, its realization is shaped by the environment and the experiences of individuals, often within groups ( North and Hargreaves, 2008 ; Welch and McPherson, 2018 ). Listening to music, singing, playing (informally, formally), creating (exploring, composing, improvising), whether individually and collectively, are common activities for the vast majority of people. Music represents an enjoyable activity in and of itself, but its influence goes beyond simple amusement.

These activities not only allow the expression of personal inner states and feelings, but also can bring about many positive effects in those who engage in them. There is an increasing body of empirical and experimental studies concerning the wider benefits of musical activity, and research in the sciences associated with music suggests that there are many dimensions of human life—including physical, social, educational, psychological (cognitive and emotional)—which can be affected positively by successful engagement in music ( Biasutti and Concina, 2013 ). Learning in and through music is something that can happen formally (such as part of structured lessons in school), as well as in other-than-formal situations, such as in the home with family and friends, often non-sequentially and not necessarily intentional, and where participation in music learning is voluntary, rather than mandated, such as in a community setting (cf. Green, 2002 ; Folkestad, 2006 ; Saether, 2016 ; Welch and McPherson, 2018 ).

Such benefits are evidenced across the lifespan, including early childhood ( Gerry et al., 2012 ; Williams et al., 2015 ; Linnavalli et al., 2018 ), adolescence ( McFerran et al., 2018 ), and older adulthood ( Lindblad and de Boise, 2020 ). Within these lifespan perspectives, research into music's contribution to health and well-being provides evidence of physical and psychological impacts ( MacDonald et al., 2013 ; Fancourt and Finn, 2019 ; van den Elzen et al., 2019 ). Benefits are also reported in terms of young people's educational outcomes ( Guhn et al., 2019 ), and successful musical activity can enhance an individual's sense of social inclusion ( Welch et al., 2014 ) and social cohesion ( Elvers et al., 2017 ).

This special issue provides a collection of 21, new research articles that deepen and develop our understanding of the ways and means that music can impact positively on human development and well-being. The collection draws on the work of 88 researchers from 17 different countries across the world, with each article offering an illustration of how music can relate to other important aspects of human functioning. In addition, the articles collectively illustrate a wide range of contemporary research approaches. These provide evidence of how different research aims concerning the wider benefits of music require sensitive and appropriate methodologies.

In terms of childhood and adolescence, for example, Putkinen et al. demonstrate how musical training is likely to foster enhanced sound encoding in 9 to 15-year-olds and thus be related to reading skills. A separate Finnish study by Saarikallio et al. provides evidence of how musical listening influences adolescents' perceived sense of agency and emotional well-being, whilst demonstrating how this impact is particularly nuanced by context and individuality. Aspects of mental health are the focus for an Australian study by Stewart et al. of young people with tendencies to depression. The article explores how, despite existing literature on the positive use of music for mood regulation, music listening can be double-edged and could actually sustain or intensify a negative mood.

A Portuguese study by Martins et al. shifts the center of attention from mental to physical benefits in their study of how learning music can support children's coordination. They provide empirical data on how a sustained, 24-week programme of Orff-based music education, which included the playing of simple tuned percussion instruments, significantly enhanced the manual dexterity and bimanual coordination in participant 8-year-olds compared to their active control (sports) and passive control peers. A related study by Loui et al. in the USA offers insights into the neurological impact of sustained musical instrument practice. Eight-year-old children who play one or more musical instruments for at least 0.5 h per week had higher scores on verbal ability and intellectual ability, and these correlated with greater measurable connections between particular regions of the brain related to both auditory-motor and bi-hemispheric connectivity.

Younger, pre-school children can also benefit from musical activities, with associations being reported between informal musical experiences in the home and specific aspects of language development. A UK-led study by Politimou et al. found that rhythm perception and production were the best predictors of young children's phonological awareness, whilst melody perception was the best predictor of grammar acquisition, a novel association not previously observed in developmental research. In another pre-school study, Barrett et al. explored the beliefs and values held by Australian early childhood and care practitioners concerning the value of music in young children's learning. Despite having limited formal qualifications and experience of personal music learning, practitioners tended overall to have positive attitudes to music, although this was biased toward music as a recreational and fun activity, with limited support for the notion of how music might be used to support wider aspects of children's learning and development.

Engaging in music to support a positive sense of personal agency is an integral feature of several articles in the collection. In addition to the Saarikallio team's research mentioned above, Moors et al. provide a novel example of how engaging in collective beatboxing can be life-enhancing for throat cancer patients in the UK who have undergone laryngectomy, both in terms of supporting their voice rehabilitation and alaryngeal phonation, as well as patients' sense of social inclusion and emotional well-being.

One potential reason for these positive findings is examined in an Australian study by Krause et al. . They apply the lens of self-determination theory to examine musical participation and well-being in a large group of 17 to 85-year-olds. Respondents to an online questionnaire signaled the importance of active music making in their lives in meeting three basic psychological needs embracing a sense of competency, relatedness and autonomy.

The use of public performance in music therapy is the subject of a US study by Vaudreuil et al. concerning the social transformation and reintegration of US military service members. Two example case studies are reported of service members who received music therapy as part of their treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder, traumatic brain injury, and other psychological health concerns. The participants wrote, learned, and refined songs over multiple music therapy sessions and created song introductions to share with audiences. Subsequent interviews provide positive evidence of the beneficial psychological effects of this programme of audience-focused musical activity.

Relatedly, McFerran et al. in Australia examined the ways in which music and trauma have been reported in selected music therapy literature from the past 10 years. The team's critical interpretive synthesis of 36 related articles led them to identify four different ways in which music has been used beneficially to support those who have experienced trauma. These approaches embrace the use of music for stabilizing (the modulation of physiological processes) and entrainment (the synchronization of music and movement), as well as for expressive and performative purposes—the fostering of emotional and social well-being.

The therapeutic potential of music is also explored in a detailed case study by Fachner et al. . Their research focuses on the nature of critical moments in a guided imagery and music session between a music therapist and a client, and evidences how these moments relate to underlying neurological function in the mechanics of music therapy.

At the other end of the age span, and also related to therapy, an Australian study by Brancatisano et al. reports on a new Music, Mind, and Movement programme for people in their eighties with mild to moderate dementia. Participants involved in the programme tended to show an improvement in aspects of cognition, particularly verbal fluency and attention. Similarly, Wilson and MacDonald report on a 10-week group music programme for young Scottish adults with learning difficulties. The research data suggest that participants enjoyed the programme and tended to sustain participation, with benefits evidenced in increased social engagement, interaction and communication.

The role of technology in facilitating access to music and supporting a sense of agency in older people is the focus for a major literature review by Creech , now based in Canada. Although this is a relatively under-researched field, the available evidence suggests that that older people, even those with complex needs, are capable of engaging with and using technology in a variety of ways that support their musical perception, learning and participation and wider quality of life.

Related to the particular needs of the young, children's general behavior can also improve through music, as exampled in an innovative, school-based, intensive 3-month orchestral programme in Italy with 8 to 10-year-olds. Fasano et al. report that the programme was particularly beneficial in reducing hyperactivity, inattention and impulsivity, whilst enhancing inhibitory control. These benefits are in line with research findings concerning successful music education with specific cases of young people with ADHD whose behavior is characterized by these same disruptive symptoms (hyperactivity, inattention, and impulsivity).

Extra-musical benefits are also reported in a study of college students (Bachelors and Masters) and amateur musicians in a joint Swiss-UK study. Antonini Philippe et al. suggest that, whilst music making can offer some health protective effects, there is a need for greater health awareness and promotion among advanced music students. Compared to the amateur musicians, the college music students evaluated their overall quality of life and general and physical health more negatively, as did females in terms of their psychological health. Somewhat paradoxically, the college students who had taken part in judged performances reported higher psychological health ratings. This may have been because this sub-group were slightly older and more experienced musicians.

Music appears to be a common accompaniment to exercise, whether in the gym, park or street. Nikol et al. in South East Asia explore the potential physical benefits of synchronous exercise to music, especially in hot and humid conditions. Their randomized cross-over study (2019) reports that “time-to-exhaustion” under the synchronous music condition was 2/3 longer compared to the no-music condition for the same participants. In addition, perceived exertion was significantly lower, by an average of 22% during the synchronous condition.

Comparisons between music and sport are often evidenced in the body of existing Frontiers research literature related to performance and group behaviors. Our new collection contains a contribution to this literature in a study by Habe et al. . The authors investigated elite musicians and top athletes in Slovenia in terms of their perceptions of flow in performance and satisfaction with life. The questionnaire data analyses suggest that the experience of flow appears to influence satisfaction with life in these high-functioning individuals, albeit with some variations related to discipline, participant sex and whether considering team or individual performance.

A more formal link between music and movement is the focus of an exploratory case study by Cirelli and Trehub . They investigated a 19-month-old infant's dance-like, motorically-complex responses to familiar and unfamiliar songs, presented at different speeds. Movements were faster for the more familiar items at their original tempo. The child had been observed previously as moving to music at the age of 6 months.

Finally, a novel UK-based study by Waddington-Jones et al. evaluated the impact of two professional composers who were tasked, individually, to lead a 4-month programme of group composing in two separate and diverse community settings—one with a choral group and the other in a residential home, both funded as part of a music programme for the Hull City of Culture in 2017. In addition to the two composers, the participants were older adults, with the residential group being joined by schoolchildren from a local Primary school to collaborate in a final performance. Qualitative data analyses provide evidence of multi-dimensional psychological benefits arising from the successful, group-focused music-making activities.

In summary, these studies demonstrate that engaging in musical activity can have a positive impact on health and well-being in a variety of ways and in a diverse range of contexts across the lifespan. Musical activities, whether focused on listening, being creative or re-creative, individual or collective, are infused with the potential to be therapeutic, developmental, enriching, and educational, with the caveat provided that such musical experiences are perceived to be engaging, meaningful and successful by those who participate.

Collectively, these studies also celebrate the multiplicity of ways in which music can be experienced. Reading across the articles might raise a question as to whether or not any particular type of musical experience is seen to be more beneficial compared with another. The answer, at least in part, is that the empirical evidence suggests that musical engagement comes in myriad forms along a continuum of more or less overt activity, embracing learning, performing, composing and improvising, as well as listening and appreciating. Furthermore, given the multidimensional neurological processing of musical experience, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that it is perhaps the level of emotional engagement in the activity that drives its degree of health and well-being efficacy as much as the activity's overt musical features. And therein are opportunities for further research!

Author Contributions

The editorial was drafted by GW and approved by the topic Co-editors. All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the Edited Collection, and have approved this editorial for publication.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

We are very grateful to all the contributing authors and their participants for their positive engagement with this Frontiers Research Topic, and also for the Frontiers staff for their commitment and support in bringing this topic to press.

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Keywords: music, wider benefits, lifespan, health, well-being

Citation: Welch GF, Biasutti M, MacRitchie J, McPherson GE and Himonides E (2020) Editorial: The Impact of Music on Human Development and Well-Being. Front. Psychol. 11:1246. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.01246

Received: 12 January 2020; Accepted: 13 May 2020; Published: 17 June 2020.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2020 Welch, Biasutti, MacRitchie, McPherson and Himonides. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Graham F. Welch, graham.welch@ucl.ac.uk ; Michele Biasutti, michele.biasutti@unipd.it

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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MUSL 1650 - History of Rock Music - Gunderman

Getting Started
3a. Finding Sources: Print Books & E-Books
3b. Finding Sources: Articles
4. Evaluate your sources
5. Organize
6. Give Credit: Citing using Chicago Manual of Style This link opens in a new window
Music Periodicals Database

Need help? Ask me!

This research guide will help you with your research when writing your Artist Research Paper arguing why an artist (solo artist or group) of your choosing not represented on the syllabus should be included in a history of rock music class. I will take you through the research process: gathering information, interpreting materials, and citing your work. You will familiarize yourself with encyclopedias, dictionaries, online databases, and print resources that may help you when writing your research paper. Remember the research process is presented here in steps but should never be considered rigid as you may return to steps along the way. If you need research help at any time, contact me, Kate Linton , Music Librarian for Instruction and Outreach by clicking on the "email me" or "schedule appointment" button on the left-hand side of the page.

1. Choose your solo artist or group

Select your topic, solo artist or group. You will use their name or group name when searching the library catalog and databases and other keywords that might be useful to narrow or broaden your findings for your paper.

2. Gathering Information: Using Encyclopedias, Dictionaries, & Online Databases

Gathering background information at the beginning of the research can be important. While you can consult Wikipedia and use the footnotes at the bottom of the article to inform where you can search next, you also have access to authoritative encyclopedias, dictionaries, discographies, and representations of those including in our online databases and electronic resources. Use your solo artist or group and consider the following texts:

Online Encyclopedias & Dictionaries

Oxford Music Online (Database)
Encyclopedia of Popular Music (Online) , Oxford University Press
Encyclopedia of Classic Rock (Online Access) , David Luhrssen with Michael Larson
Rock and Roll (Online Access) , Craig Morrison - Rock Music Dictionary

Print Encyclopedias & Dictionaries (Wilson Music Library): The Wilson Music Library has print encyclopedias in the reference resources section and the stacks. Our reference materials are in-house use only, and the stacks are available for checkout. Always double check the call number for the location. Use these call number ranges to browse the reference section and stacks for encyclopedias and an example.

Popular Music Encyclopedias: ML102.P
Rock Music Encyclopedias: ML102.R
Example, Encyclopedia of Indie Rock , Kerry L. Smith - Wilson Music Library Reference ML102 .R6 S63 2008
Next: 3a. Finding Sources: Print Books & E-Books >>
Last Updated: Feb 20, 2024 9:55 AM
URL: https://researchguides.library.vanderbilt.edu/MUSL_1650

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The flux of fashion is especially obvious for popular music. While much has been written about the origin and evolution of pop, most claims about its history are anecdotal rather than scientific in nature. To rectify this, we investigate the US Billboard Hot 100 between 1960 and 2010. Using music information retrieval and text-mining tools, we ...
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Adolescent preferences for non-mainstream types of rock music can be markers of adolescent problem behaviors, but no study has ever investigated whether this relationship continues into adulthood. In a six-wave study, 900 Dutch adolescents were followed from ages 12 to 21 (Mage T1 12.4, 51.1% girls), while reporting on depressive symptoms, mental well-being, aggression and drug use. A latent ...
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Research Guides: MUSL 1650
This research guide will help you with your research when writing your Artist Research Paper arguing why an artist (solo artist or group) of your choosing not represented on the syllabus should be included in a history of rock music class.I will take you through the research process: gathering information, interpreting materials, and citing your work.

Science and the arts: Rock and research

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Introduction

Rock Music and Its Audience: A Brief History

The Relationship between Music Preference and Adolescent Problem Behaviors

Empirical Studies on Rock Music, Problem Behaviors, and Mental Well-being

Current Study

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Music preferences

Depressive symptoms

Mental well-being

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Identification of Rock Fan Groups and Trajectories

Gender Differences in Rock Fan Groups

Developmental Trajectories of Problem Behaviors in Rock Fan Groups

Problem Behaviors in Young Adulthood

Gender Differences

Strengths and Limitations

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MUSL 1650 - History of Rock Music - Gunderman

Need help? Ask me!

1. Choose your solo artist or group

2. Gathering Information: Using Encyclopedias, Dictionaries, & Online Databases