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What Is Media Psychology?

Cynthia Vinney, PhD is an expert in media psychology and a published scholar whose work has been published in peer-reviewed psychology journals.

Rachel Goldman, PhD FTOS, is a licensed psychologist, clinical assistant professor, speaker, wellness expert specializing in eating behaviors, stress management, and health behavior change.

Christina Reichl Photography / Getty Images

• Media Psychology Topics
• Research and Practice

The Future of Media Psychology

Media psychology is a newer branch of psychology that examines the ways people are impacted by media and technology.

Our lives are constantly saturated with media and technology and, as a result, studying the impact of media has become an integral part of psychology. However, the field's interdisciplinary nature and the constant changes in how people interact with media make the area of study difficult to define.

Media psychology draws heavily from psychology and communication scholarship, but also incorporates research from other fields, including sociology, media studies, anthropology, and fan studies. The field is scattered across many disciplines with many scholars who do not consider psychology their primary area of interest of research to be media's influence on individuals, rather a subtopic within a larger subject of expertise.

Perhaps the definition that best captures the depth and breadth of the field is offered by Karen Dill in The Oxford Handbook of Media Psychology : "Media psychology is the scientific study of human behavior, thoughts, and feelings experienced in the context of media use and creation."

In other words, media psychology is the effort to understand the constantly evolving connection between humans and media from a psychological perspective.

History of Media Psychology

The roots of media psychology can be traced back over a century to early studies on the perception of three-dimensional space on a two-dimensional canvas.

These ideas were applied in social psychologist Hugo Munsterberg's 1916 book, The Photoplay: A Psychological Study , which was the first work to empirically explore how an audience responded to film. By the time television became widespread in the 1950s, psychologists had started to investigate how media affects children.

However, media psychology wasn't recognized as an official field in the discipline of psychology until 1986 when Division 46: Media Psychology was established by the American Psychological Association (APA). Initially, the division focused on psychologists who appeared in media as expert sources, an objective that is still listed as part of its mission. But Division 46, which has since changed its name to the Society for Media Psychology and Technology, has now shifted its focus to research on the effects and influence of media.

In 2003 the first, and so far, only APA-accredited media psychology Ph.D. program in the United States was launched at Fielding Graduate University. David Giles published the first survey of the field with his text Media Psychology .

Since then, the field has continued to expand, with the emergence of several scholarly journals specifically dedicated to media psychology, the publication of additional books covering the area of study, and an increase in universities, including Stanford, Cornell, and Penn State, which dedicate an area of study and research to media psychology-related topics.

Topics in Media Psychology

There are myriad topics media psychology seeks to explore. These include, but are not limited to:

• Media influence, such as whether exposure to media depictions of violence increases aggression , how depictions of gender roles in media influence children's understanding of their own gender identity, and how media messages can be constructed to persuade someone to donate to charity or behave in other prosocial ways .
• Online learning , such as the way in-person lessons must be adjusted so they can most effectively be communicated to students online across different age groups, and the most effective ways to set up online learning platforms to sustain student attention and uphold information absorption.
• Impact of social media , such as how platforms can be adjusted to create a more comprehensive picture of the world rather than silos of like-minded individuals social media currently encourages, how relationships are impacted when they're conducted mostly or solely over social media , and how to decrease cyberbullying and other negative online behaviors.
• Audience involvement , such as why we laugh and cry at movies , TV shows, and podcasts, how stories influence our sense of self-esteem , and how and why popular culture fans come together to form supportive communities.

Media Psychology in Research and Practice

While many branches of psychology have more defined career paths , media psychology does not because it is a new area of study still in the process of determining its scope and purview. The most obvious goal for someone who wants to investigate the psychological impact of media is to become a research psychologist in academia.

Given the rapid growth of technology influencing how we get to know, communicate with, and understand one another, scholars who can perform media psychology research are increasingly necessary.

However, scholarly research is not the only path for people with an interest in media psychology. The ever-expanding world of media technologies leaves many opportunities to apply media psychology in a wide variety of industry settings, from entertainment to education to politics.

For example, people who design user experiences for everything from commercial websites to virtual reality require an understanding of how to create a user interface that is intuitive and engaging for people.

Similarly, it's increasingly important to teach children lessons in media and cyberliteracy starting from a young age. Media psychologists are especially well qualified to design and implement programs addressing this.

While early media psychology research almost exclusively focused on the negative impacts of media, media and technology aren't all good or all bad. It's how we use them that matters. And, because media is only becoming increasingly ubiquitous, we must learn to maximize the positives and minimize the negatives.

Media psychologists have an essential role to play in these developments and, while they shouldn't shy away from shedding light on the negative impacts of media as it continues to evolve, they should also increase their focus on the way media can be used to increase well-being and prosocial outcomes.

Dill, KE. Introduction . In: Dill KE, ed.  The Oxford Handbook Of Media Psychology . 1st ed. Oxford University Press; 2012.

Brown Rutledge P. Arguing for Media Psychology as a Distinct Field . In: Dill KE, ed.  The Oxford Handbook Of Media Psychology . 1st ed. Oxford University Press; 2012.

Tuma RM. Media Psychology and Its History . In: Dill KE, ed.  The Oxford Handbook Of Media Psychology . 1st ed. Oxford University Press; 2012.

Fischoff S. Media Psychology: A Personal Essay in Definition and Purview .  J Media Psychol . 2005;10(1):1-21.

Stever GS. Media and Media Psychology. In: Stever GS, Giles DC, Cohen JD, Myers ME.  Understanding Media Psychology . 1st ed. New York: Routledge; 2021:1-13.

By Cynthia Vinney, PhD Cynthia Vinney, PhD is an expert in media psychology and a published scholar whose work has been published in peer-reviewed psychology journals.

Media Psychology in New Era Communication

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• Huzili Hussin   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7327-3446 6 ,
• Adila Ismail   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6485-8071 6 &
• Mohammad Rezal Hamzah   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4316-3518 6  

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Over a decade ago, media psychology emerged as a branch of discipline in psychology which studies the interaction between media technology and human beings. Nowadays, the focus of study has a shift to look at the effects of media technology on a human being. The discussion had made a significant remark to discuss what technology had done to our society critically. Psychology is the key to understand the implications of technology. Media psychologists’ goal is to find the answers and solutions by combining an understanding of human behavior, cognition, and emotions. However, media psychology is not just concerned with content, but it looks at the whole system. Just as the reciprocal relationship between environment, behavior, and cognition, media psychology evaluates the system’s interactive process. The rapid development of technology has triggered a variety of reactions, from enthusiasm to distrust. As technology changes our lives, we are forced to change how we view the world. The key to media psychology is you learn to understand psychology and technology. The tools of media psychology help individuals to take responsibility and part of the system. It is the only way to develop better technologies and use them well.

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Hussin, H., Ismail, A., Hamzah, M.R. (2021). Media Psychology in New Era Communication. In: Elias, N.F., Jenal, R., Mohd Amin, H., Mohamed, H., Hanawi, S.A. (eds) Service Excellence for Sustainability. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2579-4_6

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Media Psychology Review Journal for Media Psychology

The Evolving Definition of Media Psychology

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Pamela Rutledge, PhD Director, Media Psychology Research Center

Introduction

In spite of the obvious need, there is little consensus as to what media psychology actually is and does.  Definitions within the profession vary from a narrow performance-centric view of psychologists in the media, to a global view of media’s role in society (Gregory et al. 2007).  Scholars working in the field represent a variety of disciplines, both in and out of psychology—such as education, healthcare, business, and entertainment (e.g. Cline and Haynes 2001, Howard 2002, Krotoski 2005, Rudestam 2004).

It is important to sift through the research for strains of commonality, but a definition for any field should not be created by looking backward, and certainly not in one that changes as rapidly as media psychology.  A definition does several things: 1) it sets the compass and standards of a field, 2) it frames the work of its practitioners, 3) it creates an intellectual base camp for exchange and integration, and 4) it informs the public.  In this paper, I will discuss some of the current definitions and the state of the field.  I will argue that it is important to create an inclusive, concise and meaningful definition.  I will also argue that in creating this definition, we must be open to integrating new understandings of the way the world works.  Just as science has recognized the limitations of a reductionist point of view, I will argue that media psychology has a unique opportunity to use the exciting conceptual breakthroughs in fields like biology, network theory, and neuroscience, to craft a model that more closely reflects the human relationship with media.

Media Saturation

We live in a media-saturated world.  More than 98% of U.S. homes have a television set (Rideout 2007).  Sixty million Americans say that the internet helped them make big decisions or get through major events in their lives (Horrigan 2006).  Video game and cell phone use is normal behavior for adolescents (Gee 2004, Godwin-Jones 2005).  We see cell phones, computers, and televisions all the time, but the applicability of media psychology is less obvious elsewhere.  For example, telemedicine and distance learning provide economical medical and educational services that overcome geographical constraints (Grealish et al. 2005, Luskin 2002, Rudestam 2004).  Software engineers use motivation and persuasion to develop user-friendly computer interfaces (Fogg 1999).  Interactive media and social networking provides socialization experiences and social connection (Auter 2007, Chaffee, Nass, and Yang 1990, Hom, Tai, and Nichols 2004, McLeod and McDonald 1985).

If a field is defined by practice, then we would expect research to reflect the breadth of media psychology applications.  Yet research in media psychology remains fairly narrow (Giles 2003).  Of the approximately 200 articles published by the Media Psychology Journal since its inception in 1999, 80% involve television and over 50% of the research involves children.  Derwin, de Merode, and Shayne (2006) also report that few researchers incorporate ethnicity or social and economic status.  While admittedly there are constraints in media-related research, such as the methodological challenges of rapidly changing technologies and social pressure on research agendas, the content of the journal only narrowly achieves the stated goal of presenting research at “the intersection of psychology and media communication” (Bryant and Roskos-Ewoldsen 2005, 323).

So, the definition remains elusive.  Giles (2003) talks about the scope and evolution of media psychology, but never specifically defines the field.  Others have suggested that media psychology is:  1) the use of theories, concepts and methods of psychology to study the impact of the mass media on individuals, groups, and cultures (Fischoff 2005, 2); 2) a psychological perspective on mediated communication (Reeves and Anderson 1991, 597); and 3) a focus on the roles psychologists play in various aspects of the media, including, but not limited to, radio, television, film, video, newsprint, magazines, and newer technologies (Media Psychology Division 46 n.d.)

While these are by no means inclusive, they show the difficulty in achieving a definition that is inclusive, forward thinking, concise and that imparts adequate information.  The definition has been additionally hampered by two prevailing perceptions.  The first is the popular image of a media psychologist as a psychologist who appears in the media.  This may be partly attributable to the founders of Division 46 for Media Psychology of the American Psychological Association (APA) in the 1980s who were primarily clinical psychologists active in popular media, or to the notoriety of media personalities such as Dr. Phil.  (The division is since renamed The Society for Media Psychology and Technology.) This stereotypic model views media only as a distribution channel and does not credit the psychologist with any training or understanding of media processes.  From McLuhan’s (1962) perspective, this leaves a media psychologist with very little to bring to the table. Within Division 46, members are still divided in their perceptions.   Gregory, Cabiria, Hogg, Temenski, Rutledge, and Wells (2007) replicated a 1998 study by Luskin and Friedland  that is summarized in What is Media Psychology? A Qualitative Analysis.   They reported that perceptions of media psychology tended to vary by age, with older members maintaining the narrow view and younger members seeing psychology as a tool to analyze and develop media.  Unfortunately, the potent image in the public’s eye of a psychologist on television is both hard to shed and more easily visualized than a psychologist who studies the behavioral and cognitive aspects of media.

A second obstacle for media psychology to overcome is the pejorative view of “media” as an area unworthy of academic study or lacking in scholarly rigor (Giles 2003).  The debate rages in academic halls and on blogs on the internet.  How can something new, cool, and hip (and even fun) be scholarly?  The error—and challenge going forward—is the placement of the word ‘media’ central to the definition.

I conceptualize media psychology as understanding the process and interaction between human experience and mediated communication of any kind.  Whether the media experience is going online to play World of Warcraft or watching a documentary on PBS, it is the interaction between the human and the media experience that matters.  To make useful sense out of it, you have to know something about both, but psychology is the underlying foundation.

A problem for the field is that media and communication theories lack substantial foundation and uniform theoretical approach without drawing heavily from psychology.  In one communication theory text book, Anderson (1996, in Muller 2005) identified 249 separate theories, only 7% of which appeared in more than three other communications texts.  Without psychology, these theories are left with the ‘what’ and the ‘how many’, but not the ‘why’.  Without ‘why,’ we cannot predict or contribute to something better.

Many media theories draw heavily from cognitive psychology, although informed by different orientations (Muller 2005).  Common foundations for media and communication theories are:

• Social Learning Theory.  The premise of observational learning and behavior modeling drives both public concern about violent media content and optimism about positive content of educational programs, games, and other media (Gauntlet 2005, Bandura 1986).
• Social constructionism.  The basis for social constructivism is that the individual’s interaction with the environment, such as exposure to media messages, symbols and narratives, gradually shape his or her view of the world, self, and social reality (Postman 1985, Gerbner and Gross 1976, Gergen 1991, McAdams 1993).  This is an common foundation in gender and racial stereotype research (e.g. Coltrane and Messineo 2000)
• Motivations, attitudes, and emotions.  The use of this body of theoretical knowledge views individuals as selecting mass media experiences that satisfy cognitive, social and emotional needs (Rubin 2002).  Early models incorporated motivation based on Maslow’s hierarchy of needs; others draw from psychoanalytic theory and Sullivan’s view of reciprocal emotion (Acton and Revelle 2002, Horton and Wohl 1956, McGuire 1974).  Ball-Rokeach (1985), for example, examines what propensities encourage media use to escalate from a benign need satisfaction to an addiction.

A Different View

Even drawing from media and communications theories and their foundations in psychology, we still don’t get close to a definition of media psychology that will work in a rapidly changing world.  I believe that this is because researchers have tended to view media-related research from a reductionist model.  Reductionist theories view media interaction as unidirectional from sender to receiver, even when they incorporate environmental filtering and individual differences.  For example, social constructivist theories, uses and gratification models, and agenda setting theories all describe an interactive process between media and society, but their models culminate with the receiver; there are no significant influences from the receiver back to the sender.  Social cognition theories, such as Vygotsky’s (1978), describe a more reciprocal but currently under-emphasized process.  Maletzke’s communicator theory is a dynamic change model, but it is complicated and not widely employed (Wilson 1999).  Other fields, however, have promoted the co-evolutionary effects of a dynamic network model as a much more realistic description of human-environmental interaction (e.g. Barabasi 2003, Strogatz 2003, Watts 2003).

Evolutionary psychologists Tooby, Cosmides, and Barrett (2003) incorporate the importance of an interplay of multiple factors—in this case media, humans, social organizations and institutions—but they argue that natural selection acts to organize these relationships and that these interactions produce functional outcomes.  From their perspective, the development process pays heightened attention to the factors that functionally coordinate the interaction between the media and the audience.  In this process, both organisms are mutually affected and form feedback loops that cause reciprocal change throughout their evolution.

Evidence from research on the neurobiology of social bonding and attachment demonstrates that new biological mechanisms appear to support functional behavioral changes.  This isn’t a new perspective.  Vygotsky (1978), Mead (1967) and Freud (Gay 1989) all emphasized the role of social interaction in creating internal structures.  Wexler (2006) writes that the time between birth and early adulthood is highly plastic for brain maturation and that the physical structure of the brain is subject to shaping by the environment. The combination of new mechanisms and high plasticity suggest that there is great individual functional variability due to differing environmental influences on the development of the brain.  Later in life, people conversely reshape their physical environment to suit their mental structures by altering physical structures, laws, standards of behavior, language and the arts.  Because of the change in brain plasticity between youth and adulthood, successive generations can have significantly different internal structures.  When we reach adulthood, we are less amenable to change and are more likely to try to change the environment to fit our internal structure (Wexler 2006).  This is a biological description of what Prensky (2001) refers to as “digital natives” and “digital immigrants.”  The generation that is growing up now will have different cognitive structures than their parents and will make different alterations on the environment.  Because the media survives only by the attendance of the audience, these alterations will be reflected in the next iteration of media content.

As media psychologists, we must recognize the evolving media environment.  Part of our job will be to take up Postman’s (1985) challenge of training the next generation to engage positively and productively with media; part will be easing the fears of immigrants learning to live in the new digital world. We also need to place the study of psychological processes within the context of mediated communications and recognize the dynamic role of these processes in interpersonal relations, social interaction and social structures.  We need, in other words, a definition of the field that acknowledges the reciprocal relationship between individuals and media.  Nearly 30 years ago, Cartwright (1979) argued for defining the field of social psychology as the interaction between social environments and social behaviors to make social psychology more relevant.  This is the foundation of social ecology (e.g. Heft 2001), self-organizing management systems (e.g. Drucker 1988, Emery 1965), evolutionary psychology (e.g. Tooby, Cosmides, and Barrett 2003), complex adaptive systems (Young 2007), and research on social capital (e.g. Best and Krueger 2006).  Without recognizing that media psychology is the dynamic interaction between human experience and media, we will make biasing errors in our judgments about correlations and causality.

Revolutions need new paradigms (Kuhn 1970).  As psychologists and media professionals, we are trained and mentored by psychologists as well as media and communications scholars and professionals, many of whom learned from models within these distinct academic fields.  In defining media psychology, we have an opportunity to establish a new paradigm that breaks free of traditional structures and engages the best minds across many disciplines.  If we can learn to see media as a co-evolutionary function of human experience, our analysis and contribution will be much more powerful.

The difficult and extraordinary thing about media is the breadth of its touch.  While that makes a ‘one-size-fits-all’ definition difficult, it also means that for those of us who are trained in the knowledge of people and media, we can be much more instrumental in advancing the field and achieving positive social change.

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4 Media Psychology and Its History

Regina M. Tuma, Media Psychology Faculty, Fielding Graduate University, Santa Barbara, CA

• Published: 28 January 2013
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Currently, media psychology appears to be a fragmented area of study, an appendage of sorts to many disciplines such as communication studies and even psychology. And yet, it is the case that this current state obscures a long history and tradition that leads to the development of media psychology within psychology as a discipline. The history of media psychology will be explored at two levels. First, it will be argued that the idea of media psychology emerges with the notion of mediation of reality by our senses in philosophy, the study of perception and cognition in early psychology. This tradition is then carried into a social psychology that is influenced by the study of perception and where the idea and role of media as instruments of culture, influence and cognition is further developed. The final section explores the status of media psychology within current research in psychology and social psychology.

What is media psychology and what is its history? Such questions loom large as we consider the place of media psychology as a field of inquiry. Current views of media psychology place it as either a niche topic within the field of communication studies (Giles, 2003 ) or as a simple application of theories in psychology to the specialized topic of media (Pratkanis & Aronson, 2001 ). These approaches, however, ignore the broader history of the idea of media psychology, and do so to the peril of a discipline whose time has come. Indeed, given the importance of media in everyday life and the role of Internet culture and how individuals use media to shape society, I would say that if we didn't have media psychology, we would be poised and well advised to invent it.

In considering these questions it is important to distinguish, as Farr ( 1996 ) does, between the “long and short past of psychological disciplines.” Following that tradition, this chapter explores the extended and noble past of media psychology. From the vantage point of this history, media psychology is not new. Indeed, its origins and roots can be traced back to the fundamental issues identified by philosophers and psychologists who grounded psychology in the study of the image and the mediation of reality through our senses.

The Roots of Media Psychology: Perception and the Mediation of Reality

Media act as instruments of perception and cognition, much like the eyes and ears, which act beyond the borders of our own senses. If we are looking to place media psychology, a good start would be to explore the history of psychology and its relationship to the psychology of perception. In fact, the argument can be made that the idea of media psychology begins with the study of perception and the mediation of reality.

The science writer Jonah Lehrer ( 2007 ) in his book, Proust Was a Neuroscientist , explores the work of various artists, who through their art anticipated some of the modern truths we know today about the brain. Lehrer's essay on Cezanne sheds light on the details of the perceptual process, which as he notes, begins with “atomic disturbance.” On this, Lehrer writes: “Particles of light alter the molecular structure of the receptors in the retina…the photon's energy has become information” (p. 104). We do not, however, “see” the images on the retina, nor do we see the image that is further translated through the channels of angles and lights in the visual cortex. If we did, the world would look like a series of jagged edges and unresolved angles far removed from the reality we experience. Lehrer explains that “reality” at the level of the V1 neurons is “abstract” and “formless, nothing but a collage of chromatic blocks” (p. 107). The formless nature of the image, however, has nothing to do with the level of processing and should not be thought of as an image on its way toward resolving itself on its own. Lehrer reminds us that, “Ambiguity is an essential part of the seeing process,” and this ambiguity remains even as the image is further processed and refined throughout other areas of the cortex. Yet our experience of the whole (to use a Gestalt psychology term) or the scene is organized and seamless, defined by the lyrical quality of its organization, which is the only reality we experience. It is for this reason, Arien Mack ( 1982 ) explains, that perception belongs not to “physiologists or biologists,” but to psychologists (p. 951). Lehrer concurs that for reality to make sense, the “mind must intervene” (p. 107). He notes that modern neuroscience has confirmed what early psychologists had established, that “visual experience transcends visual sensations” (p. 117). At all levels of processing, perception demonstrates the will of the mind to make sense of the world. And it is in this sense the facts of perception and the story we tell about it is unchanging. As Mack observes, perception is “the end result of a complex, active process of organization, interpretation, and construction” (p. 962). It is this ability of the mind to organize experience in a manner that is not contained in the image, to go beyond that which is given to it, which led Kant to conclude that “imagination is a necessary ingredient of perception itself” (quoted in Lehrer, p. 116). Reality is mediated through the process of perception, and our experience of it is more than meets the eye.

The idea of mediation as a basic fact of perception becomes a cornerstone in the study of cognition beyond perception. As Leahey ( 2004 ) observed, Piaget's developmental psychology was “Kantian epistemology with a developmental twist” (p. 415). Similarly, Bruner's (Bruner et al, 1956 ) studies on thinking demonstrated the work of Kantian categories, not given in the external world, but the creation of an active intellect engaged in problem solving (Leahey, p. 418). That mediation should reverberate as such was not surprising given the foundational relation between perception and cognition. “Perceiving,” as Mack emphasizes, is the “single activity which serves as the basis for all psychological life” (p. 967). Even Fechner's (1876/1966) experiments in psychophysics demonstrated that “sensations cannot be totally divorced from their psychological environment” (Hearnshaw, ( 1989 ) p. 129). Later on, Bartlett's (1932/1995) studies on memory demonstrated memory as an active reconstruction, social in nature and mediated by the need of individuals to create meaning (Danziger, 2008 , pp. 137–142).

The idea of mediation and perception, however, was not just important to early psychology. In fact, we see that artists and historians similarly make it a focus of their work and thus arrive at the psychology of perception from without. Again, Jonah Lehrer's essay on perception reminds us of how the paintings of Cezanne were intended as an artistic meditation on the nature and process of perception. Indeed, Cezanne objectified, through his paintings, the inner workings of perception with detail and accuracy long before neuroscientists were able to look inside the brain. His works engaged the viewer in a manner that the perceptual process and the work of the mind would reveal. Lehrer writes:

But Cezanne was unfazed by his critics. He knew that his paintings were only literally blank. Their incompleteness was really a metaphor for the process of sight. In these unfinished canvases, Cezanne was trying to figure out what the brain would finish for him. As a result, his ambiguities are exceedingly deliberate, his vagueness predicated on precision. If Cezanne wanted us to fill his empty spaces, then he had to get his emptiness exactly right. (p. 114)

Similar interest in the relationship between art and perception can be found in Gombrich ( 1960 ) who argues that to understand “the central problems” of art history, “We have to get down to analyzing afresh, in psychological terms, what is actually involved in the process of perception” (p. 25).

Early Media Psychology: From the Perception of Form to the Aesthetics of Thought

The idea of mediation becomes prototypical of early psychology's relationship to media and it is here where we begin to see the kernel of the earliest forms of media psychology. The groundwork for this can be found in Gestalt theory and its analysis of forms. The laws of perceptual organization described by Wertheimer (1923/1938) pointed to how cognition contributes to our experience of forms and this analysis easily translated to our experience of art—shapes, forms, and depth on a two-dimensional canvas. Beyond forms, Wertheimer demonstrated the phi phenomenon, the familiar experience of being able to see motion in films when stationary images are flashed in rapid succession. As Leahey recounts this, Wertheimer considered the experience of motion in film as real , “real in consciousness,” not an artifact of false inference, even though the experience “did not correspond to any physical stimulus” (p. 254).

Psychologists would soon begin to apply these ideas, along with the idea of mediation more generally, to the experience of media forms. An example of this can be seen in Munsterberg's (1916/2002) work on film or photoplay , which explored the aesthetics of film, as well as the relationship among art, film, and the nature of thought. As Munsterberg saw it, the purpose of film was art. What was unique about film, and what allowed it to realize its purpose, art , was the new medium's capacity to, as Carroll writes, “objectify the processes of the human mind” (p. 494). Munsterberg explains:

the photoplay tells us the human story by overcoming the forms of the outer world, namely space, time, and causality, and by adjusting the events to the forms of the inner world, namely attention, memory, imagination, and emotion . (italics original, p. 129)

For Munsterberg, “film operates like the human mind” (Langdale, 2002 , p. 9) and like art, both film and the human mind transform and do not copy reality. It is important to note here that Munsterberg equates the nature of mind with the nature art. At a basic level, this means that thinking and the nature of mind themselves take on an aesthetic quality, if not dimension. Indeed, as the processes of mind are objectified through art, in film according to Munsterberg, and the perceptual process through Cezanne's style of art, the processes of mind themselves become media forms; while the psychology of thinking itself becomes a form of media psychology.

In writing about the nature of art, mind, and film, Munsterberg was borrowing from philosophical discourses of his time with a heavy dose of Kantian aesthetics informing his views (Carroll, 1988 , p. 492). He was writing at a time when philosophy and psychology were neighboring disciplines with shared discourses, but there is a more specific psychology that emerges in The Photoplay as Munsterberg turns to the details of the relationship between film and mind. Film was an art form that was not the same as photography and different from live theater. Taking a cue from Wertheimer's phi phenomena, Munsterberg (p. 73) begins with the experience of movement and depth—illusions in film—which he sees as “ superadditions that the mind supplies to a series of flat surfaces of still photos” (Carroll, p. 491). He then explores the parallels between the techniques of film and processes of mind. In doing so, Munsterberg sets up the film/mind analogy that became standard in the study of film theory (p. 490) and influential to later psychologists (Arnheim, ( 2006 ). Whereas in live theater, attention is driven by gestures, in film a close-up not only imitates but becomes an objectified form of attention. Earlier scenes can provide clues to the past, but in film the flashback embodies the act of memory; imagination is similarly intimated in the flash forward as a cinematic technique (p. 491).

It is important to point out that there is an unresolved tension in Munsterberg's account of film and mind. His analogy rests on the similarity between film and cognition. Film, like the mind and art, move beyond and in effect transform reality—as art forms do. This view goes back to Kant's understanding of aesthetic judgment as belonging to the particular, that which is “not subsumable under a concept” (Carroll, p. 492). Although this is the case with the experience of depth and motion in film, which are added by the mind, it is not at all clear with the way film objectifies other processes of mind, namely attention and memory. Carroll has detailed the many issues with Munsterberg's psychological approach to film and among them he notes the contradiction of film controlling attention and memory. He observes:

For in the matter of film depth and motion, the psychologist tells us we add something to the visual array, where as with the close-up, the selecting is something that is done for us. That is, the mental process—attention—that Munsterberg discusses with the respect to the close-up is, roughly speaking, in the film, not in us. A similar shift in direction occurs in the rest of Munsterberg's account of cinematic articulations. (p. 491)

Langdale ( 2002 ) similarly observes a crucial difference between suggested thought in film and imagination, as the two were equated by Munsterberg. In film, Langdale writes, suggestion is a “stealth-thought” that originates from an “external” source meant to “instigate specific associations, taking their place like intruders alongside associations that really do spring from our own minds” (p. 19). For these reasons, Munsterberg's contribution to the psychology of film and media should be seen as behaviorist. Langdale quotes Hale (1980), the authority on Munsterberg's work, who noted that “Munsterberg values film not because it allowed more creativity on the part of the audience, but because it permitted more control by the artist over aesthetic experience” (in Langdale, p. 16). Film and mind do mediate reality, but the mediation is controlled from the outside.

However, Munsterberg's psychology is based on the psychology of perception. The unresolved tension witnessed in Munsterberg's psychology of film is itself a leftover from the psychology of perception. “The practical human brain,” returning to Lehrer's description of perception for a moment, “is not interested in a camera like truth; it just wants the scene to make sense” (p. 107). Top-down perception is open to suggestion, and influence is imposed from without, “Form is imposed…the outside world is forced to conform to expectations” (p. 108). So it is true that Cezanne objectifies the process of perception through his paintings. But in doing so he is guiding and directing the outcome of the viewer's perception, “Instead of giving us a scene of fully realized forms, Cezanne supplies us with layers of suggestive edges, out of which forms slowly unfurl” (p. 107).

Despite criticisms of Munsterberg's film/mind analogy outlined by Carroll and Langdale, it is the case that Munsterberg's psychology of film, based on aesthetics of thought and perception, should not be easily dismissed. In some sense, it proves prescient in that it sets the framework and issues that we will see as media psychology is further elaborated in social psychology.

Setting the Stage for Media Psychology: Social Psychology, Public Culture, and the Mediation of Appearance

The psychology of perception is then generalized to social psychology, in which the idea of media psychology is further elaborated and eventually nurtured. It is well known that Gestalt theories of perception had a direct influence on social psychology (Farr, 1996 , p. 113). At this point, the turn to social psychology would appear to be a continuation of the psychology of perception now transposed to the social realm. But although the turn to media in social psychology is based on the psychology of perception, the psychology of perception becomes more complex as it now makes its way through the stage that is culture and society. Nonetheless, the shift is significant and one that nurtures the eventual turn to media, if not the idea of media psychology itself. To understand the confluence of media and social psychology, it is important to explore the relationship between the psychology of perception and the philosophy of appearance at the level of culture.

On Perception and Appearance

The philosopher Hannah Arendt ( 1958 ) long ago noted culture as a space of appearance. As the space of appearance, culture is the space where we become visible to each other and where the world becomes visible to us. This visibility confers reality. Arendt writes that “our feeling for reality depends utterly upon appearance in the public realm” (p. 51). She further explains: “For us, appearance—something that is being seen and heard by others, as well as ourselves—constitutes reality” (p. 50). There is a way in which Arendt's notion of appearance in public in part relies on the idea of perception. This makes sense if we consider that the relationship between perception and reality or “world” was the point of departure for earlier philosophical theories of perception. After all, we do have the image of Kant, observer of the French Revolution (Arendt would later use the term spectator ) writing about perception and the nature of mind as he encountered ideas of enlightenment and democracy—all in seamless fluidity and without contradiction. 1 In some sense, the promise behind the study of perception is the idea that the world appears, or as Arien Mack ( 1982 ) aptly states, “We open our eyes and see.” And it is the fact that we see and do so immediately that confers upon perception, as Mack notes, a “privileged epistemological status” (p. 950).

At the same time, it is important to observe that there are differences between perception and appearance. To be clear, Arendt's definition of the public implies more than visual perception—she does emphasize the importance of speech and discussion in making things real in public—but all of these work together in the service of the broader idea of appearance (Gottesegen, pp. 50–51). It is also true that Arendt's definition of appearance is not to be equated with perception of the image. Although appearance is or involves perception, it is perception of a different kind. Arendt follows Kant's definition of deductive thinking to differentiate between the two. Perception is a cognitive process that involves apprehending sensory data that allow identification of things, objects by means of established schemata. As Young-Bruehl (2006) explains, perception of the image, identification of the object or thing operates deductively, “starting from the generality and going to the particular” (p. 167), but as Gottsegen points out, there is a material reality (e.g., a two-dimensional, three-sided, and closed figure) behind the schema of triangle (p. 181). Appearance, on the other hand, is reserved for those intangible ideas around which societies coalesce—social reality for social psychologists—that can only take the dimensionality of reality when they are made to appear through debate and discussion in public culture. 2 And for these, Arendt re-works Kant's theory of aesthetic judgment—the kind of thinking involved in judging a work of art for Kant—and generalized it as a normative prototype for the kind of thinking that goes beyond the identification of shapes and objects. Aesthetic judgment in this Kantian-Arendtian sense, operates reflectively and “involves finding a relation between some form of particular and some form of generality” (Young-Bruehl, p. 167). 3

Social Psychology at the Crossroads Between Perception and Appearance

It is the case that social psychology as a discipline is based on the psychology of perception, but it is also more than just perception. This can be seen early on in the debate over substantive differences between object perception and social perception and the applicability of the former in the social realm (Heider, 1958 ). And there is an aspect of social psychology that is concerned with public culture and appearance. This is what the French social psychologist Serge Moscovici ( 1988 ) has in mind when he declares social psychology to be a science of appearance and public life. Moscovici ( 1989 ) locates social psychology as existing within that space, neither social nor individual, thus “establishing the continuity between individual and collective phenomena” (p. 409), and that space that exists between the individual and society is culture (Moscovici and Markova, 1998 , p. 385). Indeed, as Nederhof and Zwier ( 1983 ) point out, social psychology makes assumptions about the nature of culture and its theories and approaches are related to these assumptions.

What the psychology of perception and appearance in the cultural realm share, however, is the idea of mediation of reality and cultural reality. In other words, just like the image in perception is a mediated form, so too will forms that appear in cultural space be mediated. Arendt is clear that culture is a mediated space. The first source of mediation stems from the spectators or viewers themselves. Public culture is related to how we understand the world. As such, our positioning as individuals to the world will be mediated through the stories, traditions, folklore, and background knowledge that we pass to one another and successive generations. These cultural stories and knowledge do not so much determine choices as much as they help guide action (Gottsegen, p. 103). Arendt sees action as being rooted in novelty and capable of transcending the very “cultural conditioning” of forms (Gottsegen, p. 103). Although understanding is rooted in culture, it is not predetermined by it. Cultural indeterminacy is to be found in the vastness and depth of the narratives and various stories, along with the creativity and transformation involved in the retelling of stories and its effects on memory and understanding. 4 Cultural indeterminacy works in favor of spectators being able to go beyond the cultural form given, in the same way that identification of an image in perception, although bound by the image, is open to interpretation. A further layer of mediation occurs through the positioning of individuals—Arendt's spectators—who bring their unique perspective as members of groups and communities, to bear on the world. As Arendt says, “Being seen and being heard by others derive their significance from the fact that everybody sees and hears from a different position” (Arendt, p. 57). And this difference guarantees the reality of appearance and perception so long as “everybody is always concerned with the same object” (p. 58) or referent in the common world.

At this level, Arendt presents a philosophical psychology of appearance based on aesthetics, not unlike Munsterberg's understanding of art and thought but without his equivocation. In her treatment of the spectator, which is modeled on the idea of aesthetic judgment, Arendt echoes that part of Munsterberg that sees both art and mind as capable of transforming reality. Following Kant, Arendt was convinced that only this kind of thinking (aesthetic thinking or judgment) could create the mental space for judging “without which no such objects would appear at all” (Young-Bruehl, p. 176). Although Arendt's work is about the power of spectators to reinterpret the reality that is given to them, Young-Bruehl emphasizes that Arendt also understood the conditions that could lead to the degradation of this process. Indeed, Arendt's early work focused on ideology and propaganda, which contrive and constrain the spectators’ ability to see, understand and which ultimately degrades public culture. Arendt's later work emphasized the parallel dangers of “image making” through marketing, “public relations, the ‘hidden persuasion’ techniques of Madison avenue” (Young-Bruehl, p. 154) in directing attention to an image of reality, as opposed to reality itself (pp. 160–161). In effect, Arendt sets up yet another source of mediation that is at play in the spectators’ attempt to understand reality, but one that is external to the spectator. Here culture is a mediated space because it is the space where images are created. Clearly, the media, in their capacity as instruments of culture and perception, can play a role in creating and crafting these images from without. What is at play in these cases is perception, not appearance, for although these images are projected onto the cultural realm, their aim is to provoke the kind of schematic, deductive thinking we see in perception and the identification of forms.

This differentiation between perception and appearance in Arendt provides a useful framework for understanding social psychology's approach to media. On the one hand, the turn to media in social psychology will be based on the psychology of perception, now applied in a social realm in which media images influence cognitive operations and constructions in a top-down process. On the other hand, the relationship between media and cognition will be explored through the eyes of spectators who look out and try to make sense of social reality. From this perspective, the filtering and mediation of reality, a basic fact of cognition, leaves open the possibility of the redefinition of media contents and images.

Early Social Psychology and Media: Walter Lippmann and the Psychology of Perception and Cognition

According to Cantril and Allport ( 1935 ), the idea of media comes late to social psychology. Pandora ( 1998 ) writes that Cantril and Allport's observations had to do with the landscape of social psychology at that time, which to their eyes, valued strict adherence to scientific rigor and detachment from the world (p. 8). Clearly, the study of media (radio, in their case) was a violation on both counts. But it is also true that social psychology has a built in level of complexity. Already mentioned, is social psychology's ties to the cultural realm. Social psychology is both part of yet separate from psychology, having origins in at least three disciplines (House, 1977 ), if not more (Moscovici, 1984 ). There are times in its history when there is a close relationship between its theories and the problems of society (Moscovici, 1972 ). And social psychologists have also had a history of injecting themselves in the problems of public culture and democracy—for better or worse (Herman, 1996 ; Pandora, 1997 ).

Nonetheless, Cantril and Allport's comments seem strange given that some 13 years earlier, Walter Lippmann ( 1997 ) had published Public Opinion , a classic work in media psychology that bridged social psychology and media. It is also a curious fact of history that Lippmann was a journalist, not a social psychologist. Therefore, the first important work in social psychology originates, not from within social psychology, but from without—external to the field. Lippmann the journalist turns to social psychology from a position of urgency. His consideration of issues bridging social psychology and media stemmed from his practical experience as a journalist who was all too familiar with the workings of media (newspapers), but also from his role writing wartime propaganda during World War I. His biographer Ronald Steel ( 1997 ) writes in the foreword to Public Opinion that these experiences led Lippmann to conclude that reality was too easily distorted and public opinion too easily manipulated and this led Lippmann to consider processes of opinion formation. “What were the psychological forces that affected understanding? How did people interpret information, accurate or not? What emotional reactions did it trigger in them? How did their emotions affect their political judgment?” (p. xii). This realization of the dependency between cognition and media gave Lippmann his urgency, for what was at stake were the core assumptions inherent in democratic society: the ability of the “omnicompetent citizen” to make decisions without distortion and through rational deliberation (Lippmann, p. 173). The relationship between media and cognition is clearly seen by Lippmann as related to our overall competence to fulfill the broader deliberative needs of democratic society. In this way, Lippmann preserves the relationship between cognition and the world in a manner not unlike the early philosophers who studied perception and cognition as part of a broader social whole; and in a manner similar to Arendt who understood that what was at stake in how the world appears was the reality of the world itself.

The core of the relationship between media and cognition for Lippmann lies with the psychology of perception. He understood that the pictures we get from media were an important component driving cognition. “Each of us lives and works on a small part of the earth's surface,” Lippmann writes. He continues, “Of any public event that has wide effects we see at best only a phase and an aspect” (p. 53). The media provide the first layer of mediation to reality.

“Our opinions,” he writes, are “pieced together out of what others have reported and what we can imagine” (p. 53). But in this capacity, the media serve a functional role indistinguishable/similar to our senses. Following Munsterberg's monograph, On the Witness Stand , Lippmann writes about the impossibility of naïve observation. “A report is the joint product of the knower and known, in which the role of the observer is always selective and usually creative. The facts we see depend on where we are placed, and the habits of our eyes” (p. 54). This observation clearly applies to both media (the journalistic process) as well as the process of perception. But Lippmann does go on to provide an account of how the filtering of reality through media plays itself out in the case of journalism, at the various layers of the news-gathering process; beginning with characteristics of the journalist, to the role and power of editors, issues of censorship, and even pointing to the role of public officials and institutions in trying to influence how events are shaped for the public. Steel writes how throughout Public Opinion Lippmann often refers to Plato. Indeed, with Lippmann we are back in the shadows of Plato's cave, only now the parable has been updated to take into account how media contribute to the creation of the shadows cast on the wall.

However, Lippmann understood well that the shadows on the wall are also the product of human cognition and perception. And the very problem that Lippmann saw was the inability of mind to challenge or transform the media generated pictures of reality as a given. Lippmann's theory of cognition relies on the idea of the stereotype. Lippmann saw that “far from using rational or scientific criteria as a guide, people make judgments based on emotions, prejudices, or preconceptions” (Garcia, 2010 , p. 6). But the idea of stereotype itself is based on a top-down theory of perception. Lippmann is clear on this when he writes, “For the most part, we do not first see, and then define, we define first and then see” (Lippmann, pp. 54–55). Cognition for Lippmann is driven through “preconceptions,” and it was this collusion among mind, perception, and media that was toxic to the ideals of democracy. In Munsterberg's aesthetics of film and mind, there was tension between the freedom of mind to transform reality and media (film) as an external mediating source directing cognition. In Lippmann's view, the mind does mediate reality, but the mediation works in the direction of the reality that is pre-given to the mind. And that reality is itself a mediated reality created and shaped by media.

Cantril's Aesthetics of Radio and the Psychology of the Spectator

As has been mentioned, Arendt's philosophy of appearance and public culture “presupposes a viewer” (Gottsegen, 1994 , p. 27). This psychology of the spectator as presented in philosophy and early psychology is carried into social psychology by way of Heider's work on attribution (1944) and interpersonal relations (1958). According to Farr ( 1996 ), Heider was the more “social” member of the Gestalt group, moving away from the individualizing perspective that specifically characterized Kurt Lewin's work (p. 114–115). Heider's work had long historical and philosophical roots—reaching back to “Goethe and Kant via Franz Brentano, Ernst Mach, Alexius von Meinong and Carl von Ehrenfels,” in addition to Kurt Koffka, Wolfgang Kohler, Kurt Lewin, and Max Wertheimer (Jahoda, 2007 , p. 216). Jahoda explains that Heider's work on attribution and interpersonal relations were based on the psychology of perception, “dealing with social perception in general” (p. 217). Farr similarly sees Heider's roots in the psychology of perception and more specifically sees Heider's perceiver–observer distinction as an extension of figure–ground organization. “The distinction between figure and ground,” writes Farr, “is sharp when the figure is another human” (p. 130). In this sense, and especially important for media psychology, is Heider and Simmel's (1944) work, which extends the psychology of perception to social perception. In what could be considered a proto study in a nascent field of media psychology, the researchers show participants a movie of animated geometric shapes and then explore the narratives formed in the face of what are really media stimuli. Heider and Simmel found the tendency to “anthropomorphize” as they formed complex narratives—“to attribute to them genders and also, more important, goals, intentions, and mental attitudes such as fear” (Noe, 2009 , p. 27) that were not given or inherent in the stimuli. Although Noe sees this as an example of our having “evolved to see mind and consciousness in the world around us, even where none exists,” it is also the case that we are seeing the mind and consciousness of these spectators at work as they go beyond the simplicity of the stimuli provided, bringing with them an active approach to media as demonstrated by their complex narratives.

It is precisely this perspective of the psychology of the spectator that emerges in the other classic work that defines social psychology's early approach to media, Hadley Cantril's ( 1940 / 2005 ), The Invasion from Mars: A Study in the Psychology of Panic . The Orson Welles radio dramatization of the H. G. Wells classic, The War of the Worlds , and the dramatic events of the broadcast and it s aftermath: “before the broadcast ended, people…praying, crying, fleeing” provided Cantril with an opportunity to explore the effects of radio on cognition (p. 47). What began as a familiar story of media influence soon turns into a parable of the spectator. Like Heider, Cantril's approach is based on the psychology of perception, and both were interested in the perceptual psychology and physiological optics of Adelbert Ames, Jr. (Behrens, 1999 ). Cantril's son, Albert Cantril, observes in the Introduction to The Invasion from Mars that his father was especially interested in Ames’ work on signification—“how individuals assign significance to the images that appear on the retinas of their eyes” (original italics, p. xiii). As Albert explains, the collaboration between Ames and Cantril really aimed at explaining the “gap between the ‘naïve experience’ of viewing the demonstrations and a conceptual formulation that ascribes significance to what is ‘seen’” (p. xiv).

It is important to note here that although Cantril's work is based on the psychology of perception, the foundation for this approach as applied to media was already visible in what Pandora regards as the “companion piece” that preceded The Invasion from Mars , namely, the book that Cantril cowrote with his former teacher and mentor, Gordon Allport, The Psychology of Radio (1935/1986). Like Lippmann, Cantril and Allport depart from the perspective of media as instruments of culture and perception that fulfill the broader sociopolitical needs of democracy. But unlike Lippmann, Cantril and Allport see the “natural properties of radio” as inherently democratic. Their description of radio is in keeping with the Kantian ideal of the enlarged mentality that Arendt was fond of quoting (Young-Bruehl, p. 165). In the case of radio, this enlarged mentality is created through radio's unrivaled quest for “internationalism” and “interpenetration of national cultures,” potentially created an audience that is aware of the other (p. 22). They further observe that radio creates a common culture based on “common interests, common tastes, and common attitudes,” but it does so while negotiating the differences of a “ heterogeneous audience” (italics original, p. 20). Bringing this description within the context of Arendt's terminology and framework, it is clear that Cantril and Allport see a role for radio (the media of their day) in fostering appearance and awareness in public culture.

Furthermore, Cantril and Allport actually equate the psychology of radio with that of the listener so that radio becomes about the psychology of the listener. The listener is not just a listener but also a “citizen” (p. viii). Understanding radio as a medium of influence and its role in this way in the broader world becomes all important. Cantril and Allport, here again like Lippmann, understand the grasp that media have on cognition, “radio fills us with ‘consciousness of kind’ ” (p. 18). They understand radio and its potential as a medium of and for propaganda, as used effectively by the likes of Hitler, Mussolini, and Huey Long in stoking or magnifying preexisting attitudes, on the one hand; and on the other, the effective use of radio to nurture new attitudes, as was the case with Father Coughlin—the Rush Limbaugh of his day (pp. 8–9; see also Pandora, 1998 , p. 22). But Cantril and Allport go further than Lippmann in that they consider the role of free market economics in shaping attitudes through similar processes of censorship (p. 57) and propaganda (p. 60)—an omission for which Lippmann has been criticized (Schudson, 2008 , p. 1040).

Most importantly from the perspective of perception and media is that in The Psychology of Radio , Cantril and Allport actually move away from audition as the dominant sensory frame for understanding radio and reframe radio as a medium that relies and augments visual perception. To begin with, they take a relational and comparative approach to radio (and media). Radio “relates the speaker and auditor in novel ways” in a manner unlike other existing media forms of their time (p. 19). The characteristics of radio are “more personal than the printed word” (p. 18). In comparison to movies, radio “appeals to more practical desires,” not the “repressed desires” that characterize films (p. 16). But the transformational potential of radio can be seen in comparison to face-to-face interactions, which tend to be more constraining and confining for the listener. Cantril and Allport emphasize that radio releases listeners from the “social contract” that binds them as an audience in face-to-face events and performances. On radio, “the listener may respond in any way he pleases” (p. 10). There is “no compulsion to laugh at stale jokes, to applaud a bad actor, or to cheer the platitudes of a politician” (pp. 10–11). The listener is free to disagree without sanction and to “sing, dance, curse, or otherwise express emotions relevant or irrelevant” (p. 11). For Cantril and Allport the psychology of perception is built in to the specifics of radio as medium. Compared with face-to-face events, “a public meeting or lecture” (p. 9), it is the case that on radio “visual cues disappear”—we become “dependent exclusively upon audition” (p. 10). And yet, it is also true that the cognitive power of radio comes from the ability to visualize. As they say, “A great many people supply with their own imagery some kind of visual setting to supplement the bare auditory impression. They may see in their mind's eye the glamour of the stage, with its lights and costumes, as a suitable setting for a radio drama; they may create an imaginary appearance and set of mannerisms for the unknown speaker or announcer” (p. 10). Cantril and Allport conclude this important point by noting that radio may trigger a kind of hyper-perception in adults, a “keenness of imagery dulled since childhood” (p. 10).

The Martians and the Spectators

As Young Bruehl explains, “aesthetic judging begins when a particular phenomenon strikes you,” the French term for this is chose vue , “having caught your attention, it sets you wondering and simultaneously makes you aware of yourself as someone who is trying to arrive at a judgment” (p. 168). It is the case that the radio broadcast that night caught people's attention. According to Cantril, 6 million people tuned in and at least 1 million were “frightened or disturbed” (p. 47). This means that a great many people, the majority of whom had tuned in late and missed the disclaimer at the beginning of the broadcast, were left trying to arrive at judgment . Trying to figure out fact from fiction provoked cognition. The cognitive psychologist Paul Bloom ( 2010 ) recently made the point that the necessity to know whether something is real or not is an important component to the pleasure we get from stories or art more generally. When we discover that what we think is real turns out to be a trompe l'oeil , “a switch is thrown…you have shifted to a different level of appreciation” (p. 179).

The point of departure for the study is the phenomenon of the radio broadcast and the presence or absence of critical ability for listeners here defined as “the capacity to evaluate the stimulus in such a way that were able to understand its inherent characteristics” and thus render an accurate judgment (pp. 111–112). Cantril found that generally speaking, higher levels of formal education do lead to attempts to check the veracity of the broadcast—either internally or externally (pp. 115–118). But as Cantril observes, sufficient “deviant” cases in the interview data demonstrating high levels of formal education did not guarantee critical ability—some listeners with high levels of formal education were not successful in finding the true nature of the broadcast, whereas some with less formal education were indeed able to render an accurate assessment of the drama (p. 120). He then explores the role of personality, not as a trait in the classic sense of personality assessment, but as a series of factors that secure a “general subjective relationship between the individual and his world” (p. 138). The idea of world here obviously extends to the world of the radio broadcast, its contents now part of that subjective relationship that Cantril observes develops between the individual and environment. This subjective relationship between individual and world (personality, as defined here), in turn becomes important in how individuals orient themselves to the contents of the broadcast. Based on the interviews, Cantril found several factors that when present together—insecurity, phobias, worries, lack of self-confidence, fatalism, religiosity, and frequency of church attendance—coalesced into a relationship in which the world is cognitively filtered through a sense of “personal inadequacy” (p. 138) that contributed to “susceptibility to suggestion” (p. 135). When individuals perceive themselves to be in situations in which their security and that of others is threatened, then critical ability is overwhelmed.

Beyond the listeners mediating the broadcast at the level of personality as subjective relationship to the world, Cantril also explored the listening situation as a second filter to the reality presented by the radio drama that also affects critical ability. He reminds us that the “listening situation like most other social stimuli, is a complex pattern which tends to be experienced as a unit and not as a series of discrete elements” (p. 139). And very clearly using the language of perception, he explains that the diversity of the listening situation would expose listeners to a “variety of stimulus configurations” (p. 140). Cantril's son, Albert, again reminds that from Ames’ work, Cantril concluded that perceptions, attitudes, and prejudices are “significances for purposive behavior, significances which we ourselves have created in order to act effectively and which we are unlikely to alter unless and until our action is frustrated or our purposes change” (p. xiv). It is at this point where Cantril's study turns into a study of signification. What Cantril's study reveals is the thinking process involved when one is presented with the dilemma of whether to believe or not believe the broadcast. Regardless of whether people make an accurate or faulty assessment of the broadcast—both outcomes betray a certain amount of cognitive effort and perceptual sophistication (not necessarily given in the stimulus)—in this case, the radio broadcast. An event that started out as a seeming tale of overwhelming media influence turns into the parable of the spectator who does not just reproduce the pictures provided by Lippmann's media, but who in the process can rework, redefine, and augment the media created reality.

But how the listener responds is very much related to the configuration of the listening situation. For example, Cantril observes that people heard the news from others. They listened to the broadcast with others or talked with others in private or public spaces (friends, visitors, etc.). Therefore, the configuration of the listening situation was different for each individual. Some of the factors that he found made a difference include corroboration of fear by others; the disturbing effect of the fear behavior of others (p. 142); a person's status in the group to deny or confirm (p. 143); and immediacy of danger by geographical location and separation from family group (p. 143). Submissiveness in the group was “due to social context within which individual was placed” (p. 149). In paying attention to the listening situation, Cantril is introducing a very different model of media. Instead of the traditional transmission model (e.g., in Lippmann) that flows from medium to individual, Cantril is opening up the possibility of “otherness” as a mediating variable in relation to media. That is, the context that happens between people is as important as the relationship between the individual and the medium. 5

But Cantril's view of the relationship between media and individuals (now plural) is in fact related to his view of the relationship between perception and environment. We experience media in the same way we perceive experience. Albert Cantril explains that for H. Cantril (and Ames), perception was a process in which “people ‘transact’ with the environment rather than ‘interact’ with it” (p. xiv). Albert continues, “The ‘transactional’ approach to perception conceives of the individual and environment as completely interdependent.” This early view of perception is similar to a more recent point made by Noe ( 2009 ) who observes, “Seeing is an activity of exploring the world one that depends on the world and on the full character of our embodiment.” He continues, “we find that we are at home in the world, that we are of it. Perceptual consciousness arises from our entanglement with it” (p. 146). One could speculate that entanglement with the world does not preclude entanglement with others and that in fact sociability of the kind described by Simmel ( 1910 / 1971 ) is indeed a requirement of it.

Although Cantril clearly develops the psychology of the spectator as applied to media (the radio broadcast), the study is by no means a full manifestation of the power of the spectator in the Arendtian sense. Cantril does point to otherness as a mediating factor that lies between the media stimulus and reactions to it. However, left out of the study is an exploration of the nature of the conversations and exchanges between people. It was this idea, which Dewey used to counter Lippmann's view of media, cognition, and democracy. And similarly, for Arendt what happens between people matters. Young-Bruehl explains how Arendt saw judgment as a distinct “mental ability,” carried out “in relationship with others” and requiring a kind of mind travel “visiting others—physically or in your mind—consulting them, seeing things from their point of view, exchanging opinions with them, persuading them, wooing their consent (in Kant's lovely phrase)” (p. 165). In this way, judgment leads to the Kantian idea of “enlarged mentality,” the kind of thinking that “allows a person to transcend the subjectivity and privacy of perceptions,” leading to the formation of a Kantian “common sense”—a kind of critical appreciation of the world, rooted in the experiences of self, others, and broader community (p. 166). To be clear, Cantril stops short of this Arendtian ideal for rational mediation and consensus. This is so because Cantril explores the listening situation and the experience of otherness only in those cases in which listeners mistook the broadcast for reality (p. 145). 6 The only clue that the listening situation may contribute to a successful assessment of the broadcast emerges as an aside in this listener response that Cantril quotes:

I don't think we would have gotten so excited if those couples hadn't come rushin’ in the way they did . We are both very calm people, especially my husband, and if we had tuned in by ourselves I am sure we would have checked up on the program but they led me to believe it was any station . (italics original p. 141)

It stands to reason that the nature of the listening situation, the presentation of a calm demeanor as opposed to excitability, might provide a different context of otherness that can enhance and not dull critical ability. For an indication of this possibility one would have to turn to the results of the dissent condition in Asch's (1955) classic study on conformity. It is true that Asch's study is not related to media. Asch's intellectual origins were in Gestalt theories of perception, having worked closely with Max Wertheimer at The New School for Social Research (King & Wertheimer, 2006 , p. 343). Fundamentally, Asch's classic study is one of the perception of visual lines because this experience is filtered and mediated by the kind of otherness that Cantril talks about. As Asch's results indicate, in conditions in which the group members presented dissent, accurate assessment of the lines increased and conformity was reduced.

Where Are We Today?

Where does this history leave media psychology today? For this, it is important to explore the legacies of Lippmann and Cantril and their approaches, respectively. Walter Lippmann today remains a peripheral figure in social psychology, credited with having introduced the notion of stereotype (Jahoda, 2007 ). His cognition by stereotype approach foreshadows the automaticity of cognition and its corresponding emphasis on unconscious processes that drives much of social psychology today (Banaji et al. 2003 ). However, this automaticity of cognition view was itself inherent in early discussions of perception and certainly present in Kant's discussion of schematic representations that guide thinking and perception (Young-Bruehl, p. 167). Lippmann's interest in the psychology of perception, however, was driven by a larger project of understanding the role of media and the possibility of rational deliberation essential to democracy. This broader project is all but ignored in psychology and social psychology. His theory of media and broader concern for democracy has been cut off from the corpus of his work on cognition and perception. What survives in psychology is the often-cited “pictures in our heads” quote (see, e.g., Pratkanis and Aronson, 2001 ) without reference to the role of media in filtering reality or the relationship among perception, media, and democracy. In effect, his theory of media is all but excised from psychology. The linguist Noam Chomsky, whose theories of language were instrumental in ushering theories of cognition in psychology, did pay attention to Lippmann's views on media (Herman and Chomsky, 1988 ), but Chomsky became important to media and cultural studies—with little to offer by way of psychology.

Cantril also presents a curious fate. His War of the Worlds study remains important enough to be included in introductory texts in communication and media (Campbell et al., 2012 ) in which Cantril is given credit for the shift away from big media effects to a more limited view of media effects on the audience. The Psychology of Radio , Cantril's book with Allport, remains a sleeper classic—all but neglected in psychology (Pandora, p. 9) and out of print until recently. 7 In psychology, Cantril is mostly known for his study, They Saw a Game (Hastorf and Cantril, 1954 ) on selective perception and social perception. Ignored is the fact that this study can be seen in context with Cantril's earlier work on media as an example of the social-cognitive mediation of media events—in this case the momentous game between two rival teams, Dartmouth and Princeton—by individuals. The media implications of this study, in which participants watch a film of the game, is not considered even in texts (Pratkanis and Aronson, 2001 ) about media and persuasion. A recent exception is Farhad Manjoo's (2008) book, True Enough , which explores the psychology of new media. Although Manjoo (like Lippmann a journalist, not a psychologist) sees the application of the study to media, he misses the more social and cultural components of Cantril's approach to media—norms of judgment, subjective relationship to the stimulus, listening situation; which similarly apply in the iconic They Saw a Game study as relevant to the cultural life of the two rival universities and interpretations and reactions to the game.

In fairness, the fate of Lippmann and Cantril's early work in media psychology—and hence the trajectory of the nascent field of media psychology—may have been caught up in the inevitable trends that would have effectively delegitimized those aspects of psychology and social psychology essential to the development of a media psychology. Moscovici ( 1972 / 2001 ) has written about the detachment of theory in social psychology from the problems of society, a relationship that he identifies as vital in preserving the relevance and dynamism of a social psychology that is oriented toward exploring new social realities and social psychological landscapes. Both Lippmann and Cantril, however different their views, shared this concern for the problems of culture and democracy and role of media in this broader reality. Cantril and Allport make a similar point in their Preface to The Psychology of Radio when they note that “progress of social psychology” is tied to the “incisiveness and validity of its analysis of social problems” (p. vii). They clearly saw media and the “landscape of radio” as very much a part of such new and emerging social realities that in turn correspond to new social psychological spaces that needed to be explored.

Equally significant is Graumann's (1986) observation about the “individualization of the social”; that is, the tendency to redefine social processes as products of the individual mind. Cognition occurs in the “head” of the individual and “groupness” becomes a “projected attribute” of the individual (Gergen, 1989 , p. 465). 8 The consequences of this are not trivial. As Moscovici ( 1982 ) commented, “whereas previously epistemological problems were conceived as social problems, social problems were now conceived as epistemological problems” (p. 119). This individualization of the social would certainly limit how social psychology subsequently viewed and approached media. It would certainly preclude the kind of analysis that Cantril provided in the War of the Worlds —an analysis that takes into account the broader relationship between individuals and media, in terms of the cultural positioning of radio as a media form at the time of the broadcast (pp. 68–69); the disorientation that results from economic uncertainty and how that can set the tone for how the interpretation of the broadcast (pp. 153–164); along with the configuration of the listening situation in providing a context for interpretation and mediation of the radio drama. It is interesting that similar trends can be seen in the more recent study of perception in psychology. Noe refers to this trend as the “grand illusion” thesis in perception, in which the world as reality is seen as “figment created ‘for us’ by our brains” (p. 130).

We can, however, pick up threads of this early history of media psychology as they exist today. Noe, for example, states the case for the relationship between perception and the broader world or reality—and the implication of this relationship for perceptual consciousness. As a cognitive philosopher, Noe understands the role of media and technology in creating consciousness and presence . “Technology increases the scope of our access, and so increases the extent of what is or can be present for us” (p. 83). Something of the aesthetic approach to thinking and perception found in Munsterberg is revived in Bloom's (2010) discussion of pleasure and cognition, and in particular his emphasis on the cognitive role of art and fiction, “technologies of the imagination” (p. 175) and our immersion in these fictional worlds and their relationship to reality.

Finally, the fullest expression of the psychology of the spectator, one that is partial to Arendt's take on the spectator, as well as Heider's psychology of commonsense, can be found in Moscovici's (1988) social representation theory. Social representation theory is anchored in the idea of the thinking society . Individuals seek each other out and cannot help but communicate, “in circles, clubs, cafes, political association, waiting rooms, on village benches and the rest” (Moscovici, 1998 , p. 6). 9 Social representations are created through the art of conversation, for as Moscovici writes, “there can be no representation without communication and no communication without representation” (p. 2) and these in turn are sociocognitive forms that mediate our understanding of reality. From this perspective, the media serve to circulate and disseminate social representations as cultural forms, but these contents are reworked, transformed, and re-presented through the discursive exchanges of individuals and groups that have a need to create them. The nature of the thinking society is tied to the nature of conversations as mechanisms of communication and consensus that allow “communities to produce their facts” (Moscovici, 1988 p. 224). Moscovici presents a fuller understanding of the spectator in relation to media contents. The spectator—to borrow Arendt's term—is never passive in the face of media and cultural contents, for the creation of social representations always lead to the transformation of both “mental and social configurations” (Moscovici, 1988 , p. 219). By taking into account the nature of conversations as mechanisms of consensus, Moscovici, unlike Cantril, sets up Arendt's condition for judgment that lead to transcendence of the limiting conditions of the stimulus and media contents.

As Sigmund Freud once commented in a different context, history rarely lies dormant. Eventually, the repressed does return, and it might even do so in a form that is more usable (Olick, 2007 ). Therein in lies the hope for the reappearance of media psychology, its future tied not to the illusion of its current fragmented form, but to the rediscovery of its rich history and the psychology that brought it to the precipice of its birth and relevance. New media landscapes and technologies are creating, as they always have in our technological past, new social spaces with corresponding psychological realities. We await the appearance of media psychology as a not so new form, framed by its history in psychology—and all that it implies.

Young-Bruehl recounts how Arendt pointed out the duality in Kant as moralist opposed to revolution, whereas Kant the spectator clearly was “enthusiastic about it” (p. 172).

What Arendt has in mind here values such as “justice, honor, virtue” (Gottsegen, p. 181) or value judgments of like and dislike (Young-Bruehl, p. 168).

A key difference between Kant and Arendt was that Arendt was more interested in the particularity of the examples that fit the universal ideal of, say “justice.” Unlike Kant, who was more interested in universals, Arendt wanted to account for differences in meaning and understanding that characterize the understanding of universal ideals (Gottsegen, p. 182).

For the psychologist, cultural indeterminacy is something similar to the transformation of memory found in the retelling of stories in Bartlett's ( 1932 / 1995 ) experiments.

In fact, this was precisely Dewey's response to Lippmann. Namely, that democracy is to be found in the conversations between people. See Dewey, J. (1980). The Public and Its Problems . Chicago: Swallow Press (Original work published 1927).

See also Cantril's footnote 10 on p. 145.

The Psychology of Radio is now available as a Google e-book.

Similar critiques were made of social cognition in social psychology. See Forgas (1983). What is social about social cognition? British Journal of Social Psychology , 22 , 129–144.

This 1998 reference is from a paper Moscovici delivered in New York at a conference on social representations. A modified version of this paper can be found in the edited book by K. Deaux and G. Philogene (2001), Representations of the Social: Bridging Theoretical Traditions . Malden, MA: Blackwell.

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Defining Media Psychology

• August 13, 2006
• Pamela Rutledge
• No Comments

A common response to the “what is media psychology” question is to assume that it refers to popular or broadcast media and connect it with psychologists who work, often quite visibly, within that realm or the persuasive power of advertising. This “Dr. Phil” point of view is echoed in Division 46 president Spielberger’s column in the recent Division 46 newsletter when he discusses the proposed name change for the division. The name change from “Media Psychology” to “Society for Media Psychology, Communications and Interactive Technologies” was, fortunately, effectively struck down by member response in spite of the overwhelming support of the board (favored 8 to 2), but what interested me, particularly in light of what we are undertaking with crafting a definition, is that the “leaders” of the Media Psychology division should have such a narrow view of Media Psychology. This is apparent in the proposed name which, rather than being the Psychologies of Media, Communications, and Interactive Technologies, isolates (and diminishes the role) of psychology by attaching it to media, and not positioning it semantically as fundamental to all the areas in the division. I thought their narrow vision was all the more remarkable given Bernie Luskin’s active involvement in the division; in fact the same issue has an article by Bernie talking about the breadth of the field and the essential role of psychology in a wide range of media with applications from education to technology development. Old visions die hard I guess.

At the same time, in the most recent issue of the journal Media Psychology , the editors say that in the seven years since its inception, “the journal has gained such stature and respect by media psychology scholars that it now ranks second in impact for communication in the latest issue of Journal Citation Reports.” (Oliver, Mary Beth; Shrum, L. J.; Vorderer, Peter, Media Psychology. 8(2), 2006, 61-63.) This view and enthusiasm is, of course, promoted by Bernie in “Casting the Net” among other places. So the good news is that while the view of many is still narrow, the work and research is broadening and gaining momentum.

In the essay by Stuart Fischoff ( Media Psychology: A Personal Essay in Definition and Purview ) he talks about the narrow focus in media psychology research on media effects, particularly focusing on children. Fischoff starts a definition as: media psychology uses the theories, concepts and methods of psychology to study the impact of mass media on individuals, groups and cultures, but concludes it is too broad to be useful.

The notion that something is too broad to be useful is worth thinking about. A colleague had a good description “Media Psychology is the study of how mediated communications impacts meaning making and world view construction, and also explores actions resulting from those constructs.” And I agree with him that all communication is mediated, but I wonder if the definition is too broad it then is not only not useful but meaningless as a definition. Fischoff discusses how disciplines are defined as much by what they exclude as by what they include. It’s kind of a binary approach and shows up a lot in nature and junior high cliques. But it does allow for testing the edges. Fischoff apparently draws the line at air counting as a mediating factor, but a colleague pointed out that even in face-to-face conversation there are mediating factors.

But I keep coming back to the question: what is the purpose of this definition? It isn’t for us – we already know what it is (although perhaps not articulately) or at least we have glimpses and glimmers of its broad potential. And if the definition were for us, what would that add to the broader realm–society, academia, etc?

If we begin by saying “when people ask me” or “when a colleague asks me” creating a definition must be for giving information to others. In responding, the quality of the information we give has the potential to do many things: (selfishly) promoting the field may create research and job opportunities, and validate our degrees; and (more altruistically) expanding others’ awareness and interest informs them of the range of significant contributions that psychology can offer to and through a range of media applications and interactions. Operationally, I agree with a broader view such as Marshall McLuhan’s idea that a medium, whatever it is, impacts the way the receiver interacts with both the medium and the transmitted content. At the same time, I am mindful of trying to articulate the “practical” goal –before the definition itself.

If a goal is to educate others, then what language best communicates the message? Does the definition differ with the audience. What words are limiting? What words create negative images? (For example, the term “mass media” has a pejorative connotation to me.) I wonder if the “problem” in other’s narrow perception of Media Psychology is in the word “media,” which appears to create a very defined and sticky mental model. The survey should be very helpful showing us some of these preconceived notions in the language.

From my perspective, the definition needs to make it clear that this discipline is grounded in psychology and that media is not restricted to entertainment media. I feel like that the word “psychology” is a successful definition in that it is moderately well understood across both academic and lay populations and at the same time implies some breadth. That may be the problem with the word “media”.

At the same time, I think Eddie Bernays would say that the solution to the problem is not in the words (although they do play a role), but in how we plan the actions to educate and change the perception of the receiver. The real challenge may lie in the strategy and campaign, creating the need or place for Media Psychology.

Here is my start at a definition. Based on anecdotal and personal evidence, I have rejected the use of the words “mediated,” “convergence,” and “nexus” due to the glazed eye problem.

Media psychology is the use of psychological theory to study and understand the interaction of different media forms with human experience.

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Social Media Use and Its Connection to Mental Health: A Systematic Review

Fazida karim.

1 Psychology, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

2 Business & Management, University Sultan Zainal Abidin, Terengganu, MYS

Azeezat A Oyewande

3 Family Medicine, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

4 Family Medicine, Lagos State Health Service Commission/Alimosho General Hospital, Lagos, NGA

Lamis F Abdalla

5 Internal Medicine, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

Reem Chaudhry Ehsanullah

Safeera khan.

Social media are responsible for aggravating mental health problems. This systematic study summarizes the effects of social network usage on mental health. Fifty papers were shortlisted from google scholar databases, and after the application of various inclusion and exclusion criteria, 16 papers were chosen and all papers were evaluated for quality. Eight papers were cross-sectional studies, three were longitudinal studies, two were qualitative studies, and others were systematic reviews. Findings were classified into two outcomes of mental health: anxiety and depression. Social media activity such as time spent to have a positive effect on the mental health domain. However, due to the cross-sectional design and methodological limitations of sampling, there are considerable differences. The structure of social media influences on mental health needs to be further analyzed through qualitative research and vertical cohort studies.

Introduction and background

Human beings are social creatures that require the companionship of others to make progress in life. Thus, being socially connected with other people can relieve stress, anxiety, and sadness, but lack of social connection can pose serious risks to mental health [ 1 ].

Social media

Social media has recently become part of people's daily activities; many of them spend hours each day on Messenger, Instagram, Facebook, and other popular social media. Thus, many researchers and scholars study the impact of social media and applications on various aspects of people’s lives [ 2 ]. Moreover, the number of social media users worldwide in 2019 is 3.484 billion, up 9% year-on-year [ 3 - 5 ]. A statistic in Figure  1  shows the gender distribution of social media audiences worldwide as of January 2020, sorted by platform. It was found that only 38% of Twitter users were male but 61% were using Snapchat. In contrast, females were more likely to use LinkedIn and Facebook. There is no denying that social media has now become an important part of many people's lives. Social media has many positive and enjoyable benefits, but it can also lead to mental health problems. Previous research found that age did not have an effect but gender did; females were much more likely to experience mental health than males [ 6 , 7 ].

Impact on mental health

Mental health is defined as a state of well-being in which people understand their abilities, solve everyday life problems, work well, and make a significant contribution to the lives of their communities [ 8 ]. There is debated presently going on regarding the benefits and negative impacts of social media on mental health [ 9 , 10 ]. Social networking is a crucial element in protecting our mental health. Both the quantity and quality of social relationships affect mental health, health behavior, physical health, and mortality risk [ 9 ]. The Displaced Behavior Theory may help explain why social media shows a connection with mental health. According to the theory, people who spend more time in sedentary behaviors such as social media use have less time for face-to-face social interaction, both of which have been proven to be protective against mental disorders [ 11 , 12 ]. On the other hand, social theories found how social media use affects mental health by influencing how people view, maintain, and interact with their social network [ 13 ]. A number of studies have been conducted on the impacts of social media, and it has been indicated that the prolonged use of social media platforms such as Facebook may be related to negative signs and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress [ 10 - 15 ]. Furthermore, social media can create a lot of pressure to create the stereotype that others want to see and also being as popular as others.

The need for a systematic review

Systematic studies can quantitatively and qualitatively identify, aggregate, and evaluate all accessible data to generate a warm and accurate response to the research questions involved [ 4 ]. In addition, many existing systematic studies related to mental health studies have been conducted worldwide. However, only a limited number of studies are integrated with social media and conducted in the context of social science because the available literature heavily focused on medical science [ 6 ]. Because social media is a relatively new phenomenon, the potential links between their use and mental health have not been widely investigated.

This paper attempt to systematically review all the relevant literature with the aim of filling the gap by examining social media impact on mental health, which is sedentary behavior, which, if in excess, raises the risk of health problems [ 7 , 9 , 12 ]. This study is important because it provides information on the extent of the focus of peer review literature, which can assist the researchers in delivering a prospect with the aim of understanding the future attention related to climate change strategies that require scholarly attention. This study is very useful because it provides information on the extent to which peer review literature can assist researchers in presenting prospects with a view to understanding future concerns related to mental health strategies that require scientific attention. The development of the current systematic review is based on the main research question: how does social media affect mental health?

Research strategy

The research was conducted to identify studies analyzing the role of social media on mental health. Google Scholar was used as our main database to find the relevant articles. Keywords that were used for the search were: (1) “social media”, (2) “mental health”, (3) “social media” AND “mental health”, (4) “social networking” AND “mental health”, and (5) “social networking” OR “social media” AND “mental health” (Table  1 ).

Out of the results in Table  1 , a total of 50 articles relevant to the research question were selected. After applying the inclusion and exclusion criteria, duplicate papers were removed, and, finally, a total of 28 articles were selected for review (Figure  2 ).

PRISMA, Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses

Inclusion and exclusion criteria

Peer-reviewed, full-text research papers from the past five years were included in the review. All selected articles were in English language and any non-peer-reviewed and duplicate papers were excluded from finally selected articles.

Of the 16 selected research papers, there were a research focus on adults, gender, and preadolescents [ 10 - 19 ]. In the design, there were qualitative and quantitative studies [ 15 , 16 ]. There were three systematic reviews and one thematic analysis that explored the better or worse of using social media among adolescents [ 20 - 23 ]. In addition, eight were cross-sectional studies and only three were longitudinal studies [ 24 - 29 ].The meta-analyses included studies published beyond the last five years in this population. Table  2  presents a selection of studies from the review.

IGU, internet gaming disorder; PSMU, problematic social media use

This study has attempted to systematically analyze the existing literature on the effect of social media use on mental health. Although the results of the study were not completely consistent, this review found a general association between social media use and mental health issues. Although there is positive evidence for a link between social media and mental health, the opposite has been reported.

For example, a previous study found no relationship between the amount of time spent on social media and depression or between social media-related activities, such as the number of online friends and the number of “selfies”, and depression [ 29 ]. Similarly, Neira and Barber found that while higher investment in social media (e.g. active social media use) predicted adolescents’ depressive symptoms, no relationship was found between the frequency of social media use and depressed mood [ 28 ].

In the 16 studies, anxiety and depression were the most commonly measured outcome. The prominent risk factors for anxiety and depression emerging from this study comprised time spent, activity, and addiction to social media. In today's world, anxiety is one of the basic mental health problems. People liked and commented on their uploaded photos and videos. In today's age, everyone is immune to the social media context. Some teens experience anxiety from social media related to fear of loss, which causes teens to try to respond and check all their friends' messages and messages on a regular basis.

On the contrary, depression is one of the unintended significances of unnecessary use of social media. In detail, depression is limited not only to Facebooks but also to other social networking sites, which causes psychological problems. A new study found that individuals who are involved in social media, games, texts, mobile phones, etc. are more likely to experience depression.

The previous study found a 70% increase in self-reported depressive symptoms among the group using social media. The other social media influence that causes depression is sexual fun [ 12 ]. The intimacy fun happens when social media promotes putting on a facade that highlights the fun and excitement but does not tell us much about where we are struggling in our daily lives at a deeper level [ 28 ]. Another study revealed that depression and time spent on Facebook by adolescents are positively correlated [ 22 ]. More importantly, symptoms of major depression have been found among the individuals who spent most of their time in online activities and performing image management on social networking sites [ 14 ].

Another study assessed gender differences in associations between social media use and mental health. Females were found to be more addicted to social media as compared with males [ 26 ]. Passive activity in social media use such as reading posts is more strongly associated with depression than doing active use like making posts [ 23 ]. Other important findings of this review suggest that other factors such as interpersonal trust and family functioning may have a greater influence on the symptoms of depression than the frequency of social media use [ 28 , 29 ].

Limitation and suggestion

The limitations and suggestions were identified by the evidence involved in the study and review process. Previously, 7 of the 16 studies were cross-sectional and slightly failed to determine the causal relationship between the variables of interest. Given the evidence from cross-sectional studies, it is not possible to conclude that the use of social networks causes mental health problems. Only three longitudinal studies examined the causal relationship between social media and mental health, which is hard to examine if the mental health problem appeared more pronounced in those who use social media more compared with those who use it less or do not use at all [ 19 , 20 , 24 ]. Next, despite the fact that the proposed relationship between social media and mental health is complex, a few studies investigated mediating factors that may contribute or exacerbate this relationship. Further investigations are required to clarify the underlying factors that help examine why social media has a negative impact on some peoples’ mental health, whereas it has no or positive effect on others’ mental health.

Conclusions

Social media is a new study that is rapidly growing and gaining popularity. Thus, there are many unexplored and unexpected constructive answers associated with it. Lately, studies have found that using social media platforms can have a detrimental effect on the psychological health of its users. However, the extent to which the use of social media impacts the public is yet to be determined. This systematic review has found that social media envy can affect the level of anxiety and depression in individuals. In addition, other potential causes of anxiety and depression have been identified, which require further exploration.

The importance of such findings is to facilitate further research on social media and mental health. In addition, the information obtained from this study can be helpful not only to medical professionals but also to social science research. The findings of this study suggest that potential causal factors from social media can be considered when cooperating with patients who have been diagnosed with anxiety or depression. Also, if the results from this study were used to explore more relationships with another construct, this could potentially enhance the findings to reduce anxiety and depression rates and prevent suicide rates from occurring.

The content published in Cureus is the result of clinical experience and/or research by independent individuals or organizations. Cureus is not responsible for the scientific accuracy or reliability of data or conclusions published herein. All content published within Cureus is intended only for educational, research and reference purposes. Additionally, articles published within Cureus should not be deemed a suitable substitute for the advice of a qualified health care professional. Do not disregard or avoid professional medical advice due to content published within Cureus.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Student Spotlight: Jessy (Jiaxin) Wang on Exploring Media Psychology

By Violet Li

Jessy Wang, a committed Ph.D. student in Emerging Media Studies, explores the intricate relationship between media psychology, mental health, and human-computer interaction, with a specific focus on the cognitive effects of emerging media. Recently, they engaged in a detailed discussion with Violet Li, a Communication Assistant at the Communication Research Center, to delve into her academic pursuits and aspirations.

Violet: “ Can you share what you were doing before joining BU’s Ph.D. program ? ”

Jessy: I spent a bit of time applying to PhD programs. Applying to colleges was definitely a big deal for me because I needed to organize all of my research materials. I was working on my research and trying to enhance my background and skills in research. During that time, I worked as a research assistant in a psychology lab. Although my background was in communication throughout my bachelor’s and master’s, I’ve always been interested in psychology, particularly media psychology, which is a burgeoning field. So at that time, I was working in a psychology lab. They used media to help veterans with their mental health, and they also developed chatbots to assist high school students when they received acceptance letters to their ideal college. Some of these students didn’t follow through, a phenomenon known as “summer melt,” because they got an offer but didn’t attend. The goal was to use the chatbot to help them manage their mental state and provide overall support. Working in the Applied Psychology Lab offered an overlap between media and psychology, which I found compelling. My previous experience as a crisis counselor in New York during COVID-19, assisting with the mental health of the city’s residents, really propelled me into the Media Psychology program. Although it’s part of the Emerging Media Studies department, I appreciate its interdisciplinary approach. I’ve brought all the insights from my past research and work experience into this program to begin my journey in media psychology. 

Violet: “ Can you share with us your upcoming research interests? Because you just mentioned you do some psychology research? Would you continue doing psychology? ”

Jessy: Yeah, I’ve always had a high interest in psychology, and I think media psychology is a combination of my interests in media and emerging technologies, like social media, VR, and other media equipment, as well as human behavior. I’m interested in how media affects people’s daily lives since it’s become so immersed in every aspect of our work and life. This is tied to my previous experience, which shows my concern for mental health. So, I feel my empathy for individuals drives me to a research career. This empathy also motivates me to understand how media can benefit people and the impact it has. In the future, my main goal is to research these areas, and I’m still considering which methodology to adopt. The Emerging Media Studies (EMS) program is very interdisciplinary, placing a significant emphasis on social media analysis and media psychology, which leans more toward empirical and experimental methods. I’m debating which direction to take, but I want to maintain a broad scope and explore my interests further to better understand the interaction between media and people. As a researcher, I aim to support or contribute to the field, investigating how we can maximize the benefits of these interactions.

Violet: “ Did you work on any interesting projects in class this semester?”

Jessy: I think, especially this semester. Last semester, I was kind of trying to adapt. This semester, I was exposed to very good research project opportunities. Right now, I’m working on two projects. The first is primarily under the media psychology side. In that course, led by Dr.Cummings, my group is conducting research on dating apps. We’re examining different levels of self-disclosure on dating app profiles, and how people with different attachment styles might engage with these profiles based on their levels of self-disclosure. And then there’s another project in Dr. Su’s class, which also pursues my interest in social media bias or stigmatization. In this project, we’re focusing on HPV, the STI (sexual transmitted infection ) . People don’t call it a disease right now to avoid stigmatization. We’re using Twitter data to analyze people’s attitudes toward HPV. The mainstream narrative on social media mainly focuses on the HPV vaccine, but there are other facts about HPV that people might not know. For instance, the vaccine is for preventing cervical cancer, and there’s a misconception that only women can contract cervical cancer and should get vaccinated. However, men can also be carriers and get infected by HPV. Some data shows that one out of three men in the U.S. can contract an HPV infection. We’re trying to use social media data and apply NLP methods to analyze people’s knowledge and attitudes about HPV on social media. We want to identify what might be ignored or neglected in people’s mindsets, as even though social media only shows a part of the entire social group’s idea, it can still indicate some parts of social reality. That’s another project I’m working on this semester. I do find my interest in interpersonal research, even though the projects I’m working on—like one being an experiment and the other being a social media analysis—seem totally different. But you can see, HPV is about sex, and that’s about human interaction and the result of that. The dating app research is also about human behavior and interpersonal interaction. So I think I just have a general interest in the interaction of interpersonal relationships between people. That’s one takeaway from my first year, and I will probably explore more in that orientation.

Violet: “ Have you had any funny experiences during your first year of the Ph.D. program outside of the campus? ”

Jessy: Y eah, I am a bass player. So I’ve done some street performances in Boston, because I was in New York, and now I’ve just moved to this new city. That music has introduced me to more new people outside of campus. So yeah, we did two performances—one was last semester, and this semester, we also did one on St. Patrick’s Day. We tried to earn some money, to have some more—I tried to see how my street performer career goals would compare to my PhD? Those both. But no, I think the funny part was the performance on St. Patrick’s Day, where we only got like $22, which is less than my PhD stipend. So I guess I should just seriously stick with my PhD and not drop it for a musician career. That’s a joke, but that’s the fun part. I don’t think the PhD gives me a lot of time, so I don’t have enough time to practice, but still, it’s fun to play a bit outside of campus.

Violet: “ Is the Ph.D. program stressful? ”

Jessy: Yeah, definitely. I always say that there was no break from my stress.  In the first year, especially with James and Naa by my side, I feel very fortunate. But I definitely need to think more about the other aspects of my life. So yeah, taking school classes, fulfilling my PhD role, and holding RA and TA positions all at the same time, while considering if I can maintain my life hobbies, like music, and also pondering what my life will be after this PhD program, is challenging. Managing what I’m doing on my trajectory, like, there’s a lot happening simultaneously, and Boston is also a new city for me. So it’s very stressful. But at the same time, I think the EMS program and all the professors have offered me a lot of support. At the beginning, I was very avoidant because everything was new to me. Even though everyone looked very friendly, I still felt timid about what questions I could ask. As a PhD student, you’re perceived as someone who shouldn’t ask ‘stupid’ questions, especially when taking classes with other master’s students. I might not know the most about the class or research because, although I have my expertise, I believe the other students have their own strengths. But as a PhD student, it’s hard to admit that I’m not good at something. You see, people have this expectation, like, ‘You got into this fantastic program; how could you not be that talented or knowledgeable?’ But I think now I’m getting used to it, and it’s a great start for my research career. Realizing, or rather being brave enough to acknowledge that I can be wrong, has been a step forward. Since realizing this, I always ask for help, whether from professors, master’s students, or even undergraduates. Even though it’s very stressful, it’s also a valuable opportunity for me to train my mindset, which is meaningful to prepare me for my future life.

Violet: “ I’m happy to see you’ve undergone such a transformation. And actually, you just mentioned Boston is new to us. So how do you feel about Boston compared to any other city you have lived in like New York?”

Jessy: I was just so uncomfortable living in Boston because New York is a walkable city. You can take the train or just walk anywhere. But Boston is more spread out, with areas like Allston. It seems like you cannot find one place to meet everyone. It took me a while to get used to Boston. And I don’t know why, but I didn’t see the artistic side either. Yes, because, you know, Boston has so many PhDs from, like, around 20 to 40 universities or colleges, and there are so many PhD holders. In New York, it was so easy for me to meet someone who is an artist, but in Boston, it feels like everyone has a PhD. So, I felt that Boston is very wholesome and educated, which was very new to me because I’m more of a hipster style or just like the artistic vibe. Now, I think I’ve gained a more decent style because of Boston. 

Violet: “ Has CRC provided any support or had a positive impact on you during this past year?”

Jessy: I think I want to mention one thing I don’t like about CRC. Because it is in the basement，it doesn’t get much light, no sunshine at all. And I know CRC is on the opposite side to CDS, so you can see, I’m like, ‘Okay, that’s my future. Yes, in the future, at that building.’ But it’s okay. I think that’s the only thing I don’t like about it.  But other than that, everything is just so perfect. It’s everywhere, so friendly. Like in the PhD office, sometimes I work there and meet other PhDs, and I have a lot of questions, and they are all very happily willing to offer their help or suggestions, whether they are life-related or research-related, are always welcomed. Also, the faculties are  very supportive. I know they are very busy, so I was also surprised at how much support they could offer. They care about my growth and keep track of my performance and growth, advising me on how to improve myself and offering me resources at the same time. Like Amanda, she’s always friendly and she offered me a lot of support whenever I needed it. She brought sunlight to this basement CRC. I already emphasized the way the sunlight, even though we are in the basement, made a difference, and also all the other lab resources. This is something I never had before. CRC definitely supports me a lot, not just talking about the sunlight part but also the supportive environment.

Violet: “ Although it might be early to ask, what do you think you’ll do after completing your Ph.D.?”

Jessy: I can see that completing my PhD will be a struggle, but I’ve made up my mind to finish it. I feel like, especially based on our conversation, with all the resources, excellent faculty, and support around me, I won’t have another chance in my life to devote myself to the research I’m interested in with this level of support. So, I want to take this opportunity and immerse myself in my research interests and dive deep into them. Actually, I’m not sure what I’m going to do after the PhD program. Ideally, I want to continue; I think ultimately, I want to continue in a research role, but I’m unsure which path to take. As a researcher, whether in industry or academia, I am open to both because I really have faith in research, so I can confirm that I want to continue as a researcher, and probably as an educator. Even though I’m not like the other PhD students who have a very consistent or stable level of intelligence, I have my experience in how to grow from the current status. And because of the support I received from faculty, I expect to be a caregiver and an educator, possibly to my students in the future, if I have the chance. So, definitely, I see myself as a researcher and potentially an educator to share my experience and to continuously engage with young people.

As Jessy looks to the future, their journey through the PhD program has not only honed their research skills but also deepened their understanding of themselves as a scholar and a collaborator. Armed with a blend of empathy, resilience, and academic rigor, they are poised to contribute significantly to the field of media psychology. With a passion for both research and education, Jessy aims to bridge the gap between theoretical knowledge and practical application, aspiring to create impactful solutions that address real-world problems. Their commitment reflects a profound dedication to advancing their field and nurturing the next generation of thinkers and leaders in an ever-evolving digital landscape.

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Groundbreaking Path2Papers Initiative Receives $1.5 Million Grant

By chris brouwer.

Professors  Jaclyn Kelley-Widmer  and  Stephen Yale-Loehr  have secured a $1.5 million grant from Crankstart for their groundbreaking initiative, the  Path2Papers  project. Housed at Cornell Law School, this new nonprofit venture helps DACA recipients in the San Francisco Bay Area pursue work visas and other pathways to legal permanent residency. Cornell DACA recipients can also receive consults through this project.

Since its inception by the Obama administration in 2012, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program has allowed an estimated 600,000 undocumented young migrants who arrived in the United States as children to obtain the right to work and temporary protection from deportation. However, with Congress’s failure to find a legislative solution and legal challenges entangling the program in federal courts, uncertainty looms over DACA’s future.

Path2Papers is one of the only programs in the country that combines experience in employer representation with expertise in evaluating employment-based immigration options for DACA recipients. Coordinated by Kelley-Widmer, Yale-Loehr, and several others, including Dan Berger ’96, an immigration lawyer and nonresident academic fellow at the Law School, the project aims to facilitate the transition of up to 40 percent of the approximately 12,000 Bay Area DACA recipients to alternative lawful immigration statuses. By doing so, it seeks to ensure that even if Congress or the courts terminate DACA, many recipients in the Bay Area can continue to reside legally in the United States, unlocking their full potential.

Path2Papers will employ a multifaceted approach to achieve its objectives. This includes providing personalized legal consultations to DACA recipients, training students and professionals in immigration law, hosting legal information sessions, offering referrals to legal service providers and pro bono attorneys, conducting training sessions for attorneys on handling DACA-related issues, and educating employers about visa options for their DACA employees.

Over the two-year grant period, Path2Papers will establish a robust infrastructure to deliver comprehensive legal assistance to Bay Area DACA recipients. During the first stage of this process, Kelley-Widmer is shifting the focus of her longstanding  1L Immigration Law and Advocacy Clinic  to the Path2Papers project. “I’m excited to have the opportunity to build proactive support for DACA recipients through this cutting-edge model while integrating clinical students into the work,” Kelley-Widmer says. “And already, other organizations around the country have reached out about how to replicate this project in their area.” In addition, the project has hired immigration lawyer Krsna Avila ’17, a former clinic student, as a full-time attorney based in the Bay Area.

“This project teaches valuable legal skills to law students while also addressing a real need for a deserving and underserved population,” says Yale-Loehr. “In that sense it fulfills Cornell Law School’s mission of creating ‘lawyers in the best sense.’”

For more information about Path2Papers, visit  path2papers.org .

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Social media scams continue to dominate losses, facebook, tiktok, and instagram scams abound..

Updated April 26, 2024 | Reviewed by Ray Parker

• Younger adults on social media are heavily targeted by scammers.
• Investment scams on social media cause the most financial loss.
• Here are tips to be aware of social media scams.

A recent scam has popped up on X (Twitter) recently, in which fake accounts for real airlines seek to get ahold of passengers’ private information (WSOC TV, 2023). According to a new Federal Trade Commission (FTC) report (Fletcher, 2023), Americans lost a staggering $2.7 billion from social media scams between January 2021 and June 2023. Today, social media scams are the most prevalent type of scam, defrauding Americans out of more money than phone call scams, text scams, and mail scams combined.

The most reported social media scams in 2023 involved people trying to buy something marketed on social media, accounting for 44% of all reported social media scams. However, investment scams marketed on social media account for the highest proportion of money lost, accounting for 53% of the total losses.

While social media sites purport that they thoroughly authenticate their sellers, a quick visit to Facebook, Instagram, or TikTok will reveal that this is not true. It is not rare to see the exact same article of clothing, worn by the same model, being sold by dozens of shops. As we continue into this age of technology and social media, it is important to be aware of potential scams. Furthermore, we must aim to promote social media literacy, with a third of TikTok users being 14 years old or younger ( TikTok Ad Scams , 2020). The financial exploitation of minors is a huge concern.

Here are some things to be aware of the next time that you or your loved ones are surfing social media:

• Give your friends a call if they ask you for money through social media. Account hacking is extremely common ( Social Media Hacking Statistics , n.d.), and your “friend” may actually be a hacker.
• Be wary of strangers who seem to want to be your friend or your partner immediately. Romance scams account for a large portion of social media losses (Fletcher, 2023).
• Always research companies before you buy from them. A quick Google search for the company’s name plus “scam” will help you assess the authenticity of the site. In addition, legitimate companies will have a phone number and a physical address on their website.
• Be cautious of products with highly inflated reviews, or “stars.” Many scam websites use fake reviews to compel buyers (Marsh, 2023).
• If someone asks you to wire money, send bank account information, or give up your personal details, proceed with the utmost caution. Scammers are talented at representing themselves in a trustworthy way.
• Avoid paying for social media purchases with a debit card. Using a credit card will make it easier to dispute any losses.
• Turn off targeted advertising . Scammers can access these features to use your demographics and web search history to show you things that you are more likely to buy.
• Finally, if it seems too good to be true, it probably is. Social media scams are engineered to pique your interest and pull you in. Practice taking a step back and thinking about the reality of this opportunity/product/relationship.

This post was created in collaboration with Scam Lab member Jane Lu Matejika.

Fletcher, E. (2023, October 6). Social media: A golden goose for scammers . Federal Trade Commission. https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/data-visualizations/data-spotlight/2023…

Marsh, S. (2023, April 22). ‘It can be incredibly profitable’: The secret world of fake online reviews. The Guardian . https://www.theguardian.com/money/2023/apr/22/it-can-be-incredibly-prof…

Social Media Hacking Statistics . (n.d.). Retrieved April 15, 2024, from https://gitnux.org/social-media-hacking-statistics/

TikTok Ad Scams: Insufficient Moderation Leaves “For You” Page Filled with Dubious Apps, Products and Services . (2020, September 3). Tenable®. https://www.tenable.com/blog/tiktok-ad-scams-insufficient-moderation-le…

WSOC TV. (2023). New social media scam tricking travelers out of private information .

Stacey Wood, Ph.D. is the Molly Mason Jones Professor of Psychology at Scripps College and a national expert on elder fraud issues.

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An NPR editor who wrote a critical essay on the company has resigned after being suspended

FILE - The headquarters for National Public Radio (NPR) stands on North Capitol Street on April 15, 2013, in Washington. A National Public Radio editor who wrote an essay criticizing his employer for promoting liberal reviews resigned on Wednesday, April 17, 2024, a day after it was revealed that he had been suspended. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak, File)

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NEW YORK (AP) — A National Public Radio editor who wrote an essay criticizing his employer for promoting liberal views resigned on Wednesday, attacking NPR’s new CEO on the way out.

Uri Berliner, a senior editor on NPR’s business desk, posted his resignation letter on X, formerly Twitter, a day after it was revealed that he had been suspended for five days for violating company rules about outside work done without permission.

“I cannot work in a newsroom where I am disparaged by a new CEO whose divisive views confirm the very problems” written about in his essay, Berliner said in his resignation letter.

Katherine Maher, a former tech executive appointed in January as NPR’s chief executive, has been criticized by conservative activists for social media messages that disparaged former President Donald Trump. The messages predated her hiring at NPR.

NPR’s public relations chief said the organization does not comment on individual personnel matters.

The suspension and subsequent resignation highlight the delicate balance that many U.S. news organizations and their editorial employees face. On one hand, as journalists striving to produce unbiased news, they’re not supposed to comment on contentious public issues; on the other, many journalists consider it their duty to critique their own organizations’ approaches to journalism when needed.

In his essay , written for the online Free Press site, Berliner said NPR is dominated by liberals and no longer has an open-minded spirit. He traced the change to coverage of Trump’s presidency.

“There’s an unspoken consensus about the stories we should pursue and how they should be framed,” he wrote. “It’s frictionless — one story after another about instances of supposed racism, transphobia, signs of the climate apocalypse, Israel doing something bad and the dire threat of Republican policies. It’s almost like an assembly line.”

He said he’d brought up his concerns internally and no changes had been made, making him “a visible wrong-thinker at a place I love.”

In the essay’s wake, NPR top editorial executive, Edith Chapin, said leadership strongly disagreed with Berliner’s assessment of the outlet’s journalism and the way it went about its work.

It’s not clear what Berliner was referring to when he talked about disparagement by Maher. In a lengthy memo to staff members last week, she wrote: “Asking a question about whether we’re living up to our mission should always be fair game: after all, journalism is nothing if not hard questions. Questioning whether our people are serving their mission with integrity, based on little more than the recognition of their identity, is profoundly disrespectful, hurtful and demeaning.”

Conservative activist Christopher Rufo revealed some of Maher’s past tweets after the essay was published. In one tweet, dated January 2018, Maher wrote that “Donald Trump is a racist.” A post just before the 2020 election pictured her in a Biden campaign hat.

In response, an NPR spokeswoman said Maher, years before she joined the radio network, was exercising her right to express herself. She is not involved in editorial decisions at NPR, the network said.

The issue is an example of what can happen when business executives, instead of journalists, are appointed to roles overseeing news organizations: they find themselves scrutinized for signs of bias in ways they hadn’t been before. Recently, NBC Universal News Group Chairman Cesar Conde has been criticized for service on paid corporate boards.

Maher is the former head of the Wikimedia Foundation. NPR’s own story about the 40-year-old executive’s appointment in January noted that she “has never worked directly in journalism or at a news organization.”

In his resignation letter, Berliner said that he did not support any efforts to strip NPR of public funding. “I respect the integrity of my colleagues and wish for NPR to thrive and do important journalism,” he wrote.

David Bauder writes about media for The Associated Press. Follow him at http://twitter.com/dbauder

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NPR editor Uri Berliner resigns with blast at new CEO

David Folkenflik

Uri Berliner resigned from NPR on Wednesday saying he could not work under the new CEO Katherine Maher. He cautioned that he did not support calls to defund NPR. Uri Berliner hide caption

Uri Berliner resigned from NPR on Wednesday saying he could not work under the new CEO Katherine Maher. He cautioned that he did not support calls to defund NPR.

NPR senior business editor Uri Berliner resigned this morning, citing the response of the network's chief executive to his outside essay accusing NPR of losing the public's trust.

"I am resigning from NPR, a great American institution where I have worked for 25 years," Berliner wrote in an email to CEO Katherine Maher. "I respect the integrity of my colleagues and wish for NPR to thrive and do important journalism. But I cannot work in a newsroom where I am disparaged by a new CEO whose divisive views confirm the very problems at NPR I cite in my Free Press essay."

NPR and Maher declined to comment on his resignation.

The Free Press, an online site embraced by journalists who believe that the mainstream media has become too liberal, published Berliner's piece last Tuesday. In it, he argued that NPR's coverage has increasingly reflected a rigid progressive ideology. And he argued that the network's quest for greater diversity in its workforce — a priority under prior chief executive John Lansing – has not been accompanied by a diversity of viewpoints presented in NPR shows, podcasts or online coverage.

Later that same day, NPR pushed back against Berliner's critique.

"We're proud to stand behind the exceptional work that our desks and shows do to cover a wide range of challenging stories," NPR's chief news executive, Edith Chapin, wrote in a memo to staff . "We believe that inclusion — among our staff, with our sourcing, and in our overall coverage — is critical to telling the nuanced stories of this country and our world."

Yet Berliner's commentary has been embraced by conservative and partisan Republican critics of the network, including former President Donald Trump and the activist Christopher Rufo.

Rufo is posting a parade of old social media posts from Maher, who took over NPR last month. In two examples, she called Trump a racist and also seemed to minimize the effects of rioting in 2020. Rufo is using those to rally public pressure for Maher's ouster, as he did for former Harvard University President Claudine Gay .

Others have used the moment to call for the elimination of federal funding for NPR – less than one percent of its roughly $300 million annual budget – and local public radio stations, which derive more of their funding from the government.

NPR names tech executive Katherine Maher to lead in turbulent era

Berliner reiterated in his resignation letter that he does not support such calls.

In a brief interview, he condemned a statement Maher issued Friday in which she suggested that he had questioned "whether our people are serving our mission with integrity, based on little more than the recognition of their identity." She called that "profoundly disrespectful, hurtful, and demeaning."

Berliner subsequently exchanged emails with Maher, but she did not address those comments.

"It's been building up," Berliner said of his decision to resign, "and it became clear it was on today."

For publishing his essay in The Free Press and appearing on its podcast, NPR had suspended Berliner for five days without pay. Its formal rebuke noted he had done work outside NPR without its permission, as is required, and shared proprietary information.

(Disclosure: Like Berliner, I am part of NPR's Business Desk. He has edited many of my past stories. But he did not see any version of this article or participate in its preparation before it was posted publicly.)

Earlier in the day, Berliner forwarded to NPR editors and other colleagues a note saying he had "never questioned" their integrity and had been trying to raise these issues within the newsroom for more than seven years.

What followed was an email he had sent to newsroom leaders after Trump's 2016 win. He wrote then: "Primarily for the sake of our journalism, we can't align ourselves with a tribe. So we don't exist in a cocoon that blinds us to the views and experience of tens of millions of our fellow citizens."

Berliner's critique has inspired anger and dismay within the network. Some colleagues said they could no longer trust him after he chose to publicize such concerns rather than pursue them as part of ongoing newsroom debates, as is customary. Many signed a letter to Maher and Edith Chapin, NPR's chief news executive. They asked for clarity on, among other things, how Berliner's essay and the resulting public controversy would affect news coverage.

Yet some colleagues privately said Berliner's critique carried some truth. Chapin also announced monthly reviews of the network's coverage for fairness and diversity - including diversity of viewpoint.

She said in a text message earlier this week that that initiative had been discussed long before Berliner's essay, but "Now seemed [the] time to deliver if we were going to do it."

She added, "Healthy discussion is something we need more of."

Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp and Managing Editor Gerry Holmes. Under NPR's protocol for reporting on itself, no NPR corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.

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