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Argumentative Essay Outline on Abortion

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Published: Mar 13, 2024

Words: 665 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

Table of contents

Introduction, thesis statement, paragraph 1: the right to bodily autonomy, paragraph 2: the health and safety of women, paragraph 3: reproductive freedom and economic justice.

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Abortion Argumentative Essay: Definitive Guide

Academic writing

Abortion remains a debatable issue even today, especially in countries like the USA, where a controversial ban was upheld in 13 states at the point this article was written. That’s why an essay on abortion has become one of the most popular tasks in schools, colleges, and universities. When writing this kind of essay, students learn to express their opinion, find and draw arguments and examples, and conduct research.

It’s very easy to speculate on topics like this. However, this makes it harder to find credible and peer-reviewed information on the topic that isn’t merely someone’s opinion. If you were assigned this kind of academic task, do not lose heart. In this article, we will provide you with all the tips and tricks for writing about abortion.

Where to begin?

Conversations about abortion are always emotional. Complex stories, difficult decisions, bitter moments, and terrible diagnoses make this topic hard to cover. Some young people may be shocked by this assignment, while others would be happy to express their opinion on the matter.

One way or another, this topic doesn't leave anyone indifferent. However, it shouldn’t have an effect on the way you approach the research and writing process. What should you remember when working on an argumentative essay about abortion?

• Don’t let your emotions take over. As this is an academic paper, you have to stay impartial and operate with facts. The topic is indeed sore and burning, causing thousands of scandals on the Internet, but you are writing it for school, not a Quora thread.
• Try to balance your opinions. There are always two sides to one story, even if the story is so fragile. You need to present an issue from different angles. This is what your tutors seek to teach you.
• Be tolerant and mind your language. It is very important not to hurt anybody with the choice of words in your essay. So make sure you avoid any possible rough words. It is important to respect people with polar opinions, especially when it comes to academic writing. 
• Use facts, not claims. Your essay cannot be based solely on your personal ideas – your conclusions should be derived from facts. Roe v. Wade case, WHO or Mayo Clinic information, and CDC are some of the sources you can rely on.

Speaking of Outline

An argumentative essay on abortion outline is a must-have even for experienced writers. In general, each essay, irrespective of its kind or topic, has a strict outline. It may be brief or extended, but the major parts are always the same:

• Introduction. This is a relatively short paragraph that starts with a hook and presents the background information on the topic. It should end with a thesis statement telling your reader what your main goal or idea is.
• Body. This section usually consists of 2-4 paragraphs. Each one has its own structure: main argument + facts to support it + small conclusion and transition into the next paragraph.
• Conclusion. In this part, your task is to summarize all your thoughts and come to a general conclusive idea. You may have to restate some info from the body and your thesis statement and add a couple of conclusive statements without introducing new facts.

Why is it important to create an outline?

• You will structure your ideas. We bet you’ve got lots on your mind. Writing them down and seeing how one can flow logically into the other will help you create a consistent paper. Naturally, you will have to abandon some of the ideas if they don’t fit the overall narrative you’re building.
• You can get some inspiration. While creating your outline, which usually consists of some brief ideas, you can come up with many more to research. Some will add to your current ones or replace them with better options.
• You will find the most suitable sources. Argumentative essay writing requires you to use solid facts and trustworthy arguments built on them. When the topic is as controversial as abortion, these arguments should be taken from up-to-date, reliable sources. With an outline, you will see if you have enough to back up your ideas.
• You will write your text as professionals do. Most expert writers start with outlines to write the text faster and make it generally better. As you will have your ideas structured, the general flow of thoughts will be clear. And, of course, it will influence your overall grade positively.

Abortion Essay Introduction

The introduction is perhaps the most important part of the whole essay. In this relatively small part, you will have to present the issue under consideration and state your opinion on it. Here is a typical introduction outline:

• The first sentence is a hook grabbing readers' attention.
• A few sentences that go after elaborate on the hook. They give your readers some background and explain your research.
• The last sentence is a thesis statement showing the key idea you are building your text around.

Before writing an abortion essay intro, first thing first, you will need to define your position. If you are in favor of this procedure, what exactly made you think so? If you are an opponent of abortion, determine how to argue your position. In both cases, you may research the point of view in medicine, history, ethics, and other fields.

When writing an introduction, remember:

• Never repeat your title. First of all, it looks too obvious; secondly, it may be boring for your reader right from the start. Your first sentence should be a well-crafted hook. The topic of abortion worries many people, so it’s your chance to catch your audience’s attention with some facts or shocking figures.
• Do not make it too long. Your task here is to engage your audience and let them know what they are about to learn. The rest of the information will be disclosed in the main part. Nobody likes long introductions, so keep it short but informative.
• Pay due attention to the thesis statement. This is the central sentence of your introduction. A thesis statement in your abortion intro paragraph should show that you have a well-supported position and are ready to argue it. Therefore, it has to be strong and convey your idea as clearly as possible. We advise you to make several options for the thesis statement and choose the strongest one.

Hooks for an Abortion Essay

Writing a hook is a good way to catch the attention of your audience, as this is usually the first sentence in an essay. How to start an essay about abortion? You can begin with some shocking fact, question, statistics, or even a quote. However, always make sure that this piece is taken from a trusted resource.

Here are some examples of hooks you can use in your paper:

• As of July 1, 2022, 13 states banned abortion, depriving millions of women of control of their bodies.
• According to WHO, 125,000 abortions take place every day worldwide.
• Is abortion a woman’s right or a crime?
• Since 1994, more than 40 countries have liberalized their abortion laws.
• Around 48% of all abortions are unsafe, and 8% of them lead to women’s death.
• The right to an abortion is one of the reproductive and basic rights of a woman.
• Abortion is as old as the world itself – women have resorted to this method since ancient times.
• Only 60% of women in the world live in countries where pregnancy termination is allowed.

Body Paragraphs: Pros and Cons of Abortion

The body is the biggest part of your paper. Here, you have a chance to make your voice concerning the abortion issue heard. Not sure where to start? Facts about abortion pros and cons should give you a basic understanding of which direction to move in.

First things first, let’s review some brief tips for you on how to write the best essay body if you have already made up your mind.

Make a draft

It’s always a good idea to have a rough draft of your writing. Follow the outline and don’t bother with the word choice, grammar, or sentence structure much at first. You can polish it all later, as the initial draft will not likely be your final. You may see some omissions in your arguments, lack of factual basis, or repetitiveness that can be eliminated in the next versions.

Trust only reliable sources

This part of an essay includes loads of factual information, and you should be very careful with it. Otherwise, your paper may look unprofessional and cost you precious points. Never rely on sources like Wikipedia or tabloids – they lack veracity and preciseness.

Edit rigorously

It’s best to do it the next day after you finish writing so that you can spot even the smallest mistakes. Remember, this is the most important part of your paper, so it has to be flawless. You can also use editing tools like Grammarly.

Determine your weak points

Since you are writing an argumentative essay, your ideas should be backed up by strong facts so that you sound convincing. Sometimes it happens that one argument looks weaker than the other. Your task is to find it and strengthen it with more or better facts.

Add an opposing view

Sometimes, it’s not enough to present only one side of the discussion. Showing one of the common views from the opposing side might actually help you strengthen your main idea. Besides, making an attempt at refuting it with alternative facts can show your teacher or professor that you’ve researched and analyzed all viewpoints, not just the one you stand by.

If you have chosen a side but are struggling to find the arguments for or against it, we have complied abortion pro and cons list for you. You can use both sets if you are writing an abortion summary essay covering all the stances.

Why Should Abortion Be Legal

If you stick to the opinion that abortion is just a medical procedure, which should be a basic health care need for each woman, you will definitely want to write the pros of abortion essay. Here is some important information and a list of pros about abortion for you to use:

• Since the fetus is a set of cells – not an individual, it’s up to a pregnant woman to make a decision concerning her body. Only she can decide whether she wants to keep the pregnancy or have an abortion. The abortion ban is a violation of a woman’s right to have control over her own body.
• The fact that women and girls do not have access to effective contraception and safe abortion services has serious consequences for their own health and the health of their families.
• The criminalization of abortion usually leads to an increase in the number of clandestine abortions. Many years ago, fetuses were disposed of with improvised means, which included knitting needles and half-straightened metal hangers. 13% of women’s deaths are the result of unsafe abortions.
• Many women live in a difficult financial situation and cannot support their children financially. Having access to safe abortion takes this burden off their shoulders. This will also not decrease their quality of life as the birth and childcare would.
• In countries where abortion is prohibited, there is a phenomenon of abortion tourism to other countries where it can be done without obstacles. Giving access to this procedure can make the lives of women much easier.
• Women should not put their lives or health in danger because of the laws that were adopted by other people.
• Girls and women who do not have proper sex education may not understand pregnancy as a concept or determine that they are pregnant early on. Instead of educating them and giving them a choice, an abortion ban forces them to become mothers and expects them to be fit parents despite not knowing much about reproduction.
• There are women who have genetic disorders or severe mental health issues that will affect their children if they're born. Giving them an option to terminate ensures that there won't be a child with a low quality of life and that the woman will not have to suffer through pregnancy, birth, and raising a child with her condition.
• Being pro-choice is about the freedom to make decisions about your body so that women who are for termination can do it safely, and those who are against it can choose not to do it. It is an inclusive option that caters to everyone.
• Women and girls who were raped or abused by their partner, caregiver, or stranger and chose to terminate the pregnancy can now be imprisoned for longer than their abusers. This implies that the system values the life of a fetus with no or primitive brain function over the life of a living woman.
• People who lived in times when artificial termination of pregnancy was scarcely available remember clandestine abortions and how traumatic they were, not only for the physical but also for the mental health of women. Indeed, traditionally, in many countries, large families were a norm. However, the times have changed, and supervised abortion is a safe and accessible procedure these days. A ban on abortion will simply push humanity away from the achievements of the civilized world.

Types of abortion

There are 2 main types of abortions that can be performed at different pregnancy stages and for different reasons:

• Medical abortion. It is performed by taking a specially prescribed pill. It does not require any special manipulations and can even be done at home (however, after a doctor’s visit and under supervision). It is considered very safe and is usually done during the very first weeks of pregnancy.
• Surgical abortion. This is a medical operation that is done with the help of a suction tube. It then removes the fetus and any related material. Anesthesia is used for this procedure, and therefore, it can only be done in a hospital. The maximum time allowed for surgical abortion is determined in each country specifically.

Cases when abortion is needed

Center for Reproductive Rights singles out the following situations when abortion is required:

• When there is a risk to the life or physical/mental health of a pregnant woman.
• When a pregnant woman has social or economic reasons for it.
• Upon the woman's request.
• If a pregnant woman is mentally or cognitively disabled.
• In case of rape and/or incest.
• If there were congenital anomalies detected in the fetus.

Countries and their abortion laws

• Countries where abortion is legalized in any case: Australia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Sweden, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, Ukraine, Moldova, Latvia, Lithuania, etc.
• Countries where abortion is completely prohibited: Angola, Venezuela, Egypt, Indonesia, Iraq, Lebanon, Nicaragua, Oman, Paraguay, Palau, Jamaica, Laos, Haiti, Honduras, Andorra, Aruba, El Salvador, Dominican Republic, Sierra Leone, Senegal, etc.
• Countries where abortion is allowed for medical reasons: Afghanistan, Israel, Argentina, Nigeria, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Ghana, Israel, Morocco, Mexico, Bahamas, Central African Republic, Ecuador, Ghana, Algeria, Monaco, Pakistan, Poland, etc. 
• Countries where abortion is allowed for both medical and socioeconomic reasons: England, India, Spain, Luxembourg, Japan, Finland, Taiwan, Zambia, Iceland, Fiji, Cyprus, Barbados, Belize, etc.

Why Abortion Should Be Banned

Essays against abortions are popular in educational institutions since we all know that many people – many minds. So if you don’t want to support this procedure in your essay, here are some facts that may help you to argument why abortion is wrong:

• Abortion at an early age is especially dangerous because a young woman with an unstable hormonal system may no longer be able to have children throughout her life. Termination of pregnancy disrupts the hormonal development of the body.
• Health complications caused by abortion can occur many years after the procedure. Even if a woman feels fine in the short run, the situation may change in the future.
• Abortion clearly has a negative effect on reproductive function. Artificial dilation of the cervix during an abortion leads to weak uterus tonus, which can cause a miscarriage during the next pregnancy.
• Evidence shows that surgical termination of pregnancy significantly increases the risk of breast cancer.
• In December 1996, the session of the Council of Europe on bioethics concluded that a fetus is considered a human being on the 14th day after conception.

You are free to use each of these arguments for essays against abortions. Remember that each claim should not be supported by emotions but by facts, figures, and so on.

Health complications after abortion

One way or another, abortion is extremely stressful for a woman’s body. Apart from that, it can even lead to various health problems in the future. You can also cover them in your cons of an abortion essay:

• Continuation of pregnancy. If the dose of the drug is calculated by the doctor in the wrong way, the pregnancy will progress.
• Uterine bleeding, which requires immediate surgical intervention.
• Severe nausea or even vomiting occurs as a result of a sharp change in the hormonal background.
• Severe stomach pain. Medical abortion causes miscarriage and, as a result, strong contractions of the uterus.
• High blood pressure and allergic reactions to medicines.
• Depression or other mental problems after a difficult procedure.

Abortion Essay Conclusion

After you have finished working on the previous sections of your paper, you will have to end it with a strong conclusion. The last impression is no less important than the first one. Here is how you can make it perfect in your conclusion paragraph on abortion:

• It should be concise. The conclusion cannot be as long as your essay body and should not add anything that cannot be derived from the main section. Reiterate the key ideas, combine some of them, and end the paragraph with something for the readers to think about.
• It cannot repeat already stated information. Restate your thesis statement in completely other words and summarize your main points. Do not repeat anything word for word – rephrase and shorten the information instead.
• It should include a call to action or a cliffhanger. Writing experts believe that a rhetorical question works really great for an argumentative essay. Another good strategy is to leave your readers with some curious ideas to ponder upon.

Abortion Facts for Essay

Abortion is a topic that concerns most modern women. Thousands of books, research papers, and articles on abortion are written across the world. Even though pregnancy termination has become much safer and less stigmatized with time, it still worries millions. What can you cover in your paper so that it can really stand out among others? You may want to add some shocking abortion statistics and facts:

• 40-50 million abortions are done in the world every year (approximately 125,000 per day).
• According to UN statistics, women have 25 million unsafe abortions each year. Most of them (97%) are performed in the countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. 14% of them are especially unsafe because they are done by people without any medical knowledge.
• Since 2017, the United States has shown the highest abortion rate in the last 30 years.
• The biggest number of abortion procedures happen in the countries where they are officially banned. The lowest rate is demonstrated in the countries with high income and free access to contraception.
• Women in low-income regions are three times more susceptible to unplanned pregnancies than those in developed countries.
• In Argentina, more than 38,000 women face dreadful health consequences after unsafe abortions.
• The highest teen abortion rates in the world are seen in 3 countries: England, Wales, and Sweden.
• Only 31% of teenagers decide to terminate their pregnancy. However, the rate of early pregnancies is getting lower each year.
• Approximately 13 million children are born to mothers under the age of 20 each year.
• 5% of women of reproductive age live in countries where abortions are prohibited.

We hope that this abortion information was useful for you, and you can use some of these facts for your own argumentative essay. If you find some additional facts, make sure that they are not manipulative and are taken from official medical resources.

Abortion Essay Topics

Do you feel like you are lost in the abundance of information? Don’t know what topic to choose among the thousands available online? Check our short list of the best abortion argumentative essay topics:

• Why should abortion be legalized essay
• Abortion: a murder or a basic human right?
• Why we should all support abortion rights
• Is the abortion ban in the US a good initiative?
• The moral aspect of teen abortions
• Can the abortion ban solve birth control problems?
• Should all countries allow abortion?
• What consequences can abortion have in the long run?
• Is denying abortion sexist?
• Why is abortion a human right?
• Are there any ethical implications of abortion?
• Do you consider abortion a crime?
• Should women face charges for terminating a pregnancy?

Want to come up with your own? Here is how to create good titles for abortion essays:

• Write down the first associations. It can be something that swirls around in your head and comes to the surface when you think about the topic. These won’t necessarily be well-written headlines, but each word or phrase can be the first link in the chain of ideas that leads you to the best option.
• Irony and puns are not always a good idea. Especially when it comes to such difficult topics as abortion. Therefore, in your efforts to be original, remain sensitive to the issue you want to discuss.
• Never make a quote as your headline. First, a wordy quote makes the headline long. Secondly, readers do not understand whose words are given in the headline. Therefore, it may confuse them right from the start. If you have found a great quote, you can use it as your hook, but don’t forget to mention its author.
• Try to briefly summarize what is said in the essay. What is the focus of your paper? If the essence of your argumentative essay can be reduced to one sentence, it can be used as a title, paraphrased, or shortened.
• Write your title after you have finished your text. Before you just start writing, you might not yet have a catchy phrase in mind to use as a title. Don’t let it keep you from working on your essay – it might come along as you write.

Abortion Essay Example

We know that it is always easier to learn from a good example. For this reason, our writing experts have complied a detailed abortion essay outline for you. For your convenience, we have created two options with different opinions.

Topic: Why should abortion be legal?

Introduction – hook + thesis statement + short background information

Essay hook: More than 59% of women in the world do not have access to safe abortions, which leads to dreading health consequences or even death.

Thesis statement: Since banning abortions does not decrease their rates but only makes them unsafe, it is not logical to ban abortions.

Body – each paragraph should be devoted to one argument

Argument 1: Woman’s body – women’s rules. + example: basic human rights.

Argument 2: Banning abortion will only lead to more women’s death. + example: cases of Polish women.

Argument 3: Only women should decide on abortion. + example: many abortion laws are made by male politicians who lack knowledge and first-hand experience in pregnancies.

Conclusion – restated thesis statement + generalized conclusive statements + cliffhanger

Restated thesis: The abortion ban makes pregnancy terminations unsafe without decreasing the number of abortions, making it dangerous for women.

Cliffhanger: After all, who are we to decide a woman’s fate?

Topic: Why should abortion be banned?

Essay hook: Each year, over 40 million new babies are never born because their mothers decide to have an abortion.

Thesis statement: Abortions on request should be banned because we cannot decide for the baby whether it should live or die.

Argument 1: A fetus is considered a person almost as soon as it is conceived. Killing it should be regarded as murder. + example: Abortion bans in countries such as Poland, Egypt, etc.

Argument 2: Interrupting a baby’s life is morally wrong. + example: The Bible, the session of the Council of Europe on bioethics decision in 1996, etc.

Argument 3: Abortion may put the reproductive health of a woman at risk. + example: negative consequences of abortion.

Restated thesis: Women should not be allowed to have abortions without serious reason because a baby’s life is as priceless as their own.

Cliffhanger: Why is killing an adult considered a crime while killing an unborn baby is not?

Examples of Essays on Abortion

There are many great abortion essays examples on the Web. You can easily find an argumentative essay on abortion in pdf and save it as an example. Many students and scholars upload their pieces to specialized websites so that others can read them and continue the discussion in their own texts.

In a free argumentative essay on abortion, you can look at the structure of the paper, choice of the arguments, depth of research, and so on. Reading scientific papers on abortion or essays of famous activists is also a good idea. Here are the works of famous authors discussing abortion.

A Defense of Abortion by Judith Jarvis Thomson

Published in 1971, this essay by an American philosopher considers the moral permissibility of abortion. It is considered the most debated and famous essay on this topic, and it’s definitely worth reading no matter what your stance is.

Abortion and Infanticide by Michael Tooley

It was written in 1972 by an American philosopher known for his work in the field of metaphysics. In this essay, the author considers whether fetuses and infants have the same rights. Even though this work is quite complex, it presents some really interesting ideas on the matter.

Some Biological Insights into Abortion by Garret Hardin

This article by American ecologist Garret Hardin, who had focused on the issue of overpopulation during his scholarly activities, presents some insights into abortion from a scientific point of view. He also touches on non-biological issues, such as moral and economic. This essay will be of great interest to those who support the pro-choice stance.

H4 Hidden in Plain View: An Overview of Abortion in Rural Illinois and Around the Globe by Heather McIlvaine-Newsad 

In this study, McIlvaine-Newsad has researched the phenomenon of abortion since prehistoric times. She also finds an obvious link between the rate of abortions and the specifics of each individual country. Overall, this scientific work published in 2014 is extremely interesting and useful for those who want to base their essay on factual information.

H4 Reproduction, Politics, and John Irving’s The Cider House Rules: Women’s Rights or “Fetal Rights”? by Helena Wahlström

In her article of 2013, Wahlström considers John Irving’s novel The Cider House Rules published in 1985 and is regarded as a revolutionary work for that time, as it acknowledges abortion mostly as a political problem. This article will be a great option for those who want to investigate the roots of the abortion debate.

FAQs On Abortion Argumentative Essay

• Is abortion immoral?

This question is impossible to answer correctly because each person independently determines their own moral framework. One group of people will say that abortion is a woman’s right because only she has power over her body and can make decisions about it. Another group will argue that the embryo is also a person and has the right to birth and life.

In general, the attitude towards abortion is determined based on the political and religious views of each person. Religious people generally believe that abortion is immoral because it is murder, while secular people see it as a normal medical procedure. For example, in the US, the ban on abortion was introduced in red states where the vast majority have conservative views, while blue liberal states do not support this law. Overall, it’s up to a person to decide whether they consider abortion immoral based on their own values and beliefs.

• Is abortion legal?

The answer to this question depends on the country in which you live. There are countries in which pregnancy termination is a common medical procedure and is performed at the woman's request. There are also states in which there must be a serious reason for abortion: medical, social, or economic. Finally, there are nations in which abortion is prohibited and criminalized. For example, in Jamaica, a woman can get life imprisonment for abortion, while in Kenya, a medical worker who volunteers to perform an abortion can be imprisoned for up to 14 years.

• Is abortion safe?

In general, modern medicine has reached such a level that abortion has become a common (albeit difficult from various points of view) medical procedure. There are several types of abortion, as well as many medical devices and means that ensure the maximum safety of the pregnancy termination. Like all other medical procedures, abortion can have various consequences and complications.

Abortions – whether safe or not - exist in all countries of the world. The thing is that more than half of them are dangerous because women have them in unsuitable conditions and without professional help. Only universal access to abortion in all parts of the world can make it absolutely safe. In such a case, it will be performed only after a thorough assessment and under the control of a medical professional who can mitigate the potential risks.

• How safe is abortion?

If we do not talk about the ethical side of the issue related to abortion, it still has some risks. In fact, any medical procedure has them to a greater or lesser extent.

The effectiveness of the safe method in a medical setting is 80-99%. An illegal abortion (for example, the one without special indications after 12 weeks) can lead to a patient’s death, and the person who performed it will be criminally liable in this case.

Doctors do not have universal advice for all pregnant women on whether it is worth making this decision or not. However, many of them still tend to believe that any contraception - even one that may have negative side effects - is better than abortion. That’s why spreading awareness on means of contraception and free access to it is vital.

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Abortion Research Paper: Example, Outline, & Topics

The long-standing debate surrounding abortion has many opponents and advocates. Groups known as Pro-Choice and Pro-Life argue which approach is better, with no easy solution in sight. This ethical complexity is what makes abortion a popular topic for argumentative writing. As a student, you need to tackle it appropriately.

If this task sounds daunting, read this guide by our custom-writing experts to get excellent writing tips on handling this assignment. You will also find here:

• abortion topics and prompts,
• a research paper outline,
• a free essay sample.
• 🤔 Why Is Abortion a Good Topic?
• ☑️ Research Paper Prompts
• 👨‍⚕️ Abortion Research Questions
• 📚 Research Topics
• 🔬 Before You Start
• ✍️ Step-by-Step Writing Guide

📋 Abortion Research Paper Example

🔍 references, 🤔 why is abortion a good research topic.

Abortion studies are a vast area of research and analysis. It touches upon numerous domains of life, such as politics, medicine, religion, ethics, and human rights perspectives.

Like gun control or euthanasia, the abortion debate offers no evident answers to what kind of regulation is preferable. According to a recent survey, 61% of US adults are in favor of abortion , while 37% think it should be illegal. The arguments from both sides make sense, and there is no “yes-no” solution.

All this makes investigating the abortion debate a valuable exercise to hone your critical analysis skills. It will teach you to back up your claims with sound evidence while giving credit to counterarguments. Besides, expanding the body of abortion research is beneficial for the American community and women’s rights.

☑️ Abortion Research Paper Prompts

The first step to writing a successful paper is choosing an appropriate topic. Abortion is surrounded by numerous legal, medical, ethical, and social debates. That’s why the choice of ideas is virtually endless.

Don’t know where to start? Check out the prompts and creative titles below.

Should Abortion Be Legal: Research Paper Prompt 

You can approach this question from several perspectives. For example, propose a new legal framework for regulating eligibility for abortion. Some states allow the procedure under certain circumstances, such as a threat to a woman’s health. Should it be made legal in less extreme situations, too?

Anti-Abortion Research Paper Prompt

The legal status of abortions is still disputed in many countries. The procedure’s most ardent opponents are Catholic religious groups. In an anti-abortion paper, you may list ethical or faith-based claims. Focus on the right-to-life arguments and give scientific evidence regarding embryo’s rights.

Abortion and Embryonic Stem Cell Research Prompt   

Stem cell research is a dubious issue that faces strong opposition from ethical and religious activists. Here are some great ideas for an essay on this topic:

• Start by explaining what stem cells are.
• Outline the arguments for and against their use in research.
• Link this discussion to the status of abortion.

Abortion Law Research Paper Prompt

If you get an abortion-related assignment in your Legal Studies class, it’s better to take a legislative approach to this issue. Here’s what you can do:

• Study the evolution of abortion laws in the US or other countries.
• Pinpoint legal gaps.
• Focus on the laws’ strengths and weaknesses.

Abortion Breast Cancer Research Prompt

Increasing research evidence shows the link between abortion and breast cancer development . Find scholarly articles proving or refuting this idea and formulate a strong argument on this subject. Argue it with credible external evidence.

Abortion Ethics Research Paper Prompt 

Here, you can focus on the significance of the discussion’s ethical dimension. People who are against abortion often cite the ethics of killing an embryo. You can discuss this issue by quoting famous thinkers and the latest medical research. Be sure to support your argument with sound evidence.

👨‍⚕️ Questions about Abortion for Research Paper

• How does technology reframe the abortion debate?
• Is there new ethics of abortion in the 21 st century?
• How did the abortion debate progress before the Roe v. Wade decision?  
• How is the abortion debate currently being shaped on social media? 
• How do abortion rights advocates conceptualize the meaning of life?  
• Can the abortion debate be called a culture war?
• What are women’s constitutional abortion rights?
• How does abortion reshape the concept of a person?
• How does the abortion debate fit in the post-Socialist transition framework of the European community?  
• Where does the abortion debate stand in the politics of sexuality?  

📚 Abortion Topics for Research Paper

• The changing legal rhetoric of abortion in the US.
• Constructing abortion as a legal problem.
• Regendering of the US’ abortion problem.
• Evolution of public attitudes to abortion in the US.
• Choice vs. coercion in the abortion debate.
• Abortion and sin in Catholicism.
• Artificial wombs as an innovative solution to the abortion debate.
• Religious belief vs. reason in the abortion debate.
• Introduction of pregnant women’s perspectives into the abortion debate: dealing with fetal abnormalities.
• The role of ultrasound images in the evolution of women’s abortion intentions.

🔬 Research Papers on Abortions: Before You Start

Before discussing how to write an abortion paper, let’s focus on the pre-writing steps necessary for a stellar work. Here are the main points to consider.

Abortion Research Design 

Before you start exploring your topic, you need to choose between a qualitative and quantitative research design:

💬 Qualitative studies focus on words and present the attitudes and subjective meanings assigned to the concept of abortion by respondents.

🧪 Quantitative studies , in turn, focus on numbers and statistics. They analyze objective evidence and avoid subjective interpretations.  

Pick a research design based on your research skills and the data you’re planning to analyze:

• If you plan to gain insight into people’s opinions, attitudes, and life experiences related to abortion, it’s better to go for an interview and qualitative analysis.
• If you have a survey and want to focus on descriptive statistics, it’s better to stick to quantitative methods .

Abortion Research Paper Outline Format

Next, it’s time to choose the format of your paper’s outline. As a rule, students use one of the 3 approaches:

You can learn more about these formats from our article on how to write an outline .

Choosing Headings & Subheadings

A strong title can save your paper, while a poor one can immediately kill the readers’ interest. That’s why we recommend you not to underestimate the importance of formulating an attention-grabbing, exciting heading for your text.

Here are our best tips to make your title and subheadings effective:

• A good title needs to be brief. It’s up to 5 words, as a rule. Subheadings can be longer, as they give a more extended explanation of the content.
• Don’t be redundant. Make sure the subheadings are not duplicating each other.
• Mind the format. For instance, if your paper is in the APA format, you need to use proper font size and indentation. No numbering of headings and subheadings is necessary as in the outline. Ensure the reader understands the hierarchy with the help of heading level distinctions.

Components of an Effective Outline

According to academic writing conventions, a good outline should follow 4 essential principles:

• Parallelism . All components of your outline need to have a similar grammatical structure. For example, if you choose infinitives to denote actions, stick to them and don’t mix them with nouns and gerunds.
• Coordination . Divide your work into chunks with equal importance. This way, you will allocate as much weight to one point as to all the others. Your outline’s sections of similar hierarchy should have equal significance.
• Subordination . The subheadings contained within one heading of a higher order should all be connected to the paper’s title.
• Division . The minimum number of subheadings in each outline heading should be 2. If you have only one point under a heading, it’s worth adding another one.

Use this list of principles as a cheat sheet while creating your outline, and you’re sure to end up with well-organized and structured research!

Abortion Research Paper Outline Example

To recap and illustrate everything we’ve just discussed, let’s have a look at this sample abortion outline. We’ve made it in the decimal format following all effective outlining principles—check it out!

• History of abortion laws in the USA.
• Problem: recent legal changes challenge Roe vs. Wade .
• Thesis statement: the right to abortion should be preserved as a constitutional right
• The fundamental human right to decide what to do with their body.
• Legal abortions are safer.
• Fetuses don’t feel pain at the early stages of development.
• Abortion is murder.
• Fetuses are unborn people who feel pain at later stages.
• Abortion causes lifelong psychological trauma for the woman.
• Roe vs. Wade is a pro-choice case.
• The constitutional right to privacy and bodily integrity.
• Conclusion.

✍️ Abortion Research Paper: How to Write

Now, let’s proceed to write the paper itself. We will cover all the steps, starting with introduction writing rules and ending with the body and conclusion essentials.

Abortion Introduction: Research Paper Tips  

When you begin writing an abortion paper, it’s vital to introduce the reader to the debate and key terminology. Start by describing a broader issue and steadily narrow the argument to the scope of your paper. The intro typically contains the key figures or facts that would show your topic’s significance.

For example, suppose you plan to discuss the ethical side of abortion. In this case, it’s better to structure the paper like this:

• Start by outlining the issue of abortion as a whole.
• Introduce the arguments of pro-choice advocates, saying that this side of the debate focuses on the woman’s right to remove the fetus from her body or leave it.
• Cite the latest research evidence about fetuses as living organisms, proceeding to debate abortion ethics.
• End your introduction with a concise thesis statement .

Thesis on Abortion for a Research Paper

The final part of your introduction is a thesis—a single claim that formulates your paper’s main idea. Experienced readers and college professors often focus on the thesis statement’s quality to decide whether the text is worth reading further. So, make sure you dedicate enough effort to formulate the abortion research paper thesis well!

Don’t know how to do it? These pro tips will surely help you write a great thesis:

Abortion Research Paper Body

Now, it’s time to proceed to the main body of your paper. It should expand on the main idea in more detail, explaining the details and weighing the evidence for and against your argument.

The secret of effective writing is to go paragraph by paragraph . Your essay’s body will have around 2-5 of them, and the quality of each one determines the value of the whole text.

Here are the 4 easy steps that can help you excel in writing the main part of your essay:

• Start each paragraph with a topic sentence. It functions as a mini-thesis statement and communicates the paragraph’s main idea.
• Then, expand it with additional facts and evidence. It’s better to back that information with external sources, showing that it’s not your guesswork. Make sure you properly analyze the citations and show how they fit into your broader research.
• A paragraph should end with a concise wrap-up. Write a concluding sentence restating the topic sentence or a transition linking to the next section.

Research Papers on Abortions: Conclusion

The conclusion of an abortion paper also plays a major role in the overall impression that your paper will produce. So, how do you make it interesting?

Instead of simply restating the thesis and enumerating your points, it’s better to do the following:

• Focus on the broader implications of the issue you’ve just discussed.
• Mention your study’s limitations and point out some directions for further research.
• It’s also a good idea to include a call to action , which can help create a sense of urgency in the readers.

Abortion Articles for Research Paper & Other Sources

Every research paper ends with “works cited” or a reference page enumerating the sources used for the assignment. A rule of thumb is to cite credible, authoritative publications from governmental organizations and NGOs and academic articles from peer-reviewed journals. These sources will make your research more competent and professional, supporting your viewpoint with objective scientific information.

Here are some databases that can supply top-quality data to back the abortion-related claims in a research paper:

Feel free to check these databases for studies related to your subject. It’s best to conduct preliminary research to see whether your topic has enough supporting evidence. Also, make sure there are plenty of new studies to back your arguments! Abortion is a fast-changing field of research, so it’s best only to use publications no more than 5 years old.

To learn more about credible research sources, check out our guide on choosing reliable websites .

We’ve taught you all you need to write a well-researched and thoughtful abortion paper. Finally, we want to give you an example of an essay on the topic “ Should Abortion Rights Be Preserved? ” Check it out to gain inspiration.

Now you know all the details of abortion paper writing. Use our tips to choose a topic, develop sound arguments, and impress your professor with a stellar piece on this debatable subject!

❓ Abortion Research Paper FAQs

• First, you need to pick a debatable topic about abortion and develop a thesis statement on that subject.
• Next, choose the arguments to support your claim and use external evidence to back them up.
• End the paper with a concise wrap-up.
• Begin your introduction with a catchy fact or shocking statistics on the issue of abortion.
• Ask a rhetorical question to boost your readers’ interest.
• Cite a famous person’s words about the pros and cons of legal abortion.

To compose a strong opening for your abortion essay, make sure to provide some background and context for further discussion. Explain why the debate about abortions is so acute and what the roots of the problem are.

There are many interesting topics related to abortion, spanning the areas of sociology, ethics, and medicine. You can focus on the progression of the abortion debate along with civil rights or discuss abortion from a feminist perspective.

You can choose between qualitative and quantitative approaches for your abortion research. Hold a survey among women and report the findings of your qualitative study in a short report. Or, you can measure factual information in numbers and conduct quantitative research.

• The Ultimate Guide to Writing a Research Paper: Grammarly
• Scholarly Articles on Abortion: Gale
• Unintended Pregnancy and Abortion Worldwide: Guttmacher Institute
• Why Abortion Should Be Legal: News 24
• Pro and Con: Abortion: Britannica
• Organizing Academic Research Papers: The Introduction: Sacred Heart University
• How to Write a Thesis Statement for a Research Paper: Steps and Examples: Research.com
• Abortion: American Psychological Association
• Writing a Research Paper: University of Wisconsin-Madison
• Writing a Research Paper: Purdue University
• A Process Approach to Writing Research Papers: University of California, Berkeley
• What Is Qualitative vs. Quantitative Study?: Grand Canyon University
• Decimal Outlines: Texas A&M University
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Abortion Essay Example

05 January, 2020

11 minutes read

Author:  Elizabeth Brown

Composing essays is a must during your college studies. Sometimes, you might get a topic that you aren’t fully aware of. Or, you can fail to grasp the idea of what a particular essay topic requires you to reveal in your essay. An abortion essay, for example, has become one of the very on-going issues these days. Professors believe that elaborating an essay on such a topic can help a student learn how to develop appropriate arguments and ideas, even in the most sensitive essays. If you experience any difficulty with the abortion essay writing, you just need to take a few points into account. Regardless of your title, which can be either why abortion should be supported or why abortion should be illegal essay, you can master your writing just by acknowledging several essential facts about it.

Abortion Essay: Definitions, Goals & Topics

An abortion argumentative essay reveals the arguments for or against pregnancy termination. The main peculiarity of such an essay is that one can write it from different points of view. While one may strongly feel like composing an abortion arguments essay and advancing their positioning in terms of healthcare and research, others may think of this essay in terms of psychology and sociology. Regardless of the stance, it is necessary to carry out some preliminary research and make sure you operate on both your arguments and data accurately. 

Abortion essays require the essay writer to stay tolerant and open-minded. The topic, the selection of arguments, vocabulary – all of these indicators should not offend people who are sensitive to the outlined topic. 

All in all, the ultimate goal of an argumentative essay on abortion is to present the topic and provide arguments for and against it. It is likewise essential to give an insight into the subject, reveal its current state, and include most recent findings. 

Abortion Essay Titles 

When composing a title for an abortion essay, the first critical thing to keep in mind is transparency. The title should not create confusion or offend the reader. To select a title you would like to develop in your essay, decide whether you know why abortion is wrong essay, or if you favor supporting the topic. Here are some of the topics that will be easy to elaborate on in your essay about abortion:

• Reasons why women in underdeveloped countries are inclined to abortions
• Potential health hazard as a consequence of abortion
• How different countries approach abortions 
• The reasons why calling abortion murder is inappropriate
• Depriving a woman of the right to make an abortion is equal to depriving a woman of her freedom

Abortion Essay Structure  

As you have already learned, a classical essay comprises three parts: an introduction, several body paragraphs (3-5), and concluding remarks. The abortion essay isn’t an exception. But a structure of an abortion essay should be very specific as it contains several fundamental points that differ from other essay types. 

Introduction 

First, you need to define abortion as soon as you start writing an abortion essay. Even though almost everyone in the world knows what abortion is, it is essential to state its interpretation. Later, you can mention recent findings or events that fairly make an abortion a topic of heated debate. At the end of an introduction, your primary task is to demonstrate your attitude to the topic. Namely, you need to write a short thesis statement that will mention your opinion. For instance, a thesis statement can be: “Should society decide for women what to do with their lives and bodies?”. 

If you decide to support abortion in the essay, you may write the body part in the following way: 2-3 paragraphs supporting abortion + one counter-argument against abortion. Remember to provide arguments and support them, not just admit that abortion is good or bad. 

Conclusion 

When writing a conclusion, briefly summarize everything you mentioned in the text. You should come back to the thesis you mentioned in the introduction while writing it. Don’t forget to mention your own vision and attitude to a problem. 

Best Tips For Writing Abortion Essay 

Research comes first.

First of all, explore what is already said and written on the topic of abortions. Namely, don’t just read what people say and don’t make conclusions based on what image abortion has in the media. Instead, you may refer to recent research, speeches, and scientific papers by people whose findings are objective and not based on their subjective, emotional perception. Afterward, try to figure out what your attitude on the topic of abortions is. Are you an opponent of the topic, or would you rather support it? 

Pay attention to introduction

An introduction is the most fundamental part of the whole paper. If writing an introduction seems to be too complicated, just refer to scientific papers. Find an attention-grabbing statement and feel free to use it in your paper. If possible, try to paraphrase it. 

Think of the implications

Suppose you decided to write an essay as an opponent of abortions. Think of some possible implications that termination of pregnancy may have. Also, consider the hazard of continuing an unwanted pregnancy. Doing so is essential if you want to strengthen your arguments. 

Be flexible

Since such a topic might be extremely sensitive, it is vital not to be critical. It isn’t a good idea to get emotional or, what is worse, judgemental in your paper. Demonstrate that even though you support a particular argument, you don’t exclude that the opposite argument may also hold true. 

Abortion Essay Examples  

Abortion implies a termination of pregnancy by removing the embryo from a woman’s uterus prior to its birth. Uncountable controversies and criticism have increasingly surrounded the topic of abortion. Even though most developed countries officially carry out a lot of abortions annually, this medical procedure is actively discussed in many countries. Today, a lot of people believe that pregnancies are terminated by women who are either underaged, poor, or promiscuous. A woman who terminates her pregnancy can also be mature, having kids already, married, happy, and wealthy. Women make this step due to multiple reasons. Should society take control over a female body and decide her and her kid’s fate, and does the prohibition of abortion indeed decrease the abortion rate?

Official prohibition of abortions isn’t likely to reduce the abortion rate. For example, gambling and prostitution have long ago been prohibited in many countries in the world. However, this doesn’t mean that the people don’t gamble and that particular women don’t make their living by engaging in prostitution. The same concerns abortions. Once abortions are prohibited on a state level, women will be left with nothing but a decision to find a person who will carry out an abortion illegally. Or, what is worse, women might induce a miscarriage on their own if they can’t find a specialist. While a medical abortion procedure is a safe way to terminate  pregnancy, the latter is not. The risk of terminating pregnancy elsewhere or even at home might be incompatible with life. A lot of women die because of an unsuccessful pregnancy termination, which is way worse than a safe abortion in a medical institution.  

A lot of infants in the US die during the first years, months, if not days of their life. This happens as a result of an inborn pathology. Pathology is usually diagnosed during pregnancy screenings. Since such screenings are performed at an early pregnancy phase, a woman can terminate pregnancy once such pathology is identified. The fact of the matter is that many pathologies are incompatible with life too. For each mother, watching her kid dying and knowing that she cannot help, even if she had all the money in the world, is devastating. And that’s even worse for a suffering child. This leads to the conclusion that terminating a pregnancy is the most humane decision in such a situation. 

Prohibiting abortions often equals to forcing a woman to give birth to a child she does not want. The reasons for such an unwillingness are uncountable. First, a woman might not be mature enough, she might have kids already and no money to afford this child. Besides, her pregnancy might be a mistake not because of her fault. Indeed, 2 in 1000 women in the US are raped annually. Why should a woman be judged by her decision to terminate pregnancy which is a result of a sexual assault? Even in cases when no sexual assault took place, it is still irrelevant to shame a woman and criticize her for knowing what will be better for her. It is better to terminate a pregnancy than to give life to a child who will never be loved and secure and be an unsuitable fit for a woman at the same time. 

Terminating pregnancy, on the other hand, is not just depriving an unborn child of a right to live a life he or she deserves. Regardless of the woman’s motives, she imposes risks on her health. First of all, an abortion undermines a woman’s emotional and mental health. Additionally, it might set risks for her physical health. Indeed, she might reduce her chances of getting pregnant again or increase further pregnancy complications. Besides, 7 in every 100 women face a risk of having parts of a fetus remaining in her womb. 

Overall, abortion is solely a woman’s issue. It should not have anything to do with politics, religion, and disgrace. Bringing a child to the world is the responsibility of a woman who has enough grounds for making an appropriate decision. Although terminating a pregnancy might bring severe health risks, it erases the problems that might be even more severe, such as watching a child suffer and not being able  to give them a childhood they deserve. 

Write an Abortion Essay with HandmadeWriting 

Composing an abortion essay might sometimes be a challenging assignment. However, this topic is vast and extensively discussed. The latter allows you to refer to multiple ideas and get access to a multitude of insights to generate your own understanding of a topic. But if you find it problematic to compose an abortion essay – you can get it done with HandmadeWriting . Even if you merely lack inspiration, we will take care of your paper. Just hand in your paper instructions and enjoy your spare time while our writers are crafting your essay. Getting a paper done in such short time frames has never been easier.

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A research on abortion: ethics, legislation and socio-medical outcomes. Case study: Romania

Andreea mihaela niţă.

1 Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Craiova, Romania

Cristina Ilie Goga

This article presents a research study on abortion from a theoretical and empirical point of view. The theoretical part is based on the method of social documents analysis, and presents a complex perspective on abortion, highlighting items of medical, ethical, moral, religious, social, economic and legal elements. The empirical part presents the results of a sociological survey, based on the opinion survey method through the application of the enquiry technique, conducted in Romania, on a sample of 1260 women. The purpose of the survey is to identify Romanians perception on the decision to voluntary interrupt pregnancy, and to determine the core reasons in carrying out an abortion.

The analysis of abortion by means of medical and social documents

Abortion means a pregnancy interruption “before the fetus is viable” [ 1 ] or “before the fetus is able to live independently in the extrauterine environment, usually before the 20 th week of pregnancy” [ 2 ]. “Clinical miscarriage is both a common and distressing complication of early pregnancy with many etiological factors like genetic factors, immune factors, infection factors but also psychological factors” [ 3 ]. Induced abortion is a practice found in all countries, but the decision to interrupt the pregnancy involves a multitude of aspects of medical, ethical, moral, religious, social, economic, and legal order.

In a more simplistic manner, Winston Nagan has classified opinions which have as central element “abortion”, in two major categories: the opinion that the priority element is represented by fetus and his entitlement to life and the second opinion, which focuses around women’s rights [ 4 ].

From the medical point of view, since ancient times there have been four moments, generally accepted, which determine the embryo’s life: ( i ) conception; ( ii ) period of formation; ( iii ) detection moment of fetal movement; ( iv ) time of birth [ 5 ]. Contemporary medicine found the following moments in the evolution of intrauterine fetal: “ 1 . At 18 days of pregnancy, the fetal heartbeat can be perceived and it starts running the circulatory system; 2 . At 5 weeks, they become more clear: the nose, cheeks and fingers of the fetus; 3 . At 6 weeks, they start to function: the nervous system, stomach, kidneys and liver of the fetus, and its skeleton is clearly distinguished; 4 . At 7 weeks (50 days), brain waves are felt. The fetus has all the internal and external organs definitively outlined. 5 . At 10 weeks (70 days), the unborn child has all the features clearly defined as a child after birth (9 months); 6 . At 12 weeks (92 days, 3 months), the fetus has all organs definitely shaped, managing to move, lacking only the breath” [ 6 ]. Even if most of the laws that allow abortion consider the period up to 12 weeks acceptable for such an intervention, according to the above-mentioned steps, there can be defined different moments, which can represent the beginning of life. Nowadays, “abortion is one of the most common gynecological experiences and perhaps the majority of women will undergo an abortion in their lifetimes” [ 7 ]. “Safe abortions carry few health risks, but « every year, close to 20 million women risk their lives and health by undergoing unsafe abortions » and 25% will face a complication with permanent consequences” [ 8 , 9 ].

From the ethical point of view, most of the times, the interruption of pregnancy is on the border between woman’s right over her own body and the child’s (fetus) entitlement to life. Judith Jarvis Thomson supported the supremacy of woman’s right over her own body as a premise of freedom, arguing that we cannot force a person to bear in her womb and give birth to an unwanted child, if for different circumstances, she does not want to do this [ 10 ]. To support his position, the author uses an imaginary experiment, that of a violinist to which we are connected for nine months, in order to save his life. However, Thomson debates the problem of the differentiation between the fetus and the human being, by carrying out a debate on the timing which makes this difference (period of conception, 10 weeks of pregnancy, etc.) and highlighting that for people who support abortion, the fetus is not an alive human being [ 10 ].

Carol Gilligan noted that women undergo a true “moral dilemma”, a “moral conflict” with regards to voluntary interruption of pregnancy, such a decision often takes into account the human relationships, the possibility of not hurting the others, the responsibility towards others [ 11 ]. Gilligan applied qualitative interviews to a number of 29 women from different social classes, which were put in a position to decide whether or not to commit abortion. The interview focused on the woman’s choice, on alternative options, on individuals and existing conflicts. The conclusion was that the central moral issue was the conflict between the self (the pregnant woman) and others who may be hurt as a result of the potential pregnancy [ 12 ].

From the religious point of view, abortion is unacceptable for all religions and a small number of abortions can be seen in deeply religious societies and families. Christianity considers the beginning of human life from conception, and abortion is considered to be a form of homicide [ 13 ]. For Christians, “at the same time, abortion is giving up their faith”, riot and murder, which means that by an abortion we attack Jesus Christ himself and God [ 14 ]. Islam does not approve abortion, relying on the sacral life belief as specified in Chapter 6, Verse 151 of the Koran: “Do not kill a soul which Allah has made sacred (inviolable)” [ 15 ]. Buddhism considers abortion as a negative act, but nevertheless supports for medical reasons [ 16 ]. Judaism disapproves abortion, Tanah considering it to be a mortal sin. Hinduism considers abortion as a crime and also the greatest sin [ 17 ].

From the socio-economic point of view, the decision to carry out an abortion is many times determined by the relations within the social, family or financial frame. Moreover, studies have been conducted, which have linked the legalization of abortions and the decrease of the crime rate: “legalized abortion may lead to reduced crime either through reductions in cohort sizes or through lower per capita offending rates for affected cohorts” [ 18 ].

Legal regulation on abortion establishes conditions of the abortion in every state. In Europe and America, only in the XVIIth century abortion was incriminated and was considered an insignificant misdemeanor or a felony, depending on when was happening. Due to the large number of illegal abortions and deaths, two centuries later, many states have changed legislation within the meaning of legalizing voluntary interruption of pregnancy [ 6 ]. In contemporary society, international organizations like the United Nations or the European Union consider sexual and reproductive rights as fundamental rights [ 19 , 20 ], and promotes the acceptance of abortion as part of those rights. However, not all states have developed permissive legislation in the field of voluntary interruption of pregnancy.

Currently, at national level were established four categories of legislation on pregnancy interruption area:

( i )  Prohibitive legislations , ones that do not allow abortion, most often outlining exceptions in abortion in cases where the pregnant woman’s life is endangered. In some countries, there is a prohibition of abortion in all circumstances, however, resorting to an abortion in the case of an imminent threat to the mother’s life. Same regulation is also found in some countries where abortion is allowed in cases like rape, incest, fetal problems, etc. In this category are 66 states, with 25.5% of world population [ 21 ].

( ii )  Restrictive legislation that allow abortion in cases of health preservation . Loosely, the term “health” should be interpreted according to the World Health Organization (WHO) definition as: “health is a state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity” [ 22 ]. This type of legislation is adopted in 59 states populated by 13.8% of the world population [ 21 ].

( iii )  Legislation allowing abortion on a socio-economic motivation . This category includes items such as the woman’s age or ability to care for a child, fetal problems, cases of rape or incest, etc. In this category are 13 countries, where we have 21.3% of the world population [ 21 ].

( iv )  Legislation which do not impose restrictions on abortion . In the case of this legislation, abortion is permitted for any reason up to 12 weeks of pregnancy, with some exceptions (Romania – 14 weeks, Slovenia – 10 weeks, Sweden – 18 weeks), the interruption of pregnancy after this period has some restrictions. This type of legislation is adopted in 61 countries with 39.5% of the world population [21].

The Centre for Reproductive Rights has carried out from 1998 a map of the world’s states, based on the legislation typology of each country (Figure ​ (Figure1 1 ).

The analysis of states according to the legislation regarding abortion. Source: Centre for Reproductive Rights. The World’s Abortion Laws, 2018 [ 23 ]

An unplanned pregnancy, socio-economic context or various medical problems [ 24 ], lead many times to the decision of interrupting pregnancy, regardless the legislative restrictions. In the study “Unsafe abortion: global and regional estimates of the incidence of unsafe abortion and associated mortality in 2008” issued in 2011 by the WHO , it was determined that within the states with restrictive legislation on abortion, we may also encounter a large number of illegal abortions. The illegal abortions may also be resulting in an increased risk of woman’s health and life considering that most of the times inappropriate techniques are being used, the hygienic conditions are precarious and the medical treatments are incorrectly administered [ 25 ]. Although abortions done according to medical guidelines carry very low risk of complications, 1–3 unsafe abortions contribute substantially to maternal morbidity and death worldwide [ 26 ].

WHO has estimated for the year 2008, the fact that worldwide women between the ages of 15 and 44 years carried out 21.6 million “unsafe” abortions, which involved a high degree of risk and were distributed as follows: 0.4 million in the developed regions and a number of 21.2 million in the states in course of development [ 25 ].

Case study: Romania

Legal perspective on abortion

In Romania, abortion was brought under regulation by the first Criminal Code of the United Principalities, from 1864.

The Criminal Code from 1864, provided the abortion infringement in Article 246, on which was regulated as follows: “Any person, who, using means such as food, drinks, pills or any other means, which will consciously help a pregnant woman to commit abortion, will be punished to a minimum reclusion (three years).

The woman who by herself shall use the means of abortion, or would accept to use means of abortion which were shown or given to her for this purpose, will be punished with imprisonment from six months to two years, if the result would be an abortion. In a situation where abortion was carried out on an illegitimate baby by his mother, the punishment will be imprisonment from six months to one year.

Doctors, surgeons, health officers, pharmacists (apothecary) and midwives who will indicate, will give or will facilitate these means, shall be punished with reclusion of at least four years, if the abortion took place. If abortion will cause the death of the mother, the punishment will be much austere of four years” (Art. 246) [ 27 ].

The Criminal Code from 1864, reissued in 1912, amended in part the Article 246 for the purposes of eliminating the abortion of an illegitimate baby case. Furthermore, it was no longer specified the minimum of four years of reclusion, in case of abortion carried out with the help of the medical staff, leaving the punishment to the discretion of the Court (Art. 246) [ 28 ].

The Criminal Code from 1936 regulated abortion in the Articles 482–485. Abortion was defined as an interruption of the normal course of pregnancy, being punished as follows:

“ 1 . When the crime is committed without the consent of the pregnant woman, the punishment was reformatory imprisonment from 2 to 5 years. If it caused the pregnant woman any health injury or a serious infirmity, the punishment was reformatory imprisonment from 3 to 6 years, and if it has caused her death, reformatory imprisonment from 7 to 10 years;

2 . When the crime was committed by the unmarried pregnant woman by herself, or when she agreed that someone else should provoke the abortion, the punishment is reformatory imprisonment from 3 to 6 months, and if the woman is married, the punishment is reformatory imprisonment from 6 months to one year. Same penalty applies also to the person who commits the crime with the woman’s consent. If abortion was committed for the purpose of obtaining a benefit, the punishment increases with another 2 years of reformatory imprisonment.

If it caused the pregnant woman any health injuries or a severe disablement, the punishment will be reformatory imprisonment from one to 3 years, and if it has caused her death, the punishment is reformatory imprisonment from 3 to 5 years” (Art. 482) [ 29 ].

The criminal legislation from 1936 specifies that it is not considered as an abortion the interruption from the normal course of pregnancy, if it was carried out by a doctor “when woman’s life was in imminent danger or when the pregnancy aggravates a woman’s disease, putting her life in danger, which could not be removed by other means and it is obvious that the intervention wasn’t performed with another purpose than that of saving the woman’s life” and “when one of the parents has reached a permanent alienation and it is certain that the child will bear serious mental flaws” (Art. 484, Par. 1 and Par. 2) [ 29 ].

In the event of an imminent danger, the doctor was obliged to notify prosecutor’s office in writing, within 48 hours after the intervention, on the performance of the abortion. “In the other cases, the doctor was able to intervene only with the authorization of the prosecutor’s office, given on the basis of a medical certificate from hospital or a notice given as a result of a consultation between the doctor who will intervene and at least a professor doctor in the disease which caused the intervention. General’s Office Prosecutor, in all cases provided by this Article, shall be obliged to maintain the confidentiality of all communications or authorizations, up to the intercession of any possible complaints” (Art. 484) [ 29 ].

The legislation of 1936 provided a reformatory injunction from one to three years for the abortions committed by doctors, sanitary agents, pharmacists, apothecary or midwives (Art. 485) [ 29 ].

Abortion on demand has been legalized for the first time in Romania in the year 1957 by the Decree No. 463, under the condition that it had to be carried out in a hospital and to be carried out in the first quarter of the pregnancy [ 30 ]. In the year 1966, demographic policy of Romania has dramatically changed by introducing the Decree No. 770 from September 29 th , which prohibited abortion. Thus, the voluntary interruption of pregnancy became a crime, with certain exceptions, namely: endangering the mother’s life, physical or mental serious disability; serious or heritable illness, mother’s age over 45 years, if the pregnancy was a result of rape or incest or if the woman gave birth to at least four children who were still in her care (Art. 2) [ 31 ].

In the Criminal Code from 1968, the abortion crime was governed by Articles 185–188.

The Article 185, “the illegal induced abortion”, stipulated that “the interruption of pregnancy by any means, outside the conditions permitted by law, with the consent of the pregnant woman will be punished with imprisonment from one to 3 years”. The act referred to above, without the prior consent from the pregnant woman, was punished with prison from two to five years. If the abortion carried out with the consent of the pregnant woman caused any serious body injury, the punishment was imprisonment from two to five years, and when it caused the death of the woman, the prison sentence was from five to 10 years. When abortion was carried out without the prior consent of the woman, if it caused her a serious physical injury, the punishment was imprisonment from three to six years, and if it caused the woman’s death, the punishment was imprisonment from seven to 12 years (Art. 185) [ 32 ].

“When abortion was carried out in order to obtain a material benefit, the maximum punishment was increased by two years, and if the abortion was made by a doctor, in addition to the prison punishment could also be applied the prohibition to no longer practice the profession of doctor”.

Article 186, “abortion caused by the woman”, stipulated that “the interruption of the pregnancy course, committed by the pregnant woman, was punished with imprisonment from 6 months to 2 years”, quoting the fact that by the same punishment was also sanctioned “the pregnant woman’s act to consent in interrupting the pregnancy course made out by another person” (Art. 186) [ 26 ].

The Regulations of the Criminal Code in 1968, also provided the crime of “ownership of tools or materials that can cause abortion”, the conditions of this holding being met when these types of instruments were held outside the hospital’s specialized institutions, the infringement shall be punished with imprisonment from three months to one year (Art. 187) [ 32 ].

Furthermore, the doctors who performed an abortion in the event of extreme urgency, without prior legal authorization and if they did not announce the competent authority within the legal deadline, they were punished by imprisonment from one month to three months (Art. 188) [ 32 ].

In the year 1985, it has been issued the Decree No. 411 of December 26 th , by which the conditions imposed by the Decree No. 770 of 1966 have been hardened, meaning that it has increased the number of children, that a woman could have in order to request an abortion, from four to five children [ 33 ].

The Articles 185–188 of the Criminal Code and the Decree No. 770/1966 on the interruption of the pregnancy course have been abrogated by Decree-Law No. 1 from December 26 th , 1989, which was published in the Official Gazette No. 4 of December 27 th , 1989 (Par. 8 and Par. 12) [ 34 ].

The Criminal Code from 1968, reissued in 1997, maintained Article 185 about “the illegal induced abortion”, but drastically modified. Thus, in this case of the Criminal Code, we identify abortion as “the interruption of pregnancy course, by any means, committed in any of the following circumstances: ( a ) outside medical institutions or authorized medical practices for this purpose; ( b ) by a person who does not have the capacity of specialized doctor; ( c ) if age pregnancy has exceeded 14 weeks”, the punishment laid down was the imprisonment from 6 months to 3 years” (Art. 185, Par. 1) [ 35 ]. For the abortion committed without the prior consent of the pregnant woman, the punishment consisted in strict prison conditions from two to seven years and with the prohibition of certain rights (Art. 185, Par. 2) [ 35 ].

For the situation of causing serious physical injury to the pregnant woman, the punishment was strict prison from three to 10 years and the removal of certain rights, and if it had as a result the death of the pregnant woman, the punishment was strict prison from five to 15 years and the prohibition of certain rights (Art. 185, Par. 3) [ 35 ].

The attempt was punished for the crimes specified in the various cases of abortion.

Consideration should also be given in the Criminal Code reissued in 1997 for not punishing the interruption of the pregnancy course carried out by the doctor, if this interruption “was necessary to save the life, health or the physical integrity of the pregnant woman from a grave and imminent danger and that it could not be removed otherwise; in the case of a over fourteen weeks pregnancy, when the interruption of the pregnancy course should take place from therapeutic reasons” and even in a situation of a woman’s lack of consent, when it has not been given the opportunity to express her will, and abortion “was imposed by therapeutic reasons” (Art. 185, Par. 4) [ 35 ].

Criminal Code from 2004 covers abortion in Article 190, defined in the same way as in the prior Criminal Code, with the difference that it affects the limits of the punishment. So, in the event of pregnancy interruption, in accordance with the conditions specified in Paragraph 1, “the penalty provided was prison time from 6 months to one year or days-fine” (Art. 190, Par. 1) [ 36 ].

Nowadays, in Romania, abortion is governed by the criminal law of 2009, which entered into force in 2014, by the section called “aggression against an unborn child”. It should be specified that current criminal law does not punish the woman responsible for carrying out abortion, but only the person who is involved in carrying out the abortion. There is no punishment for the pregnant woman who injures her fetus during pregnancy.

In Article 201, we can find the details on the pregnancy interruption infringement. Thus, the pregnancy interruption can be performed in one of the following circumstances: “outside of medical institutions or medical practices authorized for this purpose; by a person who does not have the capacity of specialist doctor in Obstetrics and Gynecology and the right of free medical practice in this specialty; if gestational age has exceeded 14 weeks”, the punishment is the imprisonment for six months to three years, or fine and the prohibition to exercise certain rights (Art. 201, Par. 1) [ 37 ].

Article 201, Paragraph 2 specifies that “the interruption of the pregnancy committed under any circumstances, without the prior consent of the pregnant woman, can be punished with imprisonment from 2 to 7 years and with the prohibition to exercise some rights” (Art. 201, Par. 1) [ 37 ].

If by facts referred to above (Art. 201, Par. 1 and Par. 2) [ 37 ] “it has caused the pregnant woman’s physical injury, the punishment is the imprisonment from 3 to 10 years and the prohibition to exercise some rights, and if it has had as a result the pregnant woman’s death, the punishment is the imprisonment from 6 to 12 years and the prohibition to exercise some rights” (Art. 201, Par. 3) [ 37 ]. When the facts have been committed by a doctor, “in addition to the imprisonment punishment, it will also be applied the prohibition to exercise the profession of doctor (Art. 201, Par. 4) [ 37 ].

Criminal legislation specifies that “the interruption of pregnancy does not constitute an infringement with the purpose of a treatment carried out by a specialist doctor in Obstetrics and Gynecology, until the pregnancy age of twenty-four weeks is reached, or the subsequent pregnancy interruption, for the purpose of treatment, is in the interests of the mother or the fetus” (Art. 201, Par. 6) [ 37 ]. However, it can all be found in the phrases “therapeutic purposes” and “the interest of the mother and of the unborn child”, which predisposes the text of law to an interpretation, finally the doctors are the only ones in the position to decide what should be done in such cases, assuming direct responsibility [ 38 ].

Article 202 of the Criminal Code defines the crime of harming an unborn child, pointing out the punishments for the various types of injuries that can occur during pregnancy or in the childbirth period and which can be caused by the mother or by the persons who assist the birth, with the specification that the mother who harms her fetus during pregnancy is not punished and does not constitute an infringement if the injury has been committed during pregnancy or during childbirth period if the facts have been “committed by a doctor or by an authorized person to assist the birth or to follow the pregnancy, if they have been committed in the course of the medical act, complying with the specific provisions of his profession and have been made in the interest of the pregnant woman or fetus, as a result of the exercise of an inherent risk in the medical act” (Art. 202, Par. 6) [ 37 ].

The fact situation in Romania

During the period 1948–1955, called “the small baby boom” [ 39 ], Romania registered an average fertility rate of 3.23 children for a woman. Between 1955 and 1962, the fertility rate has been less than three children for a woman, and in 1962, fertility has reached an average of two children for a woman. This phenomenon occurred because of the Decree No. 463/1957 on liberalization of abortion. After the liberalization from 1957, the abortion rate has increased from 220 abortions per 100 born-alive children in the year 1960, to 400 abortions per 100 born-alive children, in the year 1965 [ 40 ].

The application of provisions of Decrees No. 770 of 1966 and No. 411 of 1985 has led to an increase of the birth rate in the first three years (an average of 3.7 children in 1967, and 3.6 children in 1968), followed by a regression until 1989, when it was recorded an average of 2.2 children, but also a maternal death rate caused by illegal abortions, raising up to 85 deaths of 100 000 births in the year of 1965, and 170 deaths in 1983. It was estimated that more than 80% of maternal deaths between 1980–1989 was caused by legal constraints [ 30 ].

After the Romanian Revolution in December 1989 and after the communism fall, with the abrogation of Articles 185–188 of the Criminal Code and of the Decree No. 770/1966, by the Decree of Law No. 1 of December 26 th , 1989, abortion has become legal in Romania and so, in the following years, it has reached the highest rate of abortion in Europe. Subsequently, the number of abortion has dropped gradually, with increasing use of birth control [ 41 ].

Statistical data issued by the Ministry of Health and by the National Institute of Statistics (INS) in Romania show corresponding figures to a legally carried out abortion. The abortion number is much higher, if it would take into account the number of illegal abortion, especially those carried out before 1989, and those carried out in private clinics, after the year 1990. Summing the declared abortions in the period 1958–2014, it is to be noted the number of them, 22 037 747 exceeds the current Romanian population. A detailed statistical research of abortion rate, in terms of years we have exposed in Table ​ Table1 1 .

The number of abortions declared in Romania in the period 1958–2016

Source: Pro Vita Association (Bucharest, Romania), National Institute of Statistics (INS – Romania), EUROSTAT [ 42 , 43 , 44 ]

Data issued by the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in June 2016, for the period 1989–2014, in matters of reproductive behavior, indicates a fertility rate for Romania with a continuous decrease, in proportion to the decrease of the number of births, but also a lower number of abortion rate reported to 100 deliveries (Table ​ (Table2 2 ).

Reproductive behavior in Romania in 1989–2014

Source: United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), Transformative Monitoring for Enhanced Equity (TransMonEE) Data. Country profiles: Romania, 1989–2015 [ 45 ].

By analyzing data issued for the period 1990–2015 by the International Organization of Health , UNICEF , United Nations Fund for Population Activity (UNFPA), The World Bank and the United Nations Population Division, it is noticed that maternal mortality rate has currently dropped as compared with 1990 (Table ​ (Table3 3 ).

Maternal mortality estimation in Romania in 1990–2015

Source: World Health Organization (WHO), Global Health Observatory Data. Maternal mortality country profiles: Romania, 2015 [ 46 ].

Opinion survey: women’s opinion on abortion

Argument for choosing the research theme

Although the problematic on abortion in Romania has been extensively investigated and debated, it has not been carried out in an ample sociological study, covering Romanian women’s perception on abortion. We have assumed making a study at national level, in order to identify the opinion on abortion, on the motivation to carry out an abortion, and to identify the correlation between religious convictions and the attitude toward abortion.

Examining the literature field of study

In the conceptual register of the research, we have highlighted items, such as the specialized literature, legislation, statistical documents.

Formulation of hypotheses and objectives

The first hypothesis was that Romanian women accept abortion, having an open attitude towards this act. Thus, the first objective of the research was to identify Romanian women’s attitude towards abortion.

The second hypothesis, from which we started, was that high religious beliefs generate a lower tolerance towards abortion. Thus, the second objective of our research has been to identify the correlation between the religious beliefs and the attitude towards abortion.

The third hypothesis of the survey was that, the main motivation in carrying out an abortion is the fact that a woman does not want a baby, and the main motivation for keeping the pregnancy is that the person wants a baby. In this context, the third objective of the research was to identify main motivation in carrying out an abortion and in maintaining a pregnancy.

Another hypothesis was that modern Romanian legislation on the abortion is considered fair. Based on this hypothesis, we have assumed the fourth objective, which is to identify the degree of satisfaction towards the current regulatory provisions governing the abortion.

Research methodology

The research method is that of a sociological survey by the application of the questionnaire technique. We used the sampling by age and residence looking at representative numbers of population from more developed as well as underdeveloped areas.

Determination of the sample to be studied

Because abortion is a typical women’s experience, we have chosen to make the quantitative research only among women. We have constructed the sample by selecting a number of 1260 women between the ages of 15 and 44 years (the most frequently encountered age among women who give birth to a child). We also used the quota sampling techniques, taking into account the following variables: age group and the residence (urban/rural), so that the persons included in the sample could retain characteristic of the general population.

By the sample of 1260 women, we have made a percentage of investigation of 0.03% of the total population.

The Questionnaires number applied was distributed as follows (Table ​ (Table4 4 ).

The sampling rates based on the age, and the region of residence

Source: Sample built, based on the population data issued by the National Institute of Statistics (INS – Romania) based on population census conducted in 2011 [ 47 ].

Data collection

Data collection was carried out by questionnaires administered by 32 field operators between May 1 st –May 31 st , 2018.

The analysis of the research results

In the next section, we will present the main results of the quantitative research carried out at national level.

Almost three-quarters of women included in the sample agree with carrying out an abortion in certain circumstances (70%) and only 24% have chosen to support the answer “ No, never ”. In modern contemporary society, abortion is the first solution of women for which a pregnancy is not desired. Even if advanced medical techniques are a lot safer, an abortion still carries a health risk. However, 6% of respondents agree with carrying out abortion regardless of circumstances (Table ​ (Table5 5 ).

Opinion on the possibility of carrying out an abortion

Although abortions carried out after 14 weeks are illegal, except for medical reasons, more than half of the surveyed women stated they would agree with abortion in certain circumstances. At the opposite pole, 31% have mentioned they would never agree on abortions after 14 weeks. Five percent were totally accepting the idea of abortion made to a pregnancy that has exceeded 14 weeks (Table ​ (Table6 6 ).

Opinion on the possibility of carrying out an abortion after the period of 14 weeks of pregnancy

For 53% of respondents, abortion is considered a crime as well as the right of a women. On the other hand, 28% of the women considered abortion as a crime and 16% associate abortion with a woman’s right (Table ​ (Table7 7 ).

Opinion on abortion: at the border between crime and a woman’s right

Opinions on what women abort at the time of the voluntary pregnancy interruption are split in two: 59% consider that it depends on the time of the abortion, and more specifically on the pregnancy development stage, 24% consider that regardless of the period in which it is carried out, women abort a child, and 14% have opted a fetus (Table ​ (Table8 8 ).

Abortion of a child vs. abortion of a fetus

Among respondents who consider that women abort a child or a fetus related to the time of abortion, 37.5% have considered that the difference between a baby and a fetus appears after 14 weeks of pregnancy (the period legally accepted for abortion). Thirty-three percent of them have mentioned that the distinction should be performed at the first few heartbeats; 18.1% think it is about when the child has all the features definitively outlined and can move by himself; 2.8% consider that the difference appears when the first encephalopathy traces are being felt and the child has formed all internal and external organs. A percentage of 1.7% of respondents consider that this difference occurs at the beginning of the central nervous system, and 1.4% when the unborn child has all the features that we can clearly see to a newborn child (Table ​ (Table9 9 ).

The opinion on the moment that makes the difference between a fetus and a child

We noticed that highly religious people make a clear association between abortion and crime. They also consider that at the time of pregnancy interruption it is aborted a child and not a fetus. However, unexpectedly, we noticed that 27% of the women, who declare themselves to be very religious, have also stated that they see abortion as a crime but also as a woman’s right. Thirty-one percent of the women, who also claimed profound religious beliefs, consider that abortion may be associated with the abortion of a child but also of a fetus, this depending on the time of abortion (Tables ​ (Tables10 10 and ​ and11 11 ).

The correlation between the level of religious beliefs and the perspective on abortion seen as a crime or a right

The correlation between the level of religious beliefs and the perspective on abortion procedure conducted on a fetus or a child

More than half of the respondents have opted for the main reason for abortion the appearance of medical problems to the child. Baby’s health represents the main concern of future mothers, and of each parent, and the birth of a child with serious health issues, is a factor which frightens any future parent, being many times, at least theoretically, one good reason for opting for abortion. At the opposite side, 12% of respondents would not choose abortion under any circumstances. Other reasons for which women would opt for an abortion are: if the woman would have a medical problem (22%) or would not want the child (10%) (Table ​ (Table12 12 ).

Potential reasons for carrying out an abortion

Most of the women want to give birth to a child, 56% of the respondents, representing also the reason that would determine them to keep the child. Morality (26%), faith (10%) or legal restrictions (4%), are the three other reasons for which women would not interrupt a pregnancy. Only 2% of the respondents have mentioned other reasons such as health or age.

A percentage of 23% of the surveyed people said that they have done an abortion so far, and 77% did not opted for a surgical intervention either because there was no need, or because they have kept the pregnancy (Table ​ (Table13 13 ).

Rate of abortion among women in the sample

Most respondents, 87% specified that they have carried out an abortion during the first 14 weeks – legally accepted limit for abortion: 43.6% have made abortion in the first four weeks, 39.1% between weeks 4–8, and 4.3% between weeks 8–14. It should be noted that 8.7% could not appreciate the pregnancy period in which they carried out abortion, by opting to answer with the option “ I don’t know ”, and a percentage of 4.3% refused to answer to this question.

Performing an abortion is based on many reasons, but the fact that the women have not wanted a child is the main reason mentioned by 47.8% of people surveyed, who have done minimum an abortion so far. Among the reasons for the interruption of pregnancy, it is also included: women with medical problems (13.3%), not the right time to be a mother (10.7%), age motivation (8.7%), due to medical problems of the child (4.3%), the lack of money (4.3%), family pressure (4.3%), partner/spouse did not wanted. A percentage of 3.3% of women had different reasons for abortion, as follows: age difference too large between children, career, marital status, etc. Asked later whether they regretted the abortion, a rate of 69.6% of women who said they had at least one abortion regret it (34.8% opted for “ Yes ”, and 34.8% said “ Yes, partially ”). 26.1% of surveyed women do not regret the choice to interrupted the pregnancy, and 4.3% chose to not answer this question. We noted that, for women who have already experienced abortion, the causes were more diverse than the grounds on which the previous question was asked: “What are the reasons that determined you to have an abortion?” (Table ​ (Table14 14 ).

The reasons that led the women in the sample to have an abortion

The majority of the respondents (37.5%) considered that “nervous depression” is the main consequence of abortion, followed by “insomnia and nightmares” (24.6%), “disorders in alimentation” and “affective disorders” (each for 7.7% of respondents), “deterioration of interpersonal relationships” and “the feeling of guilt”(for 6.3% of the respondents), “sexual disorders” and “panic attacks” (for 6.3% of the respondents) (Table ​ (Table15 15 ).

Opinion on the consequences of abortion

Over half of the respondents believe that abortion should be legal in certain circumstances, as currently provided by law, 39% say it should be always legal, and only 6% opted for the illegal option (Table ​ (Table16 16 ).

Opinion on the legal regulation of abortion

Although the current legislation does not punish pregnant women who interrupt pregnancy or intentionally injured their fetus, survey results indicate that 61% of women surveyed believe that the national law should punish the woman and only 28% agree with the current legislation (Table ​ (Table17 17 ).

Opinion on the possibility of punishing the woman who interrupts the course of pregnancy or injures the fetus

For the majority of the respondents (40.6%), the penalty provided by the current legislation, the imprisonment between six months and three years or a fine and deprivation of certain rights for the illegal abortion is considered fair, for a percentage of 39.6% the punishment is too small for 9.5% of the respondents is too high. Imprisonment between two and seven years and deprivation of certain rights for an abortion performed without the consent of the pregnant woman is considered too small for 65% of interviewees. Fourteen percent of them think it is fair and only 19% of respondents consider that Romanian legislation is too severe with people who commit such an act considering the punishment as too much. The imprisonment from three to 10 years and deprivation of certain rights for the facts described above, if an injury was caused to the woman, is considered to be too small for more than half of those included in the survey, 64% and almost 22% for nearly a quarter of them. Only 9% of the respondents mentioned that this legislative measure is too severe for such actions (Table ​ (Table18 18 ).

Opinion on the regulation of abortion of the Romanian Criminal Code (Art. 201)

Conclusions

After analyzing the results of the sociological research regarding abortion undertaken at national level, we see that 76% of the Romanian women accept abortion, indicating that the majority accepts only certain circumstances (a certain period after conception, for medical reasons, etc.). A percentage of 64% of the respondents indicated that they accept the idea of abortion after 14 weeks of pregnancy (for solid reasons or regardless the reason). This study shows that over 50% of Romanian women see abortion as a right of women but also a woman’s crime and believe that in the moment of interruption of a pregnancy, a fetus is aborted. Mostly, the association of abortion with crime and with the idea that a child is aborted is frequently found within very religious people. The main motivation for Romanian women in taking the decision not to perform an abortion is that they would want the child, and the main reason to perform an abortion is the child’s medical problems. However, it is noted that, in real situations, in which women have already done at least one abortion, most women resort to abortion because they did not want the child towards the hypothetical situation in which women felt that the main reason of abortion is a medical problem. Regarding the satisfaction with the current national legislation of the abortion, the situation is rather surprising. A significant percentage (61%) of respondents felt as necessary to punish the woman who performs an illegal abortion, although the legislation does not provide a punishment. On the other hand, satisfaction level to the penalties provided by law for various violations of the legal conditions for conducting abortion is low, on average only 25.5% of respondents are being satisfied with these, the majority (average 56.2%) considering the penalties as unsatisfactory. Understood as a social phenomenon, intensified by human vulnerabilities, of which the most obvious is accepting the comfort [ 48 ], abortion today is no longer, in Romanian society, from a legal or religious perspective, a problem. Perceptions on the legislative sanction, moral and religious will perpetual vary depending on beliefs, environment, education, etc. The only and the biggest social problem of Romania is truly represented by the steadily falling birth rate.

Conflict of interests

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interests.

Key Arguments From Both Sides of the Abortion Debate

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• Reproductive Rights
• The U. S. Government
• U.S. Foreign Policy
• U.S. Liberal Politics
• U.S. Conservative Politics
• Civil Liberties
• The Middle East
• Race Relations
• Immigration
• Crime & Punishment
• Canadian Government
• Understanding Types of Government
• B.A., English Language and Literature, Well College

Many points come up in the abortion debate . Here's a look at abortion from both sides : 10 arguments for abortion and 10 arguments against abortion, for a total of 20 statements that represent a range of topics as seen from both sides.

Pro-Life Arguments

• Since life begins at conception,   abortion is akin to murder as it is the act of taking human life. Abortion is in direct defiance of the commonly accepted idea of the sanctity of human life.
• No civilized society permits one human to intentionally harm or take the life of another human without punishment, and abortion is no different.
• Adoption is a viable alternative to abortion and accomplishes the same result. And with 1.5 million American families wanting to adopt a child, there is no such thing as an unwanted child.
• An abortion can result in medical complications later in life; the risk of ectopic pregnancies is increased if other factors such as smoking are present, the chance of a miscarriage increases in some cases,   and pelvic inflammatory disease also increases.  
• In the instance of rape and incest, taking certain drugs soon after the event can ensure that a woman will not get pregnant.   Abortion punishes the unborn child who committed no crime; instead, it is the perpetrator who should be punished.
• Abortion should not be used as another form of contraception.
• For women who demand complete control of their body, control should include preventing the risk of unwanted pregnancy through the responsible use of contraception or, if that is not possible, through abstinence .
• Many Americans who pay taxes are opposed to abortion, therefore it's morally wrong to use tax dollars to fund abortion.
• Those who choose abortions are often minors or young women with insufficient life experience to understand fully what they are doing. Many have lifelong regrets afterward.
• Abortion sometimes causes psychological pain and stress.  

Pro-Choice Arguments

• Nearly all abortions take place in the first trimester when a fetus is attached by the placenta and umbilical cord to the mother.   As such, its health is dependent on her health, and cannot be regarded as a separate entity as it cannot exist outside her womb.
• The concept of personhood is different from the concept of human life. Human life occurs at conception,   but fertilized eggs used for in vitro fertilization are also human lives and those not implanted are routinely thrown away. Is this murder, and if not, then how is abortion murder?
• Adoption is not an alternative to abortion because it remains the woman's choice whether or not to give her child up for adoption. Statistics show that very few women who give birth choose to give up their babies; less than 3% of White unmarried women and less than 2% of Black​ unmarried women.
• Abortion is a safe medical procedure. The vast majority of women who have an abortion do so in their first trimester.   Medical abortions have a very low risk of serious complications and do not affect a woman's health or future ability to become pregnant or give birth.  
• In the case of rape or incest, forcing a woman made pregnant by this violent act would cause further psychological harm to the victim.   Often a woman is too afraid to speak up or is unaware she is pregnant, thus the morning after pill is ineffective in these situations.
• Abortion is not used as a form of contraception . Pregnancy can occur even with contraceptive use. Few women who have abortions do not use any form of birth control, and that is due more to individual carelessness than to the availability of abortion.  
• The ability of a woman to have control of her body is critical to civil rights. Take away her reproductive choice and you step onto a slippery slope. If the government can force a woman to continue a pregnancy, what about forcing a woman to use contraception or undergo sterilization?
• Taxpayer dollars are used to enable poor women to access the same medical services as rich women, and abortion is one of these services. Funding abortion is no different from funding a war in the Mideast. For those who are opposed, the place to express outrage is in the voting booth.
• Teenagers who become mothers have grim prospects for the future. They are much more likely to leave school; receive inadequate prenatal care; or develop mental health problems.  
• Like any other difficult situation, abortion creates stress. Yet the American Psychological Association found that stress was greatest prior to an abortion and that there was no evidence of post-abortion syndrome.  

Additional References

• Alvarez, R. Michael, and John Brehm. " American Ambivalence Towards Abortion Policy: Development of a Heteroskedastic Probit Model of Competing Values ." American Journal of Political Science 39.4 (1995): 1055–82. Print.
• Armitage, Hannah. " Political Language, Uses and Abuses: How the Term 'Partial Birth' Changed the Abortion Debate in the United States ." Australasian Journal of American Studies 29.1 (2010): 15–35. Print.
• Gillette, Meg. " Modern American Abortion Narratives and the Century of Silence ." Twentieth Century Literature 58.4 (2012): 663–87. Print.
• Kumar, Anuradha. " Disgust, Stigma, and the Politics of Abortion ." Feminism & Psychology 28.4 (2018): 530–38. Print.
• Ziegler, Mary. " The Framing of a Right to Choose: Roe V. Wade and the Changing Debate on Abortion Law ." Law and History Review 27.2 (2009): 281–330. Print.

“ Life Begins at Fertilization with the Embryo's Conception .”  Princeton University , The Trustees of Princeton University.

“ Long-Term Risks of Surgical Abortion .”  GLOWM, doi:10.3843/GLOWM.10441

Patel, Sangita V, et al. “ Association between Pelvic Inflammatory Disease and Abortions .”  Indian Journal of Sexually Transmitted Diseases and AIDS , Medknow Publications, July 2010, doi:10.4103/2589-0557.75030

Raviele, Kathleen Mary. “ Levonorgestrel in Cases of Rape: How Does It Work? ”  The Linacre Quarterly , Maney Publishing, May 2014, doi:10.1179/2050854914Y.0000000017

Reardon, David C. “ The Abortion and Mental Health Controversy: A Comprehensive Literature Review of Common Ground Agreements, Disagreements, Actionable Recommendations, and Research Opportunities .”  SAGE Open Medicine , SAGE Publications, 29 Oct. 2018, doi:10.1177/2050312118807624

“ CDCs Abortion Surveillance System FAQs .” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 25 Nov. 2019.

Bixby Center for Reproductive Health. “ Complications of Surgical Abortion : Clinical Obstetrics and Gynecology .”  LWW , doi:10.1097/GRF.0b013e3181a2b756

" Sexual Violence: Prevalence, Dynamics and Consequences ." World Health Organizaion.

Homco, Juell B, et al. “ Reasons for Ineffective Pre-Pregnancy Contraception Use in Patients Seeking Abortion Services .”  Contraception , U.S. National Library of Medicine, Dec. 2009, doi:10.1016/j.contraception.2009.05.127

" Working With Pregnant & Parenting Teens Tip Sheet ." U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Major, Brenda, et al. " Abortion and Mental Health: Evaluating the Evidence ." American Psychological Association, doi:10.1037/a0017497

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First Pattern: Block-by-Block

By Rory H. Osbrink

Abortion is an example of a very controversial issue. The two opposing viewpoints surrounding abortion are like two sides of a coin. On one side, there is the pro-choice activist and on the other is the pro-life activist.

The argument is a balanced one; for every point supporting abortion there is a counter-point condemning abortion. This essay will delineate the controversy in one type of comparison/contrast essay form: the “”Argument versus Argument,”” or, “”Block-by-Block”” format. In this style of writing, first you present all the arguments surrounding one side of the issue, then you present all the arguments surrounding the other side of the issue. You are generally not expected to reach a conclusion, but simply to present the opposing sides of the argument.

Introduction: (the thesis is underlined) Explains the argument

The Abortion Issue: Compare and Contrast Block-by-Block Format

One of the most divisive issues in America is the controversy surrounding abortion. Currently, abortion is legal in America, and many people believe that it should remain legal. These people, pro-choice activists, believe that it is the women’s right to chose whether or not to give birth. However, there are many groups who are lobbying Congress to pass laws that would make abortion illegal. These people are called the pro-life activists.

Explains pro-choice

Abortion is a choice that should be decided by each individual, argues the pro-choice activist. Abortion is not murder since the fetus is not yet fully human, therefore, it is not in defiance against God. Regardless of the reason for the abortion, it should be the woman’s choice because it is her body. While adoption is an option some women chose, many women do not want to suffer the physical and emotional trauma of pregnancy and labor only to give up a child. Therefore, laws should remain in effect that protect a woman’s right to chose.

Explains pro-life

Abortion is an abomination, argues the pro-life activist. It makes no sense for a woman to murder a human being not even born. The bible says, “”Thou shalt not kill,”” and it does not discriminate between different stages of life. A fetus is the beginning of life. Therefore, abortion is murder, and is in direct defiance of God’s will. Regardless of the mother’s life situation (many women who abort are poor, young, or drug users), the value of a human life cannot be measured. Therefore, laws should be passed to outlaw abortion. After all, there are plenty of couples who are willing to adopt an unwanted child.

If we take away the woman’s right to chose, will we begin limiting her other rights also? Or, if we keep abortion legal, are we devaluing human life? There is no easy answer to these questions. Both sides present strong, logical arguments. Though it is a very personal decision, t he fate of abortion rights will have to be left for the Supreme Court to decide.

Second Pattern: Point-by-Point

This second example is also an essay about abortion. We have used the same information and line of reasoning in this essay, however, this one will be presented in the “”Point-by-Point”” style argument. The Point-by-Point style argument presents both sides of the argument at the same time. First, you would present one point on a specific topic, then you would follow that up with the opposing point on the same topic. Again, you are generally not expected to draw any conclusions, simply to fairly present both sides of the argument.

Introduction: (the thesis is underlined)

Explains the argument

The Abortion Issue: Compare and Contrast Point-by-Point Format

Point One: Pro-life and Pro-choice

Supporters of both pro-life and pro-choice refer to religion as support for their side of the argument. Pro-life supporters claim that abortion is murder, and is therefore against God’s will. However, pro-choice defenders argue that abortion is not murder since the fetus is not yet a fully formed human. Therefore, abortion would not be a defiance against God.

Point Two: Pro-life and Pro-choice

Another main point of the argument is over the woman’s personal rights, versus the rights of the unborn child. Pro-choice activists maintain that regardless of the individual circumstances, women should have the right to chose whether or not to abort. The pregnancy and labor will affect only the woman’s body, therefore it should be the woman’s decision. Pro-life supporters, on the other hand, believe that the unborn child has the right to life, and that abortion unlawfully takes away that right.

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How To Win Any Argument About Abortion

So you're talking to someone who says something ignorant . And while you know that they're in the wrong, your words escape you. To make sure that doesn't happen, we've compiled a series of reference guides with the most common arguments — and your counter-arguments — for the most hot-button issues. Ahead, how to argue the pro-choice position .

Common Argument #1: A fetus is a human being, and human beings have the right to life, so abortion is murder.

The Pro-Choice Argument: I'm probably not going to convince you that a fetus isn't a life, as that's basically the most intractable part of this whole debate, so I'll be brief:

• A fetus can't survive on its own. It is fully dependent on its mother's body, unlike born human beings.
• Even if a fetus was alive, the "right to life" doesn't imply a right to use somebody else's body. People have the right to refuse to donate their organs , for example, even if doing so would save somebody else's life.
• The "right to life" also doesn't imply a right to live by threatening somebody else's life. Bearing children is always a threat the life of the mother (see below).
• A "right to life" is, at the end of the day, a right to not have somebody else's will imposed upon your body. Do women not have this right as well?

Common Argument #2: If a woman is willing to have sex, she's knowingly taking the risk of getting pregnant, and should be responsible for her actions.

The Pro-Choice Argument: You're asserting that giving birth is the "responsible" choice in the event of a pregnancy, but that's just your opinion. I'd argue that if a mother knows she won't be able to provide for her child, it's actually more responsible to have an abortion, and in doing so prevent a whole lot of undue suffering and misery.

But let's look at this argument a bit further. If you think getting an abortion is "avoiding responsibility," that implies that it's a woman's responsibility to bear a child if she chooses to have sex. That sounds suspiciously like you're dictating what a woman's role and purpose is, and a lot less like you're making an argument about the life of a child.

Common Reply : No, because women can practice safe sex and avoid getting pregnant. If she refuses to use contraception and gets pregnant as a result, that's her fault, and her responsibility.

Your Rebuttal: Not everyone has easy access to contraception , nor does everyone have a good enough sex education class to know how to use it or where to obtain it. But let's just suppose, for the sake of argument, that everyone had access to free contraception and knew how to use it correctly.

Even then, no contraception is 100% effective. Presumably, you oppose abortions even in cases where contraception fails (and it does sometimes fail, even when used perfectly). If that's true, you're saying that, by merely choosing to have sex — with or without a condom — a woman becomes responsible for having a child. And that's a belief that has everything to do with judging a woman's behavior, and nothing to do with the value of life.

Common Argument #3: But I'm OK with abortions in cases of rape .

The Pro-Choice Argument: Why only in those cases? Are the lives of children who were conceived by rape worth less than the lives of children who were willfully conceived? If preserving the life of the child takes primacy over the desires of the mother — which is what you're saying if you if you oppose any legal abortions — then it shouldn't matter how that life was conceived.

Common Argument #4: "If it's a legitimate rape, the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down."

Your Response: Go home, Todd Akin , you're drunk.

Common Argument #5: Adoption is a viable alternative to abortion.

The Pro-Choice Argument: This implies that the only reason a woman would want to get an abortion is to avoid raising a child, and that isn't the case. Depending on the circumstances, the mere act of having a child in a hospital can cost between $3,000 and $37,000 in the United States. Giving birth is dangerous, too: In the United States, pregnancy complications are the sixth most common cause of death for women between the ages of 20 and 34.

Even before birth, there are costs to pregnancy. In addition to the whole "carrying another human being around in your stomach for nine months" thing, many women, particularly teens, are shunned and shamed for their pregnancies — not only by friends, families, employers, and classmates, but also by advertisements in the subway . There's also the risk of violent retribution from abusive partners and parents.

In short, there are a lot of reasons a woman might seek an abortion. Adoption doesn't address all of them.

Common Argument #6: When abortion is legal, women just use it as a form of birth control.

The Pro-Choice Argument: Do you have evidence of this? Considering that contraceptives are cheaper, easier, less painful, less time-consuming, less emotionally taxing, and more readily available than abortions, it seems odd to suggest that women who've already decided to use birth control would select abortion as their preferred method. It's more likely the opposite: Historical and contemporary data suggests that women will seek abortions regardless of whether or not they're legal, but that when birth control and contraceptives are more widely accessible, abortion rates go down.

Common Argument #7: Abortions are dangerous.

The Pro-Choice Argument: When performed by trained professionals, abortions are one of the safest procedures in medicine, with a death rate of less than 0.01%. The risk of dying while giving birth is roughly 13 times higher. Abortions performed by people without the requisite skills and training, however, are extremely unsafe. An estimated 68,000 women die every year from back alley abortions, which are generally most common when abortion is illegal and/or inaccessible.

If you'd like to examine the health impact of banning abortion, consider Romania, which banned abortions in 1966. That policy remained in place for about 23 years, during which time over 9,000 women died from unsafe abortions , and countless others were permanently injured. That's around two women dying every day. When the policy was reversed, maternal mortality rate plummeted to one-eighth of what it was at its peak under the no-abortion policy.

Abortions and maternal death rates in Romania, 1965-2010. Image credit: BMJ Group

The negative health effects of prohibiting abortion don't end with the mothers. Romania's abortion ban sparked a nationwide orphan crisis, as roughly 150,000 unwanted newborns were placed in nightmarish state-run orphanages . Many of those orphans now suffer from severe mental and physical health problems, including reduced brain size, schizoaffective disorder, and sociopathy.

When abortion is illegal, it becomes exponentially more unsafe for both women and their children. You may not like the fact that women will seek abortions even when they're illegal, but it is undeniably a fact nonetheless.

Common Argument #8: What if Winston Churchill or Martin Luther King had been aborted?

Your Response: Are you saying abortion policy should be influenced by how good of a person a fetus ends up becoming? If that's the case, what if Joseph Stalin or Pol Pot had been aborted?

Common Argument #9: Many women who get abortions regret their decision later on.

The Pro-Choice Argument: This is a pretty common argument. As with shaming of teen moms, it pops up in subway ads.

This is a bad argument. Should the government ban people from doing things they sometimes regret? Think of everything you've ever regretted — not moving after college, dating the wrong person — and ask yourself if you wish there had been a law to prevent you from doing that thing. You probably don't, because you probably believe people should be able to choose their own paths in life regardless of whether they regret those choices later on. I agree, which is part of why I'm pro-choice .

Common Argument #10: Taxpayers shouldn't be forced to pay for things they find morally disagreeable.

The Pro-Choice Argument: By that rationale, America also shouldn't have a military, since that's funded by taxes, and many taxpayers find American foreign policy morally disagreeable. Also, the Hyde Amendment prevents most public funds from going toward abortions. But that's a moot point, because these are two separate arguments. Believing that abortion should be legal doesn't require you to also believe that taxpayer dollars should fund abortions.

Common Argument #11: What if your mother had aborted you?

The Pro-Choice Argument: Well, if I'd never come into existence in the first place, I probably wouldn't have any strong feelings on the matter. Anyway, I love my mother very much and respect her right to make whatever decisions are right for her body and life.

The best pro-choice arguments , in summary:

• A "right to life" doesn't imply a right to use someone else's body to sustain a life.
• Women do not have a "responsibility" to have children, and certainly don't assume such a responsibility by virtue of deciding to have sex.
• Outlawing abortion is very dangerous, both for women and their children.
• Adoption still requires women to carry a baby to term and then give birth, both of which are also inherently dangerous.
• Abortions, on the other hand, are quite safe.
• Banning abortion violates a woman's right to control her own body.

This article was originally published on March 5, 2014

The Most Important Study in the Abortion Debate

Researchers rigorously tested the persistent notion that abortion wounds the women who seek it.

The demographer Diana Greene Foster was in Orlando last month, preparing for the end of Roe v. Wade , when Politico published a leaked draft of a majority Supreme Court opinion striking down the landmark ruling. The opinion, written by Justice Samuel Alito, would revoke the constitutional right to abortion and thus give states the ability to ban the medical procedure.

Foster, the director of the Bixby Population Sciences Research Unit at UC San Francisco, was at a meeting of abortion providers, seeking their help recruiting people for a new study . And she was racing against time. She wanted to look, she told me, “at the last person served in, say, Nebraska, compared to the first person turned away in Nebraska.” Nearly two dozen red and purple states are expected to enact stringent limits or even bans on abortion as soon as the Supreme Court strikes down Roe v. Wade , as it is poised to do. Foster intends to study women with unwanted pregnancies just before and just after the right to an abortion vanishes.

Read: When a right becomes a privilege

When Alito’s draft surfaced, Foster told me, “I was struck by how little it considered the people who would be affected. The experience of someone who’s pregnant when they do not want to be and what happens to their life is absolutely not considered in that document.” Foster’s earlier work provides detailed insight into what does happen. The landmark Turnaway Study , which she led, is a crystal ball into our post- Roe future and, I would argue, the single most important piece of academic research in American life at this moment.

The legal and political debate about abortion in recent decades has tended to focus more on the rights and experience of embryos and fetuses than the people who gestate them. And some commentators—including ones seated on the Supreme Court—have speculated that termination is not just a cruel convenience, but one that harms women too . Foster and her colleagues rigorously tested that notion. Their research demonstrates that, in general, abortion does not wound women physically, psychologically, or financially. Carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term does.

In a 2007 decision , Gonzales v. Carhart , the Supreme Court upheld a ban on one specific, uncommon abortion procedure. In his majority opinion , Justice Anthony Kennedy ventured a guess about abortion’s effect on women’s lives: “While we find no reliable data to measure the phenomenon, it seems unexceptionable to conclude some women come to regret their choice to abort the infant life they once created and sustained,” he wrote. “Severe depression and loss of esteem can follow.”

Was that really true? Activists insisted so, but social scientists were not sure . Indeed, they were not sure about a lot of things when it came to the effect of the termination of a pregnancy on a person’s life. Many papers compared individuals who had an abortion with people who carried a pregnancy to term. The problem is that those are two different groups of people; to state the obvious, most people seeking an abortion are experiencing an unplanned pregnancy, while a majority of people carrying to term intended to get pregnant.

Foster and her co-authors figured out a way to isolate the impact of abortion itself. Nearly all states bar the procedure after a certain gestational age or after the point that a fetus is considered viable outside the womb . The researchers could compare people who were “turned away” by a provider because they were too far along with people who had an abortion at the same clinics. (They did not include people who ended a pregnancy for medical reasons.) The women who got an abortion would be similar, in terms of demographics and socioeconomics, to those who were turned away; what would separate the two groups was only that some women got to the clinic on time, and some didn’t.

In time, 30 abortion providers—ones that had the latest gestational limit of any clinic within 150 miles, meaning that a person could not easily access an abortion if they were turned away—agreed to work with the researchers. They recruited nearly 1,000 women to be interviewed every six months for five years. The findings were voluminous, resulting in 50 publications and counting. They were also clear. Kennedy’s speculation was wrong: Women, as a general point, do not regret having an abortion at all.

Researchers found, among other things, that women who were denied abortions were more likely to end up living in poverty. They had worse credit scores and, even years later, were more likely to not have enough money for the basics, such as food and gas. They were more likely to be unemployed. They were more likely to go through bankruptcy or eviction. “The two groups were economically the same when they sought an abortion,” Foster told me. “One became poorer.”

Read: The calamity of unwanted motherhood

In addition, those denied a termination were more likely to be with a partner who abused them. They were more likely to end up as a single parent. They had more trouble bonding with their infants, were less likely to agree with the statement “I feel happy when my child laughs or smiles,” and were more likely to say they “feel trapped as a mother.” They experienced more anxiety and had lower self-esteem, though those effects faded in time. They were half as likely to be in a “very good” romantic relationship at two years. They were less likely to have “aspirational” life plans.

Their bodies were different too. The ones denied an abortion were in worse health, experiencing more hypertension and chronic pain. None of the women who had an abortion died from it. This is unsurprising; other research shows that the procedure has extremely low complication rates , as well as no known negative health or fertility effects . Yet in the Turnaway sample, pregnancy ended up killing two of the women who wanted a termination and did not get one.

The Turnaway Study also showed that abortion is a choice that women often make in order to take care of their family. Most of the women seeking an abortion were already mothers. In the years after they terminated a pregnancy, their kids were better off; they were more likely to hit their developmental milestones and less likely to live in poverty. Moreover, many women who had an abortion went on to have more children. Those pregnancies were much more likely to be planned, and those kids had better outcomes too.

The interviews made clear that women, far from taking a casual view of abortion, took the decision seriously. Most reported using contraception when they got pregnant, and most of the people who sought an abortion after their state’s limit simply did not realize they were pregnant until it was too late. (Many women have irregular periods, do not experience morning sickness, and do not feel fetal movement until late in the second trimester.) The women gave nuanced, compelling reasons for wanting to end their pregnancies.

Afterward, nearly all said that termination had been the right decision. At five years, only 14 percent felt any sadness about having an abortion; two in three ended up having no or very few emotions about it at all. “Relief” was the most common feeling, and an abiding one.

From the May 2022 issue: The future of abortion in a post- Roe America

The policy impact of the Turnaway research has been significant, even though it was published during a period when states have been restricting abortion access. In 2018, the Iowa Supreme Court struck down a law requiring a 72-hour waiting period between when a person seeks and has an abortion, noting that “the vast majority of abortion patients do not regret the procedure, even years later, and instead feel relief and acceptance”—a Turnaway finding. That same finding was cited by members of Chile’s constitutional court  as they allowed for the decriminalization of abortion in certain circumstances.

Yet the research has not swayed many people who advocate for abortion bans, believing that life begins at conception and that the law must prioritize the needs of the fetus. Other activists have argued that Turnaway is methodologically flawed; some women approached in the clinic waiting room declined to participate, and not all participating women completed all interviews . “The women who anticipate and experience the most negative reactions to abortion are the least likely to want to participate in interviews,” the activist David Reardon argued in a 2018 article in a Catholic Medical Association journal.

Still, four dozen papers analyzing the Turnaway Study’s findings have been published in peer-reviewed journals; the research is “the gold standard,” Emily M. Johnston, an Urban Institute health-policy expert who wasn’t involved with the project, told me. In the trajectories of women who received an abortion and those who were denied one, “we can understand the impact of abortion on women’s lives,” Foster told me. “They don’t have to represent all women seeking abortion for the findings to be valid.” And her work has been buttressed by other surveys, showing that women fear the repercussions of unplanned pregnancies for good reason and do not tend to regret having a termination. “Among the women we spoke with, they did not regret either choice,” whether that was having an abortion or carrying to term, Johnston told me. “These women were thinking about their desires for themselves, but also were thinking very thoughtfully about what kind of life they could provide for a child.”

The Turnaway study , for Foster, underscored that nobody needs the government to decide whether they need an abortion. If and when America’s highest court overturns Roe , though, an estimated 34 million women of reproductive age will lose some or all access to the procedure in the state where they live. Some people will travel to an out-of-state clinic to terminate a pregnancy; some will get pills by mail to manage their abortions at home; some will “try and do things that are less safe,” as Foster put it. Many will carry to term: The Guttmacher Institute has estimated that there will be roughly 100,000 fewer legal abortions per year post- Roe . “The question now is who is able to circumvent the law, what that costs, and who suffers from these bans,” Foster told me. “The burden of this will be disproportionately put on people who are least able to support a pregnancy and to support a child.”

Ellen Gruber Garvey: I helped women get abortions in pre- Roe America

Foster said that there is a lot we still do not know about how the end of Roe might alter the course of people’s lives—the topic of her new research. “In the Turnaway Study, people were too late to get an abortion, but they didn’t have to feel like the police were going to knock on their door,” she told me. “Now, if you’re able to find an abortion somewhere and you have a complication, do you get health care? Do you seek health care out if you’re having a miscarriage, or are you too scared? If you’re going to travel across state lines, can you tell your mother or your boss what you’re doing?”

In addition, she said that she was uncertain about the role that abortion funds —local, on-the-ground organizations that help people find, travel to, and pay for terminations—might play. “We really don’t know who is calling these hotlines,” she said. “When people call, what support do they need? What is enough, and who falls through the cracks?” She added that many people are unaware that such services exist, and might have trouble accessing them.

People are resourceful when seeking a termination and resilient when denied an abortion, Foster told me. But looking into the post- Roe future, she predicted, “There’s going to be some widespread and scary consequences just from the fact that we’ve made this common health-care practice against the law.” Foster, to her dismay, is about to have a lot more research to do.

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How To Write A Persuasive Essay On Abortion?

Table of Contents

Both sides of the discussion provide solid arguments, and both ideas have legs. And this makes the subject matter of abortion one of the best topics for persuasive essay .

The basics of a persuasive essay on abortion

The dictionaries define abortion as the termination of a pregnancy by removing embryo or fetus from the uterus before the end of its term. Miscarriage also falls under this description, however, when we talk about abortion, the first thing that comes to mind is the intended abolition of the unwanted pregnancy.

It is a tough topic for discussion, as the audience, on the whole, has an opinion concerning it already. The main task of the persuasive essay is to argue the audience into your point of view, but how on earth you can persuade a person who has developed an opinion based on personal experience?

Or how you can convince a devout believer of the truth of your words if you write about the necessity of legalization of abortions?

As you can see, the assignment is incredibly challenging, yet, not impossible. Teachers conceive this topic as one of the best ways to evaluate your ability to ram an argument home, so you will have to make every possible effort when writing this paper.

This subject matter deals with philosophical, religious, moral, medical, and ethical points. Thus, in order to create a compelling text, you will have to address all these aspects.

Core aspects of great abortion thesis statements

Abortion thesis statements are the quintessence of the papers so, usually, writers create them after thorough research of the issue and when the direction of the thought is already defined.

You can consider it as a very condensed outline as after reading a single thesis sentence, the reader can clearly see what you discuss in the text.

Thus, sometimes, the best time to write it is when the rough draft of the paper is almost ready.

Several steps should be taken to create a well-rounded thesis statement:

• Profound research of the subject matter.
• Time for crafting the best thesis .
• Search for a sufficient amount of facts that support the main idea.
• Check if your thesis is aligned with the rest of the text .

Here are some examples of thesis statements for a paper on abortion. You can use them as a source of inspiration for your own paper or as an example of how a great thesis should look like.

• The dangers and consequences of the backstreet abortions that can lead to woman’s death make legalization of abortions indispensable to life.
• The religious aspect is the only reason why people conceive abortion as a pro-choice and not a pro-life decision.
• As soon as the consensus on whether a developing embryo is equated with human life is reached, all the debates over the moral and legal aspects of abortion will be over.
• Psychological and physiological disorders that an unwanted pregnancy can cause justify the legalization of abortions.

The arguments for the persuasive essay on abortion is wrong

You can operate these arguments in a persuasive essay on abortion should be illegal:

• The medical procedure is a risky one. The possible immediate and long-term consequences are sterility, heavy bleeding, damage of the cervix or womb.
• Abortion is an irretrievable action so a woman can lament till her dying days. That may result in the clinical depression with gloomy implications up to suicide.
• Abortion increases the chances of contracting breast cancer.
• A woman who does not want to raise a child can give it up for adoption as many couples cannot have children for some reasons.
• For most cases, the unwanted pregnancy is the result of neglect of the contraceptives. Why should unborn children suffer because of the irresponsibility of a woman?
• Baby feels pain during the abortion, especially during the partial-birth abortion.
• There are no religions that justify abortion.
• Each and every life is valuable. But abortion values human’s life next to nothing.

Tip: When you write a persuasive essay on abortion pro-life, try to operate facts, not thoughts. Thus, you will sound more convincing.

How to support a persuasive essay on abortion pro-choice?

• The complications of pregnancy can have the same or even worse consequences rather than abortion.
• Abortion is justified if the fetus is diagnosed with heavy genetic defects.
• If parents are mentally disabled or carry severe heritable diseases, and it is possible to say for sure that the embryo is a carrier of a disease too, abortion has to be legal.
• The pregnancy as the result of a rape.
• There is still no agreement concerning the balance of a fetus and a person, so it is improper to apply laws and ethical standards to a developing life as to a human.

These arguments may help you make a persuasive essay on why abortion should be legal more convincing.

Still, do not forget that it is essential to add an argument with an opposite point of view to your text and then confute it.

How to create a neutral argument for a paper on abortion?

It may seem that such a burning issue can have only two points of view: pro or against. However, it is possible to write a neutral, unbiased, and still persuasive paper that will argue others into your point of view.

Such arguments are based on the facts and logic, they do not plead for sympathy or demand carriage of feminist postulates or the right for private life, etc.

These are the arguments that search for a sound compromise. For example:

• If the pregnancy endangers the woman’s life, abortion is acceptable.
• Abortion is acceptable if a fetus has a terminal sickness.

On balance…

We hope that this article helped you to figure out how such papers should be written so you won’t be scared by persuasive essay topics on abortion anymore. Once you’ve chosen the direction of thoughts, nothing will prevent you from creating a top-notch paper!

Don’t feel like being inspired by the topic of abortion? Luckily, we have trained pro’s here, who can do both, cope with any kind of essay… and fit into the deadline. Hit the button to learn more!

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Public Health in the Field: The Public Health Case for Abortion Rights

Annalies Winny

Lindsay Smith Rogers

This article is adapted from a special episode of the Public Health On Call Podcast called Public Health in the Field. You can hear the full episode here .

Please note: Throughout this article, the gendered terms “woman” and “women” are used as that’s how the CDC and other sources record related data. 

More coverage:

• Overturning Roe v. Wade and Public Health
• What We Know—and Don't Yet Know—About The Leaked Supreme Court Draft Opinion That Could Overturn Roe v. Wade

A single case before the Supreme Court will likely decide the future of Roe v. Wade.

In 2018, the Mississippi legislature passed and the governor signed House Bill 1510, known as the  Gestational Age Act , which bans abortions after 15 weeks. There are exceptions if the life of the fetus or parent is at risk—but not in cases of rape or incest. The law violated Roe v. Wade, a Supreme Court decision that protects the right to abortion prior to “viability” of the fetus, which is at around 24 weeks. The bill was quickly blocked by lower federal courts but now the law’s fate is up to the Supreme Court.

The outcome of this case— Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization —has implications for abortion rights far beyond Mississippi: A decision that previability bans are not unconstitutional could upend longstanding protections established by Roe v. Wade, the 1973 landmark case that legalized abortion nationwide. 

The conversation about abortion rights in the U.S. is a noisy one involving politics, precedents, and personal beliefs. What often gets short shrift, however, is the public health reality that restricting access to abortion results in erosion of the health of women, especially low-income and women of color. This is why abortion is so much more than a legal battle. 

The Public Health Case for Abortion Rights

Many women who were denied wanted abortions had higher levels of household poverty, debt, evictions, and other economic hardships and instabilities, according to Joanne Rosen , JD , associate director of the  Johns Hopkins Center for Law and the Public’s Health .

The findings come from a 10-year study,  The Turnaway Study , which followed nearly 1,000 women who either had or were denied abortions and tracked their mental and physical health and financial impacts. 

“The study also found that women who were seeking but unable to obtain abortions endured higher levels of physical violence from the men who had fathered these children,” Rosen says. “And people who were turned away when seeking abortions endured more health problems than women who were able to obtain [them], as well as more serious health problems.

“That gives you a sense of the ways in which being unable to obtain abortions had really long lasting impacts on these peoples’ lives.”

A 2020 study in the  American Journal of Preventive Medicine found that women living in states with less restrictive reproductive health policies were less likely to give birth to low-weight babies. Other research  published in The Lancet found that restrictive abortion laws actually mean a higher rate of abortion-related maternal deaths.

Restrictive abortion laws affect more than just the health of individuals and families—they affect the economy, too. Research from The Lancet found that “ensuring women’s access to safe abortion services does lower medical costs for health systems.”  

The  Institute for Women’s Policy Research has a host of data around how reproductive health restrictions impact women’s earning potential, including an interactive map tool, Total Economic Losses Due to State-level Abortion Restrictions. In Mississippi , for example, the data indicate that an absence of abortion restrictions would translate to a 1.8% increase of Black women in the labor force, over 2% for Hispanic women, and a leap of more than 2.6% for women who identify as Asian-Pacific Islander. This same tool calculates that removing abortion restrictions would translate to an estimated $13.4 million in increased earnings at the state level for Black women alone. 

Abortion restrictions disproportionately affect people of color and those with low-incomes. According to  data from the CDC , Black women are five times more likely to have an abortion than white women, and Latinx women are two times as likely as whites. Seventy-five percent of people who have abortions are low-income or poor. 

Mississippi, Texas, and The Supreme Court   

On December 1, the Supreme Court will hear Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization and Joanne Rosen thinks it’s unlikely the Court would agree to hear the case if they were just going to affirm the status quo. 

The case isn’t the only one on the docket, however. Texas’ Senate Bill 8, which bans abortion after six weeks of pregnancy, made headlines earlier this month and may impact SCOTUS’ ultimate decision on the Mississippi case. The high-profile law came before the Supreme Court in November 2021 and Rosen said the important thing to note is that the Court didn’t actually address whether the six-week ban is constitutional. Rather, they examined the unusual enforcement scheme of the law—where, when, and by whom the Texas law could be challenged.

Rosen says that the justices may compare the Texas law with the Mississippi law and, when considering a six-week abortion ban, a 15-week ban may seem less extreme. In this way, the Texas case could give the Court some cover to uphold Mississippi’s 15-week ban.

It’s likely to be months before an opinion is released; Rosen says the Court typically releases its decisions on high-stakes or controversial cases in June. And high stakes this is: for the future of abortion, for reproductive health rights, and for public health. 

Annalies Winny is an associate editor for  Global Health NOW . 

Alissa Zhu is a journalist and current  MSPH student at the Bloomberg School.

Lindsay Smith Rogers, MA, is the producer of the  Public Health On Call podcast and the associate director of content strategy for the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

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This article is adapted from a special episode of the  Public Health On Call Podcast  called Public Health in the Field.

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Ramapo College of New Jersey Home Page » Academics » SSHS » Ramapo Journal of Law & Society » Thesis » Why Women Should Make the Abortion Decision: Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don’t

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Why Women Should Make the Abortion Decision: Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don’t

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• Law and Society Major
• School of Social Science and Human Services (SSHS)

( PDF ) (DOC) (JPG) September 17, 2020

Christina San Filippo [1]

As a woman in today’s society, a woman who has had life-altering decisions about her body made for her throughout her entire life, I want to call attention to other women who are just trying to make their own decisions about their own bodies.

With this work, I recognize that within society there is a split between those who support a woman’s choice to have an abortion, and those who do not. I argue that both the decisions, to have an abortion, as well as to carry a pregnancy to term, have consequences. These consequences can be physical, sociological, and/or psychological. Therefore, the decision should be left to individual women to decide which consequences they are able to bear. For this reason, access to safe, medical care regarding reproduction and abortion should be available to all women, across all states.

Initially, I will establish the foundational background on the legalization of abortion. It will begin in the early 1800s, a time where abortion before “quickening” was legal for women in the United States. However, as women began to die from abortion inducing drugs, and Dr. Horatio Storer teamed with the American Medical Association to begin the “crusade on abortion,” disdain for the procedure grew. Throughout the mid-to-late 1800s, states began passing legislation to ban the drugs used for abortions and, eventually, the procedure itself. Contraception was also federally outlawed with the Comstock Law of 1873. Almost 100 years later both became legalized again with the major Supreme Court cases Griswold v. Connecticut, Eisenstadt v. Baird, and Roe v. Wade.

This legalization has not come without obstacles, however. The second section of this work delves into the state barriers put on abortion. Although legal federally, state constitutions still allow for each state to put laws in place that restrict access to abortion, including zoning laws, mandatory counseling, mandatory waiting periods, and minor consent or notification. All of these barriers within states were upheld by the Supreme Court in the case of Planned Parenthood v. Casey. In addition to these ongoing issues in states, the current President proposed a domestic gag rule, and reinstated a global gag rule, that limits funding to abortion providers. This section will further discuss the specific details of the state laws regarding access to abortion, and the status of the issue of abortion within the current federal administration.

Thereafter, the physical, sociological, and/or psychological effects of access, or lack thereof, to abortion may have one women is considered. Reasons for having an abortion vary from financial instability to unstable relationships. Upon receiving one, there is mixed research on whether women suffer future physical, sociological, and/or psychological effects. A sad reality is that even if a woman wants an abortion and feels she is capable of handling these possible consequences, she may be unable to get one. Whether the reason be barriers related to geographic location or financial situation, being forced to carry an unwanted child may also bear physical, sociological, and/or psychological effects.

Finally, the analysis concludes that both having an abortion and not being able to have an abortion can have negative effects on a woman. These effects can be either physical, psychological, and/or sociological. Women are capable of making their own decisions, and this should include access to abortion.  

I. History of Abortion and Contraception Legalization

Today, it is easy to take certain things for granted. As people living in America, the land of the free, we do not take a second glance at some of the things we are able to do. Two of these things are the ability to receive educated medical advice on reproductive health from physicians, and the ability to get a safe and legal abortion. However, this was not always the case. At certain points in history, all things regarding contraception and abortion were outlawed in the US. Though we usually think of women’s reproductive health as happening chronologically – first contraception and then abortion – the attention to women’s bodies happened in the opposite order. Historically, abortion began to be regulated before contraception.

Legal Abortion Before “Quickening”

Before and during most of the 1800s, certain abortions were legal, and not uncommon. A woman was only allowed to seek an abortion before “quickening,” which was when she could feel the fetus moving. Before this, it was believed that human life did not exist. Surprisingly, even the Catholic Church shared this view, believing that abortions before quickening were “prior to ensoulment” (Ravitz, 2016). In society, early pregnancies that ended were not even considered abortions, but were rather seen as pregnancies that “slipped away” (Reagan, 2008, p. 8). At this time, conception was seen as something that created an imbalance within the body, due to the fact that it interrupted a woman’s menstruation cycle (Reagan, 2008, p. 8). The way abortions usually worked was that women would take certain drugs to induce abortions. If these drugs failed, a woman could then visit a medical practitioner for an actual procedure to be rid of the fetus (Ravitz, 2016). Abortions before quickening were seen as a way to “bring the body back into balance by restoring the flow,” which meant the returning of the menstrual cycle (Reagan, 2008, p. 8). It was a practice done openly and honestly for pregnant women at this time.  

Abortion Outlawed: The Beginning of the End

Although abortions done before quickening were legal, they were not entirely a safe practice. The drugs that women took to induce the abortions often ended in the death of the woman, rather than just the termination of the fetus. Due to this, states began passing statutes that controlled the sale of “abortifacient drugs” as a “poison control measures designed to protect pregnant women” (Reagan, 2008, p. 10). Each of these laws sought to punish whoever administered the drug, rather than the woman who received it (Mohr, 1979, p. 43). In 1821, Connecticut passed a statute outlawing the use of abortion inducing drugs, believing they were a threat to life by causing death by poisoning. However, the law was only applicable if the woman had already experienced quickening. It is important to note that the law was not focused on the actual act of abortion and did not even mention surgical abortions; the focus was on the drugs used for abortions. After this statute was passed in Connecticut, more states began to follow. Missouri in 1825, and then Illinois in 1827, also passed legislation outlawing the use of abortion inducing drugs in an attempt to avoid deaths by poisoning. However, both of these states did not mention quickening, and made the use of these drugs illegal at any point during a woman’s pregnancy (Mohr, 1979, pp. 22–26).

Within the next few years, several states also began passing legislation regarding abortion. However, these statutes focused more on the act of abortion, rather than the drugs that caused them. Similar to the anti-drug laws, these statutes also sought to punish the person who performed the abortion, not the woman who received it (Mohr, 1979, p. 43). In 1834, Ohio passed a law stating that “the death of either the mother or the fetus after quickening” is a felony (Mohr, 1979, p. 39). Missouri soon followed by revising their previous abortion law and making “the use of instruments to induce an abortion after quickening a crime equal to the use of poisonous substances after quickening” (Mohr, 1979, p. 40). In 1840, Maine made “attempted abortion of any woman ‘pregnant with child’ an offense, ‘whether such child be quick or not’ and regardless of what method was used” (Mohr, 1979, p. 41). This Maine offense was punishable by jailtime or a large fine. As states continued to pass anti-abortion legislation, certain groups rallied behind this new-found fight against abortion.  

American Medical Association (AMA) and Horatio Storer

Despite certain states passing laws prohibiting the sale of abortion inducing drugs, the nationwide business for them continued to grow. The drugs were openly discussed, even advertised in newspapers, and were readily available (Ravitz, 2016). A woman was able to purchase the drugs from physicians, pharmacists, or order them and have them delivered by mail (Reagan, 2008, p. 10). Along with the growth in popularity of these drugs came criticism.

In 1847, the American Medical Association was founded. The establishment of this Association was the beginning of the politicization of abortion. At this time period, when a woman and a man got married, “the husband assumed virtually all legal rights for the couple” (Primrose, 2012, p. 170). This was both a law, and a patriarchal viewpoint that was accepted within society. It was seen as the duty of women to bear children to their husbands. The American Medical Association asserted that abortions not only posed health risks to women, but also prevented wives from fulfilling this role in their marriage contract. At this time women were also seeking entry into Harvard Medical School, where many sought to pursue careers in gynecology and obstetrics. These career goals threatened the role of women as subjects of their husbands, and so created a kind of push-back by the American Medical Association (Ravitz, 2016).

American Medical Association Role in Outlawing Abortion

In 1857, the American Medical Association began focusing mainly on getting abortion to be outlawed, with Dr. Horatio Storer at the head of this crusade. On top of the previously mentioned patriarchal reasons pushing for this criminalization, a couple of other factors contributed. One was the fear of immigrants in the United States. Storer was one of many Americans who shared this fear, worrying that the nation would soon become out-populated by people of other ethnicities, leaving white people outnumbered. Another was the threat that licensed physicians felt from midwives and homeopaths, who they saw as their competition in the medical field. By outlawing abortion, this threat would be neutralized, and physicians would have power and control over practicing medicine. For these reasons, physicians supported Storer and the American Medical Association in the fight to outlaw abortion (Ravitz, 2016). Overall, Storer, backed by physicians around the nation, helped influence abortion laws by appealing to “a set of fears of white, native-born, male elites losing political power to immigrants and to women” (Reagan, 2008, p. 13). However, their anti-abortion campaign also had to try to reach women in America as well.

Dr. Horatio Storer was the son of David Humphreys Storer, a professor at Harvard Medical School in the field of Obstetrics and Medical Jurisprudence. David Storer argued that the only time an abortion was acceptable was if it was to save the life of the mother, and that a fetus becomes a human being as soon as the embryo enters the uterus. David’s son, Horatio, adopted this mentality and used it in his crusade against abortion. In 1866, he wrote a book entitled, Why Not? A Book for Every Woman , followed by Why Not? A Book for Every Man , which were widely distributed to female patients by their physicians. The books were an attempt to make women feel guilty for having abortions and convince men that they were equally guilty as the father of the unborn. Storer was smart enough to recognize that not all women may give in to arguments based on morals and guilt. For this reason, he “recommended that their physician readers appeal to women’s concerns about their own health as a way to persuade them to have their children” (Dyer, 2003). This ensured that the American Medical Association was fighting against abortion from all possible angles and viewpoints.

Anti-Abortion Laws Continue

With much help from the American Medical Association, the anti-abortion movement gained traction in the nation. This social shift towards the nonacceptance of abortion was reflected in laws passed by states at the time. Within the time period of 1860-1880, “the United States produced the most important burst of anti-abortion legislation in the nation’s history” (Mohr, 1979, p. 200). During these years, states passed “at least 40 anti-abortion [laws],” and “13 jurisdictions formally outlawed abortion for the first time” (Mohr, 1979, p. 200).

The first state to start this wave of legislation was Connecticut in 1860. The law contained four separate sections laying out all things that were now illegal regarding abortion. The first section discussed abortion in general, stating that the act was considered “a felony punishable by up to $1000 fine and up to five years in prison” (Mohr, 1979, p. 201). The second section stated that any accomplices of the person who performs the abortion is guilty of the crime as well. The third section said that the woman who receives the abortion is also guilty of the felony, even if she attempts one on herself. The fourth section discussed abortifacient information and materials, stating that the distribution of either was punishable by fines between $300 and $500 (Mohr, 1979, pp. 201–202). The contents within the third and fourth sections of this statute were things that had never been mentioned before in anti-abortion laws, and signified the “evolution of abortion policy” that was about to sweep the nation (Mohr, 1979, p. 201). This Connecticut law set the stage for other states, which began passing their own more intense abortion laws. Examples include “Colorado Territory and Nevada Territory in 1861, and Arizona Territory, Idaho Territory, and Montana Territory in 1864,” which each made abortion a punishable offense (Mohr, 1979, p. 202).

Contraception Outlawed: Comstock Law of 1873

In 1873, The American Medical Association gained a victory when the Comstock Law was passed. This statute, passed on March 2, 1873, banned both the importation and distribution of any information or drug that aimed towards the prevention of conception (Tone, 2000, p. 439). The law made it illegal to “mail contraceptives, any information about contraceptives, or any information about how to find contraceptives” (Primrose, 2012, p. 173). Congress was able to do this by “enacting the antiobscenity statute to end the ‘nefarious and diabolical traffic’ in ‘vile and immoral goods’ that purity reformers believed promoted sexual licentiousness” (Tone, 2000, p. 439). Simply put, the government banned birth control and any information related to birth control under the guise that both its availability and use would contribute to sexual promiscuity, making it obscene, and allowing it to fall under the purity laws. The penalty for anyone who was caught violating the Comstock Law was “one to ten years of hard labor, potentially in combination with a fine” (Primrose, 2012, pp. 173–174). After Congress enacted this law, twenty-four states passed their own state versions to affirm the federal law (Tone, 2000, p. 441). On top of these federal and state laws, the government also gave “the United States Postal Service authority to decide what was ‘lewd, lascivious, indecent, or obscene’” (Primrose, 2012, p. 174). This was based on the fact that the business of birth control relied heavily on interstate commerce (Tone, 2000, p. 441).

Despite the fact that birth control and all information regarding it was outlawed people did not stop having sexual intercourse. As expected, this resulted in unwanted pregnancies. Women in this position who still sought an abortion despite its illegality were forced to look elsewhere to receive the procedure, which many times consisted of unsafe and unsanitary conditions (Primrose, 2012, p. 175).

Contraception Legalized: Contribution of a “First Wave Feminist” Movement in the United States

Around 1915, coinciding with advocates for the right of women to vote, a large feminist movement began growing, headed by Margaret Sanger, which focused on the importance of birth control. Sanger was a nurse who visited homes and was often asked questions by women on how to prevent having more children. One of Sanger’s patients died from a self-induced abortion, which led her to become more vocal about the unjustness that comes from restricting information on birth control. Sanger believed that the only way to achieve equal rights among men and women was for society to release women from the expected role of being a childbearing wife. In 1916, she attempted to open a contraceptive clinic in Brooklyn, New York, but was shut down after ten days. Despite being open for a short amount of time, the clinic had visits from 464 women. This staggering number displays the desperate need for contraception at the time.

Sanger continued her efforts to fight for contraception, and with support growing, she created the American Birth Control League (Galvin). In 1932, after Sanger was arrested for mailing birth control products, a judge from the Second Circuit Court of Appeals “ordered a relaxation of the Comstock laws at the federal level” (Primrose, 2012, p. 182). The opinion, written by Judge Augustus Hand, stated that contraception could no longer be described as “obscene,” and that there was a great amount of damage caused by this ban. He “ruled that doctors could prescribe birth control not only to prevent disease, but for the ‘general well-being’ of their patients” (Galvin, 1998). This was a great win for Sanger and those who also fought for the legalization of birth control.

In 1942, the American Birth Control League decided to switch their approach and portray birth control as a means of family planning rather than a way to “liberate women” (Primrose, 2012, p. 183). With this change in approach also came a name change: Planned Parenthood. Although Sanger did not approve of this shift in philosophy or name change, both helped the organization present itself as much friendlier towards both men and women, and to become socially accepted (Primrose, 2012, pp. 183–184).

As time went on, the feminist movement towards legalized contraception and abortion continued. In the 1960s, the women’s liberation movement gained much more support after many were being “inspired by the civil rights and anti-war movements” (Ravitz, 2016). This traction in the women’s movement could be seen in the years to come within court decisions.

First Comes Marriage

After the ruling by Augustus Hand in the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, there was a large move towards the social acceptance of birth control. However, a Second Circuit decision is only binding in one jurisdiction. While this was a win for those within this area, and certainly did reflect a growing social acceptance, it was not sufficient to repeal laws nationwide. At this point, disagreement among the states on the issue of abortion was rising. For this reason, the issue rose all the way to the US Supreme Court.  

Griswold v. Connecticut , 381 U.S. 479 (1965)

In 1965, the Supreme Court helped strike down any laws within the states that mimicked the Comstock Law in Griswold v. Connecticut. In this case, Estelle Griswold was the executive director of Planned Parenthood in Connecticut. Griswold was arrested for giving out information about contraception under a Connecticut law which banned this. The Supreme Court brought up the idea of privacy within homes and ruled that although the “right to privacy” is not overtly written in the Bill of Rights, it still is a fundamental right protected under the Constitution. They discussed the idea that the Bill of Rights throws “penumbras” under which certain fundamental rights lie. In this case specifically, the First, Third, Fourth, Fifth, and Ninth Amendments all cast grey areas in which the “right to privacy” stands, which is then applied against the states using the Fourteenth Amendment. The court held that the Connecticut statute was overly broad and caused more harm than needed to be done. The statute encroached on a certain area in life where privacy is essential – inside a marriage. This ruling declared that a state is unable to ban the use of contraceptives within a marriage due to the right to privacy.

Then Comes All Persons

Eisenstadt v. Baird , 405 U.S. 438 (1972)

While this was a great win for birth control advocates, it only made the distribution of contraception legal for married couples. In 1972 came Eisenstadt v. Baird , the Supreme Court case which extended this ruling to single peoples as well. In this case, Bill Baird was arrested for selling birth control in the form of vaginal foam to multiple women at Boston University. He was charged under a Massachusetts statute that mimicked the previous federal Comstock Law. After the ruling of Griswold v. Connecticut , this statute had been amended, but it was only to legalize the distribution of birth control to married couples. In the opinion of Eisenstadt v. Baird , Supreme Court Justice William Brennan “declared that ‘whatever the right of the individual to access to contraceptives may be, the rights must be the same for the unmarried and the married alike’” (Garrow, 2001, p. 65). The foundation of this argument stemmed from the fact that “the law violated ‘the rights of single persons under the Equal Protection Clause’ of the Fourteenth Amendment” (Garrow, 2001, p. 64). This ruling helped establish legal contraception for all individuals.  

Abortion Legalized Federally

Roe v. Wade , 410 U.S. 113 (1973)

In 1973, the contraception movement came to a peak when the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Roe v. Wade , federally legalizing abortion. In this case, a single pregnant woman in the state of Texas challenged a “criminal abortion statute which only allowed abortions ‘for the purpose of saving the life of the mother’” (Zagel, 1973). The plaintiff, named anonymously as Jane Roe to protect her identity, who was later revealed to be Norma McCorvey, asserted in the legal briefs that the statute was unconstitutional and a violation of the right to privacy, therefore the law was null and void. Texas argued that it has compelling state interests in the life of the mother, the protection of prenatal life, and in the discouragement of illicit sexual activity, making this statute constitutional. The court understood the state’s concern for the mother and unborn child but did not accept the argument regarding sexual activity. After weighing the valid points brought forward by both Roe and Texas, the Court ruled accordingly. In the first trimester, the state has no say, and all decisions are to be made between a woman and her doctor. In the second trimester, a woman is still able to receive an abortion, but the state is able to make some regulations in order to protect the mother’s life. In the third trimester, abortions are contingent upon demonstrated threats to the mother’s health, due to the fact that the life of the fetus is considered viable.

Throughout history, the idea of access to “family planning” – whether that be birth control or abortion – has been controversial. Abortion drugs were initially very common but were then banned under the Comstock Law after much lobbying by the American Medical Association. After this, feminist movements began picking up the fight for contraception. The pleas of the movements were not answered until much later, when the Supreme Court made their rulings in Griswold v. Connecticut, Eisenstadt v. Baird, and Roe v. Wade.

Figure 1: Legal Historical Timeline of Abortion and Reproductive Rights

II. Current Legal Obstacles Preventing Abortion

After several federal court decisions legalized abortion and the distribution of contraception, and any information regarding it, it seemed as though the fight for reproductive rights was over. Significantly, an “undue burden” on a woman was ruled as unconstitutional. Additionally, the American Medical Association, a previously large motivator in the anti-abortion movement, moved towards a more pro-choice viewpoint and backed up from being vocal against abortion. In 1990, the AMA stated that “the issue of support or opposition to abortion is a matter for members of the AMA to decide individually, based on personal values or beliefs.” In 2013, the Association as a whole shifted further towards pro-choice, stating that “the Principles of Medical Ethics of the AMA do not prohibit a physician from performing an abortion,” as long as it is done in “good medical practice” and does not violate the law (Hart, 2014, p. 292).

However, the federal court rulings only set a legislative basis for states, which were then responsible for the abortion statutes within their own borders. Despite the fact that abortion was made legal on the federal level, states were, and still are, able to enact statutes that could create certain barriers making it hard for women to obtain an abortion. These barriers include zoning laws, mandatory counseling, waiting periods, and minor consent or notification. Besides being inconvenient hurdles to overcome, these barriers also insinuate an assumption that women seeking abortions have not thoroughly contemplated their decision, and/or are not able to properly educate themselves before doing so.

Hyde Amendment of 1976

In 1976, the United States Congress passed an “amendment to a federal appropriations bill specific to [the Departments of Labor and Health and Human Services].” This amendment, titled the Hyde Amendment, “prohibits using U.S. federal funds to pay for abortions in programs administered through” the two aforementioned federal departments. One of the programs that is affected by this amendment is Medicaid, which is “a joint state-federal program for low-income people.” Under the Hyde Amendment, Medicaid programs in states are unable to access and use federal funds to help low-income people get abortions. Since its installment, the Amendment has “been altered to include exceptions for pregnancies that are the result of rape and incest” (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 341–342, 774). This Amendment is a possible barrier for women who are unable to afford an abortion on their own, which is discussed further below.  

Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey , 505 U.S. 833 (1992)

In 1989, Pennsylvania passed the Pennsylvania Abortion Control Act, which sought to intensely restrict a woman’s ability to get an abortion. Under this law:

A woman seeking an abortion must (i) be given certain state-approved information about the abortion procedure and give her informed consent; (ii) wait 24 [hours] before the abortion procedure [after receiving this information]; (iii) if the woman was a minor she had to obtain parental consent; and (iv) if the woman was married she had to notify her husband, in writing of her intended abortion (Medoff, 2009).

Following the passing of this law, the Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania filed a lawsuit, claiming that the law was unconstitutional. The suit made its way to the United States Supreme Court, which ruled that “states could regulate abortions before viability as long as the regulation did not place an ‘undue burden’ on a woman’s access to an abortion” (Medoff, 2009). However, the Court did not give an explicit definition of what an “undue burden” entails, giving states leeway to enact restrictions on the access to abortion. The Court also upheld the first three parts of Pennsylvania’s statute, but struck down the fourth, requiring husband notification. By upholding the first three, the Supreme Court allowed Pennsylvania to set the stage for other states across the nation which sought to limit the access to abortion (Medoff, 2009).

Types of Abortion Barriers

Zoning Laws

One possible barrier to abortion access that states are able to implement is zoning laws. Under the Constitution, each state has a certain amount of police powers that allow for the enactment of laws and regulations that aim to protect, preserve, and promote the public safety, health, morals, and general welfare of the people (Legal Information Institute). Local governments within states are able to pass zoning laws in the community under these police powers. “Zoning laws determine what types of land uses and densities can occur on each property lot in a municipality.” In some areas throughout the nation, local governments use zoning ordinances to limit the areas where abortion providers can reside (Maantay, 2002, pp. 572–575). This topic is further discussed below.

Mandatory Counseling

According to the Guttmacher Institute, as of March 1, 2019, “34 states require that women receive counseling before an abortion is performed” (Guttmacher Institute, 2019a). The legal basis of mandatory counseling laws lies upon the principle of informed consent. This principle is the idea that patients “have the right to receive accurate and unbiased medical information from their health care provider so that they can make an informed decision about their treatment” (Medoff, 2009). Mandatory counseling laws in states make it a requirement for physicians to read a “’script’ to any patient seeking an abortion” (Rose, 2006, p. 105). These scripts are specific to each state, which are left to approve of the information they wish to include. While the counseling information may vary state-to-state in terms of what exactly must be included, each have the same general idea: to warn women who are seeking an abortion of the possible complications, side effects, and other options.

To stay in accordance with the idea of providing unbiased and objective information, states must also counsel women about options other than abortion, and the possible effects associated with them. For example, North Carolina’s “Woman’s Right to Know Act” states that physicians must inform the woman that she “has other alternatives to abortion, including keeping the baby or placing the baby for adoption.” The act also requires abortion providers to provide patients with printed materials that detail the possible complications and effects of abortion, “as well as the medical risks associated with carrying an unborn child to term” (Stam, 2012, pp. 18–20).

The issue with this counseling is that not all the information distributed is necessarily accurate and may “dissuade women from having an abortion by giving them biased medical information … that is deliberately inaccurate and false” (Medoff, 2009).

One piece of information included in the counseling materials of several states is the idea that “abortion is detrimental to a woman’s mental health” (Medoff, 2009). While this may be the case for some women who receive abortions, it is not true for all. This topic is considered further below.

Other information that is commonplace in counseling materials is that abortions are linked to future medical issues within women. In 6 out of the 34 states that include mention of medical issues, the emphasis is on the correlation between abortion and breast cancer, and 22 out of 34 include information about infertility (Guttmacher Institute, 2019a). However, research has shown that the claims being made are not necessarily accurate. Among the 6 states that discuss breast cancer, 5 “inaccurately assert a link between abortion and an increased risk of breast cancer” (Guttmacher Institute, 2019a). Furthermore, in 1996, The National Cancer Institute stated that after doing research, they found “no evidence of a direct relationship between breast cancer and either induced or spontaneous abortion” (Medoff, 2009). Regarding infertility, there is research showing that “vacuum” abortions, which are “the most common method used in over 90% of all abortions – poses no long-term risk of infertility” (Medoff, 2009). In 4 of the 22 states that discuss infertility, the risk is inaccurately portrayed (Guttmacher Institute, 2019a). The distribution of this inaccurate information may scare women away from having an abortion, fearing they will have serious health complications in the future.

In 13 out of the 34 states, the mandatory counseling information tells women that the fetus is able to feel pain during the procedure of the abortion (Guttmacher Institute, 2019a). However, not every state provides the same facts. In South Dakota, women are told that the fetus feels pain no matter how far along the pregnancy may be. In Texas, women are told the fetus can feel pain as early as 12 weeks, while women in Arkansas and Georgia are told it is 20 weeks (Medoff, 2009). However, research has shown “that the necessary physical structures to perceive pain develop between 23 and 30 weeks’ gestation” (Gold & Nash, 2007). This disagreement between states clearly shows how inaccurate the information being distributed to women may be.

Aside from possibly dissuading women from getting an abortion by providing potential complications and side effects, the counseling information can also be laced with bias language meant to do the same. For example, in 2003, Texas passed a law entitled “Woman’s Right to Know Act,” which required abortion patients be given a twenty-three-pages long booklet discussing all of the possible risks listed above. However, the booklet refers to the fetus as an “unborn child,” using word choice to place personhood on the fetus (Rose, 2006, p. 106). It also “speaks at length about the euphoria of giving birth,” while barely touching on the possible issue of post-partum depression if the woman chooses to have the child (Rose, 2006, p. 106). The subtle use of language and emphasis on happy childbirth shows that the state favors the idea of carrying the fetus to term rather than letting the woman have an abortion.

Waiting Periods

Following the mandatory counseling, as of March 1, 2019, 27 out of these 34 states require that there be a waiting period of at least 24 hours until the woman can receive the abortion (Guttmacher Institute, 2019a). In these cases, women are required to visit the physician twice: once to be counseled, and second to undergo the procedure after the waiting period is complete. While this may be a minor inconvenience for some women, it can be quite major for others. For example, if a woman has traveled a far distance to receive the abortion, there are extra costs involved, whether that be money for gasoline, public transportation fees, and/or paying to stay in a hotel. By forcing these women to visit the physician twice, the money they are spending increases, whether that be by a few dollars for a couple of more gallons of gasoline in their car or by a few hundred dollars for an extra night in a hotel room. While the waiting period may be a helpful time for some women to read and further inform themselves on the procedure they are about to receive, it may be a burden for others who have already confirmed their decision and cannot afford these extra costs (Rose, 2006, p. 106).  

Minor Consent or Notification

As of March 1 2019, 37 states in the nation require the involvement of a minor’s parent when deciding to have an abortion. In 11 of these 37 only require parental notification, while 21 require parental consent (Guttmacher Institute, 2019b). Among the many barriers put on access to abortion, “parental involvement laws have some of the highest public support” (Rose, 2006, p. 107). A large portion of this support comes from the idea that minor’s may be too immature to make this life-altering decision on their own and require the potentially important input of their parents (Rose, 2006, p. 107).

In an attempt to avoid the laws requiring them to involve their parent, some young girls travel across state lines to receive the procedure in a state that does not have these laws. If that is not a possibility, other girls turn to unsafe illegal procedures to terminate their pregnancy (Rose, 2006, p. 107). One specific example of this is Becky Bell, a seventeen-year-old girl from Indianapolis. In 1988, afraid to inform her parents that she was pregnant, Becky sought out an illegal abortion (Lewin, 1991). During the procedure, unsanitary instruments were used, which resulted in the young girl contracting a bodily infection. Within one week, Becky’s veins collapsed, her heart stopped, and she died (Rose, 2006, p. 107). This case became an example of the potential issues with the forced involvement of parents.

While parental involvement laws may seem rational, they pay no attention to the possible circumstances within each minor’s situation. For a young girl who has an open and close relationship with her parents, these laws may not pose an issue. Oppositely, for a young girl who has a distant, unhealthy, and/or violent relationship with her parents, such as Becky Bell, these laws may be extremely problematic. In a 1991 study that looked at reasons why minors seeking abortions did not want to inform their parents, the most common reasons listed “were wanting to preserve their relationship with their parents and wanting to protect the parents from stress and conflict” (Henshaw & Kost, 1992). These reasons may be especially true in a household where the pregnancy is the result of a friend/family rape, which would put much stress on the family relationships. Due to these possible issues, 36 out of the 37 states with parental involvement laws “include a judicial bypass procedure, which allows a minor to obtain approval from a court” (Guttmacher Institute, 2019b). This procedure, if approved, grants a minor the ability to receive an abortion without involving a parent.

Current Federal Administration

Election of Donald Trump

Although states have been able to place these barriers limiting the access to abortion within their borders, the rights granted in Roe v. Wade have continued to hold steady in federal law. However, more recently, there has been fear of a perceived threat to these rights. This fear began with the election of President Donald Trump in November 2016. When elected, Trump vowed “to nominate socially conservative Supreme Court Justices, withhold federal funding from Planned Parenthood, and sign legislation banning abortion after 20 weeks of pregnancy” (Reinhard, 2016). Although Trump has not signed any legislation doing so, he has indeed followed through on the first two promises.

Nomination of Socially Conservative Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh

In 2018, President Donald Trump nominated Judge Brett Kavanaugh to become a Justice on the United States Supreme Court. Since this nomination, Kavanaugh has been elected to the Supreme Court, replacing Justice Anthony Kennedy, who “protected [ Roe v. Wade ] as the court’s swing vote on abortion” (Bassett, 2018). By replacing Kennedy, Kavanaugh creates “a solid conservative majority on the court,” which could potentially threaten Roe , given his standpoint on the issue of abortion (Gershman, 2018). Although Kavanaugh has not spoken directly about his views on the Supreme Court decision of Roe v. Wade , he has spoken about “the government’s ‘permissible interests’ in ‘favoring fetal life’ and ‘refraining from facilitating abortion,’” indicating his opinions on the subject lean toward a pro-life viewpoint (Bassett, 2018). However, despite the possible personal opinions of Kavanaugh, he has stated that he believes Roe v. Wade is a “settled law” (Gershman, 2018). While there was no further explanation on what exactly Kavanaugh meant by those words, a logical interpretation would mean that “he believes the precedent is too deeply embedded in the fabric of the law to be re-examined” (Gershman, 2018). This would mean that Kavanaugh himself is not even confident in the fact that the Supreme Court could overturn the landmark decision.  

Trigger Laws

Although the possibility of Roe v. Wade being overturned is questionable, some states have “trigger laws” set up in the event that it does happen. These laws are blatant state bans put on abortion, but are presently unconstitutional, therefore, unenforceable. The point of these laws is to have statutes set in place, ready to “become enforceable without further legislative action” the moment Roe v. Wade gets overturned, if ever (Rose, 2006, p. 102). The states that have put these laws in place are Mississippi, Louisiana, North Dakota, and South Dakota (Gershman, 2018).  

Gag Rules Withholding Federal Funding from Planned Parenthood

  When getting elected, President Trump also promised to withhold federal funding from Planned Parenthood. In February 2019, the Trump administration announced, “that it will bar organizations that provide abortion referrals from receiving federal family planning money” (Belluck, 2019). This new legislation is a form of a “gag rule,” which “prohibit those working in state-run health care facilities from even speaking of abortions as an option with patients” (Rose, 2006, p. 109). In this specific federal rule, “clinics will be able to talk to patients about abortion, but not where they can get one” (Belluck, 2019). This means that organizations meant to help women, such as Planned Parenthood, could potentially lose millions of dollars in funding (Belluck, 2019). As of this writing a federal court in Washington state issued a nationwide injunction that stops the rule from taking effect while various lawsuits are pending (Barbash, 2019).

Trump Reinstatement of Global Gag Rule

Aside from being present within the United States, every recent Republican Administration has enforced such gag rules internationally. “The United States is the largest donor of international family planning money, which is dispersed through the United States Agency for International Development.” This agency “funds international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in contraceptives, training, technical assistance, and other family planning needs.” However, in 1984, the Reagan Administration instituted a global gag rule, which mandated that any NGO “that performed or promoted abortion services” were no longer “eligible for USAID funding,” even if abortion was legal in their jurisdiction. When the Clinton Administration came into power, this global gag rule was overturned. This back-and-forth has continued ever since, with the Bush Administration reinstating the global gag rule, and then the Obama Administration overturning it (Gezinski, 2012, pp. 839–840). Predictably, President Trump reinstated it – on his first day in office. This global gag rule is a large setback for many countries in the developing world, where NGOs are a primary source for women’s health care. For example, in some parts of Africa, these clinics “offer HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, maternal health, and counseling on sexual violence like genital mutilation.” This rule also cuts funding for the International sector of Planned Parenthood (Quackenbush, 2018). By cutting funding to NGOs around the world, the global gag rule can have serious effects on a woman’s ability to get proper health care.

III. Possible Effects After Having an Abortion or Being Denied an Abortion

Before being able to fully understand the potential effects of an abortion, one should know exactly what the abortion process consists of. There are multiple different kinds of abortion procedures a woman can receive that vary in methods and depend on how far along the pregnancy is. By being fully educated on the details of the actual procedure, individuals are able to understand the issues surrounding abortion on a more comprehensive level. The following paragraphs will go through the vital specifics of each procedure.

Receiving an Abortion: How is it Done?  

First Trimester Abortions

“In the United States, most abortions (88 percent) are performed during the first trimester,” which includes the first twelve weeks of pregnancy. Currently, there are two different forms of first-trimester abortions: a medication abortion or an aspiration abortion. A woman is able to choose which one she wishes to receive. As of 2011, aspiration abortion is more commonly used than medication abortion, but the interest for the latter continues to rise. If a medication abortion fails, an aspiration abortion is necessary to abort the fetus (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 324–328).

“In a medication abortion, the pregnancy is interrupted and expelled over the course of a few days using medicines.” While in the presence of the doctor, a woman swallows a pill containing a drug called mifepristone. Later, when at home, the woman takes another drug, misoprostol, either by inserting it vaginally or letting is dissolve inside her mouth. The abortion begins a few hours later, consisting of heavy bleeding and cramping. To ensure the abortion worked, the woman must go back to the doctor one week later for a follow-up appointment. In 95 to 98 percent of cases, this method is effective. However, if it fails, the woman must then undergo an aspiration abortion (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 324–326).

In an aspiration abortion, also known as surgical or vacuum abortion, “suction is used to remove the pregnancy.” A thin tube, called a cannula, is “inserted into the uterus and connected to a source of suction, either an electric pump or a handheld syringe,” which then removes the fetus from the woman. Unlike medical abortions, aspiration abortions only take 5-10 minutes to complete and do not require a follow-up appointment with the doctor unless the woman is experiencing problems (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 324–328).

Second and Third Trimester Abortions

When Do They Happen?

“In the United States, about 12 percent of all abortions take place after the first trimester” (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, p. 332). Women enter the second trimester of pregnancy at week 12, and the third trimester at week 28 (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, p. 332; Cha, 2015). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that in 2015, only “about 1.3 percent of abortions were performed at or greater than 21 weeks of gestation.” This means that within the aforementioned 12 percent, almost all of these abortions are done during the beginning and middle of the second trimester. In the rare cases where women seek abortions in their third trimesters, the reasons are serious and based on “an absence of fetal viability,” and/or risks to the mother’s health or life (Cha, 2015).

Procedure Details

For second and third trimester abortions, the procedures differ from those in the first trimester. Currently, there are two different methods used to abort a fetus after the first trimester: dilation and evacuation (D&E), and induction abortion (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, p. 332).

In a D&E procedure, the fetal and placental tissues are removed by using a combination of instruments and suction. This method is more commonly used, and quite similar to the aspiration abortions performed during the first trimester. However, due to the fact that the pregnancy is further along, the woman’s cervix must “be opened wider to allow the larger pregnancy tissue to pass, which requires the clinician to soften and dilate the cervix ahead of time.” This can take anywhere from a few hours to two days and can be done either by the use of instruments (osmotic dilators), or drugs (misprostol). The earlier a woman is in her pregnancy, the less time this portion of the abortion takes. After the cervix is prepared, “the clinician removes the pregnancy (fetal and placental tissue) with vacuum aspiration, forceps, and a curette (a small, spoonlike instrument)” (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 332–333).

“After a certain point in pregnancy (usually around twenty-four weeks), a D&E can no longer be performed and the only option is an induction abortion.” In an induced abortion, a woman is given drugs that induce labor. The drugs that are used can vary depending on the circumstances of the situation, and can either be inserted into the vagina, be given through an intravenous line, or injected into the woman’s abdomen. These drugs cause contractions of the uterus, thus sending the woman into labor. The fetus and placenta are then ‘delivered,’ expelling the pregnancy. This method “usually takes place in specialized facilities or hospitals,” and takes more time than D&E’s. Due to this, and the fact that it forces women to endure the mental and physical stress of labor, induction abortion is less commonly chosen than D&E. However, in a case where the pregnancy being ended is wanted, this method allows the woman to deliver and hold the fetus, and say good-bye (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 332–334).  

Reasons Why Women May Get an Abortion

Despite the possible attempts by state law to limit a woman’s ability to get an abortion, the medical procedure is still performed across the nation. While the specific reasoning behind every abortion is different in each individual situation, in many cases, there are common themes of reasoning.

In 2004, a study was done by the Guttmacher Institute to explore the reasons why a woman may seek an abortion. In the study, over 1200 abortion patients at 11 providers completed a survey that asked questions regarding their reasoning. The first portion of the survey was open ended, asking the woman to briefly explain why she was choosing to get an abortion at that time. If there were multiple reasons, she was asked to give them in order from most to least important. After that, there were specific reasons listed that the woman had to confirm whether or not were applicable to her. There were three large reasons listed that then provided even more specific sub-reasons underneath. These three included: “having a baby would dramatically change my life,” “can’t afford a baby now,” and “don’t want to be a single mother or having relationship problems” (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). Under “having a baby would dramatically change my life,” the sub-reasons for why it would do so were because it would interfere with the patient’s education and/or career, and/or because she already had other dependents in her life (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). Under “can’t afford a baby now,” a few sub-reasons for lack of funds were because the woman was unemployed, could not leave her job to care for the child, and/or could not even afford the basic necessities of life (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). Under “don’t want to be a single mother or having relationship problems,” a couple sub-reasons were because the woman was unsure about her current relationship, or because she was not in a relationship at the moment (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). After the breakdown of these three large reasons, there were various others listed, including: “have completed my childbearing,” “don’t want people to know I had sex,” “don’t feel mature enough to raise a child,” “victim of rape,” and “result of incest” (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). Finally, the questionnaire provided a space where the woman could write in her own reasons that were not listed or did not qualify within the given categories. The results showed that most women identified with reasons that fell within the three large ones, with 74% of respondents feeling that “having a baby would dramatically change [their] life,” 73% saying they “[could not] afford a baby [at the moment],” and 48% “[citing] relationship problems or a desire to avoid single motherhood” (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). This study provided many possible reasons as to why a woman may seek an abortion.

In 2013, a similar study was published by BioMed Central Women’s Health that examined the reasons why women get abortions. This study looked at the data collected during the Turnaway Study , which was done to evaluate “the health and socioeconomic consequences of receiving or being denied an abortion in the US” (Biggs et al., 2013, p. 1). Although the premise of the Turnaway Study was not to focus on the reasons why women wanted an abortion, those who participated were required to give their reasoning. This 2013 study took those women’s answers and analyzed them. The sample for this study was “954 women from 30 abortion facilities across the US,” who were questioned between 2008 and 2010 (Biggs et al., 2013, p. 1). Many of the reason’s women mentioned in this study overlapped with those given during the 2004 study, falling under the general concepts of financial instability, partner-related issues, and inconvenient timing. However, some women delved into other reasons motivating their decision. Out of all the respondents, 12% had health-related reasons regarding either herself, the fetus, or both. One woman explained that the medication she had been taking for her bipolar disorder was known to cause birth defects and felt it would be considered child abuse to bring a baby into the world knowing that it may have life-altering defects. Five percent of respondents mentioned reasons that included family members. One woman was scared her family would not accept that she would be having a biracial child, while another stated that her dad wanted her to finish school before having a child (Biggs et al., 2013, pp. 7–8). The 2013 study differed from the 2004 study in the fact that the women were only given open ended questions to answer, rather than checking off possible reasons from a provided list. This emphasis on personal words helped yield answers that reflected how each woman’s reasoning is specific to her own life and situation.

It is important to note that every woman and situation is different. While these studies show a plethora of reasons why women decide to get abortions, the circumstances surrounding every single abortion are personal to the individual(s) involved. The range of reasons can include physical and mental health issues, economic needs, and/or fear of social stigma.  

Potential Physical, Sociological, and Psychological Effects of Abortions

A hypothetical woman who wanted an abortion did it. She jumped through all the hoops: she was granted the fundamental right to receive one by the federal government, came to the educated and reasonable decision that she wanted one, overcame any legal barriers her state instituted on the matter, and was able to get the abortion she sought out to get. Now what? Does the life-altering procedure she just underwent truly alter her life? Or does she return to her regular weekly schedule, viewing the abortion as a minor inconvenience in her life?

The general consensus on this matter is contradicting. When speaking about physical, sociological, and psychological health, some research states that there are no effects on women who receive an abortion, while other research state that they are indeed affected. That is because “both opponents and advocates could easily prove their case by picking and choosing from a wide range of contradictory evidence” (Arthur, 1997, p. 7).  

Physical Effects

After receiving an abortion, there is research concluding that women may suffer from possible physical health effects in the future. The effects that will be discussed below are increased risk of breast cancer and future reproductive health issues.

Breast Cancer

One health risk that has been linked to abortion is an increased risk to breast cancer. According to biologist and endocrinologist Joel Brind, Ph.D., as stated in an article published in Human Life Review :

Breast lobules, which are the lactational apparatus of the breast, remain in their immature Type 1 and 2 states unless they are stimulated by a pregnancy. The pregnancy signals the mother’s body to send estrogen (a potential carcinogen) to her breasts, and the lobules begin to multiply. This multiplication continues until the thirty-second week of pregnancy, when the milk cells are fully mature. If a woman has an abortion or delivers prematurely before the thirty-second week, cancer is more likely to develop in the immature cells. Mature milk cells are much less prone to becoming cancerous (Adamek, 2017, p. 28).

Many other health professionals agree upon this statement and have offered further medical information. One comprehensive review that looked at the link between breast cancer and induced abortion stated that “it is only after 32 weeks’ gestation that elevated levels of pregnancy hormones allow sufficient maturation of cancer-resistant breast tissue to occur” (Lanfranchi & Fagan, 2014, p. 5).  After carrying a pregnancy to full-term, “only about 10 to 30 percent of a mother’s breast tissue remains susceptible to forming cancer,” and this risk decreases another 10 percent with each subsequent pregnancy (Lanfranchi & Fagan, 2014, p. 6).

Future Reproductive Health

Another physical health risk that has been linked to abortion is the risk of future reproductive health issues. Although occurring in less than 1% of cases, after an abortion, there is a possibility that a woman can develop an upper genital tract infection. The upper genital tract involves the pelvis and fallopian tubes, which are important parts of a woman’s reproductive system. Serious infections can cause major issues to these, including chronic pelvic pain and damage to the fallopian tubes. This damage can consequentially lead to future issues, such as infertility and ectopic pregnancy (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, p. 318; Lohr et al., 2014, p. 4).

Physical Health: Opposing Views

Despite these statements, there have been dissenting opinions on the idea that induced abortions and breast cancer are linked. “In February 2003, the National Cancer Institute (NCI) convened a workshop of over 100 of the world’s leading experts who study pregnancy and breast cancer risk” (National Cancer Institute, 2003). The conclusion of this workshop was that having an abortion “does not increase a woman’s subsequent risk of developing breast cancer” (National Cancer Institute, 2003). The NCI is a part of the National Institutes of Health under the United States Department of Health and Human Services, and states on the website homepage that it is “the nation’s leader in cancer research.” Due to the fact that it is an organization under the federal government, one can assume that the research they publish is trustworthy. This disagreement upon health professionals makes it hard for women to know the true risk. The scientific facts of the development of breasts points to a clear correlation between abortion and breast cancer, but the highly respected National Cancer Institute dissents from that idea. Similarly, in regard to the possible development of an upper genital tract infection, it is difficult for women to measure the possible risk. The fact that it happens in only 1% of cases is promising, but women are left unsure of whether or not they will end up falling into that small percentage until they actually undergo the abortion procedure.

Sociological Effects

Social Norms and Stigmas

Within every society, there are certain human behaviors that become normalized over time. These behaviors, also known as “social norms,” can include essentially anything about a person, such as how they speak or dress, their mannerisms, or traits of their personality. A stigma can be described as “an attribute that is deeply discrediting that negatively changes the identity of an individual to a tainted, discounted one” (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 626). Stigmas are created and reproduced through a social process. In a 2001 Annual Review of Sociology , Link and Phelan describe this process:

In the first component, people distinguish and label human differences. In the second, dominant cultural beliefs link labelled persons to undesirable characteristics – to negative stereotypes. In the third, labelled persons are placed in distinct categories so as to accomplish some degree of separation of ‘us’ from ‘them’. In the fourth, labelled persons experience status loss and discrimination that lead to unequal outcomes (2001, p. 367).

Throughout history, worldwide, societies have constructed and enforced stereotypical social norms on women as a whole. Some of the most widely held stereotypes are based around the fact that women bear children. Female sexuality can be seen “solely for procreation,” and becoming a mother viewed as being natural and inevitable (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 628). Due to this, societal norms may expect women to be instinctually warm, kind, caring, and nurturing. Therefore, when a woman wishes to end a pregnancy by receiving an abortion, she is challenging these “assumptions about the ‘essential nature’ of women” by using “her agency to deem a potential life unwanted and then [acting] to end that potential life” (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 628). By terminating a fetus, which would eventually develop into a baby, a woman getting an abortion deviates from the assumption that she should be naturally maternal. Instead, she may be labelled with opposite stereotypes, seen as being heartless, promiscuous, and/or selfish. Consequentially, for those who accept these social norms about women, abortion can be seen as a stigmatized act (Kumar et al., 2009, pp. 628–629).

Stigma Causes Underreporting, Which Perpetuates Further Stigma

Over the past several decades, surveys have been an essential way for researchers to gather data on topics they are studying. However, “the usefulness of surveys in studying highly personal or sensitive individual characteristics” has been questioned (Jagannathan, 2001, p. 1825). This may include topics that involve things that are typically regarded as private matters, such as mental health, income, and/or sexual behavior. Personal topics like these can easily have some type of stigma attached to them if a person deviates from any type of social norm within the matter. Survey data involving these topics may be inaccurate if people refuse to participate, even if they are affected by the topic, in fear of being a social deviant. As previously mentioned, abortion is a controversial issue in society that has been stigmatized. Therefore, women who have gotten abortions may feel a social pressure to stay silent, making “it challenging to know the true prevalence of abortion in a given community” (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 629). Studies that have specifically looked at the underreporting of abortions have stated that “only 35% to 60% of abortions are reported in surveys” (Jagannathan, 2001, p. 1825). The social construction of deviance in regard to abortion creates an ongoing cycle of silence about the topic. This cycle is demonstrated in the following chart, provided by Kumar (2009, p. 629):

Figure 2: Cycle of Stigmatization in Society

This chart shows how “silence and fear of social exclusion keeps women” from speaking openly about abortion, “thus sustaining the negative stereotype” (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 630). Underreporting of the issue makes it seem uncommon, which makes it a deviant from social norms. Those who do not behave in accordance with social norms are typically outcasted or discriminated against, making women who get abortions fear stigmatization and not report it, consequentially creating inaccurate data due to underreporting. This then brings the issue back to the beginning of the cycle (Kumar et al., 2009, pp. 629–630).

Psychological Effects

Similar to the physical health effects linked with abortion, the idea that there are mental health consequences after receiving the procedure is a topic of controversy. However, the issue with psychological compared to physical is the fact that every individual is different, and every mind works in unique ways. Physical effects are a matter of science and fact, while psychological effects rely on the unpredictability of the human brain. There is research concluding that after receiving an abortion, women may suffer from possible mental health effects. The effects that will be discussed below are “post-abortion syndrome,” anxiety/panic disorders, and depression.

Post-Abortion Syndrome

The largest source of controversy within the discussion of abortion and possible mental health effects stems from the concept of “post-abortion syndrome.” The idea behind this syndrome is that abortion can cause women “severe and long-lasting guilt, depression, rage, and social and sexual dysfunction,” and can be categorized under post-traumatic-stress-disorder (Arthur, 1997, p. 7). However, this so-called syndrome is “not recognized in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders of the American Psychiatric Association” (Robinson et al., 2009, p. 269).  

Anxiety/Panic Disorders and Depression

Over the years, studies have been done that concur with the idea that abortion is linked to post-abortion syndrome and further mental health problems. Research has stated that most panic disorders in adults form in the six months following a major stressful life event. Therefore, if women view the abortion they received as a traumatic life event, it “may trigger a psychological .. process that culminates in an anxiety disorder” (Coleman et al., 2009, p. 775). Aside from anxiety disorders, a 2009 study found:

Women who have aborted are at a higher risk for a variety of mental health problems including anxiety (panic attacks, panic disorder, agoraphobia, PTSD), mood (bipolar disorder, major depression with and without hierarchy), and substance abuse disorders when compared to women without a history of abortion (Coleman et al., 2009, p. 775).

When looking specifically at anxiety and depression, the study found that among women who had abortions, the risk for panic disorders increased by 111%, and the risk for depression increased by 45% (Coleman et al., 2009, p. 773).

Furthermore, in 2011, “a comprehensive review and analysis of 22 of the world’s best large studies of abortion’s impact on women’s mental health” concluded that “women who had undergone an abortion experienced an 81 percent greater risk of mental health problems” (Adamek, 2017, p. 32).

Psychological Effects: Opposing Views

Despite the studies claiming that women who get abortions are at a higher risk for mental health issues, there is also research that opposes this view.

One study examined 442 women over a two-year period to assess their mental health after receiving an abortion. Those who participated were evaluated one hour before the abortion, and then one hour, one month, and two years after. The study assessed the women for “preabortion and postabortion depression and self-esteem, postabortion emotions, decision satisfaction, perceived harm and benefit, and posttraumatic stress disorder.” The results concluded that two years after receiving their abortion, 72% of the women were satisfied with the decision they made, and 69% would make the same decision again. From pre-abortion to post-abortion, depression decreased, self-esteem increased, and some women reported feeling a sense of relief more than any negative emotions (Major et al., 2000). Further research has agreed with this, stating that “although there may be sensations of regret, sadness, or guilt,” more frequently, women “report feeling relief and happiness” following their abortion (Adler et al., 1990, p. 41). It is important to note that “feelings” do not translate into true psychological issues. For example, a woman may feel a sense of sadness following the procedure, but that does not imply she is clinically depressed.

Link Between Socio- and Psycho-

When looking at whether abortion has a psychological effect on women, it is important to note the intersectionality between sociology and psychology. As discussed above, culturally developed societal norms and stigmas influence individuals to behave and think certain ways. Therefore, the way abortion is socially accepted within a certain group may have an impact on the psychological effects a woman experiences after getting the procedure. If a woman belongs to a community where there are stereotypes put on women, and stigma surrounding abortion, she may have a poor view of herself afterwards. “Women may feel that they are selfish or immoral because they perceive themselves to be defying familial expectations, cultural norms or ideas of motherhood” (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 633). In comparison, if women are part of a community that shows support for their personal decision, they “may experience less grief and anxiety than those who were unsupported by their communities or the larger environment” (Kumar et al., 2009, p. 632). This interrelationship shows how important it is to be socially accepted within society, and how being outcasted may cause real psychological issues within human beings.

Trauma from Unwanted Pregnancy

When looking at the possible realness of “post-abortion syndrome,” it is essential to look more deeply at the root of the issue. This syndrome claims that abortion is an event so traumatic that it may lead to serious psychological effects for women. However, this poses the question: is the abortion the traumatic life event triggering psychological issues, or is it the unwanted pregnancy?

In 2008, the American Psychological Association’s Task Force on Mental Health and Abortion published a report that “concluded ‘that among women who have a single, legal, first-trimester abortion of an unplanned pregnancy … the relative risks of mental health problems are no greater than risks among women who deliver an unplanned pregnancy” (Kaplan, 2009). Furthermore, one study concluded that abortion patients who “had no intention to become pregnant” were significantly less depressed than women whose pregnancy was wanted and “viewed as personally meaningful by the woman” (Adler et al., 1990, p. 42). These research findings indicate the possibility that it is the unplanned/unwanted pregnancy that raises the risk of psychological issues, rather than the actual abortion.  

Abortion is Not Always an Option

Making the choice to get an abortion is a huge decision. Women are forced to decide whether they want to alter their lives by going through pregnancy and bringing a child into the world, or if they want to terminate the fetus and risk the possible side effects. However, for some women, the burden of this choice is not the only difficult part about the situation. Depending on circumstances, even if a woman wants to get an abortion, the likelihood of getting one may be close to impossible. As discussed above, states have been able to pass statutes within their borders that make it difficult for a woman to get an abortion. These legislative barriers include zoning laws, mandatory counseling, waiting periods, and minor consent or notification. On top of these legal obstacles put in place by the state, there may be additional conditions that cause prevention of the procedure. Two large circumstances that may play into a woman’s decision are her geographical location and her financial situation.

Reasons Why Women May Not Be Able to Get an Abortion

Zoning laws and access to abortion providers  .

One large obstacle for women who wish to receive an abortion is the ability to access a provider. As discussed above, some local governments attempt to block abortion providers from residing in an area by using zoning laws, applicable under the police powers given to each state. The use of these zoning ordinances to limit providers can make it extremely difficult for women who want to get an abortion to be able to find a place to receive the procedure within a reasonable geographical range.

A couple current examples of the use of these zoning laws to limit access to abortion providers can be seen in Manassas, Virginia, and San Antonio, Texas. In 2015, both the city’s made amendments to their zoning codes that consequentially affected the access to abortion providers.

In Manassas, Virginia, the amendment “[requires] medical care facilities, including abortion clinics, to obtain a special use permit that would be granted only after a period of public comment and City Council approval.” This means that any new clinics trying to open in Manassas would need to obtain the permit, as well as any current clinics that want to relocate or make expanding renovations. Due to the fact that the city’s council is predominantly Republican, the need for their approval may cause a possible barrier for abortion providers (Stein, 2015).

In San Antonio, Texas, a bill was passed in 2013 that required “all facilities that provide abortion services [to] meet the standards of an [ambulatory surgical center] in order to remain in operation.” Then, in 2015, a zoning code amendment was passed that put restrictions on where these centers can be built. Under the new amendment, ASC’s cannot be built in C-1 areas – a level of classified area for commercial use – “without permission from the Zoning Committee and the City Council, both of which will then have to vote on each individual case.” Similar to the amendment made in Manassas, Virginia, these San Antonio zoning laws “effectively [target] any future abortion providers in the city (Cato, 2015).

Access to Abortion Providers

“Most abortions are provided by freestanding clinics,” and “fewer than 5 percent of abortions are performed in hospitals” (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, p. 317). As of 2008, only 610 hospitals in the US perform abortions, and 87% of counties do not have an abortion provider. This means that for the women who want an abortion but do not live in that small thirteen-percent that have providers, they must travel outside of their local community to get one. Large organizations such as Planned Parenthood and The National Abortion Federation provide resources for women to help find the closest abortion providers (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 317–318).

Financial Situation and Cost of Abortion

Just like anything in life, the abortion procedure has a cost. According to Planned Parenthood, an abortion can cost anywhere between zero and almost a thousand dollars. Whether it is performed in a clinic or hospital, and is paid for by the patient, insurance, or government funding, someone is paying for it in the end. However, the price tag of the procedure is not one-size-fits-all. The cost of an abortion varies on many factors, including where the procedure is taking place or how far along a woman’s pregnancy is.

Another factor is the type of abortion a woman decides to get, as discussed above. Due to the fact that these abortions include various differences: where they take place (home vs. doctor’s office), what is used (medication vs. instruments), and follow-up care, the cost of the type a woman gets may vary. Further, if a woman has to get an aspiration abortion after the failure of a medication abortion, she is forced to pay for both.

A few final factors that involve the cost of an abortion are whether or not a woman has health insurance and her overall financial situation, which will be further discussed below (Emily @ Planned Parenthood, 2014).

Cost of Abortion: Health Insurance, Income, and Funding

A large factor that plays into the cost of the procedure is whether or not the patient has health insurance. This factor is different from the rest because it does not determine the actual cost of the procedure, but rather how the procedure will be paid for. If she does have health insurance, it may cover some or all of the costs of the abortion. The patient must call her insurance provider to find out about her coverage. If she does not have health insurance, or chooses not to use it to maintain privacy, the patient must pay out of pocket (Emily @ Planned Parenthood, 2014). Depending on her income and/or financial situation, this factor may be debilitating to the woman seeking the abortion and completely prevent her ability to get one. Simply put, if you cannot pay for a service, you cannot receive a service.

One source, The National Network of Abortion Funds, provides a website where women can search their location and find different organizations that may help them with the costs of their abortion (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, p. 320). On the “About” page of their website, the NNAF states that some of their member organizations “work with clinics to help pay for [women’s] abortions[s].” Other member organizations offer to help with different factors that may cost the woman, such as childcare, transportation, and/or a place to stay if they had to travel for the abortion ( About: What are Abortion Funds , n.d.).

In some states, the government may offer financial assistance to women through “Medicaid programs [that] use state funds to provide abortion coverage.” However, “twenty state Medicaid programs do not fund abortion under any circumstances.” As mentioned above, the Hyde Amendment prohibits state Medicaid programs to use federal funds to help pay for abortions. This barrier contributes to a lack of funding, which in turn hurts poor women who are desperately searching for a way to pay for the procedure (Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, 2011, pp. 341–342).

Furthermore, if the domestic gag rule takes effect, this will affect the range of choices for women without other health insurance. As discussed above, the Trump Administration announced in February 2019 “that it will bar organizations that provide abortion referrals from receiving federal family planning money” (Belluck, 2019). This gag rule affects places such as Planned Parenthood, which provides many reproductive health services to women who cannot afford health insurance.

Relation Between Geographical Location and Financial Situation

Individually, the possible geographical and financial obstacles of receiving an abortion are difficult to deal with. However, for some women, the issues may intersect. Take for example a woman who is financially struggling and must travel over 30 miles to reach the nearest clinic that performs abortions. Not only must this woman travel a far distance to undergo the procedure, but she is also forced to worry about all the costs associated with it. First, there is the cost of the actual abortion. Then, there are the travel costs to get to the clinic and back home, whether it be gas money or public transportation fees. If she has children and does not want to bring them with her, there is the possible cost of childcare while absent. If her state has a mandatory waiting period, she is forced to pay these transportation and childcare fees a second time when going back to the clinic to get the procedure. If she gets a medication abortion and requires a follow-up appointment a week later, she has to pay them a third time. On top of all of this, there is the cost of her time. The time it takes for her to travel the far distance, possibly multiple times, is time she could have spent at her job making the money she desperately needs.  

Physical, Sociological, and Psychological Effects on Women Denied Abortions

For women who seek an abortion but cannot receive one due to factors mentioned above, there may be certain physical, sociological, and/or psychological effects.

For women who are unable to get an abortion, the physical effect is obvious: pregnancy. If cannot abort the fetus inside of her, she is forced to continue the pregnancy, and carry the child inside of her until it is delivered. According to a website powered by the American Academy of Family Physicians, being pregnant comes with many physical effects. These effects include, but are not limited to, tiredness, nausea, frequent urination, lightheadedness, heartburn, and vaginal discharge and bleeding ( Changes in Your Body During Pregnancy , 2009). Two of the largest, and most obvious, physical changes with pregnancy are belly and breast growth. As the fetus develops into a fully functioning baby, it grows, causing a woman’s uterus and belly to grow in size as well. Breasts also physically change during pregnancy to allow a woman to breastfeed her child once born, as discussed earlier.

Episiotomies

In addition to pregnancy, the actual delivery of a child may bear its own physical effects on a woman’s body. One of the most common of these effects is the use of an episiotomy during childbirth. “An episiotomy is a surgical enlargement of the vagina by means of an incision in the perineum, the skin and muscles between the rectum and vagina.” This is done “as the baby’s head is crowning,” in order to “enlarge the vagina so that forceps [can] be inserted high into the pelvis, thereby assisting in the birth of the baby.” Aside from the physical incision made to the body, episiotomies may lead to further physical effects, such as postpartum pain, infection at the site of the incision, problems with having intercourse, and vaginal swelling. One article published in 1995 stated that “The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) estimates that as many as 90 percent of women giving birth to their first child in a hospital will have an episiotomy.” Although this number may have changed throughout the years, this statistic shows how significant episiotomies have been within the last twenty years (Griffin, 1995).  

Financial Instability

One factor that may motivate a woman to seek an abortion is her current financial situation. In a 2004 study discussed above, 73% of participants listed “can’t afford a baby now” as their reason for abortion, with sub-reasons including that the woman was unemployed, could not leave her job to care for the child, and/or could not even afford the basic necessities of life (Finer et al., 2005, p. 113). While many women identify with these reasons, not all are able to receive the abortion they want. In these cases, the intense burden of financial instability becomes a possible reality, with the newly added cost of raising a child. While there is the option of giving the child up for adoption, that is not the right choice for every woman.

One study published in 2018 looked at the socioeconomic outcomes of women who were denied wanted abortions compared to women who were able to get them. Similar to the study discussed earlier, done by BioMed Central Women’s Health, this study looked at data collected during the Turnaway Study . After analyzing the collected data, it was determined that women who were unable to get the abortion they sought were more likely to “experience economic hardship and insecurity lasting years” (Foster et al., 2018, p. 407). More specifically, compared to women who were able to receive a wanted abortion, women who were unable were “more likely to be in poverty for 4 years after denial,” and “less likely to be employed full time” six months after denial (Foster et al., 2018, p. 407). These results are an example of how following through with an unintended pregnancy as a result of being unable to receive an abortion can have a negative sociological impact a woman, pushing them into severe financial struggle.

Welfare Stigma

As discussed earlier, when something deviates from the widely accepted social norms and stereotypes within society, it is stigmatized, creating further stereotypes. One of the generally accepted ideas about America is that it is a land full of equal opportunity for everyone. “Most Americans believe that anyone can succeed [through] hard work, and that those at the bottom of the social heap have not tried enough to make it.” Due to this, being impoverished and receiving help from public assistance programs has become a stigmatized act. This is especially true in the case of women who face financial struggles as a result of unintended pregnancy. People who are impoverished due to a physical or mental disability are less stigmatized than those whose financial dependency on the government results from something that is perceived as a “personal failure, such as [being an] unwed mother.” These stigmas further perpetuate stereotypes on poor people and women as whole groups (Goodban, 1985, pp. 403–404).

One study aimed to further examine this social stigma, interviewing one hundred black single mothers who were getting assistance from public programs. The women were asked a variety of questions about being on welfare, such as why they were on it and their feelings surrounding it. Many of the women “believed that they were on welfare for temporary, uncontrollable reasons having to do with their situation, rather than personal characteristics.” Out of the one hundred women, “sixty-one said they were sometimes ashamed of their welfare status” (Goodban, 1985, pp. 414–418). The results of this study exemplify the severity of stigma and stereotypes within society.

Psychological Effects  

Postpartum Depression

One of the most well-known psychological effects of giving birth to a child is postpartum depression. This form of depression is experienced by women in “the postpartum period, which is increasingly viewed as up to 1 year after childbirth” (O’Hara, 2009, p. 1258). Furthermore, women who give birth to a child resulting from an unintended pregnancy have a possible higher risk of developing postpartum depression compared to women who gave birth to a child that was planned and wanted. One study in North Carolina analyzed a group of 550 women who were 12 months postpartum for the possibility of depression. This group included a mixture of women whose pregnancies were intended (64%) and women whose pregnancies were unintended (36%). The results concluded that “depression was more common among women with unintended pregnancy [12%] than women with intended pregnancy [3%]” (Mercier et al., 2013, pp. 1116–1118). Although every individual is different, the possibility of developing postpartum depression is a real consequence that may affect women who give birth to a child. These results imply that this fact may be especially true for women whose pregnancies were unwanted and/or unintended, which can include women who wanted to get an abortion but were unable to. Postpartum depression has also been linked to further psychological, such as suicidal ideation and self-harm (Coker et al., 2017).

When looking at whether being unable to get an abortion has a psychological effect on women, it is important to note the intersectionality between sociology and psychology. Social norms and stereotypes within society can cause people to become outcasted if they do not act in accordance.

As discussed above, being impoverished and receiving help from government programs is stigmatized in American society. In the study that examined one hundred black single mothers on welfare, over half of the participants admitted to sometimes being ashamed of their status. This shame stemmed from the feeling that “they could not seem to succeed no matter how hard they tried, and [were] stigmatized by a society that devalues the poor.” Consequentially, this shame and guilt resulted in a handful of the participants experiencing low self-esteem (Goodban, 1985, p. 418). All of these feelings circle back to the socially normative belief in America that poor people do not work hard and accept government handouts, and that is why they are poor. Aside from guilt and low self-esteem, low socioeconomic status has also been linked as a risk factor for postpartum depression in women who gave birth (O’Hara, 2009, p. 1261).

When comparing women who receive a wanted abortion to women who do not receive a wanted abortion, it is important to note that both may suffer from physical, sociological, and psychological effects. A summary of the effects that were discussed can be found below.

Figure 3: Possible Effects of Receiving and Not Receiving a Wanted Abortion

IV. Conclusion

Abortion is an issue that has been relevant for over two hundred years. Before and during most of the 1800s, certain abortions were legal, and not uncommon. However, a woman was only allowed to seek an abortion before “quickening,” which was when she could feel the fetus moving. Before this, a fetus was not equivalated with a human life. Women who wished to abort their fetus were given certain drugs that would induce the process, and if those failed, a woman could visit a medical practitioner to remove the fetus.

Although abortions done before quickening were legal, they were not an entirely safe practice, and often ended in women dying. As a result, in the 1820s-40s, states began passing various laws in an attempt to control the procedure, which included outlawing the abortion inducing drugs (Connecticut, Missouri, and Illinois), the instruments used in the procedure (Missouri), or the actual procedure itself (Maine).

Within the late 1840s-50s, the American Medical Association was founded and began a crusade against abortion, headed by Dr. Horatio Storer. The Association, made up of licensed physicians, aimed to tarnish society’s view of abortion by painting it as a dangerous and immoral procedure. This anti-abortion movement gained traction, and the social shift towards the nonacceptance of abortion began to reflect in state laws. Beginning in the 1860s, states began passing legislation to criminalize the procedure of abortion and continued to do so throughout the early-to-mid-1900s.

In 1873, Congress went even deeper into the issue of women’s reproductive health and outlawed the importation and distribution of any information or drug that aimed to prevent conception with the passing of the Comstock Law. However, with much help from the feminist movements fighting for contraception, this was later declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in Griswold v. Connecticut in 1965 (married persons), and then Eisenstadt v. Baird in 1972 ( single persons).

In 1973, the Supreme Court struck down all state laws criminalizing abortion with the landmark case of Roe v. Wade , which made the procedure federally legal. Despite seeming like a victory for reproductive health, this federal ruling only set a legislative basis for states. Within their own borders, states are responsible for the abortion statutes, and can create certain barriers making it hard for women to obtain an abortion. These barriers include zoning laws to limit the areas where abortion providers can reside, mandatory counseling and/or waiting periods for women who want an abortion, and parental consent or notification requirements for minors. These state barriers are all federally legal under the 1989 ruling of Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey. Some states even went as far as to implement “trigger laws” that will automatically ban abortion if Roe v. Wade ever gets overturned.

On top of these state-by-state barriers, there are also federal barriers that prevent women easy access to an abortion. In 1976, the Hyde Amendment was passed to prevent federal funds from being used by state Medicaid programs to help low-income people get abortions, and it is still in effect today. When President Trump took office, he re-implemented a global “gag rule” that prevents any international non-governmental organizations that perform or promote abortion services from receiving funding from the United States Agency for International Development. In 2019, the Trump Administration implemented a “gag rule” within the US, barring organizations that provide abortion referrals from receiving federal funds. However, despite the possible attempts by state and federal law to limit a woman’s ability to get an abortion, the medical procedure is still performed across the nation.

In the end, each individual’s story is different. Your circumstances are different, your reasoning is different, your journey is different, and your aftermath is different. All of the research in the world cannot predict how a woman is going to be affected by either receiving an abortion or being unable to receive an abortion. The most common reasons and effects of these two situations can be summarized in the tables below.

Figure 4: Common Reasons Why a Woman May Want to Receive an Abortion vs. Common Reasons Why a Woman May Not Be Able to Receive an Abortion

Cases Cites :

Eisenstadt v. Baird , 405 U.S. 438 (1972).  

Griswold v. Connecticut , 381 U.S. 479 (1965).

Roe v. Wade , 410 U.S. 113 (1973)  

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[1] Christina San Fillipo is a Law and Society graduate of Ramapo College of New Jersey

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Home > Student Scholarship > THESES > 1033

Senior Theses and Projects

Abortion in america after roe: an examination of the impact of dobbs v. jackson women’s health organization on women’s reproductive health access.

Natalie Maria Caffrey Follow

Date of Award

Spring 5-12-2023

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts

Public Policy and Law

First Advisor

Professor Adrienne Fulco

Second Advisor

Professor Glenn Falk

This thesis will examine the limitations in access to abortion and other necessary reproductive healthcare in states that are hostile to abortion rights, as well as discuss the ongoing litigation within those states between pro-choice and pro-life advocates. After analyzing the legal landscape and the different abortion laws within these states, this thesis will focus on the practical consequences of Dobbs on women’s lives, with particular attention to its impact on women of color and poor women in states with the most restrictive laws. The effect of these restrictive laws on poor women will be felt disproportionately due to their lack of ability to travel to obtain care from other states that might offer abortion services. And even if these women find a way to obtain access to abortions, there is now the real possibility of criminal prosecution for those who seek or assist women who obtain abortions post- Dobbs . To compound the problem, the Court made clear in Dobbs that its decision to revisit the privacy rights issue signals the possibility of new limitations on protections previously taken for granted in the areas of In vitro fertilization, birth control, emergency contraception, and other civil rights such as gay marriage. Finally, this thesis will examine the political and legal efforts of liberal states, private companies, and grassroots organizations attempting to mitigate Dobbs ’s effects. These pro-choice actors have, to some extent, joined forces to protect access for women in the United States through protective legislation and expanding access in all facets of reproductive healthcare, particularly for minority women who will be disproportionately affected by abortion bans in conservative states. The current efforts to mitigate the legal and medical implications of Dobbs will determine the future of women’s rights in America, not only regarding abortion but more broadly in terms of adequate reproductive care access.

Senior thesis completed at Trinity College, Hartford CT for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Public Policy & Law.

Recommended Citation

Caffrey, Natalie Maria, "Abortion in America After Roe: An Examination of the Impact of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization on Women’s Reproductive Health Access". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2023. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/1033

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• America’s Abortion Quandary

1. Americans’ views on whether, and in what circumstances, abortion should be legal

Table of contents.

• Abortion at various stages of pregnancy 
• Abortion and circumstances of pregnancy 
• Parental notification for minors seeking abortion
• Penalties for abortions performed illegally 
• Public views of what would change the number of abortions in the U.S.
• A majority of Americans say women should have more say in setting abortion policy in the U.S.
• How do certain arguments about abortion resonate with Americans?
• In their own words: How Americans feel about abortion 
• Personal connections to abortion 
• Religion’s impact on views about abortion
• Acknowledgments
• The American Trends Panel survey methodology

As the long-running debate over abortion reaches another  key moment at the Supreme Court  and in  state legislatures across the country , a majority of U.S. adults continue to say that abortion should be legal in all or most cases. About six-in-ten Americans (61%) say abortion should be legal in “all” or “most” cases, while 37% think abortion should be  illegal  in all or most cases. These views have changed little over the past several years: In 2019, for example, 61% of adults said abortion should be legal in all or most cases, while 38% said it should be illegal in all or most cases.    Most respondents in the new survey took one of the middle options when first asked about their views on abortion, saying either that abortion should be legal in  most  cases (36%) or illegal in  most  cases (27%). 

Respondents who said abortion should either be legal in  all  cases or illegal in  all  cases received a follow-up question asking whether there should be any exceptions to such laws. Overall, 25% of adults initially said abortion should be legal in all cases, but about a quarter of this group (6% of all U.S. adults) went on to say that there should be some exceptions when abortion should be against the law.

One-in-ten adults initially answered that abortion should be illegal in all cases, but about one-in-five of these respondents (2% of all U.S. adults) followed up by saying that there are some exceptions when abortion should be permitted. 

Altogether, seven-in-ten Americans say abortion should be legal in some cases and illegal in others, including 42% who say abortion should be generally legal, but with some exceptions, and 29% who say it should be generally illegal, except in certain cases. Much smaller shares take absolutist views when it comes to the legality of abortion in the U.S., maintaining that abortion should be legal in all cases with no exceptions (19%) or illegal in all circumstances (8%). 

There is a modest gender gap in views of whether abortion should be legal, with women slightly more likely than men to say abortion should be legal in all cases or in all cases but with some exceptions (63% vs. 58%). 

Younger adults are considerably more likely than older adults to say abortion should be legal: Three-quarters of adults under 30 (74%) say abortion should be generally legal, including 30% who say it should be legal in all cases without exception. 

But there is an even larger gap in views toward abortion by partisanship: 80% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, compared with 38% of Republicans and GOP leaners.  Previous Center research  has shown this gap widening over the past 15 years. 

Still, while partisans diverge in views of whether abortion should mostly be legal or illegal, most Democrats and Republicans do not view abortion in absolutist terms. Just 13% of Republicans say abortion should be against the law in all cases without exception; 47% say it should be illegal with some exceptions. And while three-in-ten Democrats say abortion should be permitted in all circumstances, half say it should mostly be legal – but with some exceptions. 

There also are sizable divisions within both partisan coalitions by ideology. For instance, while a majority of moderate and liberal Republicans say abortion should mostly be legal (60%), just 27% of conservative Republicans say the same. Among Democrats, self-described liberals are twice as apt as moderates and conservatives to say abortion should be legal in all cases without exception (42% vs. 20%).

Regardless of partisan affiliation, adults who say they personally know someone who has had an abortion – such as a friend, relative or themselves – are more likely to say abortion should be legal than those who say they do not know anyone who had an abortion.

Views toward abortion also vary considerably by religious affiliation – specifically among large Christian subgroups and religiously unaffiliated Americans. 

For example, roughly three-quarters of White evangelical Protestants say abortion should be illegal in all or most cases. This is far higher than the share of White non-evangelical Protestants (38%) or Black Protestants (28%) who say the same. 

Despite  Catholic teaching on abortion , a slim majority of U.S. Catholics (56%) say abortion should be legal. This includes 13% who say it should be legal in all cases without exception, and 43% who say it should be legal, but with some exceptions. 

Compared with Christians, religiously unaffiliated adults are far more likely to say abortion should be legal overall – and significantly more inclined to say it should be legal in all cases without exception. Within this group, atheists stand out: 97% say abortion should be legal, including 53% who say it should be legal in all cases without exception. Agnostics and those who describe their religion as “nothing in particular” also overwhelmingly say that abortion should be legal, but they are more likely than atheists to say there are some circumstances when abortion should be against the law.

Although the survey was conducted among Americans of many religious backgrounds, including Jews, Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus, it did not obtain enough respondents from non-Christian groups to report separately on their responses.

As a  growing number of states  debate legislation to restrict abortion – often after a certain stage of pregnancy – Americans express complex views about when   abortion should generally be legal and when it should be against the law. Overall, a majority of adults (56%) say that how long a woman has been pregnant should matter in determining when abortion should be legal, while far fewer (14%) say that this should  not  be a factor. An additional one-quarter of the public says that abortion should either be legal (19%) or illegal (8%) in all circumstances without exception; these respondents did not receive this question.

Among men and women, Republicans and Democrats, and Christians and religious “nones” who do not take absolutist positions about abortion on either side of the debate, the prevailing view is that the stage of the pregnancy should be a factor in determining whether abortion should be legal.

Americans broadly are more likely to favor restrictions on abortion later in pregnancy than earlier in pregnancy. Many adults also say the legality of abortion depends on other factors at every stage of pregnancy. 

Overall, a plurality of adults (44%) say that abortion should be legal six weeks into a pregnancy, which is about when cardiac activity (sometimes called a fetal heartbeat) may be detected and before many women know they are pregnant; this includes 19% of adults who say abortion should be legal in all cases without exception, as well as 25% of adults who say it should be legal at that point in a pregnancy. An additional 7% say abortion generally should be legal in most cases, but that the stage of the pregnancy should not matter in determining legality. 1

One-in-five Americans (21%) say abortion should be  illegal  at six weeks. This includes 8% of adults who say abortion should be illegal in all cases without exception as well as 12% of adults who say that abortion should be illegal at this point. Additionally, 6% say abortion should be illegal in most cases and how long a woman has been pregnant should not matter in determining abortion’s legality. Nearly one-in-five respondents, when asked whether abortion should be legal six weeks into a pregnancy, say “it depends.” 

Americans are more divided about what should be permitted 14 weeks into a pregnancy – roughly at the end of the first trimester – although still, more people say abortion should be legal at this stage (34%) than illegal (27%), and about one-in-five say “it depends.”

Fewer adults say abortion should be legal 24 weeks into a pregnancy – about when a healthy fetus could survive outside the womb with medical care. At this stage, 22% of adults say abortion should be legal, while nearly twice as many (43%) say it should be  illegal . Again, about one-in-five adults (18%) say whether abortion should be legal at 24 weeks depends on other factors. 

Respondents who said that abortion should be illegal 24 weeks into a pregnancy or that “it depends” were asked a follow-up question about whether abortion at that point should be legal if the pregnant woman’s life is in danger or the baby would be born with severe disabilities. Most who received this question say abortion in these circumstances should be legal (54%) or that it depends on other factors (40%). Just 4% of this group maintained that abortion should be illegal in this case.

This pattern in views of abortion – whereby more favor greater restrictions on abortion as a pregnancy progresses – is evident across a variety of demographic and political groups. 

Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to say that abortion should be legal at each of the three stages of pregnancy asked about on the survey. For example, while 26% of Republicans say abortion should be legal at six weeks of pregnancy, more than twice as many Democrats say the same (61%). Similarly, while about a third of Democrats say abortion should be legal at 24 weeks of pregnancy, just 8% of Republicans say the same. 

However, neither Republicans nor Democrats uniformly express absolutist views about abortion throughout a pregnancy. Republicans are divided on abortion at six weeks: Roughly a quarter say it should be legal (26%), while a similar share say it depends (24%). A third say it should be illegal. 

Democrats are divided about whether abortion should be legal or illegal at 24 weeks, with 34% saying it should be legal, 29% saying it should be illegal, and 21% saying it depends. 

There also is considerable division among each partisan group by ideology. At six weeks of pregnancy, just one-in-five conservative Republicans (19%) say that abortion should be legal; moderate and liberal Republicans are twice as likely as their conservative counterparts to say this (39%). 

At the same time, about half of liberal Democrats (48%) say abortion at 24 weeks should be legal, while 17% say it should be illegal. Among conservative and moderate Democrats, the pattern is reversed: A plurality (39%) say abortion at this stage should be illegal, while 24% say it should be legal. 

Christian adults are far less likely than religiously unaffiliated Americans to say abortion should be legal at each stage of pregnancy.  

Among Protestants, White evangelicals stand out for their opposition to abortion. At six weeks of pregnancy, for example, 44% say abortion should be illegal, compared with 17% of White non-evangelical Protestants and 15% of Black Protestants. This pattern also is evident at 14 and 24 weeks of pregnancy, when half or more of White evangelicals say abortion should be illegal.

At six weeks, a plurality of Catholics (41%) say abortion should be legal, while smaller shares say it depends or it should be illegal. But by 24 weeks, about half of Catholics (49%) say abortion should be illegal. 

Among adults who are religiously unaffiliated, atheists stand out for their views. They are the only group in which a sizable majority says abortion should be  legal  at each point in a pregnancy. Even at 24 weeks, 62% of self-described atheists say abortion should be legal, compared with smaller shares of agnostics (43%) and those who say their religion is “nothing in particular” (31%). 

As is the case with adults overall, most religiously affiliated and religiously unaffiliated adults who originally say that abortion should be illegal or “it depends” at 24 weeks go on to say either it should be legal or it depends if the pregnant woman’s life is in danger or the baby would be born with severe disabilities. Few (4% and 5%, respectively) say abortion should be illegal at 24 weeks in these situations.

The stage of the pregnancy is not the only factor that shapes people’s views of when abortion should be legal. Sizable majorities of U.S. adults say that abortion should be legal if the pregnancy threatens the life or health of the pregnant woman (73%) or if pregnancy is the result of rape (69%). 

There is less consensus when it comes to circumstances in which a baby may be born with severe disabilities or health problems: 53% of Americans overall say abortion should be legal in such circumstances, including 19% who say abortion should be legal in all cases and 35% who say there are some situations where abortions should be illegal, but that it should be legal in this specific type of case. A quarter of adults say “it depends” in this situation, and about one-in-five say it should be illegal (10% who say illegal in this specific circumstance and 8% who say illegal in all circumstances). 

There are sizable divides between and among partisans when it comes to views of abortion in these situations. Overall, Republicans are less likely than Democrats to say abortion should be legal in each of the three circumstances outlined in the survey. However, both partisan groups are less likely to say abortion should be legal when the baby may be born with severe disabilities or health problems than when the woman’s life is in danger or the pregnancy is the result of rape. 

Just as there are wide gaps among Republicans by ideology on whether how long a woman has been pregnant should be a factor in determining abortion’s legality, there are large gaps when it comes to circumstances in which abortions should be legal. For example, while a clear majority of moderate and liberal Republicans (71%) say abortion should be permitted when the pregnancy is the result of rape, conservative Republicans are more divided. About half (48%) say it should be legal in this situation, while 29% say it should be illegal and 21% say it depends.

The ideological gaps among Democrats are slightly less pronounced. Most Democrats say abortion should be legal in each of the three circumstances – just to varying degrees. While 77% of liberal Democrats say abortion should be legal if a baby will be born with severe disabilities or health problems, for example, a smaller majority of conservative and moderate Democrats (60%) say the same. 

White evangelical Protestants again stand out for their views on abortion in various circumstances; they are far less likely than White non-evangelical or Black Protestants to say abortion should be legal across each of the three circumstances described in the survey. 

While about half of White evangelical Protestants (51%) say abortion should be legal if a pregnancy threatens the woman’s life or health, clear majorities of other Protestant groups and Catholics say this should be the case. The same pattern holds in views of whether abortion should be legal if the pregnancy is the result of rape. Most White non-evangelical Protestants (75%), Black Protestants (71%) and Catholics (66%) say abortion should be permitted in this instance, while White evangelicals are more divided: 40% say it should be legal, while 34% say it should be  illegal  and about a quarter say it depends. 

Mirroring the pattern seen among adults overall, opinions are more varied about a situation where a baby might be born with severe disabilities or health issues. For instance, half of Catholics say abortion should be legal in such cases, while 21% say it should be illegal and 27% say it depends on the situation. 

Most religiously unaffiliated adults – including overwhelming majorities of self-described atheists – say abortion should be legal in each of the three circumstances. 

Seven-in-ten U.S. adults say that doctors or other health care providers should be required to notify a parent or legal guardian if the pregnant woman seeking an abortion is under 18, while 28% say they should not be required to do so.  

Women are slightly less likely than men to say this should be a requirement (67% vs. 74%). And younger adults are far less likely than those who are older to say a parent or guardian should be notified before a doctor performs an abortion on a pregnant woman who is under 18. In fact, about half of adults ages 18 to 24 (53%) say a doctor should  not  be required to notify a parent. By contrast, 64% of adults ages 25 to 29 say doctors  should  be required to notify parents of minors seeking an abortion, as do 68% of adults ages 30 to 49 and 78% of those 50 and older. 

A large majority of Republicans (85%) say that a doctor should be required to notify the parents of a minor before an abortion, though conservative Republicans are somewhat more likely than moderate and liberal Republicans to take this position (90% vs. 77%). 

The ideological divide is even more pronounced among Democrats. Overall, a slim majority of Democrats (57%) say a parent should be notified in this circumstance, but while 72% of conservative and moderate Democrats hold this view, just 39% of liberal Democrats agree. 

By and large, most Protestant (81%) and Catholic (78%) adults say doctors should be required to notify parents of minors before an abortion. But religiously unaffiliated Americans are more divided. Majorities of both atheists (71%) and agnostics (58%) say doctors should  not  be required to notify parents of minors seeking an abortion, while six-in-ten of those who describe their religion as “nothing in particular” say such notification should be required. 

Americans are divided over who should be penalized – and what that penalty should be – in a situation where an abortion occurs illegally. 

Overall, a 60% majority of adults say that if a doctor or provider performs an abortion in a situation where it is illegal, they should face a penalty. But there is less agreement when it comes to others who may have been involved in the procedure. 

While about half of the public (47%) says a woman who has an illegal abortion should face a penalty, a nearly identical share (50%) says she should not. And adults are more likely to say people who help find and schedule or pay for an abortion in a situation where it is illegal should  not  face a penalty than they are to say they should.

Views about penalties are closely correlated with overall attitudes about whether abortion should be legal or illegal. For example, just 20% of adults who say abortion should be legal in all cases without exception think doctors or providers should face a penalty if an abortion were carried out in a situation where it was illegal. This compares with 91% of those who think abortion should be illegal in all cases without exceptions. Still, regardless of how they feel about whether abortion should be legal or not, Americans are more likely to say a doctor or provider should face a penalty compared with others involved in the procedure. 

Among those who say medical providers and/or women should face penalties for illegal abortions, there is no consensus about whether they should get jail time or a less severe punishment. Among U.S. adults overall, 14% say women should serve jail time if they have an abortion in a situation where it is illegal, while 16% say they should receive a fine or community service and 17% say they are not sure what the penalty should be. 

A somewhat larger share of Americans (25%) say doctors or other medical providers should face jail time for providing illegal abortion services, while 18% say they should face fines or community service and 17% are not sure. About three-in-ten U.S. adults (31%) say doctors should lose their medical license if they perform an abortion in a situation where it is illegal.

Men are more likely than women to favor penalties for the woman or doctor in situations where abortion is illegal. About half of men (52%) say women should face a penalty, while just 43% of women say the same. Similarly, about two-thirds of men (64%) say a doctor should face a penalty, while 56% of women agree.

Republicans are considerably more likely than Democrats to say both women and doctors should face penalties – including jail time. For example, 21% of Republicans say the woman who had the abortion should face jail time, and 40% say this about the doctor who performed the abortion. Among Democrats, far smaller shares say the woman (8%) or doctor (13%) should serve jail time.  

White evangelical Protestants are more likely than other Protestant groups to favor penalties for abortions in situations where they are illegal. Fully 24% say the woman who had the abortion should serve time in jail, compared with just 12% of White non-evangelical Protestants or Black Protestants. And while about half of White evangelicals (48%) say doctors who perform illegal abortions should serve jail time, just 26% of White non-evangelical Protestants and 18% of Black Protestants share this view.

• Only respondents who said that abortion should be legal in some cases but not others and that how long a woman has been pregnant should matter in determining whether abortion should be legal received questions about abortion’s legality at specific points in the pregnancy.  ↩

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Thesis: The Dynamic Landscape of Abortion Law in the United States

Editor's note:

Victoria Higginbotham defended her thesis titled “The Dynamic Landscape of Abortion Law in the United States” in May 2018 in front of committee members Jane Maienschein, Carolina Abboud, and Alexis Abboud, earning her a Bachelor’s degree from Barrett, the Honors College. https://repository.asu.edu/items/48020

The Dynamic Landscape of Abortion Law in the United States explores the ways abortion laws have changed in the United States over the course of US history. Abortion laws in the US have historically been fluid, changing in ways both big and small. Those changes can occur after advances in science, changes in understanding, or changes in public opinion. And there have been various periods in the history of the US where tolerance abortion waxed or waned, and common law reflected those attitudes.

Roe v. Wade was a pivotal moment in the history of abortion law that accomplished much in the way of broadening women's access to abortions. But Roe v. Wade was not the beginning or the end of the fight for abortion rights in the US. There were legal abortions prior to Roe v. Wade and illegal abortions after. Roe v. Wade granted that women had a constitutional right to have an abortion but the ruling left the boundaries of that right somewhat undefined and most courtroom battles over abortion laws are fought over where a woman's right to an abortion ends and a States right to regulate and protect fetal life begin.

Much change has occurred in abortion laws over the past 50 years, this thesis tracks those changes principally through Supreme Court Cases, such as United States v. Milan Vuitch, Roe v. Wade, and Gonzales v. Planned Parenthood among others. The landscape of abortion law in the US continues to shift today, as recently as 2017 with Plowman v. FMCH cases were being heard in courts that wrought subtle yet important changes in abortion law.

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Inside the History of State Suppression of Abortion in the U.S.

Shortly after the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health decision , the call to “ codify Roe into law ” took on new life with a spate of articles making that very claim . While there’s nothing wrong with pushing to codify abortion rights at the federal level, this call doesn’t take into account one of the biggest issues pregnant people face today: the increasing criminalization of any pregnancy not resulting in a healthy baby. Every reproductive rights framework that prioritizes abortion over women's privacy, equality, and agency is flawed.

As many as 22 million people in the US who can get pregnant and are of "reproductive age (ages 15–49)" live in states where abortion is severely restricted or entirely unavailable. Human Rights Watch has documented over 1,700 incidents of "arrests, forced medical interventions, and other deprivations of liberty of pregnant people" since 1973, with "1,331 of these cases occurring between 2006 and 2020." The Dobbs decision has further unsettled a whole body of jurisprudence that guarantees privacy, dignity, and bodily autonomy for all individuals. The ripple effects have resulted in the closure of numerous clinics across the country, making women travel longer and farther for services. The longer the trip, the fewer people can make it, and therefore, fewer people end their pregnancies . Fear of the unknown has prevented doctors from providing care and discouraged people from becoming pregnant in the first place. In some states, it has made common pregnancy outcomes, like miscarriage and stillbirths, potential criminal offenses.

This new era is posing significant threats to pregnant women's health and safety due to government overreach, criminalization, and surveillance. According to Human Rights Watch, strict abortion restrictions violate numerous constitutional and human rights , including the right to life, health, privacy, freedom from torture, and equality before the law.

Abortion under state control

In 1847, the American Medical Association (AMA) sought to criminalize abortion so that white male doctors — then the only members permitted to join the AMA — could control women's reproductive health. This is where the current system of state control over abortion originates. As Georgetown University constitutional law professor Michele Goodwin notes in her book Policing the Womb , that abortion and contraception were legal before the Civil War and both Indigenous women and European immigrants used them. Often, "the persons who performed all manner of reproductive health care were women—female midwives" and Black women comprised half the midwives, she writes. Following the end of slavery, the white male-dominated medical field—embodied by the American Medical Association—saw Black midwives as rivals in the domain of obstetrics and childbirth and drove them from the field. This launched a " full-fledged criminalization campaign" targeting "abortion and female abortion providers ," Planned Parenthood’s Action Fund details in a timeline of US abortion law. Joseph DeLee, a famous 20th-century obstetrician and midwifery opponent, said in a 1915 address that " the midwife is a relic of barbarism ."

It's the American Medical Association that did much to shape the abortion debate and influence public opinion regarding the procedure, prompting states to legislate. With this change, men began to litigate the procedure instead of women controlling it. In this male realm, women and the fetus are often seen as mere pawns in a political game rather than, for women specifically, as individuals with agency and autonomy.

Another significant chapter began in the 1970s and '80s with the rise of the religious right and the war on drugs , which prompted criminal prosecutions of pregnant women accused of drug use. According to Goodwin ’s book, "these vulnerable women embodied the cautionary metaphor of the miner’s canary.” The "creative application" of "child abuse statutes, anticorruption laws, and drug conveyance legislation" allowed prosecutors to arrest and prosecute indigent Black pregnant people, she documents. They were charged after police checked their medical records and doctors participated in their arrests.

Jenny Brown contends in her 2019 book Birth Strike that elite policymakers are trying to discourage abortion because they are afraid the population will decline and the economy will follow suit. To achieve this goal, they compel pregnancy by making abortion and contraception more difficult to get. According to Brown, the high expense of pregnancy for those with low incomes is causing the population to decline. Instead of encouraging parenthood through paid family leave, universal health care, and subsidized child care, elite decision-makers have opted for forced pregnancy, which we are now seeing play out in the States.

Abortion left to the states

As of April 2024, abortion is banned in 14 states , with limited exceptions. Another 27 states have partial bans based on how far along a person is in their pregnancy. Florida and Georgia, for example, have banned abortion after six weeks, limiting care to four weeks after conception, and just one week after a person can find out they are pregnant, essentially outlawing the procedure.

But many states have gone further than simply restricting access. Arizona and North Carolina ban the mailing of abortion pills and require an in-person doctor's visit before they can be prescribed. Before Dobbs , Idaho, Texas, and Oklahoma passed " bounty " laws allowing citizens to sue abortion providers, along with new civil penalties, while separate legislation introduced criminal penalties including jail time. A 2021 Missouri bill would have provided the state's courts with authority over pregnancies " conceived within the state or involving Missouri residents, " according to Human Rights Watch, and similar measures would have allowed private enforcement in other states. The bill was rejected.

Thirteen states also "now criminalize health care providers who perform abortions… Some states criminalize ‘aiding or abetting’ abortion, making it a crime for any individual, whether a health care provider or not," to so much as help a pregnant person. This criminalization of health care providers adds another layer of repression. Doctors were uncertain about the legal landscape and care options in the initial weeks following the Dobbs decision, putting many women at risk, including one, who, according to the Washington Post , was forced to travel out of state for a lifesaving abortion in July 2022. She had an ectopic pregnancy — a potentially dangerous condition in which the egg implants outside of the uterus — and her doctor reportedly feared running afoul of the state’s new abortion restrictions.

In a separate case detailed in the same Post article, after experiencing an incomplete miscarriage, a Wisconsin woman was left to bleed at home for 10 days. Miscarriage treatment was not provided because hospital personnel feared violating the state's abortion ban, according to the Post .

Up to a million pregnancies in the United States end in miscarriage every year and researchers estimate there were a million abortions in 2023 . States that have outlawed abortion now have a vested interest in distinguishing between the two.

The surveillance tactics employed by private and government entities, such as monitoring abortion clinics and providers , further exacerbate the situation.

In April 2022, when the state had banned abortion at 20 weeks, a minor in Nebraska was sentenced for concealing the remains of a 29-week stillbirth after taking abortion pills. The guidelines for abortion pill usage state that you cannot use them beyond 10 weeks. As reported by NPR , the juvenile received a 90-day jail sentence and two years probation. The court heard the case in July of last year. Meta had shared her private communications with the police in the summer of 2022, as NPR reported . (In a public statement , Meta said the “valid legal” warrants they received “did not mention abortion at all.”)

Another woman, Latice Fisher, was charged with second-degree murder in 2017 after a stillbirth because she had been searching on her phone for “mifepristone” and “misoprostol” — the two pills used in a medication abortion — according to the Washington Post . (The murder charge was later dismissed.) In 2015, long before Roe was overturned, Purvi Patel was convicted of feticide and child neglect for allegedly inducing an abortion and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Patel has since been released after her feticide conviction was overturned. At trial, evidence included Patel's search history and private texts. Examples like Fisher and Patel highlight the extreme measures taken to penalize individuals seeking reproductive health care.

A federal right to abortion

Jia Tolentino writes in The New Yorker that the “pro-choice movement has largely ignored the growing criminalization of pregnancy, just as it has generally ignored the inadequacy of Roe .” Many abortion rights advocates, says Tolentino, have acknowledged that "poor and minority women in conservative states lost access to abortion long before this Supreme Court decision" and hoped that the people who face arrest after miscarriages are "unfortunate outliers."

Likewise, Goodwin compares a feminist focus on only codifying Roe to a world in which civil rights leaders limited their vision of civil rights to school integration alone, rather than viewing Brown v. Board of Education as just the " beginning of securing a broader bundle of rights " during the Jim Crow era.

When it comes to safeguarding pregnant people against the abuse of power by the state, the conventional reproductive rights framework falls short. Pregnancy discrimination, threats of criminal prosecution, and punishment of those who are pregnant are not considered threats to reproductive rights which begins and ends with legal abortion. This myopic view ignores the multifaceted problem of reproductive justice and the interplay between many oppressive structures that rob people of control over their own bodies.

Goodwin argues that a person's right to stay pregnant are underrepresented in the fight for reproductive rights despite the critical importance of this issue. By this limited definition of reproductive rights, the right to abortion is the only thing that is upheld. The pro-choice movement often overlooks the diverse reproductive health decisions that pregnant individuals must make, which may lead to state repression. Fighting for reproductive rights alone will lead to major blind spots, but we must demand more than abortion as a necessary precondition for justice and equal rights for all.

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Iowa Supreme Court Upholds Six-Week Abortion Ban, Dismisses Constitutionality of Reproductive Care Access

The highest court in Iowa ruled in favor of the state’s six-week abortion ban on Friday, effectively decimating access to care before many people even know that they are pregnant.

The law includes exceptions for the life of the pregnant woman and fetal abnormalities that would result in the infant’s death— allowances that medical professionals say are rarely implemented in practice .

Iowa’s ban also allows abortion in the case of rape or incest, but only when reported within 45 or 140 days, respectively. For rape or incest exceptions to be permitted, according to rules laid out by the Iowa Board of Medicine ahead of the court's decision, a doctor must acquire facts about how the pregnancy came to be and obtain a signed certificate that the information is true.

The decision “will have devastating impacts on already poor health outcomes in Iowa and force people into pregnancy,” Francine Thompson , executive director of the Emma Goldman Clinic in Iowa City, said. Planned Parenthood North Central States President and CEO Ruth Richardson said that the team has been preparing for this possibility for months. “Every person deserves to have the full range of sexual and reproductive health care they need, including abortion, no matter their ZIP code,” she said.

Until the new ban is officially implemented in about three weeks, Iowans can still get abortions in the state up to 20 weeks of pregnancy, according to the ACLU of Iowa.

“There is no right more sacred than life, and nothing more worthy of our strongest defense than the innocent unborn,” Republican Governor Kim Reynolds , who won re-election in 2022 by around 19 percentage points, said. Reynolds shared that she is "deeply committed to supporting women in planning for motherhood, and promoting fatherhood and its importance in parenting."

In a statement , President Joe Biden said the ban “puts women’s health and lives in jeopardy,” adding, “Vice President Harris and I believe that women in every state must have the right to make deeply personal decisions about their health.”

Access to abortion has been in flux for years in Iowa. In 2017, Republican legislators in the state passed a 20-week ban with a three-day waiting period (which a court later paused). In 2018, the legislature passed a 6-week ban, which a state court quickly granted an injunction against. That same month, the Iowa Supreme Court ruled that the three-day wait period violated the state’s constitution.

Fast forward to 2022, when the US Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs set forth a new precedent for state legislators to utilize. Just four days after Roe was overturned, Governor Reynolds announced she would take the matter of abortion back to the state courts, using the Dobbs decision, to reinstate the six-week ban. The two years since have been filled with new iterations of the now-implemented law, court challenges, and a state of confusion for those seeking reproductive care in Iowa.

Iowa now joins 14 states that ban abortion in practically all cases and three other states— Florida , Georgia , and South Carolina —with 6-week gestational limits. Nationwide, 63 percent of Americans say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to Pew. And, a Des Moines Register /Mediacom Iowa Poll from 2023 found that 61 percent of Iowa adults say abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

Friday’s ruling addressed whether or not the state’s six-week ban would cause an "undue burden" on those seeking abortion care, a standard that Planned Parenthood had argued abortion bans are subjected to under the state constitution. This test comes from a 2015 case where the court had ruled, in accordance with some federal findings, that abortion restrictions were unconstitutional if they imposed a “substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion before the fetus attains viability."

In his majority opinion, Justice Matthew McDermott wrote, "Stated simply, we can find no principled basis under our due process precedents to apply the heightened scrutiny of an undue burden test to abortion." McDermott, who was appointed by Governor Reynolds, added, "Every ground the state identifies is a legitimate interest for the legislature to pursue, and the restrictions on abortion in the fetal heartbeat statute are rationally related to advancing them."

“The majority’s rigid approach relies heavily on the male-dominated history and traditions of the 1800s, all the while ignoring how far women’s rights have come since the Civil War era,” Chief Justice Susan Christensen wrote in her dissent. While the Iowa Constitution doesn’t refer to abortion, Christensen noted that “Other procedures affecting bodily integrity and medical care that are not specifically mentioned in our constitution include organ transplants and blood transfusions.”

Following the ruling, anti-abortion activists and politicians across the state rejoiced.

"I have been involved in pro-life for over 25 years in Iowa, and to think now that we will finally have protection for children is really hard to put into words," Maggie DeWitte , executive director of the anti-abortion group Pulse Life Advocates, said, calling the decision a "monumental win, for Iowa women, for Iowa families, for babies."

Iowa House Speaker Pat Grassley said in a statement “This ruling is a victory in the fight to protect unborn children in Iowa. The Legislature is elected by the people, and for too long, the courts have stood in the way of Iowans having their voices heard on this matter.”

Since the fall of Roe , states with more robust abortion protections have become lifelines for those forced to travel out of state for care. In the Midwest, that load has largely fallen on Chicago, Iowa’s neighbor. Since 2022, Planned Parenthood of Illinois (PPIL) said it experienced a 47 percent increase in the number of patients seeking abortion care—with 25 percent of all patients coming from other states. Before Dobbs , it was about 4 percent.

Julie Uhal , who oversees PPIL’s Abortion Expansion Program, said the organization is ready for a potential influx of patients from Iowa. “We have done enough capacity expansion work and we are ready to see patients from wherever they are coming from. We’re ready to support them with travel support funding, financial assistance,” Uhal said. “Yeah, we’re here and we’re not backing down anytime soon.”

Even prior to the court’s decision this week, Iowa lacked access to reproductive health care. As of 2022, according to data from the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Iowa had the fewest number of OB-GYN specialists per capita of any state in the country. Out of the 99 counties in Iowa, 66 lack access to OB-GYN birth services.

“To be clear,” Justice Christensen dissent noted, “this trend will affect all pregnant women in Iowa—not just those seeking an abortion.”

“In my opinion,” Christensen wrote, “the only female lives that this statute treats with any meaningful regard and dignity are the unborn lives of female fetuses. After that, this statute forces pregnant women (and young girls) to endure and suffer through life-altering health complications that range from severe sepsis requiring limb amputation to a hysterectomy so long as those women are not at death’s door.”

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