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Philosophy of Money and Finance

Finance and philosophy may seem to be worlds apart. But they share at least one common ancestor: Thales of Miletus. Thales is typically regarded as the first philosopher, but he was also a financial innovator. He appears to have been what we would now call an option trader. He predicted that next year’s olive harvest would be good, and therefore paid a small amount of money to the owners of olive presses for the right to the next year’s use. When the harvest turned out to be as good as predicted, Thales earned a sizable amount of money by renting out the presses (Aristotle, Politics , 1259a).

Obviously, a lot has changed since Thales’ times, both in finance and in our ethical and political attitudes towards finance. Coins have largely been replaced by either paper or electronic money, and we have built a large infrastructure to facilitate transactions of money and other financial assets—with elements including commercial banks, central banks, insurance companies, stock exchanges, and investment funds. This institutional multiplicity is due to concerted efforts of both private and public agents, as well as innovations in financial economics and in the financial industry (Shiller 2012).

Our ethical and political sensitivities have also changed in several respects. It seems fair to say that most traditional ethicists held a very negative attitude towards financial activities. Think, for example, of Jesus’ cleansing of the temple from moneylenders, and the widespread condemnation of money as “the root of all evil”. Attitudes in this regard seem to have softened over time. However, the moral debate continues to recur, especially in connection with large scandals and crises within finance, the largest such crisis in recent memory of course being the global financial crisis of 2008.

This article describes what philosophical analysis can say about money and finance. It is divided into five parts that respectively concern (1) what money and finance really are (metaphysics), (2) how knowledge about financial matters is or should be formed (epistemology), (3) the merits and challenges of financial economics (philosophy of science), (4) the many ethical issues related to money and finance (ethics), and (5) the relationship between finance and politics (political philosophy).

1.1 What is Money?

1.2 what is finance, 2. epistemology, 3. philosophy of science, 4.1.1 the love of money, 4.1.2 usury and interest, 4.1.3 speculation and gambling, 4.2.1 deception and fraud, 4.2.2 avoiding conflicts of interest, 4.2.3 insider trading, 4.3.1 systemic risk and financial crises, 4.3.2 microfinance, 4.3.3 socially responsible investment, 5.1 financialization and democracy, 5.2 finance, money, and domestic justice, 5.3 finance and global justice, other internet resources, related entries, 1. metaphysics.

Money is so ever-present in modern life that we tend to take its existence and nature for granted. But do we know what money actually is? Two competing theories present fundamentally different ontologies of money.

The commodity theory of money: A classic theory, which goes back all the way to Aristotle ( Politics , 1255b–1256b), holds that money is a kind of commodity that fulfills three functions: it serves as (i) a medium of exchange, (ii) a unit of account, and (iii) a store of value. Imagine a society that lacks money, and in which people have to barter goods with each other. Barter only works when there is a double coincidence of wants ; that is, when A wants what B has and B wants what A has. But since such coincidences are likely to be uncommon, a barter economy seems both cumbersome and inefficient (Smith 1776, Menger 1892). At some point, people will realize that they can trade more easily if they use some intermediate good—money. This intermediate good should ideally be easy to handle, store and transport (function i). It should be easy to measure and divide to facilitate calculations (function ii). And it should be difficult to destroy so that it lasts over time (function iii).

Monetary history may be viewed as a process of improvement with regard to these functions of money (Ferguson 2008, Weatherford 1997). For example, some early societies used certain basic necessities as money, such as cattle or grain. Other societies settled on commodities that were easier to handle and to tally but with more indirect value, such as clamshells and precious metals. The archetypical form of money throughout history are gold or silver coins—therefore the commodity theory is sometimes called metallism (Knapp 1924, Schumpeter 1954). Coinage is an improvement on bullion in that both quantity and purity are guaranteed by some third party, typically the government. Finally, paper money can be viewed as a simplification of the trade in coins. For example, a bank note issued by the Bank of England in the 1700s was a promise to pay the bearer a certain pound weight of sterling silver (hence the origin of the name of the British currency as “pounds sterling”).

The commodity theory of money was defended by many classical economists and can still be found in most economics textbooks (Mankiw 2009, Parkin 2011). This latter fact is curious since it has provoked serious and sustained critique. An obvious flaw is that it has difficulties in explaining inflation, the decreasing value of money over time (Innes 1913, Keynes 1936). It has also been challenged on the grounds that it is historically inaccurate. For example, recent anthropological studies question the idea that early societies went from a barter economy to money; instead money seems to have arisen to keep track of pre-existing credit relationships (Graeber 2011, Martin 2013, Douglas 2016).

The credit theory of money: According to the main rival theory, coins and notes are merely tokens of something more abstract: money is a social construction rather than a physical commodity. The abstract entity in question is a credit relationship; that is, a promise from someone to grant (or repay) a favor (product or service) to the holder of the token (Macleod 1889, Innes 1914, Ingham 2004). In order to function as money, two further features are crucial: that (i) the promise is sufficiently credible, that is, the issuer is “creditworthy”; and (ii) the credit is transferable, that is, also others will accept it as payment for trade.

It is commonly thought that the most creditworthy issuer of money is the state. This thought provides an alternative explanation of the predominance of coins and notes whose value is guaranteed by states. But note that this theory also can explain so-called fiat money, which is money that is underwritten by the state but not redeemable in any commodity like gold or silver. Fiat money has been the dominant kind of money globally since 1971, when the United States terminated the convertibility of dollars to gold. The view that only states can issue money is called chartalism , or the state theory of money (Knapp 1924). However, in order to properly understand the current monetary system, it is important to distinguish between states’ issuing versus underwriting money. Most credit money in modern economies is actually issued by commercial banks through their lending operations, and the role of the state is only to guarantee the convertibility of bank deposits into cash (Pettifor 2014).

Criticisms of the credit theory tend to be normative and focus on the risk of overexpansion of money, that is, that states (and banks) can overuse their “printing presses” which may lead to unsustainable debt levels, excessive inflation, financial instability and economic crises. These are sometimes seen as arguments for a return to the gold standard (Rothbard 1983, Schlichter 2014). However, others argue that the realization that money is socially constructed is the best starting point for developing a more sustainable and equitable monetary regime (Graeber 2010, Pettifor 2014). We will return to this political debate below ( section 5.2 ).

The social ontology of money: But exactly how does the “social construction” of money work? This question invokes the more general philosophical issue of social ontology, with regard to which money is often used as a prime example. In an early philosophical-sociological account, Georg Simmel (1900) describes money as an institution that is a crucial precondition for modernity because it allows putting a value on things and simplifies transactions; he also criticizes the way in which money thereby replaces other forms of valuation (see also section 4.1 ).

In the more recent debate, one can distinguish between two main philosophical camps. An influential account of social ontology holds that money is the sort of social institution whose existence depends on “collective intentionality”: beliefs and attitudes that are shared in a community (Searle 1995, 2010). The process starts with someone’s simple and unilateral declaration that something is money, which is a performative speech act. When other people recognize or accept the declaration it becomes a standing social rule. Thus, money is said to depend on our subjective attitudes but is not located (solely) in our minds (see also Lawson 2016, Brynjarsdóttir 2018, Passinsky 2020, Vooys & Dick 2021).

An alternative account holds that the creation of money need not be intentional or declarative in the above sense. Instead money comes about as a solution to a social problem (the double coincidence of wants) – and it is maintained simply because it is functional or beneficial to us (Guala 2016, Hindriks & Guala 2021). Thus what makes something money is not the official declarations of some authority, but rather that it works (functions) as money in a given society (see also Smit et al. 2011; 2016). (For more discussion see the special issue by Hindriks & Sandberg 2020, as well as the entries on social ontology and social institutions ).

One may view “finance” more generally (that is, the financial sector or system) as an extension of the monetary system. It is typically said that the financial sector has two main functions: (1) to maintain an effective payments system; and (2) to facilitate an efficient use of money. The latter function can be broken down further into two parts. First, to bring together those with excess money (savers, investors) and those without it (borrowers, enterprises), which is typically done through financial intermediation (the inner workings of banks) or financial markets (such as stock or bond markets). Second, to create opportunities for market participants to buy and sell money, which is typically done through the invention of financial products, or “assets”, with features distinguished by different levels of risk, return, and maturation.

The modern financial system can thus be seen as an infrastructure built to facilitate transactions of money and other financial assets, as noted at the outset. It is important to note that it contains both private elements (such as commercial banks, insurance companies, and investment funds) and public elements (such as central banks and regulatory authorities). “Finance” can also refer to the systematic study of this system; most often to the field of financial economics (see section 3 ).

Financial assets: Of interest from an ontological viewpoint is that modern finance consists of several other “asset types” besides money; central examples include credit arrangements (bank accounts, bonds), equity (shares or stocks), derivatives (futures, options, swaps, etc.) and funds (trusts). What are the defining characteristics of financial assets?

The typical distinction here is between financial and “real” assets, such as buildings and machines (Fabozzi 2002), because financial assets are less tangible or concrete. Just like money, they can be viewed as a social construction. Financial assets are often derived from or at least involve underlying “real” assets—as, for example, in the relation between owning a house and investing in a housing company. However, financial transactions are different from ordinary market trades in that the underlying assets seldom change hands, instead one exchanges abstract contracts or promises of future transactions. In this sense, one may view the financial market as the “meta-level” of the economy, since it involves indirect trade or speculation on the success of other parts of the economy.

More distinctly, financial assets are defined as promises of future money payments (Mishkin 2016, Pilbeam 2010). If the credit theory of money is correct, they can be regarded as meta-promises: promises on promises. The level of abstraction can sometimes become enormous: For example, a “synthetic collateralized debt obligation” (or “synthetic CDO”), a form of derivative common before the financial crisis, is a promise from person A (the seller) to person B (the buyer) that some persons C to I (speculators) will pay an amount of money depending on the losses incurred by person J (the holder of an underlying derivative), which typically depend on certain portions (so-called tranches) of the cash flow from persons K to Q (mortgage borrowers) originally promised to persons R to X (mortgage lenders) but then sold to person Y (the originator of the underlying derivative). The function of a synthetic CDO is mainly to spread financial risks more thinly between different speculators.

Intrinsic value: Perhaps the most important characteristic of financial assets is that their price can vary enormously with the attitudes of investors. Put simply, there are two main factors that determine the price of a financial asset: (i) the credibility or strength of the underlying promise (which will depend on the future cash flows generated by the asset); and (ii) its transferability or popularity within the market, that is, how many other investors are interested in buying the asset. In the process known as “price discovery”, investors assess these factors based on the information available to them, and then make bids to buy or sell the asset, which in turn sets its price on the market (Mishkin 2016, Pilbeam 2010).

A philosophically interesting question is whether there is such a thing as an “intrinsic” value of financial assets, as is often assumed in discussions about financial crises. For example, a common definition of an “asset bubble” is that this is a situation that occurs when certain assets trade at a price that strongly exceed their intrinsic value—which is dangerous since the bubble can burst and cause an economic shock (Kindleberger 1978, Minsky 1986, Reinhart & Rogoff 2009). But what is the intrinsic value of an asset? The rational answer seems to be that this depends only on the discounted value of the underlying future cash flow—in other words, on (i) and not (ii) above. However, someone still has to assess these factors to compute a price, and this assessment inevitably includes subjective elements. As just noted, it is assumed that different investors have different valuations of financial assets, which is why they can engage in trades on the market in the first place.

A further complication here is that (i) may actually be influenced by (ii). The fundamentals may be influenced by investors’ perceptions of them, which is a phenomenon known as “reflexivity” (Soros 1987, 2008). For example, a company whose shares are popular among investors will often find it easier to borrow more money and thereby to expand its cash flow, in turn making it even more popular among investors. Conversely, when the company’s profits start to fall it may lose popularity among investors, thereby making its loans more expensive and its profits even lower. This phenomenon amplifies the risks posed by financial bubbles (Keynes 1936).

Given the abstractness and complexity of financial assets and relations, as outlined above, it is easy to see the epistemic challenges they raise. For example, what is a proper basis for forming justified beliefs about matters of money and finance?

A central concept here is that of risk. Since financial assets are essentially promises of future money payments, a main challenge for financial agents is to develop rational expectations or hypotheses about relevant future outcomes. The two main factors in this regard are (1) expected return on the asset, which is typically calculated as the value of all possible outcomes weighted by their probability of occurrence, and (2) financial risk, which is typically calculated as the level of variation in these returns. The concept of financial risk is especially interesting from a philosophical viewpoint since it represents the financial industry’s response to epistemic uncertainty. It is often argued that the financial system is designed exactly to address or minimize financial risks—for example, financial intermediation and markets allow investors to spread their money over several assets with differing risk profiles (Pilbeam 2010, Shiller 2012). However, many authors have been critical of mainstream operationalizations of risk which tend to focus exclusively on historical price volatility and thereby downplay the risk of large-scale financial crises (Lanchester 2010, Thamotheram & Ward 2014).

This point leads us further to questions about the normativity of belief and knowledge. Research on such topics as the ethics of belief and virtue epistemology considers questions about the responsibilities that subjects have in epistemic matters. These include epistemic duties concerning the acquisition, storage, and transmission of information; the evaluation of evidence; and the revision or rejection of belief (see also ethics of belief ). In line with a reappraisal of virtue theory in business ethics, it is in particular virtue epistemology that has attracted attention from scholars working on finance. For example, while most commentators have focused on the moral failings that led to the financial crisis of 2008, a growing literature examines epistemic failures.

Epistemic failings in finance can be detected both at the level of individuals and collectives (de Bruin 2015). Organizations may develop corporate epistemic virtue along three dimensions: through matching epistemic virtues to particular functions (e.g., diversity at the board level); through providing adequate organizational support for the exercise of epistemic virtue (e.g., knowledge management techniques); and by adopting organizational remedies against epistemic vice (e.g., rotation policies). Using this three-pronged approach helps to interpret such epistemic failings as the failure of financial due diligence to spot Bernard Madoff’s notorious Ponzi scheme (uncovered in the midst of the financial crisis) (de Bruin 2014a, 2015).

Epistemic virtue is not only relevant for financial agents themselves, but also for other institutions in the financial system. An important example concerns accounting (auditing) firms. Accounting firms investigate businesses in order to make sure that their accounts (annual reports) offer an accurate reflection of the financial situation. While the primary intended beneficiaries of these auditing services are shareholders (and the public at large), accountants are paid by the firms they audit. This remuneration system is often said to lead to conflicts of interest. While accounting ethics is primarily concerned with codes of ethics and other management tools to minimize these conflicts of interests, an epistemological perspective may help to show that the business-auditor relationship should be seen as involving a joint epistemic agent in which the business provides evidence, and the auditor epistemic justification (de Bruin 2013). We will return to issues concerning conflicts of interest below (in section 4.2 ).

Epistemic virtue is also important for an effective governance or regulation of financial activities. For example, a salient epistemic failing that contributed to the 2008 financial crisis seems to be the way that Credit Rating Agencies rated mortgage-backed securities and other structured finance instruments, and with related failures of financial due diligence, and faulty risk management (Warenski 2008). Credit Rating Agencies provide estimates of credit risk of bonds that institutional investors are legally bound to use in their investment decisions. This may, however, effectively amount to an institutional setup in which investors are forced by law partly to outsource their risk management, which fails to foster epistemic virtue (Booth & de Bruin 2021, de Bruin 2017). Beyond this, epistemic failures can also occur among regulators themselves, as well as among relevant policy makers (see further in section 5.1 ).

A related line of work attests to the relevance of epistemic injustice to finance. Taking Fricker’s (2009) work as a point of departure, de Bruin (2021) examines testimonial injustice in financial services, whereas Mussell (2021) focuses on the harms and wrongs of testimonial injustice as they occur in the relationship between trustees and fiduciaries.

Compared to financial practitioners, one could think that financial economists should be at an epistemic advantage in matters of money and finance. Financial economics is a fairly young but well established discipline in the social sciences that seeks to understand, explain, and predict activities within financial markets. However, a few months after the crash in 2008, Queen Elizabeth II famously asked a room full of financial economists in London why they had not predicted the crisis (Egidi 2014). The Queen’s question should be an excellent starting point for an inquiry into the philosophy of science of financial economics. Yet only a few philosophers of science have considered finance specifically (Vergara Fernández & de Bruin 2021). [ 1 ]

Some important topics in financial economics have received partial attention, including the Modigliani-Miller capital structure irrelevance theorem (Hindriks 2008), the efficient market hypothesis (Collier 2011), the Black-Scholes option pricing model (Weatherall 2017), portfolio theory (Walsh 2015), financial equilibrium models (Farmer & Geanakoplos 2009), the concept of money (Mäki 1997), and behavioral finance (Brav, Heaton, & Rosenberg 2004), even though most of the debate still occurs among economists interested in methodology rather than among philosophers. A host of topics remain to be investigated, however: the concept of Value at Risk (VaR) (and more broadly the concept of financial risk), the capital asset pricing model (CAPM), the Gaussian copula, random walks, financial derivatives, event studies, forecasting (and big data), volatility, animal spirits, cost of capital, the various financial ratios, the concept of insolvency, and neurofinance, all stand in need of more sustained attention from philosophers.

Most existing work on finance in philosophy of science is concerned with models and modelling (see also models in science and philosophy of economics ). It seems intuitive to view financial markets as extremely complex systems: with so many different factors at play, predicting the price of securities (shares, bonds, etc.) seems almost impossible. Yet mainstream financial economics is firmly committed to the idea that market behavior should be understood as ultimately resulting from interactions of agents maximizing their expected utility. This is a direct application of the so-called neoclassical school of economics that was developed during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While this school continues to dominate textbooks in the field, there is a growing scholarly trend that seeks to criticize, complement or even replace some of its main assumptions. We can see how the problems play out in both corporate finance and asset pricing theory.

Corporate finance concerns the financing of firms. One question concerns a firm’s capital structure: should a firm obtain funding through equity (that is, from shareholders expecting dividends) or through debt (that is, from bondholders who lend money to the firm and have a contractual right to receive interest on the loans), or through a combination of the two. A key result in corporate finance is the Modigliani-Miller theorem, which says that a firm’s capital structure is irrelevant to its market value (Modigliani & Miller 1958). This theorem makes a number of highly unrealistic assumptions, among them the assumption that markets are efficient, and that there are no taxes. Alongside many other results in economics, it may therefore be considered as useless for predictive purposes; or even as dangerous, once used for such purposes nonetheless (Egidi 2014). In a detailed study of the Modigliani-Miller theorem, Hindriks (2008) has argued, however, that the value of highly idealized models in economics may lie in their providing counterfactual insights, just as in physics. Galileo’s law of free fall tells us what happens in a vacuum. Despite the fact that vacuum is rare in reality, the law is not uninformative, because it allows us to associate observed phenomena to the extent to which an unrealistic assumption must be relaxed. Similarly, if one of the assumptions that the Modigliani-Miller theorem makes is the absence of taxes, the observed relevance of capital structure may well have to be explained as resulting from particular tax regimes. The explanation obtained by relaxing unrealistic assumptions is called “explanation by concretization” (Hindriks 2008).

Explanation by concretization works if models and reality share at least a few concrete features. This is arguably the case for many extant models in finance, including models of bubbles and crises that are immediately relevant to explaining the 2008 crisis (Abreu & Brunnermeier 2003). A fairly recent development called “econophysics” may, however, be an exception. Econophysics uses physics methods to model financial markets (see Rickles 2007 for an overview). Where traditional models of crises include individual investors with beliefs and desires modelled by probability distributions and utility functions, econophysics models capture crises the way physicists model transitions of matter from fluid to solid state (Kuhlmann 2014).

Next, consider asset pricing theory. Ever since Bachelier’s groundbreaking mathematical treatment of asset pricing, financial economists have struggled to find the best way to determine the price developments of securities such as shares, bonds, and derivative instruments such as options. The mathematics of financial returns has received some attention in the literature (de Bruin & Walter 2017; Ippoliti & Chen 2017). Most models assume that returns follow Gaussian random walks, that is, stochastic processes in discrete time with independent and identically distributed increments. Empirical studies show, however, that returns are more peaked than Gaussian distributions, and that they have “fat tails”. This means that extreme events such as financial crises are far less improbable than the models assume. An exception with regards to these assumptions is Benoît Mandelbrot’s (1963) well-known contribution to financial mathematics, and work in this direction is gaining traction in mathematical finance.

A third aspect of financial models concerns the way they incorporate uncertainty (Bertolotti & Magnani 2017). Some of the problems of contemporary financial (and macroeconomic) models are due to the way they model uncertainty as risk, as outlined above (Frydman & Goldberg 2013). Both neo-classical models and behavioral economics capture uncertainty as probabilistic uncertainty, consequently ignoring Knightian uncertainty (Knight 1921 see also decision theory ). The philosophy of science literature that pertains to financial economics is, however, still fairly small (Vergara Fernández & de Bruin 2021).

Having considered the epistemic and scientific challenges of finance, we now turn to the broad range of compelling ethical challenges related to money and finance. The present part is divided into three sections, discussing 1) the claim that financial activities are always morally suspect, 2) various issues of fairness that can arise in financial markets, and 3) discussions about the social responsibilities of financial agents.

4.1 Money as the Root of All Evil?

Throughout cultural history, activities that involve money or finance have been subject to intense moral scrutiny and ethical debate. It seems fair to say that most traditional ethicists held a very negative attitude towards such activities. We will here discuss three very sweeping criticisms, respectively directed at the love of money (the profit motive), usury (lending at interest), and speculation (gambling in finance).

At the heart of many sweeping criticisms of money and finance lies the question of motive. For instance, the full Biblical quotation says that “the love of money is the root of all [kinds of] evil” (1 Timothy 6:10). To have a “love of money”, or (in less moralistic words) a profit motive, means to seek money for its own sake. It has been the subject of much moral criticism throughout history and continues to be controversial in popular morality.

There are three main variations of the criticism. A first variation says that there is something unnatural about the profit motive itself. For example, Aristotle argued that we should treat objects in ways that are befitting to their fundamental nature, and since money is not meant to be a good in itself but only a medium of exchange (see section 1.1 ), he concluded that it is unnatural to desire money as an end in itself ( Politics , 1252a–1260b). A similar thought is picked up by Marx, who argues that capitalism replaces the natural economic cycle of C–M–C (commodity exchanged for money exchanged for commodity) with M–C–M (money exchanged for commodity exchanged for money). Thus the endless accumulation of money becomes the sole goal of the capitalist, which Marx describes as a form of “fetishism” (Marx 1867, volume I).

A second variation of the criticism concerns the character, or more precisely the vice, that the profit motive is thought to exemplify (see also virtue ethics ). To have a love for money is typically associated with selfishness and greed, i.e., a desire to have as much as possible for oneself and/or more than one really needs (McCarty 1988, Walsh & Lynch 2008). Another association is the loss of moral scruples so that one is ready to do anything for money. The financial industry is often held out as the worst in this regard, especially because of its high levels of compensation. Allegations of greed soared after the 2008 crisis, when financial executives continued to receive million-dollar bonuses while many ordinary workers lost their jobs (Piketty 2014, McCall 2010, Andersson & Sandberg 2019).

A third variation of the criticism says that the profit motive signals the absence of more appropriate motives. Kant argued that actions only have moral worth if they are performed for moral reasons, or, more specifically, for the sake of duty. Thus it is not enough that we do what is right, we must also do it because it is right (Kant 1785). Another relevant Kantian principle is that we never should treat others merely as means for our own ends, but always also as ends in themselves (see also Kant’s moral philosophy ). Both of these principles seem to contrast with the profit motive which therefore is rendered morally problematic (Bowie 1999, Maitland 2002). It should come as no surprise that Kant was a strong critic of several examples of “commodification” and other market excesses (see also markets ).

There are two main lines of defensive argumentation. The most influential is Adam Smith’s well-known argument about the positive side-effects of a self-interested pursuit of profits: although the baker and brewer only aim at their own respective good, Smith suggested, they are “led by an invisible hand” to at the same time promote the public good (Smith 1776, see also Mandeville 1732). This argument is typically viewed as a consequentialist vindication of the profit motive (see also consequentialism ): positive societal effects can morally outweigh the possible shortcomings in individual virtue (Flew 1976).

A second argument is more direct and holds that the profit motive can exemplify a positive virtue. For example, there is the well-known Protestant work ethic that emphasizes the positive nature of hard work, discipline and frugality (Long 1972, Wesley 1771). The profit motive can, on this view, be associated with virtues such as ambition, industry, and discipline (see also Brennan 2021). According to Max Weber (1905), the Protestant work ethic played an important role in the development of capitalism. But it is not clear whether any of these arguments can justify an exclusive focus on profits, of course, or rather give permission to also focus on profits under certain circumstances.

If having a love of money seems morally suspect, then the practice of making money on money—for instance, lending money at interest—could seem even worse. This is another sweeping criticism directed at finance that can be found among the traditional ethicists. Societies in both Ancient and Medieval times typically condemned or banned the practice of “usury”, which originally meant all charging of interest on loans. As the practice started to become socially acceptable, usury came to mean the charging of excessive rates of interest. However, modern Islam still contains a general prohibition against interest, and many countries still have at least partial usury laws, most often setting an upper limit on interest rates.

What could be wrong with lending at interest? Some of the more obscure arguments concern the nature of money (again): Aristotle argued that there is something unnatural with “money begetting money”. While he allowed that money is a useful means for facilitating commercial exchange, Aristotle thought that it has no productive use in itself and so receiving interest over and above the borrowed amount is unnatural and wrong ( Politics , 1258b). A related argument can be found in Aquinas, who argued that money is a good that is consumed on use. Although a lender can legitimately demand repayment of an amount equivalent to the loan, it is illegitimate to demand payment for the use of the borrowed amount and so adding interest is unnatural and wrong ( Summa Theologica , II–II, Q78).

Some more promising arguments concern justice and inequality. For example, as early as Plato we see the expression of the worry that allowing interest may lead to societal instability ( The Republic , II). It may be noted that the biblical condemnations of usury most straightforwardly prohibit interest-taking from the poor. One idea here is that we have a duty of charity to the poor and charging interest is incompatible with this duty. Another idea is that the problem lies in the outcome of interest payments: Loans are typically extended by someone who is richer (someone with capital) to someone who is poorer (someone without it) and so asking for additional interest may increase the inequitable distribution of wealth (Sandberg 2012, Visser & MacIntosh 1998). A third idea, which is prominent in the protestant tradition, is that lending often involves opportunism or exploitation in the sense of offering bad deals to poor people who have no other options (Graafland 2010).

The Islamic condemnation of interest, or riba , adds an additional, third line of argument which holds that interest is essentially unearned or undeserved income: Since the lender neither partakes in the actual productive use of the money lent, nor exposes him- or herself to commercial risk, the lender cannot legitimately share in the gains produced by the loan (Ayub 2007, Birnie 1952, Thomas 2006). Based on this argument, contemporary Islamic banks insist that lenders and borrowers must form a business partnership in order for fees on loans to be morally legitimate (Ayub 2007, Warde 2010). Economists have over the years given several retorts to this argument. Some economists stress that lending also involves risk (e.g., that the borrower defaults and is unable to repay); others stress the so-called opportunity costs of lending (i.e., that the money could have been used more profitably elsewhere); and yet again others stress the simple time-preference of individuals (i.e., that we value present more than future consumption, and therefore the lender deserves compensation for postponing consumption).

The gradual abandonment of the medieval usury laws in the West is typically attributed to a growing acknowledgment of the great potential for economic growth unleashed by easy access to capital. One could perhaps say that history itself disproved Aristotle: money indeed proved to have a productive use. In a short text from 1787, Bentham famously poked fun at many of the classical anti-usury arguments and defended the practice of charging interest from a utilitarian standpoint (Bentham 1787). However, this does not mean that worries about the ethics of charging interest, and allegations of usury, have disappeared entirely in society. As noted above, usury today means charging interest rates that seem excessive or exorbitant. For instance, many people are outraged by the rates charged on modern payday loans, or the way in which rich countries exact interest on their loans from poor countries (Baradaran 2015, Graeber 2011, Herzog 2017a). These intuitions have clear affinities with the justice-based arguments outlined above.

A sweeping criticism of a more contemporary nature concerns the supposed moral defects of speculation. This criticism tends to be directed towards financial activities that go beyond mere lending. Critics of the capitalist system often liken the stock market to a casino and investors to gamblers or punters (Sinn 2010, Strange 1986). More moderate critics insist on a strict distinction between investors or shareholders, on the one hand, and speculators or gamblers, on the other (Bogle 2012, Sorell & Hendry 1994). In any case, the underlying assumption is that the similarities between modern financial activities and gambling are morally troublesome.

On some interpretations, these concerns are similar to those raised above. For example, some argue that speculators are driven by the profit motive whereas investors have a genuine concern for the underlying business enterprise (Hendry 2013). Others see speculation as “parasitic”, that is, to be without productive use, and solely dependent on luck (Borna & Lowry 1987, Ryan 1902). This latter argument is similar to the complaint about undeserved income raised in particular by Islamic scholars (Ayub 2007, Warde 2010).

A more distinct interpretation holds that speculation typically includes very high levels of risk-taking (Borna & Lowry 1987). This is morally problematic when the risks not only affect the gambler him or herself but also society as a whole. A root cause of the financial crisis of 2008 was widespread speculation on very risky derivatives such as “synthetic collateralized debt obligations” (see section 1.2 ). When the value of such derivatives fell dramatically, the financial system as a whole came to the brink of collapse. We will return to this issue below (in section 4.3.1 ). In this regard, the question of risk imposition becomes important too (Moggia 2021).

A related interpretation concerns the supposed short-sightedness of speculation. It is often argued that financial agents and markets are “myopic” in the sense that they care only about profits in the very near term, e.g., the next quarter (Dallas 2012). Modern disclosure requirements force companies to publish quarterly earnings reports. The myopia of finance is typically blamed for negative effects such as market volatility, the continuous occurrence of manias and crashes, inadequate investment in social welfare, and the general shortsightedness of the economy (e.g., Lacke 1996).

Defenders of speculation argue that it can serve a number of positive ends. To the extent that all financial activities are speculative in some sense, of course, the ends coincide with the function of finance more generally: to channel funds to the individuals or companies who can use them in the most productive ways. But even speculation in the narrower sense—of high-risk, short-term bets—can have a positive role to play: It can be used to “hedge” or off-set the risks of more long-term investments, and it contributes to sustaining “market liquidity” (that is, as a means for providing counterparties to trade with at any given point of time) which is important for an efficient pricing mechanism (Angel & McCabe 2009, Koslowski 2009).

4.2 Fairness in Financial Markets

Let us now assume that the existence of financial markets is at least in general terms ethically acceptable, so that we can turn to discuss some of the issues involved in making them fair and just for all parties involve. We will focus on three such issues: deception and fraud (honesty), conflicts of interest (care for customers), and insider trading (fair play).

Some of the best-known ethical scandals in finance are cases of deception or fraud. Enron, a huge US corporation, went bankrupt after it was discovered that its top managers had “cooked the books”, i.e., engaged in fraudulent accounting practices, keeping huge debts off the company’s balance sheet in an effort to make it look more profitable (McLean & Elkind 2003). Other scandals in the industry have involved deceptive marketing practices, hidden fees or costs, undisclosed or misrepresented financial risks, and outright Ponzi schemes (see section 2 ).

While these examples seem obvious, on further examination it is not easy to give an exact definition of financial deception or fraud. The most straightforward case seems to be deliberately misrepresenting or lying about financial facts. However, this assumes that there is such a thing as a financial fact, i.e., a correct way of representing a financial value or transaction. In light of the socially constructed nature of money and finance (see section 1 ), this may not always be clear. Less straightforward cases include simply concealing or omitting financial information, or refraining from obtaining the information in the first place.

A philosophical conception of fraud, inspired by Kant, defines it as denying to the weaker party in a financial transaction (such as a consumer or investor) information that is necessary to make a rational (or autonomous) decision (Boatright 2014, Duska & Clarke 2002). Many countries require that the seller of a financial product (such a company issuing shares) must disclose all information that is “material” to the product. It is an interesting question whether this suggestion, especially the conception of rationality involved, should include or rule out a consideration of the ethical nature of the product (such as the ethical nature of the company’s operations) (Lydenberg 2014). Furthermore, there may be information that is legitimately excluded by other considerations, such as the privacy of individuals or companies commonly protected by “bank secrecy” laws.

But is access to adequate information enough? A complication here is that the weaker party, especially ordinary consumers, may have trouble processing the information sufficiently well to identify cases of fraud. This is a structural problem in finance that has no easy fix, because financial products are often abstract, complex, and difficult to price. Therefore, full autonomy of agents may not only require access to adequate information, but also access to sufficient know how, processing ability and resources to analyze the information (Boatright 2014). One solution is to require that the financial services industry promotes transparent communication in which they track the understanding of ordinary consumers (de Bruin 2014b, Endörfer & De Bruin 2019, Shiller 2012).

Due to the problems just noted, the majority of ordinary consumers refrain from engaging in financial markets on their own and instead rely on the services of financial intermediaries, such as banks, investment funds, and insurance companies. But this opens up new ethical problems that are due to the conflicts of interest inherent in financial intermediation. Simply put, the managers or employees of intermediaries have ample opportunity, and often also incentives, to misuse their customers’ money and trust.

Although it is once again difficult to give an exact definition, the literature is full of examples of such misuse—including so-called churning (trading excessively to generate high fees), stuffing (selling the bank’s undesired assets to a client), front-running (buying an asset for the bank first and then reselling it to the client at a higher price) and tailgating (mimicking a client’s trade to piggyback on his/her information) (Dilworth 1994; Heacock, Hill, & Anderson 1987). Interestingly, some argue that the whole industry of actively managed investment funds may be seen as a form of fraud. According to economic theory, namely, it is impossible to beat the average returns of the market for any given level of financial risk, at least in the long term. Therefore, funds who claim that they can do this for a fee are basically cheating their clients (cf. Hendry 2013, Kay 2015).

A legal doctrine that aims to protect clients is so-called fiduciary duty, which imposes obligations on fiduciaries (those entrusted with others’ money) to act in the sole interest of beneficiaries (those who own the money). The interests referred to are typically taken to be financial interests, so the obligation of the fiduciary is basically to maximize investment returns. But some argue that there are cases in which beneficiaries’ broader interests should take precedence, such as when investing in fossil fuels may give high financial returns but pose serious risks to people’s future (Lydenberg 2014; Sandberg 2013, 2016). In any case, it is often thought that fiduciary duties go beyond the ideal of a free market to instead give stronger protection to the weaker party of a fragile relationship.

As an alternative or compliment to fiduciary duty, some argue for the adoption of a code of ethics or professional conduct by financial professionals. A code of ethics would be less arduous in legal terms and is therefore more attractive to free market proponents (Koslowski 2009). It can also cover other fragile relationships (including those of bank-depositor, advisor-client, etc.). Just as doctors and lawyers have a professional code, then, so finance professionals could have one that stresses values such as honesty, due care and accuracy (de Bruin 2016, Graafland & Ven 2011). But according to critics, the financial industry is simply too subdivided into different roles and competencies to have a uniform code of ethics (Ragatz & Duska 2010). It is also unclear whether finance can be regarded as a profession in the traditional sense, which typically requires a body of specialized knowledge, high degrees of organization and self-regulation, and a commitment to public service (Boatright 2014, Herzog 2019).

Probably the most well-known ethical problem concerning fairness in finance, and also perhaps the one on which philosophers most disagree, is so-called insider trading. Put simply, this occurs when an agent uses his or her position within, or privileged information about, a company to buy or sell its shares (or other related financial assets) at favorable times and prices. For example, a CEO may buy shares in his or her company just before it announces a major increase in earnings that will boost the share price. While there is no fraud or breach of fiduciary duty, the agent seems to be exploiting an asymmetry of information.

Just as in the cases above, it is difficult to give an exact definition of insider trading, and the scope of its operative definition tends to vary across jurisdictions. Most commentators agree that it is the information and its attendant informational asymmetry that counts and, thus, the “insider” need not be inside the company at all—those abusing access to information could be family, friends or other tippees (Irvine 1987a, Moore 1990). Indeed, some argue that even stock analysts or journalists can be regarded as insiders if they trade on information that they have gathered themselves but not yet made publicly available. It is also debatable whether an actual trade has to take place or whether insider trading can consist in an omission to trade based on inside information, or also in enabling others to trade or not trade (Koslowski 2009).

Several philosophical perspectives have been used to explain what (if anything) is wrong with insider trading. A first perspective invokes the concept of fair play. Even in a situation with fully autonomous traders, the argument goes, market transactions are not fair if one party has access to information that the other has not. Fair play requires a “level playing field”, i.e., that no participant starts from an unfairly advantaged position (Werhane 1989, 1991). However, critics argue that this perspective imposes excessive demands of informational equality. There are many asymmetries of information in the market that are seemingly unproblematic, e.g., that an antiquary knows more about antiques than his or her customers (Lawson 1988, Machan 1996). So might it be the inaccessibility of inside information that is problematic? But against this, one could argue that, in principle, outsiders have the possibility to become insiders and thus to obtain the exact same information (Lawson 1988, Moore 1990).

A second perspective views insider trading as a breach of duty, not towards the counterparty in the trade but towards the source of the information. US legislation treats inside information as the property of the underlying company and, thus, insider trading is essentially a form of theft of corporate property (often called the misappropriation theory) (Lawson 1988). A related suggestion is that it can be seen as a violation of the fiduciary duty that insiders have towards the company for which they work (Moore 1990). However, critics argue that the misappropriation theory misrepresents the relationship between companies and insiders. On the one hand, there are many normal business situations in which insiders are permitted or even expected to spread inside information to outside sources (Boatright 2014). On the other hand, if the information is the property of the company, why do we not allow it to be “sold” to insiders as a form of remuneration? (Engelen & van Liedekerke 2010, Manne 1966)

A third perspective deals with the effects, both direct and indirect, of allowing insider trading. Interestingly, many argue that the direct effects of such a policy might be positive. As noted above, one of the main purposes of financial markets is to form (or “discover”) prices that reflect all available information about a company. Since insider trading contributes important information, it is likely to improve the process of price discovery (Manne 1966). Indeed, the same reasoning suggests that insider trading actually helps the counterparty in the trade to get a better price (since the insider’s activity is likely to move the price in the “right” direction) so it is a victimless crime (Engelen & Liedekerke 2010). However, others express concern over the indirect effects, which are likely to be more negative. Allowing insider trading may erode the moral standards of market participants by favoring opportunism over fair play (Werhane 1989). Moreover, many people may be dissuaded from even participating in the market since they feel that it is “rigged” to their disadvantage (Strudler 2009).

4.3 The Social Responsibility of Finance

We will now move on to take a societal view on finance, and discuss ideas relating to the broader social responsibilities of financial agents, that go beyond their basic role as market participants. We will discuss three such ideas here, respectively focusing on systemic risk (a responsibility to avoid societal harm), microfinance (a responsibility towards the poor or unbanked), and socially responsible investment (a responsibility to help address societal challenges).

One root cause of the financial crisis of 2008 was the very high levels of risk-taking of many banks and other financial agents. When these risks materialized, the financial system came to the brink of collapse. Many banks lost so much money that their normal lending operations were hampered, which in turn had negative effects on the real economy, with the result that millions of “ordinary” people around the world lost their jobs. Many governments stepped in to bail out the banks and in consequence sacrificed other parts of public spending. This is a prime example of how certain financial activities, when run amok, can have devastating effects on third parties and society in general.

Much subsequent debate has focused on so-called systemic risk, that is, the risk of failures across several agents which impairs the functioning of the financial system as such (Brunnermeier & Oehmke 2013, Smaga 2014). The concept of systemic risk gives rise to several prominent ethical issues. To what extent do financial agents have a moral duty to limit their contributions to systemic risk? It could be argued that financial transactions always carry risk and that this is “part of the game”. But the important point about systemic risk is that financial crises have negative effects on third parties (so-called externalities). This constitutes a prima facie case for a duty of precaution on the part of financial agents, based on the social responsibility to avoid causing unnecessary harm (James 2017, Linarelli 2017). In cases where precaution is impossible, one could add a related duty of rectification or compensation to the victims of the harm (Endörfer 2022). It is, however, a matter of philosophical dispute whether finance professionals can be held morally responsible for these harms (de Bruin 2018, Moggia 2021).

Two factors determine how much an agent’s activity contributes to systemic risk (Brunnermeier & Oehmke 2013, Smaga 2014). The first is financial risk of the agent’s activity in the traditional sense, i.e., the probability and size of the potential losses for that particular agent. A duty of precaution may here be taken to imply, e.g., stricter requirements on capital and liquidity reserves (roughly, the money that the agents must keep in their coffers for emergency situations) (Admati & Hellwig 2013). The second factor is the agent’s place in the financial system, which typically is measured by its interconnectedness with—and thereby potential for cascading effects upon—other agents. This factor indicates that the duty of precaution is stronger for financial agents that are “systemically important” or, as the saying goes, “too-big-to-fail” institutions (Stiglitz 2009).

As an alternative to the reasoning above, one may argue that the duty of precaution is more properly located on the collective, i.e., political level (James 2012, 2017). We return to this suggestion below (in section 5.1 ).

Even in normal times, people with very low income or wealth have hardly any access to basic financial services. Commercial banks have little to gain from offering such services to them; there is an elevated risk of loan losses (since the poor lack collateral) and it is costly to administer a large amount of very small loans (Armendáriz & Morduch 2010). Moreover, there will likely be cases where some bank officers discriminate against underprivileged groups, even where extensive legal protection is in place. An initiative that seeks to remedy these problems is “microfinance”, that is, the extension of financial services, such as lending and saving, to poor people who are otherwise “unbanked”. The initiative started in some of the poorest countries of the world, such as Bangladesh and India.

The justifications offered for microfinance are similar to the justifications offered for development aid. A popular justification holds that affluent people have a duty of assistance towards the poor, and microfinance is thought to be a particularly efficient way to alleviate poverty (Yunus 1998, 2007). But is this correct? Judging from the growing number of empirical “impact studies”, it seems more correct to say that microfinance is sometimes helpful, but at other times can be either ineffective or have negative side-effects (Hudon & Sandberg 2013, Roodman 2012). Another justification holds that there is a basic human right to subsistence, and that this includes a right to savings and credit (Hudon 2009, Meyer 2018). But critics argue that the framework of human rights is not a good fit for financial services that come with both benefits and challenges (Gershman & Morduch 2015, Sorell 2015).

Microfinance is of course different from development aid in that it involves commercial banking relations. This invites the familiar political debate of state- versus market-based support. Proponents of microfinance argue that traditional state-led development projects have been too rigid and corrupt, whereas market-based initiatives are more flexible and help people to help themselves (Armendáriz & Morduch 2010, Yunus 2007). According to critics, however, it is the other way around: Markets will tend to breed greed and inequality, whereas real development is created by large-scale investments in education and infrastructure (Bateman 2010, H. Weber 2004).

In recent years, the microfinance industry has witnessed several “ethical scandals” that seemingly testify to the risk of market excesses. Reports have indicated that interest rates on microloans average at 20–30% per annum, and can sometimes be in excess of 100%, which is much higher than the rates for non-poor borrowers. This raises questions about usury (Hudon & Ashta 2013; Rosenberg, Gonzalez, & Narain 2009). However, some suggest a defense of “second best”, or last resort, when other sources of aid or cheaper credit are unavailable (Sandberg 2012). Microfinance institutions have also been accused of using coercive lending techniques and forceful loan recovery practices (Dichter & Harper (eds) 2007; Priyadarshee & Ghalib 2012). This raises questions about the ethical justifiability of commercial activity directed at the desperately poor, because very poor customers may have no viable alternative to accepting deals that are both unfair and exploitative (Arnold & Valentin 2013, Hudon & Sandberg 2013).

Socially responsible investment refers to the emerging practice whereby financial agents give weight to putatively ethical, social or environmental considerations in investment decisions—e.g., decisions about what bonds or stocks to buy or sell, or how to engage with the companies in one’s portfolio. This is sometimes part of a strictly profit-driven investment philosophy, based on the assumption that companies with superior social performance also have superior financial performance (Richardson & Cragg 2010). But more commonly, it is perceived as an alternative to mainstream investment. The background argument here is that market pricing mechanisms, and financial markets in particular, seem to be unable to promote sufficient levels of social and environmental responsibility in firms. Even though there is widespread social agreement on the evils of sweatshop labor and environmental degradation, for instance, mainstream investors are still financing enterprises that sustain such unjustifiable practices. Therefore, there is a need for a new kind of investor with a stronger sense of social responsibility (Sandberg 2008, Cowton & Sandberg 2012).

The simplest and most common approach among these alternative investors is to avoid investments in companies that are perceived to be ethically problematic. This is typically justified from a deontological idea to the effect that it is wrong to invest in someone else’s wrongdoing (Irvine 1987b, Langtry 2002, Larmer 1997). There are at least three interpretations of such moral “taint”: (1) the view that it is wrong in itself to profit from others’ wrongdoings, or to benefit from other people’s suffering; (2) the view that it is wrong to harm others, or also to facilitate harm to other; or (3) the view that there is a form of expressive or symbolic wrongdoing involved in “morally supporting” or “accepting” wrongful activities.

The deontological perspective above has been criticized for being too black-and-white. On the one hand, it seems difficult to find any investment opportunity that is completely “pure” or devoid of possible moral taint (Kolers 2001). On the other hand, the relationship between the investor and the investee is not as direct as one may think. To the extent that investors buy and sell shares on the stock market, they are not engaging with the underlying companies but rather with other investors. The only way in which such transactions could benefit the companies would be through movements in the share price (which determines the companies’ so-called cost of capital), but it is extremely unlikely that a group of ethical investors can significantly affect that price. After all, the raison d’être of stock exchanges is exactly to create markets that are sufficiently liquid to maintain stable prices (Haigh & Hazelton 2004, Hudson 2005). In response to this, the deontologist could appeal to some notion of universalizability or collective responsibility: perhaps the right question to ask is not “what happens if I do this?” but instead “what happens if we all do this?”. However, such more complicated philosophical positions have problems of their own (see also rule consequentialism and collective responsibility )

A rival perspective on socially responsible investment is the (more straightforward) consequentialist idea that investors’ duty towards society consists in using their financial powers to promote positive societal goods, such as social justice and environmental sustainability. This perspective is typically taken to prefer more progressive investment practices, such as pushing management to adopt more ambitious social policies and/or seeking out environmentally friendly technology firms (Mackenzie 1997, Sandberg 2008). Of course, the flip side of such practices, which may explain why they are less common in the market, is that they invite greater financial risks (Sandberg 2011). It remains an open question whether socially responsible investment will grow enough in size to make financial markets a force for societal change.

Recent work has started exploring whether concrete sustainable finance policies (such as those suggested by the European Commission’s Sustainable Finance Action Plan) will generate sufficient funds to pay for climate change mitigation and adaptation, based as they are on policies of information provision only (De Bruin 2023).

5. Political Philosophy

Discussions about the social responsibility of finance are obviously premised on the observation that the financial system forms a central infrastructure of modern economies and societies. As we noted at the outset, it is important to see that the system contains both private elements (such as commercial banks, insurance companies, and investment funds) and public elements (such as central banks and regulatory bodies). However, issues concerning the proper balance between these elements, especially the proper role and reach of the state, are perennially recurrent in both popular and philosophical debates.

The financial system and the provision of money indeed raise a number of questions that connect it to the “big questions” of political philosophy: including questions of democracy, justice, and legitimacy, at both the national and global levels (on the history of political thinking about money see Eich 2019, 2020, 2022; Ingham 2004, 2019; Martin 2013). The discussions around finance in political philosophy can be grouped under three broad areas: financialization and democracy; finance, money and domestic justice; and finance and global justice. We consider these now in turn.

Many of the questions political philosophy raises about finance have to do with “financialization”. The phenomenon of “financialization”, whereby the economic system has become characterized by the increasing dominance of finance capital and by systems of financial intermediation (Ertürk et al. 2008; Davis 2011; Engelen et al. 2011; Palley 2013), is of potentially substantial normative significance in a number of regards. A related normative concern is the potential growth in political power of the financial sector, which may be seen as a threat to democratic politics.

These worries are, in effect, an amplification of familiar concerns about the “structural power” or “structural constraints” of capital, whereby capitalist investors are able to reduce the freedom of action of democratic governments by threatening “investment strikes” when their preferred political options are not pursued (see Lindblom 1977, 1982; Przeworski & Wallerstein 1988; Cohen 1989; B. Barry 2002; Christiano 2010, 2012; Furendal & O’Neill 2022). To take one recent version of these worries, Stuart White argues that a republican commitment to popular sovereignty is in significant tension with the acceptance of an economic system where important choices about investment, and hence the direction of development of the economy, are under the control of financial interests (White 2011).

In many such debates, the fault-line seems to be the traditional one between those who favor social coordination by free markets, and hence strict limitations on state activities, and those who favor democratic politics, and hence strict limitations on markets (without denying that there can be intermediate positions). But the current financial system is not a pure creature of the free market. In the financial system that we currently see, the principle that individuals are to be held financially accountable for their actions, and that they will therefore be “disciplined” by markets, is patchy at best. One major issue, discussed above, is the problem of banks that are so large and interconnected that their failure would risk taking down the whole financial system—hence, they can anticipate that they will be bailed out by tax-payers’ money, which creates a huge “moral hazard” problem (e.g., Pistor 2013, 2017). In addition, current legal systems find it difficult to impose accountability for complex processes of divided labor, which is why there were very few legal remedies after the financial crisis of 2008 (e.g., Reiff 2017).

The lack of accountability intensifies worries about the power relations between democratic politicians and individuals or corporations in the financial realm. One question is whether we can even apply our standard concept of democracy to societies that have the kinds of financial systems we see today. We may ask whether societies that are highly financialized can ever be true democracies, or whether they are more likely to be “post-democracies” (Crouch 2004). For example, states with high levels of sovereign debt will need to consider the reaction of financial markets in every significant policy decision (see, e.g., Streeck 2013 [2014], see also Klein 2020) Moreover “revolving doors” between private financial institutions and supervising authorities impact on the ability of public officials to hold financial agents accountable. This is similar to the problems of conflicts of interest raised above (see sections 2 and 4.2.2 ). If financial contracts become a central, or maybe even the most central, form of social relations (Lazzarato 2012), this may create an incompatibility with the equal standing of citizens, irrespective of financial position, that should be the basis of a democratic society and its public sphere of deliberation (see also Bennett 2020 from an epistemic perspective).

While finance has, over long stretches of history, been rather strictly regulated, there has been a reversed trend towards deregulation since roughly the 1970s. After the financial crisis of 2008, there have been many calls for reregulation. Proposals include higher capital ratios in banks (Admati & Hellwig 2013), a return to the separation of commercial banking from speculative finance, as had been the case, in the US, during the period when the Glass-Steagall Act was in place (Kay 2015), or a financial transaction tax (Wollner 2014). However, given that the financial system is a global system, one controversial question is whether regulatory steps by single countries would have any effect other than capital flight.

When it comes to domestic social justice, the central question relating to the finance system concerns the ways in which the realization of justice can be helped or hindered by how the financial system is organized.

A first question here, already touched upon in the discussion about microfinance above ( section 4.3.2 ), concerns the status of citizens as participants in financial markets. Should they all have a right to certain financial services such as a bank account or certain forms of loans, because credit should be seen as a primary good in capitalist economies (see, e.g., Hudon 2009, Sorell 2015, Meyer 2018)? More broadly, how does the pattern of access to credit affect the distribution of freedom and unfreedom within society? (see Dietsch 2021; Preiss 2021). These are not only issues for very poor countries, but also for richer countries with high economic inequality, where it becomes a question of domestic justice. In some countries all residents have the right to open a basic bank account (see bank accounts in the EU in Other Internet Resources ). For others this is not the case. It has been argued that not having access to basic financial services creates an unfairness, because it drives poorer individuals into a cash economy in which they are more vulnerable to exploitative lenders, and in which it is more difficult to build up savings (e.g., Baradaran 2015). Hence, it has been suggested either to regulate banking services for individuals more strictly (e.g., Herzog 2017a), to consider various forms of household debt relief (Persad 2018), or to offer a public banking service, e.g., run by the postal office, which offers basic services at affordable costs (Baradaran 2015).

Secondly, financialization may also have more direct effects on socio-economic inequality. Those with managerial positions within the financial sector are disproportionately represented among the very top end of the income distribution, and so the growth of inequality can in part be explained by the growth in the financial sector itself (Piketty 2014). There may also be an effect on social norms, whereby the “hypermeritocratic” norms of the financial sector have played a part in increasing social tolerance for inequality in society more broadly (Piketty 2014: 265, 2020; see also O’Neill 2017, 2021). As Dietsch et al. point out, the process of increasing financialization within the economies of the advanced industrial societies has been encouraged by the actions of central banks over recent decades, and so the issue of financialization also connects closely to questions regarding the justice and legitimacy of central banks and monetary policy (Dietsch, Claveau, & Fontan 2016, 2018; see also Jacobs & King 2016).

Thirdly, many debates about the relation between distributive justice and the financial system revolve around the market for mortgages, because for many individuals, a house is the single largest item for which they need to take out a loan, and their mortgage their main point of interaction with the financial system. This means that the question of who has access to mortgage loans and at what price can have a major impact on the overall distribution of income and wealth. In addition, it has an impact on how financial risks are distributed in society. Highly indebted individuals are more vulnerable when it comes to ups and downs either in their personal lives (e.g., illness, loss of job, divorce) or in the economy as a whole (e.g., economic slumps) (Mian & Sufi 2014). The danger here is that existing inequalities—which many theories of justice would describe as unjust—are reinforced even further (Herzog 2017a).

Here, however, a question about the institutional division of labor arises: which goals of distributive justice should be achieved within markets—and specifically, within financial markets—and which ones by other means, for example through taxation and redistribution? The latter has been the standard approach used by many welfare systems: the idea being to let markets run their course, and then to achieve the desired patterns of distribution by taxation and redistribution. If one remains within that paradigm, questions arise about whether the financial sector should be taxed more highly. In contrast, the approach of “pre-distribution” (Hacker 2011; O’Neill & Williamson 2012; O’Neill 202), or what Dietsch calls “process redistribution” (2010), is to design the rules of the economic game such that they contribute to bringing about the distributive pattern that is seen as just. This could, for example, mean regulating banking services and credit markets in ways that reduce inequality, for example by imposing regulations on payday lenders and banks, so that poor individuals are protected from falling into a spiral of ever higher debt. A more radical view could be to see the financial problems faced by such individuals as being caused by more general structural injustices the solution of which does not necessarily require interventions with the financial industry, but rather more general redistributive (or predistributive) policies.

Money creation: Another alternative theoretical approach is to integrate distributive concerns into monetary policy, i.e., when it comes to the creation of money. So far, central banks have focused on the stability of currencies and, in some cases, levels of employment. This technical focus, together with the risk that politicians might abuse monetary policy to try to boost the economy before elections, have been used in arguments for putting the control of the money supply into the hands of technical experts, removing monetary policy from democratic politics. But after the financial crisis of 2008, many central banks have used unconventional measures, such as “quantitative easing”, which had strongly regressive effects, favoring the owners of stocks or of landed property (Fontan et al. 2016, Dietsch 2017); they did not take into account other societal goals, e.g., the financing of green energy, either. This raises new questions of justice: are such measures justified if their declared aim is to move the economy out of a slump, which presumably also helps disadvantaged individuals (Haldane 2014)? Would other measures, for instance “helicopter money” that is distributed to all citizens, have been a better alternative? And if such measures are used, is it still appropriate to think of central banks as institutions in which nothing but technical expertise is required, or should there be some form of accountability to society? (Fontan, Claveau, & Dietsch 2016; Dietsch 2017; Riles 2018; see also Tucker 2018; van ’t Klooster 2020; James & Hockett 2020, Downey 2021). [ 2 ]

We have already discussed the general issue of the ontological status of money ( section 1.1 above). But there are also significant questions in political philosophy regarding the question of where, and by what sorts of institutions, should the money supply be controlled. One complicating factor here is the extensive disagreement about the institutional basis of money creation, as described above. One strand of the credit theory of money emphasizes that in today’s world, money creation is a process in which commercial banks play a significant role. These banks in effect create new money when they make new loans to individual or business customers (see McLeay, Radia, & Thomas 2014; see also Palley 1996; Ryan-Collins et al. 2012; Werner 2014a,b). James Tobin refers to commercial bank-created money, in an evocative if now dated image as “fountain pen money”, that is, money created with the swish of the bank manager’s fountain pen (Tobin 1963).

However, the relationship between private commercial banks and the central bank is a complicated one, such that we might best think of money creation as a matter involving a kind of hybrid public-private partnership. Hockett and Omarova refer to this relationship as constituting a “finance franchise”, with private banks being granted on a “franchise” basis the money-creating powers of the sovereign monetary authority, while van ’t Klooster describes this relation between the public and private as constituting a “hybrid monetary constitution” (Hockett & Omarova 2017; van ’t Klooster 2017; see also Bell 2001). In this hybrid public-private monetary system, it is true that private commercial banks create money, but they nevertheless do so in a way that involves being regulated and subject to the authority of the central bank within each monetary jurisdiction, with that central bank also acting as “lender of last resort” (Bagehot 1873) when inter-bank lending dries up. [ 3 ]

When the curious public-private nature of money creation is brought into focus, it is not surprising that there should exist views advocating a shift away from this hybrid monetary constitution, either in the direction of a fully public option, or a fully private system of money creation.

Advocates of fully public banking envisage a system in which private banks are stripped of their authority to create new money, and where instead the money supply is directly controlled either by the government or by some other state agency; for example by the central bank lending directly to firms and households. Such a position can be defended on a number of normative grounds: that a public option would allow for greater financial stability, that a fully public system of money creation would allow a smoother transmission of democratic decisions regarding economic governance; or simply because of the consequences of such a system with regards to socioeconomic inequality and environmental sustainability (see Jackson & Dyson 2012; Wolf 2014a,b; Lainà 2015; Dyson, Hodgson, & van Lerven 2016a,b; Ingham, Coutts, & Konzelmann 2016; Dow 2016; Wodruff 2019; van’t Klooster 2019, Mellor 2019, Dietsch 2021; for commentary and criticism see Goodhart & Jensen 2015; Fontana & Sawyer 2016, Larue et al. 2020).

In stark contrast, a number of libertarian authors have defended the view that the central bank should have no role in money creation, with the money supply being entirely a matter for private suppliers (and with the consumers of money able to choose between different rival suppliers), under a system of “free banking” (e.g., Simons 1936; Friedman 1962; von Hayek 1978; Selgin 1988). Advocacy of private money creation has received a more recent stimulus with the rise of Bitcoin and other crypto-currencies, with some of Bitcoin’s advocates drawing on similar libertarian arguments to those offered by Hayek and Selgin (see Golumbia 2016, Robison 2022). One can also mention the “alternative currencies” movement here which defends private money creation on entirely different grounds, most often by appeal to the value of community (see Larue 2022, Larue et al. 2022).

Finally, a number of issues relate questions about finance to questions about global justice. The debate about global justice (see also global justice ) has weighed the pros and cons of “statist” and “cosmopolitan” approaches, that is, approaches to justice that would focus on the nation state (maybe with some additional duties of beneficence to the globally poor) or on the global scale. The financial system is one of the most globalized systems of social interaction that currently exist, and global entanglements are hard to deny (e.g., Valentini 2011: 195–8). The question thus is whether this creates duties of justice on the financial system, and if so, whether it fulfills these duties, i.e., whether it contributes to making the world more globally just, or whether it tends in the opposite direction (or whether it is neutral).

There are a number of institutions, especially the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that constitute a rudimentary global order of finance. Arguably, many countries, especially poorer ones, cannot reasonably opt out of the rules established by these institutions (e.g., Hassoun 2012, Krishnamurthy 2014). It might therefore appear to be required by justice that these institutions be governed in a way that represents the interests of all countries. But because of historical path-dependencies, and because a large part of their budget comes from Western countries, the governance structures are strongly biased in their favor (for example, the US can veto all important decisions in the IMF). Miller (2010: 134–41) has described this situation as “indirect financial rule” by the US (see also Herzog 2021).

An issue worth noting in this context is the fact that the US dollar, and to a lesser degree the Euro, function as de facto global currencies, with a large part of global trade being conducted in these currencies (e.g., Mehrling 2011, Eichengreen 2011). This allows the issuing countries to run a current account deficit, which amounts to a redistribution from poorer to richer countries for which compensation might be owed (Reddy 2005: 224–5). This fact also raises questions about the distribution of power in the global sphere, which has often been criticized as favoring Western countries (e.g., Gulati 1980, United Nations 2009). However, global financial markets serve not only to finance trade in goods and services; there are also questions about fluctuations in these markets that result exclusively from speculations (see also sect.1.4.3 above). Such fluctuations can disproportionately harm poorer countries, which are more vulnerable to movements of capital or rapid changes in commodity prices. Hence, an old proposal that has recently been revived and defended from a perspective of global justice is that of a “Tobin tax” (Tobin 1978), which would tax financial transactions and thereby reduce volatility in international financial markets (Reddy 2005, Wollner 2014).

A second feature of the current global order that has been criticized from a perspective of justice is the “borrowing privilege”. As Pogge describes (e.g., 2008: chap. 4), the governments of countries can borrow on international financial markets, no matter whether they have democratic legitimacy or not. This means that rogue governments can finance themselves by incurring debts that future generations of citizens will have to repay.

Sovereign debt raises a number of questions that are related to global justice. Usually, the contracts on which they are based are considered as absolutely binding (e.g., Suttle 2016), which can threaten national sovereignty (Dietsch 2011), and raises questions of the moral and political responsibilities both of citizens of debtor nations, and of creditor countries themselves (Wiedenbrüg, 2018a, 2018b). These problems obtain in particular with regard to what has been called “odious” debt (Sack 1927, Howse 2007, Dimitriu 2015, King 2016): cases in which government officials sign debt contracts in order to enrich themselves, with lenders being aware of this fact. Such cases have been at the center of calls for a jubilee for indebted nations. At the moment, there are no binding international rules for how to deal with sovereign bankruptcy, and countries in financial distress have no systematic possibility of making their claims heard, which is problematic from a perspective of justice (e.g., Palley 2003; Reddy 2005: 26–33; Herman 2007; C. Barry & Tomitova 2007; Wollner 2018). The IMF, which often supports countries in restructuring sovereign debt, has often made this support conditional upon certain requirements about rearranging the economic structures of a country (for a discussion of the permissibility of such practices see C. Barry 2011).

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the issue of financial regulation has a global dimension in the sense that capital is mobile across national boundaries, creating the threats to democracy described above. This fact makes it difficult for individual countries, especially smaller ones, to install the more rigid financial regulations that would be required from a perspective of justice. Just as with many other questions of global justice (see, e.g., Dietsch 2015 on taxation), we seem to see a failure of coordination between countries, which leads to a “race to the bottom”. Making global financial institutions more just is therefore likely to require significant levels of international cooperation.

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Essays About Money: Top 5 Examples and 6 Prompts

With money comes great power; however, power must always come with responsibility. Discover thought-provoking essays about money in our guide.

Money is everywhere. We use it to eat, drink, clothe ourselves, and get shelter, among many other uses. Nowadays, it is an undisputed fact that “money makes the world go round.” The earliest known form of money dates back to around 5,000 years ago ; trade was previously carried out using a barter system. However, over the centuries, more and more nations began implementing a currency system, and money has become more critical. 

In the contemporary world, it seems to be “all about money.” However, it is important not to lose sight of what is important; we must maintain good physical and mental health and healthy relationships with the people around us. Money is necessary; it is just not the only thing necessary. To start your essay, read these examples to write insightful essays about money. 

5 Top Examples On Essay About Money

1. essay on money by prasanna, 2. how money changed human history by jacob wilkins, 3. capitalism: money that make money by ernestine montgomery, 4.  is money the most important thing by seth higgins.

• 5. ​​An Introduction to Saving Money by Jeremy Vohwinkle

Writing Prompts For Essays About Money

1. good uses for money, 2. the “dark side” of money, 3. money’s role in history, 4. morality vs. money, 5. can money buy happiness, 6. how to save money.

“Imagine the world without money. We will eventually come to a point where we will be asking questions like “what’s the point of life”. Hope and goals are some of the important things that will keep a man going in life. Without any sense of achievement or motivation, there wouldn’t be any inventions or progress in the world. People work to get money and then people work harder to get more money. This cycle of life that keeps a man motivated and hopeful is one of the biggest advantages of the system of money”

This essay gives readers a general outlook on money and its advantages and disadvantages. It gives people equal opportunity to work for their dreams and motivates them to be productive members of society, while it also raises the question of greed. Money, without a doubt, has its positive and negative aspects, but it exists and is only becoming more critical.

“But the barter economy was flawed. There was no universal measure for determining the value of an item. It was all based on the subjective opinion of the individuals involved. And to make matters worse, the barter economy relied on both sides wanting something the other had to offer. Trade, therefore, could be sluggish and frustrating. Human beings needed something different, and money was the answer.”

Wilkins writes about how money revolutionized the way trade was conducted. The barter system involved trading any objects if both parties agreed to a deal, such as trading animal skins for fish or medicine for timber. However, the only measure of an item’s value was how much one party wanted it- both sides needed to have something the other wanted. The introduction of money allowed people to put a solid value on commodities, making trade easier.  

“So, if you were to closely observe the dirty, disordered canvas of economic progress during the 20th and 21 st century, you should conclude that, for all its warts, capitalism has been the winner. It has sometimes caused pain; suffered from serious cycles; and often needed the clout of the state- such as we have seen from September 2008. It has also been quite resistant to sensible regulation. Even so, the basic institutions of capitalism have worked, not just in the US and the OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and development) nations, but also many developing countries, of which India is one.”

Albeit lengthy, Montgomery’s essay discusses the debate between socialism and capitalism, a topic of which money is at the core. Montgomery describes Karl Marx’s criticism of capitalism: all the money goes to a few people, not the workers. She believes these are valid to an extent and criticizes certain forms of capitalism and socialism. Neither capitalism nor socialism is perfect, but according to Montgomery, capitalism creates a better economy. 

“Being the richest man in the world does not mean you are the happiest man in the world, although money can buy you happiness sometimes, but not always. If we could all appreciate the way life is, the fun, and the beauty I think the world would be better. If people weren’t power hungry maybe we’d have a lesser demand for money. Those people who is money hungry and power hungry need to relax. Money can’t buy you happiness. These individuals need to understand that.”

Higgins implores readers to remember that money is not the only thing people need in the world. He stresses the necessity of money, as it is used to pay for various necessary goods and services; however, he believes it is not a prerequisite for happiness. Material things are temporary, and there are other things we should focus on, like family and friends. 

5. ​​ An Introduction to Saving Money by Jeremy Vohwinkle

“A financial emergency may take the form of a job loss, significant medical or dental expense, unexpected home or auto repairs, a hurricane or major storm, or something unthinkable, such as a global pandemic. The last thing you want to do is to rely on credit cards with their hefty interest fees or to be forced to take out a loan. That’s where your emergency fund can come in handy. Historically, the formula for an emergency account is to have enough readily available cash to cover three to six months of living expenses.“

Vohwinkle’s essay gives readers some suggestions on how to save more money. Most importantly, he suggests setting up an emergency fund, as all other saving techniques stem from there. He also suggests creating an automatic savings plan and cutting down on “spending leaks,” like buying coffee. You might also be interested in these essays about celebration .

In this essay, write about why money is necessary and the ways to use it for the greater good, and include ways in which it can be used (investing, donating, etc.). For each point, you make, be sure to explain why. Of course, this is entirely subjective; feel free to write about what you consider “good uses” for money. 

On the other hand, money also has a negative side —research on money-related issues, such as taxpayer-funded corruption and trading of illegal goods. In your essay, explore this side of money and perhaps give solutions on how to stop these problems. 

Money has played a progressively more important role throughout human history. Discuss the development of currency and the economy, from the barter system to the digital world we live in today. You need not go too in-depth, as there is a lot of ground to cover and many eras to research. Be sure to cite reputable sources when discussing history. 

Many people warn of “selling your soul” for financial gain. In your essay, you can write about the importance of having solid values in this day and age, where money reigns supreme. What principles do you need to keep in mind? Explain how you can still value money while staying grounded; mention the balance between material needs and others. 

As stated in Higgins’ essay, more people have begun to prioritize money over all else. Do you believe that money is truly the most important thing? Can it alone make you happy? Discuss both sides of this question and choose your position accordingly. Be sure to provide precise supporting details for a stronger argument. 

Enumerate tips on how you can save money. Anything works, from saving certain things for special occasions to buying more food in the grocery rather than eating out. This is your opinion; however, feel free to consult online sources and the people around you for extra advice. 

For help with your essays, check out our round-up of the best essay checkers .If you’re still stuck, check out our general resource of essay writing topics .

Martin is an avid writer specializing in editing and proofreading. He also enjoys literary analysis and writing about food and travel.

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Money, History, and International Finance: Essays in Honor of Anna J. Schwartz

This volume provides a critical evaluation of Anna J. Schwartz’s work and probes various facets of the immense contribution of her scholarship—How well has it stood the test of time? What critiques have been leveled against it? How has monetary research developed over the years, and how has her influence been manifested? Bordo has collected five conference papers presented by leading monetary scholars, discussants’ comments, and closing remarks by Milton Friedman and Karl Brunner. Each of these insightful surveys extends Schwartz’s work and makes its own contribution to the fields of monetary history, theory, and policy. The volume also contains a foreword by Martin Feldstein and a selected bibliography of publications by Anna Schwartz.

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In addition to working papers , the NBER disseminates affiliates’ latest findings through a range of free periodicals — the NBER Reporter , the NBER Digest , the Bulletin on Retirement and Disability , the Bulletin on Health , and the Bulletin on Entrepreneurship  — as well as online conference reports , video lectures , and interviews .

Macroeconomics, Finance and Money

Essays in Honour of Philip Arestis

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• Giuseppe Fontana ,
• John McCombie ,
• Malcolm Sawyer

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Table of contents (22 chapters)

Front matter, monetary policy, central banks and the ‘new consensus in macroeconomics’, are the macro econometrics models of the federal reserve board, the bank of canada, and the sveriges riksbank consistent with the new consensus macroeconomics model.

• Jérôme Creel, Giuseppe Fontana

Arestis and Sawyer’s Criticism on the New Consensus Macroeconomics: Some Issues Related to Emerging Countries

• Luiz Fernando de Paula, Fernando Ferrari-Filho

Inflation Targeting in Canada: Myth versus Reality

• Mario Seccareccia, Marc Lavoie

Monetary Policy Challenges of the ECB Facing a Divergent Inflationary Process in the EMU Area

• Georg Erber, Harald Hagemann

Macroeconomic Consensus and Political Economy Aspects of Monetary Policy Design

• Georgios Chortareas

Central Bank Communication, Transparency and Interest Rate Volatility: Evidence from the USA

• Iris Biefang-Frisancho Mariscal, Peter Howells

Inflation and Economic Policy

The thatcher monetarist experiment, 1979–85: an assessment.

• John McCombie

Phillips’ Curve, Independence of Central Banks and Inflation Targeting

Monetary policy rules and phillips’ curve tradeoffs in a kaleckian framework, the banking crisis, nationalization of banking and the mixed economy.

• Yiannis Kitromilides

How Does a Capitalist Economy Work in the Real World?

• Paul Davidson

Finance, Crisis and Bubbles

Bubbles lead to long-term instability.

• Elias Karakitsos

The Subprime Crisis: A Minskyan Phenomenon?

• Elisabetta De Antoni

A Minsky Moment, or Not?

• Korkut Ertürk, Gökcer Özgür

Does Financial Liberalization Help the Poor?

• Asena Caner

Finance, Speculation and Stability: Post-Keynesian Policies for Modern Capitalism

• Geoff Harcourt
• communication
• financial markets
• macroeconomics
• monetary policy

About this book

About the authors, bibliographic information.

Book Title : Macroeconomics, Finance and Money

Book Subtitle : Essays in Honour of Philip Arestis

Editors : Giuseppe Fontana, John McCombie, Malcolm Sawyer

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230285583

Publisher : Palgrave Macmillan London

eBook Packages : Palgrave Economics & Finance Collection , Economics and Finance (R0)

Copyright Information : Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2010

Hardcover ISBN : 978-0-230-22906-8 Published: 11 March 2010

Softcover ISBN : 978-1-349-31043-2 Published: 11 March 2010

eBook ISBN : 978-0-230-28558-3 Published: 11 March 2010

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XX, 347

Number of Illustrations : 20 b/w illustrations

Topics : Macroeconomics/Monetary Economics//Financial Economics , Finance, general , Popular Science in Finance

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Money, History, and International Finance

Essays in honor of anna j. schwartz.

Edited by Michael D. Bordo

279 pages | 6.00 x 9.00 | © 1989

National Bureau of Economic Research Conference Report

Economics and Business: Economics--History , Economics--International and Comparative , Economics--Money and Banking

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138 Research Topics on Money - Essay Topics, & More

Welcome to our list of money essay topics! Here, we’ve collected the most interesting research topics about money, titles for essays, presentation ideas, and even samples. Use them to get inspired!

🏆 Best Essay Topics on Money

✍️ money essay topics for college, 👍 good money research topics & essay examples, 🎓 most interesting research topics about money.

• 💡 Simple Money Topics to Write About

❓ Research Questions About Money

• Can Money Always Buy Everything You Want?
• The Philosophy of Money by Georg Simmel
• Comparison Between Love and Money in Life
• Why Men Spend More Money Than Women?
• How to Teach Children to Value Money
• Money: History, Functions and Types
• Aspects of Money Management
• History and Role of the Money Money is any commodity or token that serves as a medium of exchange that is legally and socially acknowledged in payment for services and goods and in the disbursement of debts.
• Money Issues in Romantic and Marital Relationships Money often causes issues in relationships because of changing roles in the household, increasing expenses, financial infidelity, and lack of financial goals.
• Financial Planning. Money Management Skill Financial literacy can be defined as knowledge about financial planning and management that allows making reasonable choices about money spending and saving.
• Stealing Money From Corporations Stealing money from corporations affects the financial sector of the business and economy and reflects the ethical issues of the act.
• Metaphysical Secrets of Manifesting Money Abundance Money is one of the most important influencing factors in modern life. Some scholars single it out as one of the three most distorting forces of human existence.
• Money and Expenditures: Personal Opinion This article is the author’s account of her relationship with money, financial commitment, and spending planning.
• Tradesmart Inc.: The Money-Back Guarantee Tradesmart Inc. is a fairly broad marketplace, which, in addition to low prices, also provides customers with a unique policy of returning money for the goods.
• Time Value of Money in a Medical Organization A medical organization may use the concepts of the “time value of money” and “useful life” to organize the purchase of new equipment and to calculate the depreciation expenses.
• Bitcoin: The Use of the Digital Money The paper has elaborated Bitcoin is used, its features, and its impacts on society. The digital currency has features similar to other currencies, such as durability.
• “Where Does the Money Go?” by Scott Bittle and Jean Johnson In their book Where Does the Money Go?, Scott Bittle and Jean Johnson focus on the growing national debt of the United States and examine inefficiencies that led to the crisis.
• Art’ and Money Relations While the cultural value of many artworks exceeds material dimensions, it is hard to imagine how the masterpieces would be preserved without being involved in commodity-money relations.
• Money Issues in a Relationship In the contemporary world, both men and women contribute equally to the economy of the household. This has changed the household role of men from being the sole breadwinners.
• Monetary Theory and Policy. Money in the Utility Function Money is an asset, making positive or negative or some other functional effect. Goods, demands, propositions are constantly dependent on the money supply.
• “Money, Greed, and God: Why Capitalism Is the Solution and Not a Problem” by Jay Richards In his book “Money, Greed, and God,” Jay Richards, an American analytical philosopher, seeks to address the most common myths about capitalism.
• Money to Charity: Moral Differences Many families across the globe continue living below the poverty line and cannot meet their basic needs like food, health, or even sleep.
• Foundations and Applications of the Time Value of Money This paper intends to discuss the concept of time value of money. The goal is to show that current cash flow is valued highly compared with future cash flows.
• Lloyd’s Tsb Bank Is Under Fire for Money Laundering Offense This research article discusses the role of the bank, either knowingly or unknowingly, in laundering the money obtained by cheating.
• Governmental Organizations: Value for Money Audits and Performance Audits Value for Money audit and performance audit have different objectives and complement each other, but neither is sufficient on its own to audit an organization’s performance.
• Aspects of Functions of Money Money is one of the vital tools in society. The paper looks at the feasibility of money-stably completing these functions in the near future.
• Money as a Means Rather Than a Result of Achieving Happiness The paper states that one can note that money is a tool that allows buying things that make a person happy, but money itself does not bring happiness.
• Is Money a Virtue or Evil: Discussion The study will have to document how money has been used in good ways through spreading the gospel and how it has been used in evil ways for personal or selfish purposes.
• Analysis of Anti-Money Laundering Strategies Money-laundering has been a significant problem for Canada because such a practice enables and facilitates many criminal activities such as drug trade, fraud or even global terrorism.
• Time Value of Money and Interest Rate Risk Time value of money (TVM) is a financial concept, which implies that money available to an individual or a company at the present time is much more valuable.
• Money and Relationship in King Lear by Shakespeare King Lear, one of Shakespeare’s most well-known tragedies, is a nihilistic story of destruction, money, and power conflicts that was originally performed in 1606.
• Personal Finance: Turning Money Into Wealth There are many different bond kinds, and each has benefits and drawbacks for the parties involved. Municipal and corporate bonds will be reviewed in this session.
• Divine Currency: The Theological Power of Money in the West Money in Christianity is a dangerous matter, which requires careful and proper management to stay on the path of Christ.
• Politics, Money, and Free Expression In 2011, the Supreme Court “decided that corporations and unions could contribute an unlimited amount of money to political campaigns.”
• Inflation and Increase in Money Supply Even though the increase in the money supply might stimulate the economy, it is a dangerous strategy, and the Federal Reserve has to act with caution.
• The Federal Reserve System and the Money Supply The Federal Reserve (FR) has three main tools to control the money supply in the economy: the discount rate, open market operations, and reserve requirements.
• Social Work Assignment: Gender, Money, and the Charity Organization Society Throughout the history of its development, the sphere of social work has witnessed the work of various contributors dedicated to achieving social equality.
• Money, Happiness, and Materialism Correlation The paper concludes that happiness doesn’t depend on material goods, and it should be understood that respect and empathy are superior to any material wealth.
• Daily Budget Cutting: Methods of Saving Money Nowadays, there are many more possibilities to spend additional money than in the past. Consequently, people should be more attentive to their budget and spending structure.
• Financial Management: Where Does the Money Go It is increasingly possible to hear about the importance of financial literacy in the modern world, which largely boils down to thoughtful money management.
• How Money Laundering Practices Violate Financial Ethics Corruption is one of the biggest problems a government can face, and in this blog, the author aims to explain how money laundering practices violate financial ethics.
• Forecasting and Time Value of Money Time value of money is a valuable instrument that helps comprehend the value of a currency in relation to a given period and significantly impact investing decision.
• Money Laundering, Corruption and Terrorism Issues Money laundering, corruption and terrorism are rife in East and Southern Africa is largely attributed to the abject poverty that at times seems to be endemic.
• Firms Raising Money Through Debt vs. Equity Debts as a source of operating funds can be from within or outside the company specifically individual borrowings or banks.
• Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group Money laundering, corruption and terrorism are rife in East and Southern Africa. This phenomenon is attributed to the abject poverty that seems to be endemic in this region.
• This American Life: Toxie Asset by Planet Money When recounting the story of Toxie, the reporters explain how “she” came to be, and how her life began at the peak of the housing market, progressed through the years.
• Montley Fool Money Guide: A Book’s Review It is an educative book that gives an insight into saving, spending, and investing. The author tries to bring out the foolish things people do with their money.
• Money Supply in the United States This essay discusses the money supply, what constitutes it, and the current supply in the US. It will also examine how the COVID-19 pandemic affected the M2 supply in the country.
• Finance, Currency Alternatives, and Money in the Bible The currency used in all countries nowadays is an example of fiat money, meaning that it lacks intrinsic value.
• ”Money Supply” Article by Enam Ahmed Analysis In this article, Enam Ahmed explains why central banks should use the Divisia approach to measure the effectiveness of monetary policies.
• York College Medical Center Managing Grant Money Despite numerous positive effects that financial recognition of the employees could bring to the general state of the center, free healthcare services are of higher priority.
• Men, Women & Money – How the Sexes Differ with Their Finances’ Article Review? Amy Livingston’s article Men, Women & Money – How the Sexes Differ with Their Finances provides comparative gender-related research.
• Can Money Buy Happiness? This article analyzes Sandy LaMotto’s research that money brings happiness and that selfish spending is associated with a good mood.
• What Does Money Have to Do With It? The policy-oriented toward providing judges with the information on the costs of sentencing types can be discussed as rather controversial.
• The Money Factor in Drug and Alcohol Treatment A vast number of individuals fail to take up drug treatment because they are unable to raise the money that is required to enroll in such a program.
• Exchange Rate and Price: U.S. and Chinese Money The exchange rate quotation is derived by stating the number of units of term currency that can be bought in terms of the unit currency, which is also known as the base currency.
• Entrepreneurship. Money in the Resource Equation Money is the least important part of the resource equation because starting a new business requires an entrepreneur’s ability to take risks.
• Macroeconomics: Monetary Policy in the United States There are various monetary policy tools which can be used by the fed in order to achieve its desired policy objectives.
• “Illegal Immigrants: They’re Money” by Rodrigez The focal point of the paper is to present a critical evaluation of Gregory Rodrigez’s article Illegal Immigrants: They’re Money.
• Illegal Immigrants – They Are Money The paper looks at the issue of “illegal immigrants” to the US from the perspective of their value to businesses as cheap labor and as a market for their goods like credit cards.
• “Rivers of Blood and Money” Article by Burden The article “Rivers of Blood and Money” by Burden takes a different approach when analyzing the issue of anti-Semitism and events before and during the Holocaust.
• Money and Happiness in Economic Theories The pursuit of additional wealth and income usually becomes addictive thereby reducing an individual’s time with their family members and friends and limiting their social life.
• Money and Politics in Healthcare Reform Having initiated the healthcare reform, President Obama met stiff opposition to the insurance and pharmaceutics lobby. It would be disadvantageous and made them lose revenue.
• How Can American Cities Raise More Money? One of the main ways through which urban governments in the United States can avert revenue problems is through prudent reduction of services that they currently offer.
• World Money: From the Eurodollar to the Sinodollar
• Treasury Operations, Bank Credit, and the Money Market
• Working From Home Can Earn You Money
• The Money Demand Function for the Euro Area: Some Empirical Evidence
• Trade Credit and the Money Market
• U.S. Domestic Money, Inflation and Output
• The U.S. Money Market and the Term Auction Facility in the Financial Crisis of 2007–2009
• Varying the Money Supply of Commercial Banks
• The Uses of the Money in the Six Century B.C
• Tight Money Policies and Inflation Revisited
• Working Through the Distribution: Money in the Short and Long Run
• Utilizing the Time Value of Money
• Women Are Working and Spending Money Same as Men
• Wall Street: Money Never Sleeps
• Velocity and Money Growth Variability: Evidence From Japan
• The Swiss Sovereign Money Initiative
• Velocity and the Variability of Anticipated and Unanticipated Money Growth in Malaysia
• The Translog Utility Function and the Demand for Money in the United States
• Why Money Talks and Wealth Whispers: Monetary Uncertainty and Mystique?
• Triodos Bank: Conscious Money in Action
• Transactions Costs, the Wage Rate, and the Demand for Money
• The Obsession With Money and the New Consumer Culture of the 1920s
• U.S. Banking and Money
• The Relationship Between Government Deficits, Money Growth and Inflation
• Understanding How Money Works

Simple Money Topics to Write About

• The Rules for Saving Money by Consolidating Debt
• Thinking About Monetary Policy Without Money
• The Relationship Between Economic Growth and Money Laundering
• Work Can Provide More Than Money
• Velocity and the Growth of Money in the United States, 1970-1985
• Trade, Money, and Employment in Intertemporal Optimizing Models of Growth
• Unemployment, Real Wages and the Money Supply in Australia
• The Money Demand and the Loss of Interest for the Euro in Romania
• Wealth, Financial Liberalization, and the Demand for Money in Japan
• The Relationship Between Mobile Money Technology and Financial Development
• U.S. Narrow Money for the Twenty-First Century
• Working for Little Money: Does Germany Need a Minimum Wage?
• Where Has the Money Gone? The Case of Value Added Tax Revenue Performance in Indonesia
• The Trouble With Money: A Prescription for America’s Financial Fever
• Why Most PPC Advertisers Lose Money?
• Unconventional Monetary Policy and Money Demand
• Winning Money Online With Web Analytics
• Utility Function Transformations and Money Illusion: Reply and Further Results
• The Relation Between Money, Income and Prices in South Africa
• York Times Victims Money Fund
• Why Isn’t Money Considered Capital in Economics?
• Tight Money and the Sustainability of Public Debt
• Wealth and How Money Influences People’s Lives
• Tight Money-Tight Credit: Coordination Failure in the Conduct of Monetary and Financial Policies
• Can Money Buy Happiness and Freedom?
• Does Money Equal Power in American Politics?
• Does Money Improve Academic Achievement?
• Does Ones Success Depend on the Amount of Money a Person Earns?
• What Are Some Fundamental Strategies for Saving Money?
• How Does Federal Reserve Control the Money Supply?
• How Does Inflation Affect the Function of Money?
• How Does Shakespeare Present the Issues of Love and Money in His Plays?
• How Does the RSPCA Persuade Us to Part With Our Money?
• How Money and Appearance Control the World?
• How Money Changes the Way We Think and Behave?
• How Money Has Become the Enemy of Our Society?
• How Money Was Created and the Basic Political Ideology of Money?
• How Much Money Does California Get From the Federal Government?
• What Are the Anticipations and the Nonneutrality of Money?
• What Is the Role of the State and the Hierarchy of Money?
• What Alternative Approaches to Money and Growth Are There?
• What Are the Statistical Mechanics of Money?
• What Is the Influence of Money on Medical Science?
• What Is the Development of a Money Attitude Scale?
• Will Money Increase Subjective Well-being?
• What Is the Structure and Performance of the Money Management Industry?
• Why Is There a Difficulty With the Optimum Quantity of Money?
• What Are the Distributions of Money in Model Markets of Economy?
• What Are the Monetary Policy Implications of Digital Money?

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StudyCorgi. (2022, February 11). 138 Research Topics on Money - Essay Topics, & More. https://studycorgi.com/ideas/money-essay-topics/

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StudyCorgi . 2022. "138 Research Topics on Money - Essay Topics, & More." February 11, 2022. https://studycorgi.com/ideas/money-essay-topics/.

These essay examples and topics on Money were carefully selected by the StudyCorgi editorial team. They meet our highest standards in terms of grammar, punctuation, style, and fact accuracy. Please ensure you properly reference the materials if you’re using them to write your assignment.

This essay topic collection was updated on January 8, 2024 .

Finance Essay Examples

Top 5 Finance Essay Examples to Help You Ace Your Next Assignment

16 min read

Published on: May 7, 2023

Last updated on: Jan 31, 2024

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Many students struggle with writing finance essays due to the technical language and vast topics to cover.

It's easy to feel overwhelmed and unsure of where to start, resulting in poorly written papers that don't meet academic standards.

With the right approach and tools, you can learn the art of finance essay writing and achieve academic success.

In this blog, we'll provide practical examples and expert tips to help you craft winning finance essays.

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Financial Analysis Essay Examples

Check out the following examples to get a better understanding of financial analysis essay examples. 

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Financial Situation Essay Examples

Want a perfect example of a financial situation essay? Read the following example!

Bank financial situation essay

Examples Of Financial Need Essays

Here is a perfectly written financial need essay for you! 

Financial need essay for college

Financial Literacy Essay Examples

Want a top example of a financial literacy essay example? Here is a perfectly written essay sample! 

Financial literacy essay example

Financial Goals Essay Examples

Read the following example of a financial goals essay! 

Financial goals essay sample

The following essays are perfect examples of financial situation essays. Give them a read to get inspiration for your next essay. 

Financial Hardship Essay Examples

Get inspiration for your next financial essay from these examples!

Financial Aid Essay Examples

Financial aid essay for an undergraduate essay

In conclusion, writing a financial essay can seem like a daunting task, but with the right guidance, it can be a rewarding experience. The examples we've provided in this blog post are just a small sample of the many financial essay topics that you can explore. 

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• Finance essays

Our free example finance essays cover topics such as financial reporting, financial management, investments, risk management, money and banking. We have a separate category for accounting essays . You can also find more finance essays here .

Diamonds to Dust: Story of Yes Bank

Introduction: On 5 March 2020, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) announced that, in the interest of its customers and depositors, it would suspend Yes Bank’s board and impose a 30-day moratorium on its operations. Yes Bank is an Indian Private Sector Bank headquartered in Mumbai. The RBI cited Yes Bank’s failures to raise new … Read more

Acquisition of 21st Century Fox by Disney (financial performance)

1.0 Introduction Before came the existence of 21st Century Fox, there was only Rupert Murdoch’s media empire, News Corporation. The announcement of NC splitting in two caused a massive uproar. Originally, Fox Group was chosen as the company’s name but it was suggested by Murdoch that the golden heritage of retaining 20th Century Fox’s name … Read more

Relationship between internal audit function and financial performance

The audit function has become an integral part of organizational financial management and an instrument of improving performance in the mid- size manufacturing sector (Al-Shammari, 2010). Thus, the internal auditing function gauges the usefulness of manufacturing firms in accomplishing approved purposes and thereby stimulating resilient authority and responsibility in firms. The recommendations made by internal … Read more

Changing the US tax system

It has been almost 30 years since Congress has made any changes to our current tax system. Thankfully, as this is being written, a new rejuvenating tax plan is currently being prepared to be sent to the President’s desk to be signed into law. While this is a major step, it is still important to … Read more

Trading strategies

Theoretical background This section gives a summary of the concepts that will be used during this paper. Firstly, the general concept of trading strategy analysis is discussed. Afterwards, more in-depth information on the concept of technical strategy analysis is given. Since this is an empirical research, several technical trading strategies will be used for analysis. … Read more

Banking regulatory & market framework of the Ghanaian economy

Introduction Banking crises triggered development of regulations to safeguard the system. Domestic and international banking regulations were instituted and reformed over time to strengthen regulatory and supervisory frameworks since risky banking procedures were attributed to the financial crunches (Bertus, Jahera & Yost, 2007). Specifically, the crucial role of banks necessitated regulation and supervision of capital, … Read more

HSBC strategic management and marketing

Many banks have been established over the years, HSBC is one such bank which prides itself in being one of the largest financial institutions worldwide. The bank has used a popular tag line ‘world’s local bank’ over the years but recently the bank has had to change its strategy and adopted a new tag line … Read more

Fundamental analysis on selected Indian banks

INTRODUCTION Investment is putting money into something with the expectation of profit. More specifically, investment is the commitment of money or capital to the purchase of financial instruments or other assets so as to gain profitable returns in the form of interest, dividend capital gain sends, or appreciation of the value of the instrument (capital … Read more

Challenges faced by Islamic commercial banking

The banking sector is a pivotal contribution to the economy of any country. The performance of the banking sector at a given time is usually a barometer of the level of economic development in a country. Over the years, there has been a transformation of banking from traditional brick and mortar banking to electronic banking … Read more

Co-operative banking

Chapter-1 Introduction Co-operative credit is the basis of co-operative banking. The co-operative banking system also performs the basic functions of banking. These banks are set up under co-operative Act. The credit provided through co-operative banks is called co-operative credit. The evolution of co-operative banks are voluntary organizations set up by collective ownership and unlimited membership … Read more

Carry Trade VS. Momentum

Introduction This paper is written to investigate the investments strategies Carry Trade and Momentum. The plausibility of the theories proposed in the literature will be assessed to explain the profitability of these strategies. The carry trade consists of borrowing low–interest rate currencies and lending high–interest rate currencies. The momentum strategy consists of going long (short) … Read more

Risk measurement

Every new method that emerges in risk measurement has been developed by improving the weak aspects of previous models. Researchers and investors discovered those aspects in consequence of past experiences and economic crises in financial markets. For example in 1970’s, fluctuations in interest rates caused high inflation rates which were resulted as economic stagnation in … Read more

Psychological factors that affected the 2008 financial crisis

Recently Behavioural Economists have increasingly challenged the classic efficient market hypothesis with theories based on human psychology to explain short-term swings. This Extended Project will be exploring the extent to which psychological factors have affected the 2008 financial crisis. This paper is broken down into financial and psychological factors. Traditional Economists argue that the 2008 … Read more

Overview of Crypto companies

MICROSTRATEGY INCORPORATED MicroStrategy CEO and co-founder Michael Saylor say This is NOT a small investment! MicroStrategy is a potential sea change for how companies might consider allocating capital on their balance sheet. Bitcoin has emerged as a big addition to the worldwide economic system, with useful characteristics. To the two people and establishments. MicroStrategy has … Read more

Refinancing example report

Introduction: I have been asked to advise Ross Investments on a re-financing option, and to calculate the equity required and the IRR. I am aware that the directors would like capital for future site acquisition. There are three re-financing options available for Ross Investments, these are: Fixed term senior debt Corporate bond Real Estate Investment … Read more

Writing finance essays

Here are some key points for discussion when writing an essay about finance:

Financial Markets: The structure, function, and impact of financial markets, including stock markets, bond markets, and foreign exchange markets.

Investment Strategies: The different types of investment strategies, including value investing, growth investing, and income investing, and the factors that influence investment decisions.

Corporate Finance: The role of corporate finance in managing capital, including capital budgeting, financial analysis, and risk management.

Financial Institutions: The structure and function of financial institutions, including banks, insurance companies, and investment banks.

Financial Regulation: The role and impact of financial regulation on financial markets and institutions, and the implications for consumers and businesses.

Behavioral Finance: The impact of psychological and emotional factors on financial decision making, and the ways in which these factors can lead to biases and errors in decision making.

Personal Finance: The importance of financial planning and budgeting, and strategies for managing personal finances, including saving, investing, and debt management.

International Finance: The impact of global economic systems and international trade on financial markets and institutions, and the implications for global economic stability and development.

Financial Ethics: The ethical considerations and responsibilities of financial professionals, including issues such as insider trading, conflicts of interest, and corporate social responsibility .

Financial Innovation: The impact of technological and financial innovations on financial markets and institutions, including topics such as blockchain technology, cryptocurrency, and fintech startups.

These are just a few examples of the many key points that could be discussed in a finance essay. Depending on the specific focus and scope of the essay, other topics and areas of discussion could also be explored.

Sample finance essay titles

Stuck for a title or idea for your finance essay? Here are some to inspire you:

• The Future of Fintech: Exploring the Role of Technology in Financial Innovation
• Managing Risk in Corporate Finance: A Case Study Analysis of Successful Strategies
• Ethics and Accountability in the Financial Industry: Lessons Learned from the 2008 Financial Crisis
• Personal Finance: Strategies for Achieving Financial Independence and Security
• International Trade and Finance: Assessing the Impact of Globalization on Economic Stability
• Investing for the Future: A Comparative Analysis of Value, Growth and Income Strategies
• Behavioral Finance: Understanding the Psychology Behind Investment Decisions
• The Role of Financial Institutions in Economic Development: A Comparative Study of Developed and Emerging Markets
• Sustainable Finance: Balancing Profit with Corporate Social Responsibility
• From Wall Street to Main Street: Exploring the Evolution of Financial Markets and their Role in Society

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Essay Samples on Personal Finance

My personal financial goals in life: financial freedom.

As I embark on the journey of life, I recognize the profound impact that my personal financial goals will have on shaping my future. In this essay, I delve into the aspirations and plans that define my financial path, highlighting the importance of setting clear...

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The Importance of Saving Money for Students

For students, the concept of saving money might seem distant amidst the pressures of academic life and the allure of immediate gratification. However, cultivating the habit of saving has far-reaching benefits that extend beyond the classroom. Learning to manage finances early on not only prepares...

Being Smart With Your Money: the Importance of Financial Literacy

Many people have discussed personal finance. Articles 'Should Financial Literacy Be Taught in More Schools' by Ramsey and 'Why is Learning Personal Finance Important' by Ryan discuss the reason why personal finance is beneficial to the educational system. Benefits of adding Personal finance to our...

Unlocking Financial Literacy: Exploring the World of Finance and Money Management

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As a student, learning this course about personal financial statement is important. It shows the individual's net worth 'their assets minus their liabilities' which reflects what that person has in cash if they sell all their assets and pay off all their debts. If their...

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Why Personal Finance Should Be Taught in Modern Schools

About 59% of Americans have less than 1,000 dollars in savings. I think that Financial Literacy should be a requirement in schools all around the country. Financial planning should be taught in schools because finances affect everything, a lack of financial knowledge has consequences eventually,...

General Purpose Financial Report

General Purpose Financial Report basically provides the information and analysis about the scarce resources of a public sector or a private sector company. It normally focuses the general and overall financial information and produces the result for shareholders and board of directors to analyze the...

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Best topics on Personal Finance

1. My Personal Financial Goals in Life: Financial Freedom

2. The Importance of Saving Money for Students

3. Being Smart With Your Money: the Importance of Financial Literacy

4. Unlocking Financial Literacy: Exploring the World of Finance and Money Management

5. The Value of Understanding Personal Finance Management for Students

6. Why Personal Finance Should Be Taught in Modern Schools

7. General Purpose Financial Report

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• Career Goals
• Perseverance
• Opportunity
• Feature of Character

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Home — Essay Samples — Economics — Money — Importance of Money Management and Financial Literacy for Students

Importance of Money Management and Financial Literacy for Students

• Categories: Literacy Money Personal Finance

About this sample

Words: 1537 |

Published: Aug 14, 2023

Words: 1537 | Pages: 3 | 8 min read

Table of contents

Importance of financial literacy and financial education, how other countries apply financial literacy, what can be done within our current school systems, my own financial literacy level.

• Anderloni, L. and Vandone, D. (2010), “Risk of overindebtedness and behavioral factors”, Working Paper No 25, Social Science Research Network, Santa Monica, CA.
• ASIC (2011), “National financial literacy strategy: Australian securities & investment commission Report No. 229”, available at: www.financialliteracy.gov.au/media/218312/national-financialliteracy-strategy.pdf (accessed 23 October 2016).
• Atkinson, A. and Messy, F. (2012), “Measuring financial literacy: results of the OECD/International Network on Financial Education (INFE) Pilot study”, Working Paper No. 15, OECD Working Papers on Finance, Insurance and Private Pensions, OECD Publishing, Paris.
• Filipiak, U. and Walle, Y.M. (2015), “The financial literacy gender gap: a question of nature or nurture?”, Discussion Papers No. 176, Courant Research Centre: Poverty, Equity and Growth.
• Huston, S.J. (2010), “Measuring financial literacy”, The Journal of Consumer Affairs, Vol. 44 No. 2, pp. 296-316.
• National Strategy for Financial Literacy (2012), “Commission for financial literacy and retirement income”, available at: www.cflri.org.nz/sites/default/files/docs/FL-NS-National%20Strategy2012-Aug.pdf (accessed 24 October 2016).
• Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (2012), OECD/INFE High-Level Principles on National Strategies for Financial Education, OECD Publishing, Paris.
• Vitt, L.A. (2004), “Consumers financial decisions and the psychology of values”, Journal of Financial Service Professionals, Vol. 58 No. 6, pp. 68-78.

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Who Can Be Trusted for Retirement Advice? New Rules Strengthen Protections.

More investment professionals will be required to act in their customers’ best interest when providing advice about their retirement money.

By Tara Siegel Bernard

When you walk into a financial adviser’s office, you expect them to put your best interests above all else — in the same way a doctor would, rather than, say, a car salesman. But many people don’t realize that the rules financial professionals must follow vary, depending on where they work and what products they’re selling.

One of those federal regulations, which governs retirement plans, was just tightened: The Biden administration announced new rules on Tuesday that will require more financial professionals to adhere to a higher standard when providing financial advice about your retirement money.

Starting Sept. 23, investment professionals who hold themselves out as trusted advisers will be required to act as fiduciaries — that is, they can’t place their interests ahead of the investor — when customers pay them for advice on individual retirement accounts, 401(k)s and similar buckets of tax-advantaged dollars. The goal is to minimize conflicts of interest, or at least ensure that they aren’t influencing investment professionals’ advice that lines their pockets at the customers’ expense. The rule, which will be published in the Federal Register on Thursday, will be fully effective in September 2025.

The changes, issued by the Department of Labor, which oversees retirement plans, close loopholes that made it easier for many investment professionals to avoid fiduciary status — including, for example, when workers roll over their savings from a 401(k) plan to an individual retirement account. Those transactions, which totaled nearly $800 billion in 2022, weren’t always covered by these investor protections, even though these sums often amount to a person’s life savings.

“If you’re a retirement investor looking for help with how to manage your retirement investments, it’s only reasonable that you get advice that is prudent, loyal and doesn’t involve misleading you,” said Tim Hauser, deputy assistant secretary for program operations of the Employee Benefits Security Administration at the Labor Department. “It shouldn’t matter what product you’re recommending, and that’s what the rule does.”

This isn’t the first effort to update the federal retirement law known as ERISA , which was enacted in 1974 to oversee private pension plans before 401(k)s existed. Strengthening its protections has been the subject of intense debate for more than a decade, over three presidential administrations.

Indeed, critics (including financial industry stakeholders) say the new regulation — initially introduced in October — was rushed, but the Labor Department has been working on different versions since it introduced its first proposal in 2010 . The Obama administration issued a more stringent rule in 2016 , but the Trump administration hit the brakes before it was fully implemented . An appeals court later struck it down in 2018 . Agency officials said they took comments from the financial industry and others into account and made several changes that are reflected in the final rule . But Lisa M. Gomez, assistant secretary for Employee Benefits Security, said the investor protections remain. “There is nothing in these clarifications or changes that one should interpret as a watering down or a real change in position from the proposal,” she said on a media briefing call.

When the onus is on individuals to save and invest for a financially secure retirement, with money that must last through advanced age, investor protections are paramount. Still, individuals might be wondering why they aren’t entitled to fiduciary-level advice on all of their money, all of the time, regardless of what account it sits in or what type of product they’re investing in.

Here’s an overview of how the rules have changed and what it means for you — and how to find fiduciary-level professionals, regardless of the political climate.

What’s changed and where do these rules apply?

The regulation redefines who is considered an investment fiduciary. Before the changes, financial professionals had to meet a five-part test before they were held to that standard — and one part stated that the person making the recommendation must provide the advice on a regular basis. That means one-time recommendations were not necessarily included, which left 401(k) rollover guidance at risk.

The new rule aims to level the playing field for all financial professionals — including investment brokers and insurance salespeople — who describe themselves as trusted advisers when providing advice about your retirement money. It doesn’t matter whether they’re recommending mutual funds, stock investments, insurance products like annuities, illiquid real estate investments — it’s all covered. Investment brokers selling retirement plans to businesses would also be held to the fiduciary standard.

Why is fiduciary status important? What does it even mean?

Fiduciaries under the federal law known as ERISA must follow strict rules of conduct and avoid conflicts of interest. That means they can’t provide advice that affects their compensation, unless they meet certain conditions to ensure investors are protected. This includes putting policies in place to mitigate those conflicts. Investment professionals must also be upfront with customers about their roles as fiduciaries — if they have conflicts, and many do, they must now acknowledge their fiduciary status in writing.

That should go a long way in helping retirees who land in their offices, said Joe Peiffer, a founding partner of Peiffer Wolf Carr Kane Conway & Wise, a law firm in New Orleans. He said he has represented thousands of investors who have received poor advice, including from insurance salespeople who call themselves financial advisers when selling indexed annuity products and universal life policies — often with “disastrous” results.

“They’re exactly the kind of case that the new D.O.L. rule is trying to address,” he said, referring to the Department of Labor. “Because, currently, when we sue these ‘advisers,’ their response is that they are nothing more than insurance salesman that do not have a fiduciary duty.”

I want to work with someone who will always act in my best interest, on all of my money, not just retirement accounts.

No financial adviser is entirely conflict-free, but the ecosystem in which your adviser works matters — and will influence what type of conflicts are embedded in the way they do business. Some brokers, for example, may be paid more to sell one product over another product. Or, the firm itself might have complex revenue sharing agreements, which is when a mutual fund company makes payments to a brokerage firm — and some funds may pay a firm fatter fees than others.

Under the new rule, any financial professional making recommendations must have “policies and procedures to manage conflicts of interest and ensure providers follow these guidelines,” department officials said.

The simplest way to buy advice is to hire a “fee-only” independent certified financial planner who is a registered investment adviser, which means they are required to act as fiduciaries when providing investment advice about securities (stocks, mutual funds and the like). As part of that fiduciary duty, they must eliminate conflicts or disclose them.

“Your odds of conflicts go up, the longer their disclosures are,” said Benjamin Edwards, a professor at the William S. Boyd School of Law at the University of Las Vegas.

What questions should I ask when choosing an adviser?

There are several , but the most important: Are you a fiduciary who promises to put my interests ahead of yours 100 percent of the time with 100 percent of my money? How do you get paid — and will you get paid more for recommending one investment over another? What’s your investment philosophy — does it involve mostly low cost index-based investments?

Oh, and by the way, will you sign this fiduciary pledge ? If they refuse, find a new adviser who will.

Where can I find a trusted adviser?

There are more places now than there have been in the past: XY Planning Network , Garrett Planning Network and the National Association of Personal Financial Advisors (NAPFA ) are all trade groups whose members accept only fee-based compensation, which minimizes their conflicts of interest. They also allow you to search for professionals based on their expertise (retirement planning, for example, or stock option exercise strategies), “You don’t want the adviser to be learning about how to help you on the fly,” said Alan Moore, a financial planner and co-founder of XY Planning Network.

There are also newer entrants, including Domain Money and Facet , which connect people to independent financial planners who get paid flat fees.

Roboadvisers , or companies that lean heavily on technology to manage your investments but also often have human financial advisers, may be a solid option for people who are just starting out — or who have an investment plan they want to put into place and let run on autopilot.

One of the most valuable services an adviser can provide is saving us from ourselves, in the darkest market moments, when an individual may be most likely to give into emotion and sell investments (or buy) at the worst possible time. Just make sure the adviser is a fiduciary.

Tara Siegel Bernard writes about personal finance, from saving for college to paying for retirement and everything in between. More about Tara Siegel Bernard

A Guide to Making Better Financial Moves

Making sense of your finances can be complicated. the tips below can help..

Credit card debt is rising, and shopping for a card with a lower interest rate can help you save money. Here are some things to know .

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Starting this year, some of the money in 529 college savings accounts can be used for retirement if it’s not needed for education. Here is how it works .

Are you trying to improve your credit profile? You can now choose to have your on-time rent payments reported to the credit bureaus  to enhance your score.

Americans’ credit card debt and late payments are rising, and card interest rates remain high, but many people lack a plan to pay down their debt. Here’s what you can do .

There are few challenges facing students more daunting than paying for college. This guide can help you make sense of it all .

350 Banking Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

🏆 best banking topic ideas & essay examples, 👍 good essay topics on banking, 🥇 interesting topics to write about banking, 📝 simple & easy banking essay titles, 💡 most interesting banking topics to write about, 📑 good research topics about banking, ❓ money and banking essay questions.

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• The Concept of Usul Fiqh and Qawaid Fiqhiyyah: Shariah and Islamic Banking For such convictions, this essay explores the concept of Usul Fiqh and Qawaid Fiqhiyyah in respect to issues regarding the influence of Shariah on Islamic banking practices Under the Islamic community, Fiqh is a terminology […]
• Wells Fargo Banking Scandal: Ethical Analysis The structure and the business model of Wells Fargo allowed the emergence of the working environment that incited the employees to unethical behaviors.
• Mobile Banking Adoption: Challenges and Solutions Therefore, the writer wishes to investigate the numerous impacts of mobile banking because the burgeoning phenomenon may entirely replace traditional banking in the near future, specifically in the UK.
• Service Quality Model in Internet Banking and Finance The purpose of this paper is to undertake a comparative literature using five peer-reviewed articles discussing service quality in internet banking and finance and identify the main issues in the articles and relates them to […]
• Barclays Bank Description Introduction Barclays bank is a UK-based Multinational Corporation headquartered in London and operates in the financial niche. The universal bank was established in 1860 in London as a goldsmith’s lending business offering people loans and saving options. The bank’s resilience in the corporate domain made it navigate all the challenges, and it still operates to […]
• Leadership at Qatar National Bank This paper examines in detail the phenomenon of leadership and its classic types in the light of improving the overall effectiveness of the work team.
• Competitive Advantage Source: Westpac Banking Corporation The competence of the company is the result of learning and searching for better solutions in this or that situation either in domestic affairs or in the market.
• The Shift From Physical Personal Banking to Online Banking I have chosen the topic “Investigation of how the Shift from Physical Personal Banking to Online Banking has affected Consumers” because online banking has made it easier to shop by eliminating the need to carry […]
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• Standard Chartered Bank: Problems and Solutions The Standard Chartered Bank was formed in 1969 after the merger of two banks The Standard Bank of British South Africa, established in 1862, and The Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China established in […]
• Lloyds Banking Group’s Situational Analysis These products the company has diversified in various products and markets in an attempt to grow and increase its share in the market.
• Banking Sector Cyber Wars and International Hacking Flaws in the network allow hackers to access the systems. In efforts to reduce hacking in the country, a number of police units have been formed.
• Market Elasticity’s in Banking Industry Price elasticity of markets “refers to the degree of change in quantity demanded or supplied of a commodity due to a change in price of the commodity” The formula is: P.E.
• Corporate Governance Statements: BHP Billiton and National Australia Bank This is to say that corporate governance requirements differ from company to company and from a broader perspective, the success or failure of a given company differs with the corporate governance statement of the company.
• Islamic Banking Sector Issues The key aspects of the Islamic banks in the region are the profit and loss sharing, transparent dealing, lack of interest, lack of speculation and no gambling.
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• Islamic Banking The involvement of institutions and government led to the application of theory to practice and resulted in the establishment of the Islamic banks”.
• JPMorgan Chase Bank: Ratio Analysis The ratios are debt-to-equity, the interest coverage ratio, the equity ratio, and the debt-to-asset ratio. For the years 2017, 2018, 2019, and 2020, JPM had a fixed turnover ratio of 7.
• Ethical Dilemma With the Bank Teller On the other hand, the bank calls for honesty in service and client protection, and given that the teller took the money without permission from an inactive account belonging to a customer it is professionally […]
• Personal and Organizational Development in Banking My career plan is as in the figure below: – My career goal is to find a job in a bank and gradually grow through the ranks as I gain financial management related skills and […]
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• Impact of Cyber Crime on Internet Banking The paper evaluates a con article on ‘The impact of cybercrime on e-banking’ [1]. H2: Identity theft will have a negative impact on the adoption of electronic banking.
• The Lebanese-Canadian Bank’s Money Laundering The bank was later banned from using the dollar by the American treasury; this resulted in the collapse and eventual sale of the bank.L.C.B.had to pay a settlement fine of one hundred and two million […]
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• Mobile Banking Innovation In the mobile industry, mobile banking is one of the recent innovations that have influenced the operations of the telephone/mobile phone industry positively.
• ICT: E-Banking and Firm Performance ICT is concerned with storage, retrieval, manipulation and transmission of digital data. ICT involves software, hardware and systems.
• Retail Banking Products and Services Using the examples and contrasting the products and services of Emirates NBD and Bank of Singapore will assist in understanding the key problems and consequences of the global business environment.
• The Employee Benefits Provided by the Bank of America In the process of applying for a job or assessing a certain company, it is crucial to learn about their advantages and unique features. In conclusion, Bank of America features various benefits that provide employees […]
• Legal Issues in the Banking Industry The second problem is the complexity of banking operations for foreigners and the low-educated segments of the population. Thus, in banking, employees often face the problems of sexual harassment, complex mechanisms for clients, and digitalization.
• Cryptocurrency and Its Impact on the Banking Industry Advanced coding is used to store and transfer cryptocurrency data between the wallet and a public ledger, and encryption is used to confirm transactions.
• Overfitting and Bias-Variance Trade-Off in Banking While the training set represents most of the data, the testing set is used to test accuracy by measuring performance separately in the two separate parts of the data set.
• Digital Trends & Sustainability in Banking It would be accurate to refer to banking as the financial hub of the economy because it is a major industry in the service sector.
• The National Bank of Kuwait’s Improvement However, the constant improvement of technology and the introduction of innovations forced the bank to reconsider its policy and introduce a new system.
• Ransomware in the US Banking Industry The mismatch can lead to a lack of trust and reputational damages. Data pertaining to the business plans and visions can also be accessed, making it vulnerable.
• The Role of Technology in Investment Banking The role of technology in an investment bank is to reduce costs, evaluate opportunities with regard to investment, optimize processes, and manage risks.
• The Discussion of the Bank of England The Bank of England represents a centralized structure that has the right to regulate other banks across the country. This is a basic process that helps the Bank of England maintain a healthy balance between […]
• Tesla Inc.’s Banking Structure and Investments According to Saberi, it represents almost 4% of the world GDP, and, in the context of developed economies, 1% of automotive industry growth triggers respective 1,5% growth in the country’s GDP. Due to the specificity […]
• Interpersonal Leadership Skills in Bank of America However, it is clear that the issue is not the demographics but the inefficient leadership in the company and the lack of interpersonal skills that would make people want to work at Bank of America.
• Big Data Analytics in Central Banking In addition, the rate is integral to the overall cost of living, which parameter is in a cause-and-effect relationship with inflation.
• Workplace Inclusivity at International Bank of Commerce Even if employees of color do not ascribe significance to the unequal distribution of power in the bank, the lack of diversity is evident.
• Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank PJSC The discussion takes a general overview of the company, its mission and vision statements, strategic goals, and key objectives. The key objectives Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank wants to realize include: Growing transaction volumes and assets […]
• Banking System: The Brief Analysis This is a fictional story that comes perilously near to the reality about the basic foundations of modern society. The primary objective of this story is to demonstrate reality’s simple math and the existing banking […]
• Bank Pekao S. A.: Performance and Strategy Compared to its peers in Poland, Bank Pekao is uniquely placed as it launched a brokerage house and made practical biometrics technology in the banking industry, contributing heavily to the bank’s assets quality and investment […]
• Financial Analysis of Al Ahli Bank of Kuwait Al Ahli Bank of Kuwait’s main competitors include Commercial Bank of Kuwait SAK, Gulf Bank KSCP, Burgan Bank SAK, and the National Bank of Kuwait.
• Banking Sector of the United Kingdom At the same time, the banking sector of the United Kingdom had to balance between its financial losses and the ability to provide loans and debt-moratoria in order to support the country’s financial stability. In […]
• Case Study of Hong Kong Shanghai Banking Capital From HSBC’s perspective, money laundering represents one of the most significant internal risks due to the worldwide presence, especially in certain economic areas with facilitated financial regulation and considerable economic influence, such as Hong Kong […]
• Risk Factors Affecting Bank Nordik’s Operations and Risk Management Control measures adopted by the firm to manage these risk categories are explored in this investigation and the findings used as a justification for the development of a robust risk management plan.
• The Albilad Capital Bank’s Mission and Vision Since the bank is striving to renew its mission and vision from the start, it is crucial to identify the values and vectors of direction.
• National Australia Bank’s Sustainability Challenges One of the reasons for the success of NAB is the overall strategy of the company, which focuses its capital management on adequacy, efficiency, and flexibility, maintaining the economic balance to support and strengthen the […]
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• What Is Current Research in Money and Banking?
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• What Are the Advantages of Banking?
• U.S. Money and Banking: What Is the Key Issue Facing Us?
• What Are the Main Topics of Money and Banking?
• What Is the Best Research Topic in Money and Banking?
• What Is the Divergence Between Accounting Standards and Banking Regulation?
• What Were the Causes of the Banking Crisis of the 1930s?
• What Are the Types of Banking?
• What Is the Biggest Problem in Money and Banking?
• How Do I Choose a Topic for Research in Money and Banking?
• What Are the Most Important Money and Banking Services?
• What Is the Banking System Like in South Korea?
• What Are Some Good Thesis Topics in Finances and Banking?
• What Are the Money and Banking?
• What Are the Types of Money and Banking?
• Why Is Banking Research Important?
• What Are the Main Functions of Money and Banking?
• What Is the Main Role of Banking?
• What Do You Study in Banking?
• What Are Money and Banking Used For?
• Who Invented Banking?
• What Are Basic Money and Banking Skills?
• What Does Mobile Banking Need?
• What Are the Categories of Money and Banking?
• What Is the Purpose of Money and Banking?
• How Does Islamic Banking Work?
• What Is the Connection Between Accelerating Inflation and Decreasing Effectiveness of Banking Regulation?
• What Is the Role of Money and Banking in the Economy?
• What Are the Current Trends in Banking Industry?
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A trial is underway for the Panama Papers, a case that changed the country’s financial rules

Trial underway for Panama Papers, a case that changed that country’s financial rules

The Supreme Court stands in Panama City, Monday, April 8, 2024 as the trial starts for those charged in connection with the worldwide “Panama Papers” money laundering case. (AP Photo/Agustin Herrera)

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Juergen Mossack, partner of the law firm Mossack-Fonseca, leaves the Supreme Court during the trial of the “Panama Papers” money laundering case in Panama City, Monday, April 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Agustin Herrera)

Lawyers and court workers leave the Supreme Court during a recess for the trial of the “Panama Papers” money laundering case in Panama City, Monday, April 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Agustin Herrera)

PANAMA CITY (AP) — Eight years after 11 million leaked secret financial documents revealed how some of the world’s richest people hide their wealth, more than two dozen defendants are on trial in Panama for their alleged roles.

The repercussions of the leaks were far-ranging, prompting the resignation of the prime minister of Iceland and bringing scrutiny to the then-leaders of Argentina and Ukraine, Chinese politicians and Russian President Vladimir Putin, among others.

But those on trial now for alleged money laundering are principally the leaders and associates of the now defunct Panamanian boutique law firm that helped set up the shell companies used to obscure those really behind them.

The leaders of that firm, Jürgen Mossack and Ramón Fonseca, are among those on trial.

WHAT IS THE PANAMA PAPERS CASE ABOUT?

Panamanian prosecutors allege that Mossack, Fonseca and their associates created a web of offshore companies that used complex transactions to hide money linked to illicit activities in the “car wash” corruption scandal of Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht.

In December 2016, Odebrecht pleaded guilty in U.S. federal court to a charge related to its use of shell companies to disguise hundreds of millions of dollars in bribes paid in countries around the world to win public contracts.

According to Panamanian prosecutors, the Mossack Fonseca firm created 44 shell companies, 31 of which opened accounts in Panama to hide money linked to the Brazilian scandal. The judge on the case, Baloisa Marquínez, last year decided to also merge the Odebrecht-related charges to prosecutors’ allegations about the firm’s work for German giant Siemens. Prosecutors allege a former executive with the company used entities created by Mossack Fonseca to transfer funds for bribes.

A Siemens spokesperson declined to comment, noting that it is not a party to the Panama case and that it involves former Siemens employees in their private capacity.

WHAT DO MOSSACK AND FONSECA SAY?

The 71-year-old Fonseca has not been present for the trial, because his lawyer said he is hospitalized. But he had previously said his firm did not control how their clients used the shell companies the firm created for them. Its role was simply the creation and sale of the companies.

Mossack, a 76-year-old lawyer originally from Germany, said in a statement to The Associated Press that “we categorically reject that we have committed any crime, not Mossack Fonseca nor the subsidiaries … and we hope that can be proved in the trial. If there is in fact justice in our case, they have to absolve us.”

Both men were arrested in 2017, but had awaited trial out on bond.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE FIRM?

Mossack Fonseca helped create and sell around 240,000 shell companies across four decades in business. It announced its closure in March 2018, two years after the scandal erupted.

“The reputational deterioration, the media campaign, the financial siege and the irregular actions of some Panamanian authorities have caused irreparable damage, whose consequence is the complete cease of operations to the public,” the firm said in a statement at the time.

HOW DID THE SCANDAL AFFECT PANAMA?

Panama’s international reputation for financial services was tarnished by the scandal.

The European Union included Panama on a list of tax haven countries — low taxes or fiscal opacity — which led international financial institutions to demand the implementation of measures that would allow scrutiny of the banking and financial systems.

Consequently, the country’s business creating shell companies plummeted some 40% within a year of the scandal.

WHAT CHANGES DID PANAMA MAKE?

Panama’s government implemented changes to make it possible to identify the ultimate beneficiary behind limited liability companies and their assets.

Changes also sought to give greater responsibility to the registered agents — typically lawyers from Panamanian firms — listed for the shell companies.

The objective was to make it possible for Panamanian authorities to respond to requests to assist in investigations.

Julio Aguirre, an expert and financial specialist in Panama, said the government wants the registered agents to actually keep an eye on the companies. Before, “the law didn’t ask them to follow up, there wasn’t that legal obligation,” he said.

Banks had also previously been restricted in their ability to know who was really behind accounts. “They gave the bank the vehicle to obtain that information,” Aguirre said.

New EU rules to combat money-laundering adopted  

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• Authorities, journalists, civil society organisations, to gain access to new registers, information sources  
• EU limit on large cash payments up to EUR 10 000  
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• New EU Agency to directly oversee riskiest entities  

The European Parliament has adopted a package of laws strengthening the EU’s toolkit to fight money-laundering and terrorist financing.

The new laws ensure that people with a legitimate interest, including journalists, media professionals, civil society organisations, competent authorities, and supervisory bodies, will have immediate, unfiltered, direct and free access to beneficial ownership information held in national registries and interconnected at EU level. In addition to current information, the registries will also include data going back at least five years.

The laws also give Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs) more powers to analyse and detect money laundering and terrorist financing cases as well as to suspend suspicious transactions.

Wide-reaching due diligence

The new laws include enhanced due diligence measures and checks on customers’ identity, after which so-called obliged entities (e.g. banks, assets and crypto assets managers or real and virtual estate agents) have to report suspicious activities to FIUs and other competent authorities. From 2029, top-tier professional football clubs involved in high-value financial transactions with investors or sponsors, including advertisers and the transfer of players will also have to verify their customers’ identities, monitor transactions, and report any suspicious transaction to FIUs.

The legislation also contains enhanced vigilance provisions regarding ultra-rich individuals (total wealth worth at least EUR 50 000 000, excluding their main residence), an EU-wide limit of EUR 10 000 on cash payments, except between private individuals in a non-professional context, and measures to ensure compliance with targeted financial sanctions and avoid sanctions being circumvented.

Central watchdog

To supervise the new rules on combatting money laundering, a new authority - the Authority for Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AMLA) - will be established in Frankfurt . AMLA will be charged with directly supervising the riskiest financial entities, intervening in case of supervisory failures, acting as a central hub for supervisors and mediating disputes between them. AMLA will also supervise the implementation of targeted financial sanctions.

The Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) package consists of the sixth Anti-Money Laundering (AML) directive (adopted with 513 votes in favour, 25 against, and 33 abstentions), the EU “single rulebook” regulation (adopted with 479 votes in favour, 61 against, and 32 abstentions), and the Anti-Money Laundering Authority (AMLA) regulation (adopted with 482 votes in favour, 47 against, and 38 abstentions).

The laws still need to be formally adopted by the Council, too, before publication in the EU’s Official Journal.

By adopting the law, Parliament is responding to the demands of citizens put forward in the conclusions of the Conference of the Future of Europe, notably proposal 16(1) and 16(2) on preventing tax evasion and cooperating on corporate taxation.

Contacts:  

Dorota kolinska  .

• Phone number: (+32) 2 28 32787 (BXL)  
• Phone number: (+33) 3 881 76725 (STR)  
• Mobile number: (+32) 498 98 32 80  
• E-mail: [email protected]  
• E-mail: [email protected]  
• Twitter account: @EP_Economics  

Janne OJAMO  

• Phone number: (+32) 2 284 12 50 (BXL)  
• Mobile number: (+32) 470 89 21 92  
• E-mail: [email protected]  
• E-mail: [email protected]  
• Twitter account: @EP_Justice  

Further information  

• Procedure file (directive)  
• Procedure file (regulation)  
• Procedure file (AMLA regulation)  
• EP Research briefing: Anti-money-laundering authority (AMLA)  
• EU context of anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (European Commission)  
• Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs  
• Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs  

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How To Avoid Scholarship and Financial Aid Scams

What Scammers Promise

Financial aid scams, scholarship scams.

• Signs of a Scholarship or Financial Aid Scam

Attending a Seminar

What to do if you’re looking for financial aid or a scholarship, what to do if you paid a scammer, report scams.

Scholarship and financial aid scams often start with a social media post, email, or a letter in the mail. It might look like a personalized invitation, saying you’ve been selected for a particular scholarship or financial aid package. Sometimes, there’s a callback number or details about an in-person workshop at a local hotel. But these calls and events are usually high-pressure sales pitches where they pressure you to pay for their services immediately — or risk losing out on these “special” scholarships or financial aid packages.

Some companies claim they can make you eligible to get financial aid, including grants, loans, work-study programs, and other types of aid. For a processing fee, these companies say they’ll handle all the paperwork for the so-called program. What they’re really doing is filling out the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), which is the free form that determines if you’re eligible for federal aid. Sometimes, scammers will use false information about your family’s income, assets, and benefits to qualify you for more financial aid than you would get if they told the truth.

In addition to losing money to these scammers, you can also get in trouble — including fines up to $20,000 and/or jail time — for any false information on your FAFSA.

Only you and your family can complete your FAFSA  — which is always free to fill out and submit. Never share your FSA ID (the username and password that you use to apply for the FAFSA) with anyone — including companies or consultants. Dishonest people could use that information to get into your account and take control of your personal information.

Never pay to apply for a scholarship. If a company promises you a scholarship or grant in exchange for a “processing cost,” “redemption fee,” or other upfront payment, walk away.

Many of these companies give you nothing for your fee — not even a list of potential sources of scholarships. Others say you’ve been selected as a “finalist” for a scholarship award that you never applied for, or that requires an upfront fee. Sometimes, these companies ask for your checking account or credit card information to “confirm eligibility,” then debit the account without your consent. Some may offer a “money back guarantee” but attach conditions that make it impossible to get a refund.

There are many legitimate companies that have lists of scholarships they offer for sale. Others might charge you upfront to compare your profile with a database of scholarship opportunities — and then give you a list of awards that you may qualify for. And there are online scholarship search engines, too. The difference is that legitimate companies never guarantee or promise scholarships or grants.

Signs of a Scholarship or Financial Aid Scam Not sure if an offer is a scam? Here’s how to tell. If someone advertises an offer with any of these phrases, or a variation, it’s a scam. Scammers say: “ The scholarship is guaranteed or your money back .” Scammers say: “ You can’t get this information anywhere else.” Scammers say: “ I just need your credit card or bank account number to hold this scholarship .” Scammers say: “ We'll do all the work. You just pay a processing fee .” Scammers say: “ The scholarship will cost some money .” Scammers say: “ You're a finalist [for a contest you never entered].”

Companies like to promote seminars where you can learn about how to get scholarships and financial aid. Some are legit, but some are scams. These events are usually high-pressure sales pitches where they tell you to pay immediately or risk losing out on the so-called “opportunity.”

If you go to a financial aid or scholarship seminar, follow these steps:

• Don’t pay any money at the seminar. Only scammers will tell you to pay now or risk losing out on the opportunity. Solid opportunities aren’t sold through nerve-racking tactics like rushing and high pressure.
• Investigate the organization and other options before you pay anything. Search online for the organization’s name plus the words “complaint” and “scam.” See what others say about them. You may find that you can get the same help for free from a school guidance counselor or financial aid advisor.
• Don’t trust “success” stories. The seminar operator may have paid people to give glowing stories. Instead, ask for a list of at least three local families who’ve used the company’s services in the last year. Follow up with the families and ask if they’re satisfied with the products and services they got.
• Don’t do business with anyone who’s reluctant to answer questions or give details. Legitimate business people are more than willing to give you information about their service.
• Ask how much money you’ll have to pay, and what the company’s refund policy is. Get information on the total cost and get it in writing. Keep in mind that scammers might make it hard or impossible to get your money back, no matter what their refund policy says.

As you start looking for financial aid or a scholarship, follow these steps:

[ ] Fill out the free FAFSA form to apply for financial aid. (It’s the most important step you can take to get financial aid.)

[ ] Never pay anyone to fill out or process your FAFSA. That’s probably a scam.

[ ] Talk with a guidance counselor (if you’re in high school) or the financial aid office (if you’re in college) about your financial aid and scholarship options.

[ ] Never pay at a seminar on how to get financial aid or scholarships. Especially if they pressure you to pay. That’s probably a scam.

[ ] Do your research before you pay anyone for help with financial aid or scholarships.

[ ] Share these ideas with others who are looking for financial aid, too. You can help them avoid a scam.

Scammers often ask you to pay in ways that make it tough to get your money back. No matter how you paid a scammer, the sooner you act, the better. Learn more about how to get your money back .

Report financial aid and scholarship scams to

• the FTC at ReportFraud.ftc.gov
• your state attorney general