essay on sports and culture

Free Sports Culture Essay Examples & Topics

Have you ever wondered what sports culture is? Let’s figure it out together!

Sports culture is the attitude developed by an individual, a group of people, or society towards sports. This includes emotional response, knowledge, personal interest, etc. Social institutions dedicated to sports activities can also be considered part of the culture.

The societal background of a country plays an essential role in defining sports culture . For example, various cultures have different standards connected to the age and gender of the athletes. That is to say, in some areas, men and women contribute equally to the dynamics of this activity. In others, female athletes might have less or no impact on national sports development due to certain restrictions.

If you need to write a sports and culture essay, this article is here to help you out. Our experts brought together a list of original ideas for your work. You will also find some samples written by other students on the page. Yet, we shall begin by analyzing a few examples for your essay about sports culture.

Sports Culture Examples from around the World

When you are writing a sports culture essay, it is easy to get lost among all the choices. After all, each country has its particular approach to every sport. However, some areas take it more seriously than others.

Over here, we have described sports culture examples from around the world:

American Football

Sports are a crucial part of the American culture, holding both social and economic value. The game that has conquered the hearts of millions of US citizens is American football. Cheering for a preferred team over a plate of nachos is an important ritual for some devoted fans. In fact, the culture around American football is so potent that an unofficial holiday formed around this game – the Super Bowl Sunday.

English Soccer

Known simply as football in the UK (or footy , if you prefer to use the jargon), this sport holds a particular cultural significance. Newspaper headlines announce the latest scores, and TVs in crowded pubs will play reruns of the games. Support for a specific team is sometimes passed down in a family, like an heirloom. The English revel in the rivalry and get quite hotheaded during Premier League season.

Canadian Ice Hockey

Canadians are proud to call ice hockey their national winter sport and consider Canada its birthplace. The media covers games all year round, as there are both outdoor and indoor rinks in every major city. A hockey scene is even featured on the Canadian five-dollar bill. Most citizens would agree that ice hockey is their greatest national sporting achievement.

Indian Cricket

India has a diverse collection of all possible cultures and religions. What unites them all together is cricket. There is a devout following of the game amongst fans, who lovingly call their national team ‘the Men in Blue.’ It is part of the Indian culture for people to schedule their daily arrangements around the cricket timetable. Young children play this sport in the streets while their parents continuously update news sites for the latest scores.

Japanese Baseball

What may come as a surprise to some is that in Japan, one of the most popular sports nowadays is baseball. Typically considered an American game, this activity became a beloved pastime of most Japanese citizens. Yet, there are major differences in the cultures concerning this sport. For example, in Japan, the spotlight falls not on the players but rather on the team manager.

15 Great Sports and Culture Topics

Plenty of sport culture examples from around the world can become the basis of an excellent paper. Choosing a topic can seem intimidating. Luckily, we’ll help you decide in the section below. Here, we collected sports and culture topics that you can use for practice and writing an original paper. And if you feel that you need more ideas, try our title generator .

• Sport as an extracurricular activity for children. What qualities does it develop in kids?
• Indian culture and the input of women in sports.
• How sport affects global culture: trends, statistics, examples.
• The relationship between sports and culture in Canada.
• The process behind the creation of sports slogans: an investigative essay.
• Pick two ethnic groups. What are the similarities and differences in attitude towards sports between them?
• Cultural diversity during the world championships. Obstacles that might appear when sportsmen from all over the globe gather in one place.
• The importance of sports in society: its influence on the cultural diffusion between different nations.
• What are the core values that sports team members are supposed to carry?
• Football vs. soccer: is the name the only thing that differs?
• Does sportsmanship matter? The role of sports in society and its influence on cultural development.
• Post-injury rehabilitation: overcoming psychological pressure and maintaining mental and physical health.
• The fundamental sports management rules for youth sports leagues.
• Baseball as a traditional sport in the UK: its origin and development history.
• A balanced diet and proper sleep as key factors to a sportsman’s success.

Thank you for your attention! You can now move on to the essays on sports and culture below. To go through them faster, you can use our summary generator .

171 Best Essay Examples on Sports Culture

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Negative Impact of Hosting the Olympics

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Sociology Importance in Sports

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Are Professional Athletes Paid Too Much?

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Sports Impact on Teenagers: Rhetorical Appeals

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Sports Contribution in the Development

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Australian Sport: The Four Pyramids System

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Youth Sports: Negative Effects

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Manchester United vs Arsenal

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What Are Fan Behaviors Towards Sports Officials at the Middle School Level?

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Greek, Roman, and American Attitudes to Sports

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Transgender Student-Athlete Participation Policy

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Sports as Media, Technology, and Innovation

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The University of Maryland’s Youth Sports Program

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Kids’ Development and Impact of Sports

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Football in Ghana and Its Relationship With the Rest of the World

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The National Football League Tailgating Rituals

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The Sociology of Sports

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Investigation: Psychology of Sport Fans

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Aspects of Sport Psychology Overview

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Contributing Factors for Fans’ Passion About Their Teams

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Manning’s Leadership Within and Beyond Football

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• Words: 1316

International Relations, Development and the Football Industry

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Drugs and Dopping Issues in Sports

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Political Ideology in Sport

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The UCSD Guardian

Sports Culture is American Culture, and It’s Worth Studying

Sports are one of the largest unspoken cultural phenomena in American history. Whether you’re in elementary school, college, or beyond, sports have notably been extricated from other societal and cultural discussions of American history.

Sure, Jackie Robinson is a well-known figure to many, and rightfully so; He broke modern Major League Baseball’s color barrier in 1947 and prominently advocated for Civil Rights throughout his life.

But there are other players and trends across American sports history that have been very clearly separated from anything you’d read for in a typical U.S. History class.

As a lifelong sports fan studying political science and history, I’ve seen this dichotomy first hand. When writing a paper on Cuban baseball Fidel Castro’s portrayal by American media and academics for example, I found this out first hand. For every book or article rightfully connecting baseball to a national pride machine, three more books surrounding simply Cuban baseball players playing in America could be found. Interdisciplinary and thoughtful sports articles that dive into the social and political worlds when analyzing sports are uncommon enough in the press today, but that sort of thought is almost impossible to find in an academic setting.

I find this appalling.

Like music, fashion, or any other cultural marker, sports provide an intersection of all of the sometimes-ill-fitting pieces that make up humanity, from race and class to morality and capitalism. The sports world is not separate from the real world, nor does it serve as a distraction, or as Tony Jones of The Athletic put it last week, as a ‘deodorant.’

Many of my favorite sportswriters and athletes from across generations clearly understand this and make their opinions known. From voices of the past like Kareem Abdul-Jabbar to those of today like Jaylen Brown, there are so many powerful, cogent voices connecting the issues they see in the sports world to those in what some would simply call ‘the real world.’

Too many do not see or acknowledge these connections.

If sports are your escape or oasis from the pressures of the rest of your life, that’s not wrong. For millions of us, we’ve alleviated stress and built lifelong friendships through sports, and for a lucky few, they’ve elevated themselves into the professional level with unprecedented amounts of hard work and perseverance.

But simply because we are fans doesn’t excuse leaving one’s manners, morals, and mind at the door when heading out to watch a game. And even if some perceive their relationship with sports to be that way, that’s not what’s really happening.

Bill Plaschke wrote on this problem in the LA Times last week, calling out fans for building barriers between athletes as entertainers and as human beings.

I decided I wanted to speak to the same issue on my much smaller platform, but I wanted to add the nuance of a student journalist to this discussion. At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, I wrote on dehumanizing athletes by seeing them only as profit-driven entertainers that would give the masses something to consume during their quarantine. But in light of the differential scrutiny clearly given to athletes during the George Floyd protest movement, there is more to add than humanizing and empathizing.

Over the course of my life, I’ve seen sports and the rest of our lives separated. Maybe that is what helps sell tickets and boost TV ratings, providing people an entertainment experience in a vacuum.

But that’s not why I love sports, and if, especially as students, we want to see change in our country, I think sports should not be ignored.

Sports provide us with powerful tools through which to alter our society. Devout support of teams and athletes has helped endear millions of fans all over the country to African American and Latin American athletes less than a century removed from Robinson, who was booed and threatened simply for playing on the same field as white players.

Can we capitalize on this to help change race relations in this country? Can the interactions that go on in locker rooms with people from all over the country, from small towns in the South to urban jungles on the coasts to isolated midwestern hamlets, translate into a framework for understanding across any and all backgrounds?

It already seems to be the case. As white players across major sports have issued statements of support for their black teammates and fellow citizens, they’ve also denounced some of their white teammates who aren’t working towards the same cause, something many are seeing as  a sign of changing times and a more hopeful, integrated future.

By humanizing, empowering, and expecting our athletes to work like other American cultural influencers and by studying them and their contributions as such, I think we, as students, sports writers, and fans, like any other active analytical members of our society, have a chance to effect real and lasting change.

• black lives matter
• sports culture

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epic sports • Jul 12, 2020 at 6:55 am

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The cultural sociology of sport: a study of sports for sociology?

• Published: 17 October 2022
• Volume 10 , pages 535–542, ( 2022 )

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• Trygve B. Broch 1  

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Despite its universality, the world of sport is magnificently, yet often subtly, playful, and diverse. At the same time, sports’ ubiquitous presence in many of our lives is thoroughly mundane and a spectacle of ritual-like proportions. Kids, youth, and adults play sports and exercise routinely, for fun, with passion, and as a healthy but tiresome obligation. And every four Olympic years, on any given Sunday—or under the glow of the Friday Night Lights for that matter—millions of people assemble to watch sports at the arena or in front of a screen. Again and again, sports, with their familiar seasonal patterns, are created and recreated as cultural systems gravitationally bound by our play to familiar symbols, myth, codes, and narratives.

For anyone concerned with the symbolic dimension of social life, sports offer a laboratory par excellence. Under scattered sociological labels, sport is found to be a great topic with which to theorize. Surely, most cultural sociologists are aware of play, games, and later, sports, as not simply elementary forms of symbolic action (Durkheim 1995 [1912]; Caillois 1979 [1958]), but also as the ludic modalities that beat the pulse of our civilizations (Elias and Dunning 1986 ) and personal existence (Mead 2015 [1934]). As aesthetic renditions of social life (Geertz 1973a ), sports twist and turn our myths and realities, at times predictable and sometimes surprisingly artistic, to hold our attention in their own reality (Barthes 2009 [1957]; Gumbrecht, 2006 ). Doing sports, actors, in split-second dramatics, practice their impression management and dramaturgic loyalties (Goffman 1959 ); form communities (Fine 1987 , 2015 ) generate emotional energy (Collins 2004 ); and make leaps of faith that not only change sporting identities, but our social being (Corte 2022 ). There is something about sport as a symbolic universe, a microcosmos, cut off from but nested within the broader social universe that, to culturally oriented sociologists, makes it good fodder for thinking. Footnote 1

It takes a special set of lenses, and interests, too, perhaps, to clarify the polyvalent capacities of sports. In the parent discipline of sociology, many have been more concerned with the serious topics of the economy, politics, and inequality, preferably in social realms that are not just “silly” play. For a cultural sociologist inclined to combine these serious topics with the study of symbols and cultural institutions, a quick glance at the rules and regulations of games—the standardization and bureaucracy that make up their global language—makes sports seem predictable rather than creative, reproductive rather than transformative, simplistic rather than artistic. The subdiscipline of sport sociology—balancing its integrity amid applied, ameliorative research, and its predominant use of the critical cultural studies tradition (Coakley and Dunning 2002 )—has bred a field content with viewing social inequalities through the lens of sport, to evaluate sport actors and organizations. Accordingly, some sport sociologists want to stick to this script and warn that a pluralistic use of theories can “unwittingly” sustain its own “marginalization and putting its future at risk” (Pike et al. 2015 , p. 361). Others are careful critics who note that in following this unidirectional path sport sociology has lost out on vital dialogs (Bairner 2015 ; Bruce 2015 ) and has offered little to sociological theory (Carrington 2010 ). However, calling attention to cultural sociological analysis—from Durkheim, Geertz, and Goffman to today’s cutting-edge work in cultural sociology—can help revitalize a truly meaning-centered study of sports, and, perhaps, bring sports back into our work of sociologically theorizing symbolic forms.

Sociological checks and balances are important and should not be forgotten, but to make progress, sociology needs to move beyond its prejudicial view of sports as silly, unserious, boring, or simply polluted by ideology and social power. Sports are not mere bread and circuses, but is also transformative. At the sports theater we interpret and stage social life in ways that can help set the public agenda and that can change the life course of communities and individuals. Those of us who profess an interest in culture should therefore embrace and leverage the many examples that can highlight diversity and creativity, and thus challenge simplistic reductions of sport to a stylistic activity pitting winners against losers. Various sports in different cultures shape delicate and radically diverse life worlds. In culturally and aesthetically contingent ways, the many options for figure-skaters’ and pugilists’ artistry, and for soccer and basketball trash-talk, can tell us much about how we symbolically maneuver social and institutional power structures. More attention should be given to the “hows” and “whys” of people who make competition bearable, enjoyable, and to those who challenge unfair sports. In a fragmented and complex modernity (Alexander 2017 ), we need to foreground agency within the plausible limits of fair play and unjust sports.

With ideals of thick description (Geertz 1973b ), I argue that we should flesh out the cultural structures of sports—their codes, myths, and narratives, as well as their modalities of play, games, fun, and sports themselves—with empirical data. The hallmark of cultural sociology, cultural autonomy (Alexander and Smith 2003 ; Spillman 2020 ) will then allow us to show how empirically verifiable symbolic processes within and about sports shape social life. Embracing ambivalence and contradiction as key structural features of culture and of sports is vital, and not just for empirical enrichment through surprising analyses, nor simply to make theoretical advances through cases that allows us to adjust taken-for-granted truths. It is vital because the masking of diversity and the concealment of existential ambiguities are political and ethical mistakes.

Sports are multifaceted, existential spheres. Here, various cultural modalities allow us to imbue games with characters and identities as we aesthetically reshape inequalities, stage altruism, and play out the serious politics that shape today and tomorrow (Broch 2022 ). We immerse ourselves in sports due to the many structural forms that allow us, even serve us, to fuse the personal with shared meaning. This is why we play, for better or for worse. Sports are experiential realms where we stage and process personal and public concerns—a hermeneutic work carried out by contestants and audiences alike. The microcosmos of sport is never far from, and always in, dialog with its orbiting cultural systems of codes, narratives, and myths. To get at these meaning-making processes, to expose how sports shape our lives, it is time to pick up a set of new lenses that can bend the light towards our eyes in ways that reveal more aesthetically attuned and tenacious ways to relativize, historize, and culturalize sports. Footnote 2

At hand is therefore a special issue about sports for sociology. The grand ambition is a cultural sociology of sport that goes beyond sub disciplinarity and prosaic endeavors that are mostly interesting to a very small niche of social scientists. Footnote 3 Yet, all the same, this ambition capitalizes on the unused theory-potentials of the subdiscipline of sport sociology that generously encompass anthropology, history, human geography, social psychology, political science, and even philosophy. As a collaborative effort, this special issue aims to bring sports into the center of sociology by asking how its varied affordances and problematics can help us understand, advance, and adjust sociological ideas about the symbolic dimensions of social life.

If we take Spillman’s ( 2002 ) characterization of cultural sociology to heart, we will look at sports both as one of our specialized institutions that organize social life and see sport cultures as a part of a “whole way of life,” and thus work to join insights from the disciplines of sociology and anthropology, respectively. The reward is a study of sport that not only allows us to explore how sport is different and similar to our many other institutions, but that always situates sports among the many other institutions that make up social life generally.

For this purpose, a generous definition of sports is beneficial. Room should be made for a variety of sport disciplines and cultures: for organized sports and unorganized leisure and play; for cultures concerned with sports and cultures within sports; for symbols used by athletes; and sport symbols, metaphors, and icons used outside sports. This entails a relentless chase to discover how the experiential realms of sports are diverse and how we can use these insights to subsequently diversify cultural and social analyses.

Taking a lead, first out in this special issue are Hartmann, Manning, and Green who explore the well-trodden terrain of race, sport, and politics. Diving into the hyper-commercialized sports media that many a sport sociologist has exposed as cultivating capitalist egotism and limiting the transformative potentials of critically conscious athletes, Hartmann et al. flip the script. Leveraging the moment when the Black Lives Matter movement entered sports, they rethink this familiar topic through observations of athletes’ race-based activism. Combining a collection of luminous examples of protest and activism with the concept of social performance, the critically conscious athlete is given agency, and sports are revealed as stages where we dramatize the dynamics of social struggle. While the sport stage is already there—endzones painted and baskets mounted—we clearly see that athletes still have to make sports into avenues for resistance and political expression. They must perform criticism. “Common sense,” you might say, but Hartmann, Manning, and Green use cultural sociology to ask us to rethink the significance and social political functioning of sports. They urge us to use sports to study how various “deep play” platforms allow “public displays of struggles over race and racisms.” In this way, they challenge our ideas about agency in highly stylized institutions and go far in indicating that the relative autonomy of culture and sports is not only a prerequisite for athlete activism, but that sports are emblematic of the Turnerian (1982) scenes we use to dramatize social struggles.

Commissioners and presidents who say that sports and politics do not mix really get sociologists going. Repeatedly, critical sport sociology has proven that apolitical sports are a myth. Yet, few have theorized the symbolic grammar of this myth, shown how it is recreated and exposed how sports’ apolitical politics are challenged and changed. Our second paper does just this. With the pandemic forcing people to isolate and seek new forms of sociality, Klima takes as his point of departure the thriving world of eSports and the Blitzchung controversy wherein the professional player Ng Wai Chung was banned due to his calling to “Liberate Hong Kong” from China. Klima shows how eSports is not only a gaming community, but also a symbolically structured gaming sphere with a code generating the myth of apolitical sport. To our surprise, Klima does not need critical theory to expound the myth (in the pejorative sense of the term); skillful and politically conscious actors are doing this work for him. In this, he uses civil sphere theory (Alexander 2006 ) to highlight how gamers bring the civil sphere to bear on eSports. Indeed, when politics enter sports, they are often thought to intrude on the apolitical gaming sphere. For politics to influence sports, then, we need code switching that makes general politics into an apolitical, harmless part of the game. Political activism needs to be translated as apolitical, or considered to be politically correct, or “pro-democracy protests,” and therefore perceived as a good cause that sports should adopt. Klima thus opens up a dynamic analytic space no longer satisfied with exposing sports as political. Rather, this is a study exploring when and how sports are part of the social dramatics where contests over good and bad politics, and the very limits of freedom of speech, are fought.

Among the most well-established truths in sports sociology is that sports contests, militarization discourses, and the patriarchy intersect to produce the glorified, machinelike warrior athlete (Trujillo 1995 ; Messner 1994 ). In a relentless fashion, the third paper relativizes and culturalizes to show how a growing public concern about sports as racist, sexist, colonialist, and ableist should make us revisit the sport-as-war thesis. West leverages a case study of the Australian media reporting on the 2018 Invictus Games in Sydney. In this sport event for military veterans wounded, injured or infirmed during their service, the one-sided romanticization of war has been replaced by a shifting, fragmented, critical, and multidimensional view on the military–civilian relation. West uses studies on cosmopolitan sentiments, increased sensitivity towards violence, deliberation on the inadequacies of military welfare models, and a more general disenchantment of war. Together, these make up a civilian-military meaning system about the “unnecessary suffering” caused by war that changes how we think about sports. The Invictus Games allows audiences to support the physical and social rehabilitation of the vulnerable soldier-athlete, as well as the cultural rehabilitation of those who have served their country. As a cultural critic, West argues that this narrative places health responsibilities with the individual, and silences critical voices concerned with the inadequacies in welfare, health systems, and military organization. Notably, imbued with identity politics, the sport-war narrative masks the social structures that put us at advantaged and/or disadvantaged positions.

While the first three papers of this issue elucidate how sport cultures are transformed by emergent social contexts and civil spheric forces, the fourth paper turns the study of sports on its head. Exploring the reality program MasterChef USA , Grindstaff and Grosglik expose how sport itself becomes the background representation , a cultural code, driving interpretations and actions in game shows. Even though sport sociology abounds with studies explaining how social gender relations shape sports, few have explained how sport as a metaphor and symbolic force shapes non-sporting organizations and communities. Grindstaff and Grosglik combine the Eliasian (Elias and Dunning 1986 ) concept of sportification—a process distinctive to the modern development and consumption of competitive play—with critical cultural studies. This allows them to argue that sport competitions are gendered masculine and thusly, when cooking is sportified, MasterChef USA reproduces hegemonic masculinity. Trophies are phallus-like; becoming ‘the best’ separates the masculine restaurant-worthy chef from the feminine amateur cook; the heroism of competition reshapes the everyday chore of cooking into a masculine endeavor. An illuminating piece on how sportification shapes a vast proliferation of reality programming, these authors also make us think about how sport vocabularies shape our social landscape where influence is rated by how we excel in competition that tends to sensationalize mundanity. Perhaps, sports as a metaphor, myth, and code, when used to understand and narratively shape entertainment and social life, is less progressive than actual sports?

In their chase for records, statistical measurements, and “fair” crowning of a one true champion, sports can come off as the epitome of rational and bureaucratic modernity (Guttman 2004 ). Figure skating would seem a relevant example, with the International Judging System (IJS) for the International Skating Union standing as an emblematic form of modern, standardized sports. Surely, being a calculated, cold fish who strategizes to maximize scores seems to be the best option. Yet, instead of taking this familiar route, Ji explores how figure skaters train to be able to present an artistic persona that puts on a social and embodied performance of publicly recognizable emotions. The goosebumps we get from an epic routine, in other words, have been incited by figure skaters who assess how to use the possibilities and limitations of their bodies—being muscular or slender—in cultivating mind-blowing performance of the athletic or the artistic figure skater. These personas are deeply personal, yet culturally recognizable ideal types enchanted with myth-like rationality in technical finesse and the mesmerizing routines that “defy” technical regimes through performances of the “authentic artist.” The performance of a supreme athlete is at times achieved at the expense of the honorable artist and vice versa. Importantly, Ji shows that figure skaters are interpreters that carefully shape their bodies through meaningful training regimes. Here, drills are used as opportunities to imbue routines with the aesthetics of effortless artistry, and of an archetype that resounds the myth of natural talent.

What is the worst thing that can happen if sport sociology connects more with the parent discipline and, say, symbolic interactionism and cultural sociology? Ending this special issue on a high note, DeLand’s ethnography draws us deep into the world of pickup basketball. We can almost hear the ball bounce across the court and swish the net as DeLand illustrates how sport history, public culture, and game rules are spun in evaluations of a player’s character. Joining theories of charisma with the concept of key symbols, micro-sociological and performative moments in pickup basketball are revealed as modalities that serve players to make charismatic statements. At the center of the analysis stands a simple yet powerful declaration. “And one!” As a technical term, this statement refers to the chance for an additional point when having been fouled in the attempt of shooting. Yet, it only refers to the chance, since this additional point is not counted in pickup basketball. Nonetheless, the statement remains powerful as it signifies widely felt cultural and emotional “truths” about the game. As such, a multidimensional study emerges to show how “And one!” moments condense and elaborate the character contests in basketball, and a vast symbolic landscape of urban and Black experience outside the court. In pickup, “the characterological forms of meaning take center stage” DeLand argues as he shows us some of the cultural forces and magnetism that are at play when we, as social beings, maneuver the space between micro and macro symbolic structures.

So, what sociological questions can we ask about social life and culture through the lens of sports? What is it that the experiential realm of sports can tell us about the symbolic processes, characterology, and resonance that are at play when we sustain, break, and enjoy interaction? What does sport tell us about how the iron cage (DiMaggio and Powell 1983 ) is constraining, but also penetrable, legitimated, and made bearable through performance? What can we learn from an intensified study of sportification if we are interested in how a seemingly definite cultural phenomenon spreads to shape social life? And conversely, what are the meaning-making processes that intervene when institutions and their specific interests surrender to civil demands? Indeed, what can sports tell us about the symbolic systems that attract our attention and that generate hope in spite of physical impairment and violence in symbolic and real combat and wars? How should we conceptualize and weigh agency and structure as we study how athletes protest our societies’ overwhelming racial inequalities? All of these big questions are dealt with in this little special issue on the cultural sociology of sports.

In various ways, sports fuse athletic and social performances (Broch 2020 ). Athletes execute left and right turns, jumps, pushes, and pulls, as well as throws, catches and pirouettes. At the same time, or better yet, prior to the moment of action, and in its aftermath, the experiential realm of athletic conquests is interpreted and imbued with codes, myths, and narratives. In this process, sport cultures themselves transform into symbols, metaphors, and background representations that we use to direct social life elsewhere. A cultural sociology of sports, a study of sports for sociology, shows how sports are part of social life in this manner, as a specialized institution and as part of a whole way of life. Comparison and pluralistic theorizing about meaning-making processes become key. Our aim is to reawaken the idea that sports are fruitful to consider as we try to unlock new understandings about the symbolic dimensions of social life.

Inspired by conversations with Michael DeLand.

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Acknowledgements

I am very grateful that Jeff Alexander, Phil Smith, and Ron Jacobs made the gutsy decision to go for an AJCS special issue on sports, for providing much inspiration throughout the process, and for valuable comments to the special issue introduction. An extra thanks to Ron for guiding the process of this issue, and to Lisa McCormick for sharing her experiences as an editor in general. Thanks also to AJCS Managing Editors Anne Marie Champagne, Willa Sachs, and Cass Sever whose hard work and expertise have been invaluable. A warm thanks to all reviewers who held true to the standards of the journal and who allowed us to keep up the pace. Finally, to the contributing authors who joined the project of a cultural sociology of sports: let’s keep up this exciting work!

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Broch, T.B. The cultural sociology of sport: a study of sports for sociology?. Am J Cult Sociol 10 , 535–542 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41290-022-00177-y

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The Intersection of Sports and Culture: How Athleticism Shapes Society and Identity

The intersection of sports and culture : how athleticism shapes society and identity.

Sports have always been an integral part of human society. From the earliest civilizations to the present day, sports have played an important role in shaping culture and identity. Athletes are often seen as role models and symbols of national pride, while sports themselves reflect the values and beliefs of the societies in which they are played. In this article, we will explore the intersection of sports and culture and examine how athleticism shapes society and identity.

Introduction: The Power of Sports in Shaping Culture

Sports have the power to bring people together and create a sense of community. Whether it's a local pickup game or a global sporting event like the Olympics, sports have the ability to unite people from different backgrounds and cultures. They also have the power to shape culture and influence societal values. For example, the popularity of soccer in many Latin American countries has helped to reinforce the importance of teamwork and community over individual achievement.

Sports are also a major source of entertainment and revenue. Professional sports leagues generate billions of dollars each year, and sports-related industries like apparel and media are also major economic drivers. The popularity of sports has led to the creation of a global sports culture, where fans from all over the world can come together to support their favorite teams and athletes.

Sports as a Reflection of Societal Values and Beliefs

Sports can be seen as a reflection of the values and beliefs of the societies in which they are played. For example, the popularity of football in the United States is often attributed to the American values of competitiveness and individualism. On the other hand, the popularity of cricket in India is often seen as a reflection of the country's colonial history and its desire to assert its own identity.

Sports can also be used to promote social and political agendas. For example, the boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics by the United States and other Western countries was a political statement against the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. Similarly, the decision by Colin Kaepernick to kneel during the national anthem before NFL games was a protest against police brutality and racial injustice in the United States.

The Impact of Sports on Individual and Group Identity

Sports can have a profound impact on individual and group identity. For athletes, sports can be a source of personal achievement and validation. They can also provide a sense of belonging and camaraderie with teammates and fans. For fans, sports can be a way to express their identity and connect with others who share their passion. They can also provide a sense of community and belonging, especially for marginalized groups who may not have other outlets for social connection.

However, sports can also reinforce negative stereotypes and perpetuate inequality. For example, the lack of diversity in many sports, particularly at the professional level, can send a message that certain groups are not welcome or valued. Similarly, the emphasis on physical strength and aggression in many sports can reinforce harmful gender norms and contribute to toxic masculinity.

The Future of Sports in a Diverse and Globalized World

As the world becomes more diverse and interconnected, sports will continue to play an important role in shaping culture and identity. However, there are also challenges that must be addressed in order to ensure that sports are inclusive and equitable for all. This includes addressing issues like racism, sexism, and homophobia in sports, as well as promoting diversity and inclusion at all levels of the sports industry.

The future of sports will also be shaped by technological advancements and changes in media consumption. Virtual and augmented reality technologies are already being used to enhance the fan experience, and innovations like esports are challenging traditional notions of what constitutes a sport. As these changes continue to unfold, it will be important to ensure that sports remain a positive force for social change and cultural expression.

In conclusion, sports are a powerful force in shaping culture and identity. They reflect the values and beliefs of societies, promote social and political agendas, and have a profound impact on individual and group identity. As we look to the future, it will be important to ensure that sports are inclusive and equitable for all and that they continue to be a positive force for social change and cultural expression.

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104 Sports and Culture Essay Topics

🏆 best essay topics on sports and culture, 👍 good sports and culture research topics & essay examples, 🌶️ hot sports and culture ideas to write about, 📌 easy sports and culture essay topics, 🎓 most interesting sports and culture research titles.

• The Commercialization of Sports
• Sport Coaching: Issues Faced During Coaching Responsibilities
• Dave Zirin’s “Pre-Game” Essay Analysis
• Stadium Development in Sports
• Social Impact of Sport in the Future
• Writing in Sports: Perception, Role of Journalism in Sports
• Sport and National Identity
• Professional Philosophy in Sports Psychology Sports consultancy is a relatively young field, which explains the absence of an overarching consensus in regards to approaches to practice.
• Social Class and Sports Participation Social class and standing do matter in sports, especially when it comes to the access of certain individuals to participating.
• Lipsyte’s Perspective on “SportsWorld: An American Dreamland” The present paper assesses Lipsyte’s perspective on a case that people associate professional sports with luxury and richness and comments on why sports matter to everyone.
• Arguments For and Against Allowing Drug Use in Sports The main argument supporting the drug use in sports is that the drugs are medicines, improving the organism ability to mobilize its potential.
• Sports and People’s Attitudes Toward It Sport has remarkable properties: it can bring people together, improve health, and personal qualities, and even enhance mental capacity.
• Sports Ministry Plan Using Cross-Cultural Leadership While most people view sports only as a competitive luxury industry, it is a valuable tool for economic development and humanitarian action.
• Cheerleading as a Kind of Sports Cheerleading is a relatively new kind of sport that first appeared in American colleges. Its primary purpose was to encourage team members and entertain the audience.
• Organizational Theories in Australian Football League (AFL) This essay applies these two concepts to the operations of the Australian Football League. A brief background to the AFL will be presented before applying the individual theories.
• Competitive Sports at a Young Age: Effect on the Child Sport provides a plethora of benefits for one’s health at any age, however, simultaneously, an excessive amount of sport can lead to several mental problems.
• The National Football League Team Moving to the City of Omaha Moving the National Football League team to the city of Omaha, Nebraska, will have a positive financial influence on the citizens residing within its boundaries.
• Mentality of Fandom in Sports Culture This paper analyzes the correlation between a team’s performance and a fan’s self-esteem, and the ways in which teams, athletes and retailers work to connect the fan with the team.
• The Football Impact on the European Region The European region has been considered to be the world’s most prominent fan organization, with around three million football fans.
• The Corporate Social Responsibility in Sport Corporate social responsibility places an obligation on sports organizations to significantly contribute to improving the quality of life.
• “Children Need to Play, Not Compete’” by Jessica Statsky In “Children Need to Play, not compete” Jessica Statsky explores trends in the U.S for the last three decades on organized sports for children.
• Intramurals vs. Mainstream College Sports Considering the structure of the intramurals from the psychological point of view, such sports activities have less restriction compared to extramural sports.
• College Sport Ethical Issues Ethics plays an important role in college sports. Ethics is what stands between sportsmanship and gamesmanship and prevents the leaders, educators, and athletes.
• Football Banned for Being Too Violent and Dangerous American football is a popular kind of sport in the United States, but scientific evidence demonstrates that this activity should be banned for being violent and dangerous.
• Sport in Canada: Progress and Achievements In Canada, the central place has always been occupied by hockey. However, the latest tendency shows that people start getting much more interested in basketball.
• Sport Investment Analysis Sports and physical culture have been developing rapidly in recent decades, turning into a whole industry of sports and spectacular events.
• Sports Law and Commercialization of Games The work discusses sports law as an integral part of the legal system and a set of legal phenomena associated with the sport, and the transformation of sports into a commodity for consumption.
• How African Americans Change the Sport? This paper going to take a trip to the past and explored the barriers and problems that African-Americans had to face in order to be included in American sports.
• Sports Activities, Socialization, and Deviance This article focuses on organized sports, socialization in sports, and the associated deviance. Sports are important and of great significance in the lives of all people.
• The NCAA and Ethics of Paying College Athletes The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) faces a major ethical dilemma of whether to pay college athletes.
• Sports Coaching Philosophy and Practice Factors When formulating a coaching philosophy, three main items need to be considered. These are self-awareness, self-esteem, and self-disclosure.
• Steroids and Sports: Legalization of Steroids The article argues for legalization of steroids so that the benefits of the drugs may be optimized and fair play in sports also ensured.
• Canadian National Identity and Sport This paper is based on the thesis that hockey plays a vital role in defining Canada even though it could be replaced by basketball as a defining feature of the national identity.
• World Anti-Doping Agency’s Anti-Doping Code The previous anti-doping bans have led to serious failures. Due to that reason, the World Anti-Doping Agency implemented the new World Anti-Doping Code for 2015.
• Velocity-Based Training in Sports Coaches and athletes can employ Velocity-Based Training to analyze real-time movement speed and alter the weight or activity as needed.
• Sports and Religion: The Relationship Analysis Even though nowadays sport has lost its religious connotation, modern-day sports developed their own culture that promotes deep admiration of athletes and sport teams.
• Athletes Coaching Philosophy Statement The paper discusses coaching philosophy. One has to stay true to his beliefs and principles to achieve goals and objectives.
• The Sports Coaching Guidelines and Routines It is important to establish proactive measures to avoid trouble among the team players. Each member of the team should attain satisfaction based on the ideal objectives.
• National Collegiate Athletic Association’s Monopolistic Power The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) creates opportunities for students to learn and compete, while also participating in sports.
• Non-Performance Enhancing Drugs in Sports The use of drugs is prohibited in professional sports. As for the drugs that do not improve performance, they also require control.
• Sports Chaplaincy and Its Foundation Elements Sports chaplaincy plays a significant role in helping sportspeople cope with failure, stress, depression, and even build ethical mentalities.
• Arizona Coyotes Team’s Media Coverage Analysis This paper presents a media coverage analysis of the Arizona Coyotes – a major league sports team, analyzes the media types, and also some thematic consistencies.
• Drugs in the Modern Sports Athletes can do almost anything to better their abilities, whether it is putting in extra hours in the gym, eating healthy, or experimenting with different workout routines.
• Wrestling and Author’s Life Wrestling offers benefits for the people that decide to start doing it as a part of their pastime and gradually realize that this kind of sport offers a range of benefits.
• Four Methods Applied in Advanced Training This paper will focus on four methods applied in advanced training. These are distinct from one another and are implemented at variable times in one’s training development.
• College Athletics and Its Role in America The role of athletics as the best-known characteristic of American higher education, regarded as a commercial product and a cultural development.
• New Policy on Steroid Testing: Morally Justified? In 2004, there was a great scandal in the world of athletics. Things could have been otherwise had it not been for a careless athlete who mistakenly forgot a syringe in his hotel room.
• Developing Trust and Building Positive Team Relations This essay elaborates on an activity that can be incorporated in an organization to enhance teamwork, develop trust and build a positive relationship.
• Power and Authority in Professional Sports To determine whether the commissioners of professional sports have too much power, it is important to consider how they get their positions.
• Sexual Discrimination in Olympic Speed Skating Eradicating old eligibility procedures that unjustly distinguish male participant capabilities from female’s capabilities contribute to attaining sexual equality during skating.
• Random Drug Test on College Athletes Drug testing has been chosen as a way to identify athletes that use banned performance enhancers in order to gain advantage over other competitors.
• Sports Violations: Drug Use in Baseball Drug use in baseball. How does this sporting violation affect athletes and competition? Analysis of the problem and policy of counteraction.
• Baseball as a Voice for American Patriotism The paper describes baseball as a voice of American patriotism as its growth is considerable and followed by the general increased interest shown in schools in the sixties.
• Meaningful Life and Sports Currently, we have the freedom to sit back and have spare time and watch a game on television. But in the past, sports was much more solemn–a training for war or some other matters.
• Leisure Participation: Modelling the Decision to Engage in Sports and Culture
• Bigger, Better, Stronger: The Increasing Use of Steroids in Sports
• Youth Sport Specialization: How to Manage Competition and Training?
• How Entrepreneurial Spirit Affects Sports Culture Construction: From a Cognitive Regulation Perspective
• Violence in Youth Sports: Hazing, Brawling, and Foul Play
• Exploring the Demand Aspects of Sports Consumption and Fan Avidity
• Playing but Losing: Women’s Sports After Title IX
• Issues Surrounding Native Americans as Sports Mascots
• A Review on the Current Transgender Policy in Sport
• Development & Optimization of Sports Under the Influence of the COVID-19 Epidemic
• How Culture Promotes Sports Practice Among Immigrants in Europe
• Why Self-Talk Is Effective: Perspectives on Self-Talk Mechanisms in Sport
• Embracing the Sportification of Society: Defining E-Sports Through a Polymorphic View on Sport
• Globalization and Sports Culture Concept: From Domestic and Foreign Perspectives
• The Construction of Masculinity in African American Sports
• A Step Towards Personalized Sports Nutrition: Carbohydrate Intake During Exercise
• Race/Ethnicity and Relative Centrality of Playing Positions in Team Sports
• Promoting Sportsmanship in Youth Sports: A Psychological Perspective
• Friendship First: China’s Sports Diplomacy During the Cold War
• How Sports Broadcasting Reinforces Gender Stereotypes and Homophobia
• European Sports in the American Culture: Baseball, Golf, and Football
• The Physical Culture and Sport as Perceived by the Youth
• Sports That Involve Children Should Not Be Patterned on Adult Standards
• Transformation of Sports Betting Into a Rapid and Continuous Gambling Activity
• Sports Relations Between Russia and Europe Through the Lens of Sport Diplomacy
• Widespread Corruption in Sports Gambling: Fact or Fiction?
• Human Rights in Youth Sport: A Critical Review of Children’s Rights in Competitive Sport
• Drug Use in Sports: A Veritable Arena for Pharmacists
• Sports Franchises, Stadiums, and City Livability: An Examination of Professional Sports and Crime Rates
• How One’s Gender Affects a Career in Professional Sports
• Playing the Game: Sports as a Force for Promoting Improved Academic Performance
• State of the Field: Sports History and the “Cultural Turn”
• Recent Evolutions and Perspectives in Olympic Winter Sports Performance
• E-Sports Playing: Its Relation to Lifestyle Behaviors and Psychological Well-Being
• Hydration in Sport and Exercise: Water, Sports and Other Drinks
• Staggered Contracts and Profitable Entry Deterrence: An Application to Professional Sports
• Implicit Motives, Laterality, Sports Participation, and Competition in Gymnasts
• Sports Psychology: What Goes On the Brain of an Athlete
• Measuring Sports Perceived Benefits and Aggression-Related Risks: Karate vs. Football
• How Government and Globalization Influence Sports Facilities
• Reviewing Evidence of LGBTQ+ Discrimination and Exclusion in Sport
• Men, Women, and Sports: What Is Acceptable?
• Sports Analytics: Evaluation of Basketball Players and Team Performance
• Impacts and Strategic Outcomes From Non-Mega Sport Events for Local Communities
• Race Relations: Offensive Mascots and Nicknames in Sports
• An Overview of the Reciprocating Relationship Between Sport and Religion
• Extreme Sports Participation and What Motivates It
• Sports History and Its Management in the US: Opportunities & Challenges
• What Modern Sports Competitions Can Tell Us About Human Nature

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What's the Relationship Between Sports and Society?

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The sociology of sports, which is also referred to as sports sociology, is the study of the relationship between sports and society. It examines how  culture and values influence sports, how sports influences culture and values, and the relationship between sports and the media, politics, economics, religion, race, gender, youth, etc. It also looks at the relationship between sports and social inequality and social mobility.

Gender Inequality

A large area of study within the sociology of sports is gender , including gender inequality and the role that gender has played in sports throughout history. For example, in the 1800s, the participation of cisgender women in sports was discouraged or banned. It was not until 1850 that physical education for cis women was introduced at colleges. In the 1930s, basketball, track and field, and softball were considered too masculine for women. Even as late as 1970, women were banned from running the marathon in the Olympics. This ban wasn't lifted until the 1980s.

Women runners were even banned from competing in regular marathon races. When Roberta Gibb sent in her entry for the 1966 Boston marathon, it was returned to her with a note saying that women were not physically capable of  running the distance. So she hid behind a bush at the start line and snuck into the field once the race was underway. She was lauded by the media for her impressive 3:21:25 finish.

Runner Kathrine Switzer, inspired by Gibb's experience, was not so lucky the following year. Boston's race directors at one point tried to forcibly remove her from the race. She did finish, in 4:20 and some change, but the photo of the tussle is one of the most glaring instances of the gender gap in sports in existence.

However, by 1972, things began to change with the passage of Title IX, a federal law that states: 

"No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance."

Title IX effectively makes it possible for athletes assigned female at birth attending schools that receive federal funding to compete in the sport or sports of their choice. And competition at the college level is very often a gateway to a professional career in athletics.

Despite the passing of Title IX, transgender athletes remained excluded from sports. The United States Tennis Association (USTA) disqualified Renée Richards, a transgender woman, from play after she refused to take a chromosome test to confirm her sex assigned at birth. Richards sued the USTA and won the ability to compete in the 1977 U.S. Open. This was groundbreaking for transgender athletes.

Gender Identity

Today, gender equality in sports is making strides, though differences are still present. Sports reinforce binary, heterosexist, gender-specific roles beginning at a young age. For instance, schools do not have programs for cisgender girls in football, wrestling, and boxing. And few cisgender men sign up for dance programs. Some studies have shown that participation in “masculine” sports creates gender identity conflict for women while participation in “feminine” sports creates gender identity conflict for men.

The reinforcement of the gender binary in sports is especially harmful to athletes who are transgender, gender neutral, or gender nonconforming. Perhaps the most famous case is that of Caitlyn Jenner. In an interview with " Vanity Fair " magazine about her transition, Caitlyn shares the complications of achieving Olympic glory while the public perceived her as a cisgender man.

Media Revealed Biases

Those who study the sociology of sports also keep tabs on the role various media play in revealing biases. For instance, viewership of certain sports definitely varies by gender. Men typically view basketball, football, hockey, baseball, pro wrestling, and boxing. Women, on the other hand, tend to tune in to coverage of gymnastics, figure skating, skiing, and diving. Little research has been done on sport viewership behaviors of those who exist outside of sex and gender binaries. Nonetheless, men’s sports are covered most often, both in print and on television.

Bissinger, Buzz. "Caitlyn Jenner: The Full Story." Vanity Fair, July 2015.

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Great Examples of College Essays About Sports

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You’ve been brainstorming essay topics for your college applications, and you think you’ve finally found the right one: an extended metaphor likening your experience on the field with overcoming personal struggles. The problem: many other students have this same thought. 

The purpose of a college essay is to make yourself stand out as a unique individual, but when students write about sports, they often blend in. Because of that, students are usually advised to pick a different topic.

That being said, it is possible to write a non-cliche college essay about sports if you put in a little extra effort. Read along to learn how to make your sports essay different from all the other sports essays.

Sports essays are cliche when they follow a standard trajectory. Some of these trajectories include writing a story about:

• An agonizing defeat
• Forging bonds with teammates
• Overcoming adversity
• Overcoming an injury
• Refusing to quit
• Victory during a big game

Because sports essays have very similar themes and “lessons learned,” it can be difficult to make your story stand out. These trajectories also often focus too much on the sport or storyline, and not enough on the writer’s reflections and personality.

As you write your essay, try to think about what your experience says about you rather than what you learned from your experience. You are more than just one lesson you learned!

(Keep in mind that the sports essay is not the only college essay cliche. Learn about other essay cliches and how to fix them in our complete guide).

How to Make Your Sports Essay Unique

1. focus on a specific moment or reflection..

The college essay is a way for students to humanize themselves to admissions officers. You do not feel human if you are describing yourself as just another player on the field!

One important way to make your essay about you (not just about sports) is by focusing on a specific moment in time and inviting the reader to join you in that moment. Explain to the reader what it would be like to be sitting in that locker room as you questioned the values of the other players on your team. Ask your reader to sit with you on the cot in the trainer’s room as your identity was stripped away from you when they said “your body can’t take this anymore.” Bring your reader to the dinner table and involve them in your family’s conversation about how sports were affecting your mental health and your treatment of those around you.

Intense descriptions of a specific experience will evoke emotions in your reader and allow them to connect with you and feel for you.

When in doubt, avoid anything that can be covered by ESPN. On ESPN, we see the games, we see the benches, we even see the locker rooms and training rooms. Take your reader somewhere different and show them something unique.

2. Use sports to point out broader themes in your life.

The main risk when writing about sports is neglecting to write about yourself. Before you get started, think about the main values that you want to express in your sports essay. Sports are simply your avenue for telling the reader what makes you unique. 

As a test, imagine if you were a pianist. Would you be able to talk about these same values? What if you were a writer? Or a chemist? Articulating your values is the end, and sports should simply be your means.

Some values that you might want to focus on:

• Autonomy (you want to be able to set your mind to anything and achieve it on your own)
• Growth (you seek improvement constantly)
• Curiosity (you are willing to try anything once)
• Vulnerability (you aren’t afraid to fail, as long as you give it your all)
• Community (you value the feedback of others and need camaraderie to succeed)
• Craft (you think that with deliberate care, anything can be perfected)
• Responsibility (you believe that you owe something to those around you and perhaps they also owe something to you)

You can use the ESPN check again to make sure that you are using sports as an avenue to show your depth.

Things ESPN covers: how a player reacts to defeat, how injuries affect a player’s gameplay/attitude, how players who don’t normally work well together are working together on their new team.

Things ESPN doesn’t cover: the conversation that a player had with their mother about fear of death before going into a big surgery (value: family and connection), the ways that the intense pressure to succeed consumed a player to the point they couldn’t be there for the people in their life (value: supporting others and community), the body image issues that weigh on a player’s mind when playing their sport and how they overcame those (value: health and growth).

3. Turn a cliche storyline on its head.

There’s no getting around the fact that sports essays are often cliche. But there is a way to confront the cliche head-on. For example, lots of people write essays about the lessons they learned from an injury, victory, and so on, but fewer students explain how they are embracing those lessons. 

Perhaps you learned that competition is overwhelming for you and you prefer teamwork, so you switched from playing basketball to playing Dungeons & Dragons. Maybe, when your softball career ended abruptly, you had to find a new identity and that’s when you became obsessed with your flower garden and decided to pursue botany. Or maybe, you have stuck with football through it all, but your junior-year mental health struggle showed you that football should be fun and you have since started a nonprofit for local children to healthily engage with sports.

If your story itself is more cliche, try bringing readers to the present moment with you and show why the cliche matters and what it did for you. This requires a fair amount of creativity. Ensure you’re not parroting a frequently used topic by really thinking deeply to find your own unique spin.

Night had robbed the academy of its daytime colors, yet there was comfort in the dim lights that cast shadows of our advances against the bare studio walls. Silhouettes of roundhouse kicks, spin crescent kicks, uppercuts and the occasional butterfly kick danced while we sparred. She approached me, eyes narrowed with the trace of a smirk challenging me. “Ready spar!” Her arm began an upward trajectory targeting my shoulder, a common first move. I sidestepped — only to almost collide with another flying fist. Pivoting my right foot, I snapped my left leg, aiming my heel at her midsection. The center judge raised one finger. 

There was no time to celebrate, not in the traditional sense at least. Master Pollard gave a brief command greeted with a unanimous “Yes, sir” and the thud of 20 hands dropping-down-and-giving-him-30, while the “winners” celebrated their victory with laps as usual. 

Three years ago, seven-thirty in the evening meant I was a warrior. It meant standing up straighter, pushing a little harder, “Yes, sir” and “Yes, ma’am”, celebrating birthdays by breaking boards, never pointing your toes, and familiarity. Three years later, seven-thirty in the morning meant I was nervous. 

The room is uncomfortably large. The sprung floor soaks up the checkerboard of sunlight piercing through the colonial windows. The mirrored walls further illuminate the studio and I feel the light scrutinizing my sorry attempts at a pas de bourrée, while capturing the organic fluidity of the dancers around me. “Chassé en croix, grand battement, pique, pirouette.” I follow the graceful limbs of the woman in front of me, her legs floating ribbons, as she executes what seems to be a perfect ronds de jambes. Each movement remains a negotiation. With admirable patience, Ms. Tan casts me a sympathetic glance.   

There is no time to wallow in the misery that is my right foot. Taekwondo calls for dorsiflexion; pointed toes are synonymous with broken toes. My thoughts drag me into a flashback of the usual response to this painful mistake: “You might as well grab a tutu and head to the ballet studio next door.” Well, here I am Master Pollard, unfortunately still following your orders to never point my toes, but no longer feeling the satisfaction that comes with being a third degree black belt with 5 years of experience quite literally under her belt. It’s like being a white belt again — just in a leotard and ballet slippers. 

But the appetite for new beginnings that brought me here doesn’t falter. It is only reinforced by the classical rendition of “Dancing Queen” that floods the room and the ghost of familiarity that reassures me that this new beginning does not and will not erase the past. After years spent at the top, it’s hard to start over. But surrendering what you are only leads you to what you may become. In Taekwondo, we started each class reciting the tenets: honor, courtesy, integrity, perseverance, self-control, courage, humility, and knowledge, and I have never felt that I embodied those traits more so than when I started ballet. 

The thing about change is that it eventually stops making things so different. After nine different schools, four different countries, three different continents, fluency in Tamil, Norwegian, and English, there are more blurred lines than there are clear fragments. My life has not been a tactfully executed, gold medal-worthy Taekwondo form with each movement defined, nor has it been a series of frappés performed by a prima ballerina with each extension identical and precise, but thankfully it has been like the dynamics of a spinning back kick, fluid, and like my chances of landing a pirouette, unpredictable. 

Why it works:

What’s especially powerful about this essay is that the author uses detailed imagery to convey a picture of what they’re experiencing, so much so that the reader is along for the ride. This works as a sports essay not only because of the language and sensory details, but also because the writer focuses on a specific moment in time, while at the same time exploring why Taekwondo is such an important part of their life.

After the emotional image is created, the student finishes their essay with valuable reflection. With the reflection, they show admissions officers that they are mature and self-aware. Self-awareness comes through with statements like “surrendering what you are only leads you to what you may become” and maturity can be seen through the student’s discussion of values “honor, courtesy, integrity, perseverance, self-control, courage, humility, and knowledge, and I have never felt that I embodied those traits more so than when I started ballet.” These are the kinds of comments that should find their way into a sports essay!

“Advanced females ages 13 to 14 please proceed to staging with your coaches at this time.” Skittering around the room, eyes wide and pleading, I frantically explained my situation to nearby coaches. The seconds ticked away in my head; every polite refusal increased my desperation.

Despair weighed me down. I sank to my knees as a stream of competitors, coaches, and officials flowed around me. My dojang had no coach, and the tournament rules prohibited me from competing without one.

Although I wanted to remain strong, doubts began to cloud my mind. I could not help wondering: what was the point of perfecting my skills if I would never even compete? The other members of my team, who had found coaches minutes earlier, attempted to comfort me, but I barely heard their words. They couldn’t understand my despair at being left on the outside, and I never wanted them to understand.

Since my first lesson 12 years ago, the members of my dojang have become family. I have watched them grow up, finding my own happiness in theirs. Together, we have honed our kicks, blocks, and strikes. We have pushed one another to aim higher and become better martial artists. Although my dojang had searched for a reliable coach for years, we had not found one. When we attended competitions in the past, my teammates and I had always gotten lucky and found a sympathetic coach. Now, I knew this practice was unsustainable. It would devastate me to see the other members of my dojang in my situation, unable to compete and losing hope as a result. My dojang needed a coach, and I decided it was up to me to find one. 

I first approached the adults in the dojang – both instructors and members’ parents. However, these attempts only reacquainted me with polite refusals. Everyone I asked told me they couldn’t devote multiple weekends per year to competitions. I soon realized that I would have become the coach myself.

At first, the inner workings of tournaments were a mystery to me. To prepare myself for success as a coach, I spent the next year as an official and took coaching classes on the side. I learned everything from motivational strategies to technical, behind-the-scenes components of Taekwondo competitions. Though I emerged with new knowledge and confidence in my capabilities, others did not share this faith.

Parents threw me disbelieving looks when they learned that their children’s coach was only a child herself. My self-confidence was my armor, deflecting their surly glances. Every armor is penetrable, however, and as the relentless barrage of doubts pounded my resilience, it began to wear down. I grew unsure of my own abilities.

Despite the attack, I refused to give up. When I saw the shining eyes of the youngest students preparing for their first competition, I knew I couldn’t let them down. To quit would be to set them up to be barred from competing like I was. The knowledge that I could solve my dojang’s longtime problem motivated me to overcome my apprehension.

Now that my dojang flourishes at competitions, the attacks on me have weakened, but not ended. I may never win the approval of every parent; at times, I am still tormented by doubts, but I find solace in the fact that members of my dojang now only worry about competing to the best of their abilities.

Now, as I arrive at a tournament with my students, I close my eyes and remember the past. I visualize the frantic search for a coach and the chaos amongst my teammates as we compete with one another to find coaches before the staging calls for our respective divisions. I open my eyes to the exact opposite scene. Lacking a coach hurt my ability to compete, but I am proud to know that no member of my dojang will have to face that problem again.

In the beginning, you might think this is another cliche sports essay about overcoming adversity. But instead, it becomes a unique statement and coming-of-age tale that reads as a suspenseful narrative. 

The author connects their experience with martial arts to larger themes in their life but manages to do so without riffing off of tried-and-true themes. Through statements like “I knew I couldn’t let them down. To quit would be to set them up to be barred from competing like I was” we learn about the students values and their desire to be there for those who depend on them. 

The student also brings it full circle, demonstrating their true transformation. By using the “Same, but Different” ending technique , the student places themself in the same environment that we saw in the intro, but experiences it differently due to their actions throughout the narrative. This is very compelling!

“1…2…3…4 pirouettes! New record!” My friends cheered as I landed my turns. Pleased with my progress, I gazed down at my worn-out pointe shoes. The sweltering blisters, numbing ice-baths, and draining late-night practices did not seem so bad after all. Next goal: five turns.

For as long as I can remember, ballet, in all its finesse and glamor, had kept me driven day to day. As a child, the lithe ballerinas, donning ethereal costumes as they floated across the stage, were my motivation. While others admired Messi and Adele, I idolized Carlos Acosta, principal dancer of the Royal Ballet. 

As I devoted more time and energy towards my craft, I became obsessed with improving my technique. I would stretch for hours after class, forcing my leg one inch higher in an effort to mirror the Dance Magazine cover girls. I injured my feet and ruined pair after pair of pointe shoes, turning on wood, cement, and even grass to improve my balance as I spun. At competitions, the dancers with the 180-degree leg extensions, endless turns, and soaring leaps—the ones who received “Bravos!” from the roaring audience—further pushed me to refine my skills and perfect my form. I believed that, with enough determination, I would one day attain their level of perfection. Reaching the quadruple-pirouette milestone only intensified my desire to accomplish even more. 

My efforts seemed to have come to fruition two summers ago when I was accepted to dance with Moscow’s Bolshoi Ballet at their renowned New York City summer intensive. I walked into my first session eager to learn from distinguished ballet masters and worldly dancers, already anticipating my improvement. Yet, as I danced alongside the accomplished ballerinas, I felt out of place. Despite their clean technique and professional training, they did not aim for glorious leg extensions or prodigious leaps. When they performed their turn combinations, most of them only executed two turns as I attempted four. 

“Dancers, double-pirouettes only.” 

Taken aback and confused, I wondered why our teacher expected so little from us. The other ballerinas seemed content, gracing the studio with their simple movements. 

As I grew closer with my Moscow roommates, I gradually learned that their training emphasized the history of the art form instead of stylistic tricks. Rather than show off their physical ability, their performances aimed to convey a story, one that embodied the rich culture of ballet and captured both the legacy of the dancers before them and their own artistry. As I observed my friends more intently in repertoire class, I felt the pain of the grief-stricken white swan from Swan Lake, the sass of the flirtatious Kitri from Don Quijote, and I gradually saw what I had overlooked before. My definition of talent had been molded by crowd-pleasing elements—whirring pirouettes, gravity-defying leaps, and mind-blowing leg extensions. This mindset slowly stripped me from the roots of my passion and my personal connection with ballet. 

With the Bolshoi, I learned to step back and explore the meaning behind each step and the people behind the scenes. Ballet carries history in its movements, from the societal values of the era to each choreographer’s unique flair. As I uncovered the messages behind each pirouette, kick, and jump, my appreciation for ballet grew beyond my obsession with raw athleticism and developed into a love for the art form’s emotive abilities in bridging the dancers with the audience. My journey as an artist has allowed me to see how technical execution is only the means to a greater understanding between dancer and spectator, between storyteller and listener. The elegance and complexity of ballet does not revolve around astonishing stunts but rather the evocative strength and artistry manifested in the dancer, in me. It is the combination of sentiments, history, tradition, and passion that has allowed ballet and its lessons of human connection to become my lifestyle both on and off stage.

This essay is about lessons. While the author is a dancer, this narrative isn’t really about ballet, per se — it’s about the author’s personal growth. It is purposefully reflective as the student shows a nice character arc that begins with an eager young ballerina and ends with a reflection on their past. The primary strength of this essay is the honesty and authenticity that the student approaches it with.

In the end, the student turns a cliche on its head as they embrace the idea of overcoming adversity and demonstrate how the adversity, in this case, was their own stereotypes about their art. It’s beautiful!

“Getting beat is one thing – it’s part of competing – but I want no part in losing.” Coach Rob Stark’s motto never fails to remind me of his encouragement on early-morning bus rides to track meets around the state. I’ve always appreciated the phrase, but an experience last June helped me understand its more profound, universal meaning.

Stark, as we affectionately call him, has coached track at my high school for 25 years. His care, dedication, and emphasis on developing good character has left an enduring impact on me and hundreds of other students. Not only did he help me discover my talent and love for running, but he also taught me the importance of commitment and discipline and to approach every endeavor with the passion and intensity that I bring to running. When I learned a neighboring high school had dedicated their track to a longtime coach, I felt that Stark deserved similar honors.

Our school district’s board of education indicated they would only dedicate our track to Stark if I could demonstrate that he was extraordinary. I took charge and mobilized my teammates to distribute petitions, reach out to alumni, and compile statistics on the many team and individual champions Stark had coached over the years. We received astounding support, collecting almost 3,000 signatures and pages of endorsements from across the community. With help from my teammates, I presented this evidence to the board.

They didn’t bite. 

Most members argued that dedicating the track was a low priority. Knowing that we had to act quickly to convince them of its importance, I called a team meeting where we drafted a rebuttal for the next board meeting. To my surprise, they chose me to deliver it. I was far from the best public speaker in the group, and I felt nervous about going before the unsympathetic board again. However, at that second meeting, I discovered that I enjoy articulating and arguing for something that I’m passionate about.

Public speaking resembles a cross country race. Walking to the starting line, you have to trust your training and quell your last minute doubts. When the gun fires, you can’t think too hard about anything; your performance has to be instinctual, natural, even relaxed. At the next board meeting, the podium was my starting line. As I walked up to it, familiar butterflies fluttered in my stomach. Instead of the track stretching out in front of me, I faced the vast audience of teachers, board members, and my teammates. I felt my adrenaline build, and reassured myself: I’ve put in the work, my argument is powerful and sound. As the board president told me to introduce myself, I heard, “runners set” in the back of my mind. She finished speaking, and Bang! The brief silence was the gunshot for me to begin. 

The next few minutes blurred together, but when the dust settled, I knew from the board members’ expressions and the audience’s thunderous approval that I had run quite a race. Unfortunately, it wasn’t enough; the board voted down our proposal. I was disappointed, but proud of myself, my team, and our collaboration off the track. We stood up for a cause we believed in, and I overcame my worries about being a leader. Although I discovered that changing the status quo through an elected body can be a painstakingly difficult process and requires perseverance, I learned that I enjoy the challenges this effort offers. Last month, one of the school board members joked that I had become a “regular” – I now often show up to meetings to advocate for a variety of causes, including better environmental practices in cafeterias and safer equipment for athletes.

Just as Stark taught me, I worked passionately to achieve my goal. I may have been beaten when I appealed to the board, but I certainly didn’t lose, and that would have made Stark proud.

This essay uses the idea of sports to explore a more profound topic—growing through relationships. They really embrace using sports as an avenue to tell the reader about a specific experience that changed the way they approach the world. 

The emphasis on relationships is why this essay works well and doesn’t fall into a cliche. The narrator grows not because of their experience with track but because of their relationship with their coach, who inspired them to evolve and become a leader.

Have a draft of your college essay? We’re here to help you polish it. Students can participate in a free Peer Review, or they can sign up for a paid review by CollegeVine’s experts. Sign up for your free CollegeVine account today to start improving your essay and your chances of acceptance!

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Sport and Leisure Cultures

Alan Tomlinson

Alan Tomlinson delves into contemporary sport and reveals its impact on local, national, and global culture. Through ethnographic techniques, Tomlinson uses sport and leisure to explore issues of identity, globalization, American cultural hegemony, and the media. Whether analyzing the World Cup or the Olympics; urban games or suburban leisure, Tomlinson's essays show how sport and leisure cultures contribute to power dynamics in societies.

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On the soccer field and the basketball court, in the football stadium and the baseball park, far more is played out than a game of athletic skill. In this collection of essays, the influential sports theorist Alan Tomlinson delves into the phenomenon of contemporary sport and reveals much about its impact on local, national, and global culture.

This far-reaching book includes essays ranging from an in-depth examination of sport culture in one working-class English community to a theoretical discussion of how national identity is often linked to sport. Through ethnographic techniques, Tomlinson uses sport and leisure to explore issues of identity, globalization, American cultural hegemony, and the media. Whether analyzing the legacy of the World Cup or the Olympics; urban games or suburban leisure; historical traditions or modern spaces in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, his essays show how sport and leisure cultures contribute to the dynamics of power in societies.

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Alan Tomlinson is professor of leisure studies at the University of Brighton, UK, where he heads the Chelsea School Research Centre and its Sport and Leisure Cultures research group.

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Cultural Diversity in Sports: Perspectives on Inclusion, Representation and Context

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Gender and cultural diversity in sport, exercise, and performance psychology.

• Diane L. Gill Diane L. Gill University of North Carolina at Greensboro
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.148
• Published online: 26 April 2017

Gender and cultural diversity are ever-present and powerful in sport, exercise, and performance settings. Our cultural identities affect our behaviors and interactions with others. As professionals, we must recognize and value cultural diversity. Gender and culture are best understood within a multicultural framework that recognizes multiple, intersecting identities; power relations; and the action for social justice. Physical activity participants are culturally diverse in many ways, but in other ways cultural groups are excluded from participation, and especially from power (e.g., leadership roles).

Sport, exercise, and performance psychology have barely begun to address cultural diversity, and the limited scholarship focuses on gender. Although the participation of girls and women has increased dramatically in recent years, stereotypes and media representations still convey the message that sport is a masculine activity. Stereotypes and social constraints are attached to other cultural groups, and those stereotypes affect behavior and opportunities. Race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and physical characteristics all limit opportunities in physical activity settings. People who are overweight or obese are particularly subject to bias and discrimination in sport and physical activity. Cultural competence, which refers to the ability to work effectively with people of a different culture, is essential for professionals in sport, exercise, and performance psychology. Not only is it important for individuals to develop their own cultural awareness, understanding, and skills, but we must advocate for inclusive excellence in our programs and organizations to expand our reach and promote physical activity for the health and well-being of all.

• cultural competence
• stereotypes
• weight bias

Introduction

Cultural diversity is a hallmark of society and a powerful influence in sport, exercise, and performance psychology. Participants are diverse in many ways, and physical activity takes place in a culturally diverse world. People carry their gender and cultural identities everywhere. Importantly, culture affects our behaviors and interactions with others. Thus, it is essential that professionals recognize and value cultural diversity.

This article takes a broad view of culture, including gender and extending beyond race, ethnicity, and social class to include physicality (physical abilities and characteristics). The article begins with a guiding framework, then reviews scholarship on gender and culture, and concludes with guidelines for cultural competence.

Culture: Basics and a Guiding Framework

This first section draws from psychology and cultural studies to provide a guiding framework for understanding culture and moving toward cultural competence in professional practice. Culture , however, is complex and not easily defined. Narrow definitions emphasize ethnicity, but we will adopt the common practice and broaden the definition to shared values, beliefs, and practices of an identifiable group of people . Thus, culture includes gender as well as race and ethnicity, and extends to language, spirituality, sexuality, physicality, and so on. Multicultural psychology further emphasizes intersections of identities and the totality of cultural experiences and contexts, which leads to the guiding framework for this article.

Psychology, cultural studies, and related areas all emphasize multiple, intersecting cultural identities; highlight power relations; and call for social action and advocacy. First, we all have multiple, intersecting cultural identities . The mix of identities is unique to each person. For example, two young women may both identify as black, Christian women athletes. One may very strongly identify as a Christian athlete, whereas the other more strongly identifies as a black woman. Moreover, the salience of those identities may vary across contexts. For example, religious identity may be salient in family gatherings but not in athletics. Also, when you are the only person with your identity (e.g., the only girl on the youth baseball team, the only athlete in class), that aspect of your identity is more salient.

The second theme of our framework involves power relations . Culture is more than categories; culture is relational, and cultural relations involve power and privilege. That is, one group has privilege, and other groups are oppressed. Privilege refers to power or institutionalized advantage gained by virtue of valued social identities. Oppression refers to discrimination or systematic denial of resources to those with inferior or less valued identities. Given that we all have many cultural identities, most people have some identities that confer privilege and other identities that lead to oppression. If you are white, male, heterosexual, educated, or able-bodied, you have privilege in that identity; you are more likely to see people who look like you in positions of power and to see yourself in those roles. At the same time, you likely have other identities that lack privilege. Most of us find it easier to recognize our oppression and more difficult to recognize our own privilege.

Recognizing privilege is a key to understanding cultural relations, and that understanding leads to the third theme— action and advocacy . Action and advocacy calls for professionals to develop their own cultural competencies and to work for social justice in our programs and institutions.

Understanding cultural diversity and developing cultural competence is not easy. As well as recognizing multiple, intersecting cultural identities, power relations and action for social justice, sport, exercise, and performance psychologists also must retain concern for the individual. The importance of individualizing professional practice is rightfully emphasized. Cultural competence involves contextualizing professional practice and specifically recognizing cultural context. The ability to simultaneously recognize and consider both the individual and the cultural context is the essence of cultural competence.

Gender and Cultural Diversity in Sport and Physical Activity

Physical activity participants are diverse, but not as diverse as the broader population. Competitive athletics are particularly limited in terms of cultural diversity. School physical education and community sport programs may come closer to reflecting community diversity, but all sport and physical activities reflect cultural restrictions. Gender is a particularly visible cultural influence, often leading to restrictions in sport, exercise and performance settings.

In the United States, the 1972 passage of Title IX prohibiting sex discrimination in educational institutions marked the beginning of a move away from the early women’s physical education model toward the competitive women’s sport programs of today. Participation of girls and women in youth and college sport has exploded in the last generation, particularly in the United States and western European nations. Still, the numbers of female and male participants are not equal. Sabo and Veliz ( 2012 ), in a nationwide study of U.S. high schools, found that overall boys have more sport opportunities than girls, and furthermore, progress toward gender equity, which had advanced prior to 2000 , had reversed since then, resulting in a wider gender gap. Following a 2013 conference in Europe ( http://ec.europa.eu/sport/news/2014/gender_equality_sport_en.htm ), a group of experts developed the report: Gender Equality in Sport: Proposal for Strategic Actions 2014–2020 ( http://ec.europa.eu/sport/events/2013/documents/20131203-gender/final-proposal-1802_en.pdf ).

In considering cultural diversity, it is important to go beyond participation numbers to consider power and privilege. Richard Lapchick’s Racial and Gender Report Card shows racial and gender inequities with little progress. For example, the 2015 report card (Lapchick, 2015 ) indicates that African Americans are slightly overrepresented in U.S. Division I athletics, but other racial and ethnic minorities are very underrepresented (see more statistics and reports at the Institute for Diversity and Ethnics in Sport website: www.tidesport.org ). Reports also show clear power relations. Before Title IX ( 1972 ), more than 90 percent of women’s athletic teams in the United States were coached by women and had a woman athletic director. Today less than half of women’s teams are coached by women (Acosta & Carpenter, 2014 ). White men dominate coaching, even of women’s teams, and administration remains solidly white male. The 2015 racial report card indicated that whites hold 90 percent of the athletic director positions, and less than 10 percent are women.

Although data are limited, the international coaching trends are similar (Norman, 2008 ) and suggest even fewer women coaches at the youth level than at the collegiate and elite levels (Messner, 2009 ). The 2012 London Olympics showcased women athletes and also demonstrated intersecting cultural relations. The United States sent more female than male athletes to London, but women were vastly underrepresented in several delegations; coaching positions are heavily dominated by men, and Olympic officials are not as diverse as the athletes.

Considering exercise, recreation, and the wider range of activities, we see more diversity, but all physical activity is limited by gender, race, socioeconomic status, and especially physical attributes. Lox, Martin Ginis, and Petruzzello ( 2014 ) summarized research and large national surveys on physical activity trends from several countries, predominantly in North America and Europe, noting that evidence continues to show that physical activity decreases across the adult life span, with men more active than women, while racial and ethnic minorities and low-income groups are less active. Physical activity drops dramatically during adolescence, more so for girls than boys, and especially for racial or ethnic minorities and lower income girls (Kimm et al., 2002 ; Pate, Dowda, O’Neill, & Ward, 2007 ).

The World Health Organization (WHO, 2014 ) identifies physical inactivity as a global health problem, noting that about 31 percent of adults are insufficiently active. Inactivity rates are higher in the Americas and Eastern Mediterranean and lowest in Southeast Asia, and men are more active than women in all regions. Abrasi ( 2014 ) reviewed research on barriers to physical activity with women from unrepresented countries, as well as immigrants and underrepresented minorities in North America and Europe. Social responsibilities (e.g., childcare, household work), cultural beliefs, lack of social support, social isolation, lack of culturally appropriate facilities, and unsafe neighborhoods were leading sociocultural barriers to physical activity. Observing others in the family or neighborhood participating had a positive influence.

Despite the clear influence of gender and culture on physical activity behavior, sport, exercise and performance psychology has been slow to recognize cultural diversity. Over 25 years ago, Duda and Allison ( 1990 ) called attention to the lack of research on race and ethnicity, reporting that less than 4 percent of published papers considered race or ethnicity, and most of those were sample descriptions. In an update, Ram, Starek, and Johnson ( 2004 ) reviewed sport and exercise psychology journal articles between 1987 and 2000 for both race and ethnicity and sexual orientation content. They confirmed the persistent void in the scholarly literature, finding only 20 percent of the articles referred to race/ethnicity and 1.2 percent to sexual orientation. Again, most were sample descriptions, and Ram et al. concluded that there is no systematic attempt to include the experiences of marginalized groups.

Considering that conference programs might be more inclusive than publications, Kamphoff, Gill, Araki, and Hammond ( 2010 ) surveyed the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP) conference program abstracts from the first conference in 1986 to 2007 . Only about 10 percent addressed cultural diversity, and most of those focused on gender differences. Almost no abstracts addressed race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, social class, physical disabilities, or any other cultural diversity issue.

Just as publications and conference programs reflect little diversity, our journal editorial boards and professional organizations have been dominated by men, with few women leaders until very recently. The International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP), which was the first organization founded in 1965 , had all men presidents for over 25 years. AASP began in 1985 with John Silva as president, followed by seven male presidents before Jean Williams became president in 1993 . Similarly, APA Division 47 (Exercise & Sport Psychology) had all male presidents from 1986 until Diane Gill became president more than 10 years later. Nearly all of those presidents have been North American or European and white.

An additional consideration is that our major journals have little international reach. Papaioannou, Machaira, and Theano ( 2013 ) found that the vast majority (82 percent) of articles over 5 years in six major journals were from English-speaking countries, and the continents of Asia, Africa, and South America combined had less than 4 percent. Papaionnau et al. noted a high correlation between continents’ representation on editorial boards and publications, suggesting possible systematic errors or bias in the review process.

The International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology (IJSEP) recently (Schinke, Papaioannou, & Schack, 2016 ) addressed this issue with a special issue on sport psychology in emerging countries. Sørensen, Maro, and Roberts ( 2016 ) reported on gender differences in an HIV/AIDS education intervention through soccer in Tanzania. The program is community-based and delivered by young peer coaches. Their findings highlight cultural intersections and the importance of considering gender along with local culture in programs. Other articles in that special issue report on Botswana’s active sport psychology in both educational programs and with national teams (Tshube & Hanrahan, 2016 ), and the established and continuing sport psychology in Brazil, which includes major research programs on physical activity and well-being as well as applied sport psychology (Serra de Queiroz, Fogaça, Hanrahan, & Zizzi, 2016 ).

Gender Scholarship in Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology

In reviewing the scholarship on cultural diversity, we first focus on gender, which is especially prominent in sport and physical activity, and thus, particularly relevant for sport, exercise, and performance psychology. Gender scholarship in psychology has shifted from early research on sex differences to more current social perspectives emphasizing intersecting identities and cultural relations.

Sex Differences

In their classic review of the early psychology research on sex differences, Maccoby and Jacklin ( 1974 ) concluded that few conclusions could be drawn from the literature on sex differences. Ashmore ( 1990 ) later concluded that average differences are elusive, and the evidence does not support biological dichotomous sex-linked connections. More recent reviews confirm those conclusions.

Hyde ( 2005 ) reviewed 46 meta-analyses of the extensive literature on sex differences and concluded that results support the gender similarities hypothesis. That is, males and females are more alike than different on psychological variables, and overstated claims of gender differences cause harm and limit opportunities. Zell, Krizan, and Teeter ( 2015 ) used metasynthesis to evaluate the many meta-analyses on sex differences. They found that the vast majority of differences were small and constant across age, culture, and generations, and concluded that the findings provide compelling support for the gender similarities hypothesis.

Social Perspectives and Stereotypes

Today, most psychologists look beyond the male–female dichotomy to social-cognitive models and cultural relations. As sociologist Bernard ( 1981 ) proposed over 30 years ago, the social worlds for females and males are different even when they appear similar. Today, the social worlds are still not the same for girls and boys in youth sport, male and female elite athletes, or women and men in exercise programs.

Gender stereotypes are particularly pervasive in sport and physical activity. Metheny ( 1965 ) identified gender stereotypes in her classic analysis, concluding that it was not appropriate for women to engage in activities involving bodily contact, force, or endurance. Despite women’s increased participation, those gender stereotypes persist 50 years later. Continuing research (e.g., Hardin & Greer, 2009 ; Riemer & Visio, 2003 ) confirms that expressive activities (e.g., dancing, gymnastics) are seen as feminine; combative, contact sports as masculine; and other activities (e.g., tennis, swimming) as neutral.

Sport studies scholars have continued that research, with emphasis on sport media. Early research (e.g., Messner, Duncan, & Jensen, 1993 ) showed that female athletes receive much less and different coverage, with the emphasis on athletic ability and accomplishments for men and on femininity and physical attractiveness for women. Despite the increased participation of girls and women at all levels, the media coverage has not changed much. In the most recent update of a 25-year longitudinal study, Cooky, Messner, and Musto ( 2015 ) found televised coverage of women’s sport “dismally low” with no progress. Media representations are a major source of stereotypes, and evidence indicates that all forms of the media send the message that sport is for men.

Stereotypes are a concern because we act on them, restricting opportunities for everyone. Fredericks and Eccles ( 2004 , 2005 ) found that parents held gender-stereotyped beliefs and provided more opportunities and encouragement for sons than for daughters. Chalabaev, Sarrazin, and Fontayne ( 2009 ) found that stereotype endorsement (girls perform poorly in soccer) negatively predicted girls’ performance, with perceived ability mediating the relationship.

Chalabaev, Sarrazin, Fontayne, Boiche, and Clément-Guillotin ( 2013 ) reviewed the literature on gender stereotypes and physical activity, confirming the persistent gender stereotypes in sport and the influence of stereotypes on participation and performance. They further suggested that stereotypes may influence participation and behavior even if they are not internalized and believed. We know the stereotypes, and when situations call attention to the stereotype (e.g., there are only three girls on the co-ed team), it is especially likely to affect us. Beilock, Jellison, Rydell, McConnell, and Carr ( 2006 ) showed that telling male golfers the females performance better on a golf-putting task decreased their performance, and a follow-up study (Stone & McWhinnie, 2008 ) found females similarly susceptible to stereotype threat.

Gender and Physical Self-Perceptions . As part of Eccles’s continuing developmental research on gender and achievement, Eccles and Harrold ( 1991 ) confirmed that gender influences children’s sport achievement perceptions and behaviors and that these gender differences reflect gender-role socialization. Gender differences are larger in sport than in other domains, and as Eccles and Harold noted, even in sport the perceived gender differences are much larger than actual gender differences in sport-related skills.

Considerable research also shows that self-perceptions affect sport and physical activity behavior. For example, Jensen and Steele ( 2009 ) found that girls who experienced weight criticism and body dissatisfaction engaged in less vigorous physical activity. No similar results were found for boys, and so the researchers concluded that body dissatisfaction is important in girls’ physical activity. Slater and Tiggemann ( 2011 ) looked at gender differences in teasing, body self-perceptions, and physical activity with a large sample of adolescents and concluded that teasing and body image concerns may contribute to girls’ lower rates of participation in physical activity.

Physical activity also has the potential to enhance girls’ and women’s physical self-perceptions and activity. Several studies (e.g., Craft, Pfeiffer, & Pivarnik, 2003 ) confirm that exercise programs can enhance self-perceptions, and Hausenblas and Fallon’s ( 2006 ) meta-analysis found that physical activity leads to improved body image. Greenleaf, Boyer, and Petrie ( 2009 ) looked at the relationship of high school sport participation to psychological well-being and physical activity in college women. They found that body image, physical competence, and instrumentality mediated the relationship for both activity and well-being, suggesting that benefits accrue as a result of more positive self-perceptions.

Related research suggests that sport and physical activity programs can foster positive youth development, particularly for girls. A report for the Women’s Sports Foundation— Her Life Depends on It III (Staurowsky et al., 2015 )—updated previous reports and confirmed that physical activity helps girls and women lead healthy, strong, and fulfilled lives. That report, which reviewed over 1500 studies, documented the important role of physical activity in reducing the risk of major health issues (e.g., cancer, coronary heart disease, dementias) as well as depression, substance abuse, and sexual victimization. The report further concluded that all girls and women are shortchanged in realizing the benefits of physical activity and that females of color or with disabilities face even greater barriers.

Sexuality and Sexual Prejudice

Sexuality and sexual orientation are often linked with gender, but biological sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation are not necessarily related. Furthermore, male–female biological sex and homosexual–heterosexual orientations are not the clear, dichotomous categories that we often assume them to be. Individuals’ gender identities and sexual orientations are varied and not necessarily linked. Gender identity is one’s internal sense of being male or female. For transgender people, gender identity is not consistent with their biological sex (Krane & Mann, 2014 ).

Sexual orientation refers to one’s sexual or emotional attraction to others and is typically classified as heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual. Herek ( 2000 ) suggests that sexual prejudice is the more appropriate term for discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, but related scholarship typically refers to homophobia . As Krane and Mann ( 2014 ) point out, heterosexism , which refers to privilege of heterosexual people, is common in sport—we assume people are heterosexual, and we discriminate against those who do not fit heterosexist stereotypes. Also, we clearly discriminate on the basis of gender identity against transgender people.

Messner ( 2002 ) argues that homophobia leads boys and men to conform to a narrow definition of masculinity and bonds men together as superior to women. We expect to see men, but not women, take active, dominant roles expected of athletes. Despite the visibility of a few prominent gay and lesbian athletes and the very recent expansion of civil rights, sexual prejudice persists. Anderson ( 2011 ) suggests that men, and particularly gay men, have more latitude in sports today, but sport is still a space of restricted masculinity and sexual prejudice.

The limited data-based research confirms that sport is a hostile climate for lesbian/gay/bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. In one of the few empirical studies, Morrow and Gill ( 2003 ) reported that both physical education teachers and students witnessed high levels of homophobic and heterosexist behaviors in public schools. Gill, Morrow, Collins, Lucey, and Schultz ( 2006 ) subsequently examined attitudes toward racial and ethnic minorities, older adults, people with disabilities, and sexual minorities. Overall, attitudes were markedly more negative for both gay men and lesbians than for other minority groups, with males especially negative toward gay men. Vikki Krane ( 2001 ) (Barber & Krane, 2005 ; Krane & Barber, 2003 ; Krane & Mann, 2014 ; Krane & Symons, 2014 ) have done much of the related work in sport and exercise psychology, and that research indicates that sexual prejudice is common in sport at all levels. Most of that research is from North America and Europe, but hostile climates have been reported around the world. For example, Shang and Gill ( 2012 ) found the climate in Taiwan athletics hostile for those with nonconventional gender identity or sexual orientation, particularly for male athletes.

In a review of research on LGBT issues in sport psychology, Krane, Waldron, Kauer, and Semerjian ( 2010 ) found no articles focused on transgender athletes. Lucas-Carr and Krane ( 2011 ) noted that transgender athletes are largely hidden. Hargie, Mitchell, and Somerville ( 2015 ) interviewed 10 transgender athletes and found common themes of intimidation, alienation, fear of public spaces, and overall effects of being deprived of the social, health, and well-being aspects of sport. As Lucas-Carr and Krane concluded, creation of safe and compassionate sport settings for all athletes, including trans athletes, is an ethical responsibility. On a promising note, Krane and Symons ( 2014 ) described several programs that promote inclusive sport climates, including Fair go, sport! an Australian social inclusion project focusing on gender and sexual diversity.

Sexual Harassment

Sexual harassment, which has clear gender and sexuality connotations, has received considerable attention in psychology (e.g., Koss, 1990 ). Kari Fasting and Celia Brackenridge have led much of the related research and programs on sexual harassment in sport. The related scholarship indicates that the sport climate fosters sexual harassment and abuse; that young, elite female athletes are particularly vulnerable; that neither athletes nor coaches have education or training about the issues; and that both research and professional development are needed in sport and exercise psychology to address the issues (Brackenridge, 2001 ; Brackenridge & Fasting, 2002 ; Fasting, Brackenridge, & Sundgot-Borgen, 2004 ; Fasting, Brackenridge, & Walseth, 2007 ). That research comes from several European countries and Australia. Rodriguez and Gill ( 2011 ) subsequently reported similar findings with former Puerto Rican women athletes.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC, 2007 ) recognizes the problem and defines sexual harassment as “behavior towards an individual or group that involves sexualized verbal, non-verbal or physical behavior, whether intended or unintended, legal or illegal, that is based on an abuse of power and trust and that is considered by the victim or a bystander to be unwanted or coerced” (p. 3). Fasting ( 2015 ) recently reviewed the research and suggested building on the recent policies of major organizations such as the IOC to curb harassment, as well as continued research to advance systematic knowledge.

Race, Ethnicity, and Social Class

Race and ethnicity are just as salient as gender in sport and physical activity but have largely been ignored in our literature. As noted in the earlier section on gender and cultural diversity in sport and exercise psychology, there is a striking void in our journals on race and ethnicity, and virtually no research has been published on social class in sport, exercise, and performance psychology.

Although race and ethnicity are often conflated, they are not the same, and race is not a clear, biologically determined category. As Markus ( 2008 ) argued, race and ethnicity are not objective, identifying characteristics, but the meanings that we associate with those characteristics carry power or privilege. The psychology scholarship on race and ethnicity most relevant to sport, exercise, and performance psychology involves health disparities and stereotypes.

Race, Ethnicity, and Health Disparities

Health disparities are well documented, showing that racial and ethnic minorities and low-income people receive suboptimal health care (see 2011 National Health Quality and Disparities Reports; available at www.ahrq.gov ). Health disparities are relevant to sport, exercise, and performance psychology in that physical activity is a key health behavior.

Few studies have looked at race and ethnicity or social class disparities in relation to sport and physical activity. Heesch, Brown, and Blanton ( 2000 ) examined exercise barriers with a large sample of women over age 40, including African American, Hispanic, Native American, and white women. They found several common barriers, but they also reported variations by racial and ethnic group, and cautioned that their results and specific community needs precluded definitive guidelines for interventions. Crespo ( 2005 ) outlined the cultural barriers to physical activity for minority populations, including those with lower socioeconomic status, and called for professionals to consider unique needs and cultural constraints when giving advice on exercise. Ethnicity and social class are particularly relevant when considering migrant and refugee populations in Western countries. For example, Frisby ( 2011 ) interviewed Chinese immigrant women in Canada to better understand barriers and guidance for promising inclusion practices in sport and recreation. Promising practices included promoting citizen engagement, working from a broader social ecological framework, improving access policies, and fostering community partnerships to facilitate cross-cultural connections.

Stereotypes and Stereotype Threat

Steele’s ( 1997 ; Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002 ) extensive research on stereotype threat , which is the fear of confirming negative stereotypes, has been extended to sport. Steele’s research indicates that stereotype threat particularly affects those minority group members who have abilities and are motivated to succeed. Steele also suggests that simple manipulations (e.g., telling students test scores are not related to race) can negate the effects. Beilock and McConnell ( 2004 ) reviewed the stereotype threat in sport literature, concluding that negative stereotypes are common in sport and lead to performance decrements, especially when the performers are capable and motivated.

Racial and ethnic stereotypes are well documented. For example, Devine and Baker ( 1991 ) found that the terms unintelligent and ostentatious were associated with black athlete , and Krueger ( 1996 ) found that both black and white participants perceived black men to be more athletic than white men. Johnson, Hallinan, and Westerfield ( 1999 ) asked participants to rate attributes of success in photos of black, white, Hispanic, and composite male athletes. Success for the black athlete was attributed to innate abilities, but the white athlete’s success was reported to come from hard work and leadership ability. Interestingly, no stereotyping was evident for the Hispanic athlete.

More important, these stereotypes affect behavior. When Stone, Perry, and Darley ( 1997 ) had people listen to a college basketball game and evaluate players, they found that both white and black students rated black players as more athletic and white players as having more basketball intelligence. Stone, Lynch, Sjomeling, and Darley ( 1999 ) found that black participants performed worse on a golf task when told the test was of sport intelligence, whereas white participants performed worse when told the test was of natural ability.

Although much of the work on stereotype threat involves race and ethnicity, gender and athlete stereotype threat effects have also been found. Heidrich and Chiviacowsky ( 2015 ) found that female participants in the stereotype threat condition (they were told women do worse than men) had lower self-efficacy and performed worse on a soccer task than those in the nonstereotype threat condition. Feltz, Schneider, Hwang, and Skogsberg ( 2013 ) found that student-athletes perceive stereotype threat in the classroom, and those with higher athletic identity perceived more threat. They also found that perceived coach’s regard for their academic ability affected athletes’ susceptibility and could serve as a buffer to stereotype threat.

Physicality and Weight Bias

Sport, exercise, and performance are physical activities, and thus physical characteristics are prominent. Moreover, opportunity is limited by physical abilities, skills, size, fitness, and appearance. Exclusion on the basis of physicality is nearly universal in sport and physical activity, and this exclusion is a public health and social justice issue.

Physical Abilities and Disabilities . Rimmer ( 2005 ) notes that people with physical disabilities are one of the most inactive segments of the population, and argues that organizational policies, discrimination, and social attitudes are the real barriers. Gill, Morrow, Collins, Lucey, and Schultz ( 2010 ) examined the climate for minority groups (racial and ethnic minorities, LGB people, older adults, and people with disabilities) in organized sport, exercise, and recreational settings. Notably, the climate was rated as most exclusionary for people with disabilities.

Semerjian ( 2010 ), one of the few scholars who has addressed disability issues in sport and exercise psychology, highlights the larger cultural context as well as the intersections of race, gender, and class with physicality. Physical skill, strength, and fitness, or more correctly, the lack of skill, strength, and fitness, are key sources of restrictions and overt discrimination in sport and exercise. Physical size, particularly obesity, is a prominent source of social stigma, and weight bias is a particular concern.

Obesity and Weight Bias

Considerable research (e.g., Brownell, 2010 ; Puhl & Heuer, 2011 ) has documented clear and consistent stigmatization and discrimination of the obese in employment, education, and health care. Obese individuals are targets for teasing, more likely to engage in unhealthy eating behaviors, and less likely to engage in physical activity (Faith, Leone, Ayers, Heo, & Pietrobelli, 2002 ; Puhl & Wharton, 2007 ; Storch et al., 2007 ). Check the Rudd Center website ( www.uconnruddcenter.org ) for resources and information on weight bias in health and educational settings.

Weight discrimination is associated with stress and negative health outcomes. Sutin, Stephan, and Terracciano ( 2015 ), using data from two large U.S. national studies, found that weight discrimination was associated with increased mortality risk and that the association was stronger than that between mortality and other forms of discrimination. Vartanian and Novak ( 2011 ) found experiences with weight stigma had negative impact on body satisfaction and self-esteem, and importantly, weight stigma was related to avoidance of exercise.

Exercise and sport science students and professionals are just as likely as others to hold negative stereotypes. Chambliss, Finley, and Blair ( 2004 ) found a strong anti-fat bias among exercise science students, and Greenleaf and Weiller ( 2005 ) found that physical education teachers held anti-fat bias and believed obese people were responsible for their obesity. O’Brien, Hunter, and Banks ( 2007 ) found that physical education students had greater anti-fat bias than students in other health areas, and also had higher bias at year 3 than at year 1; this finding suggests that their bias was not countered in their pre-professional programs. Robertson and Vohora ( 2008 ) found a strong anti-fat bias among fitness professionals and regular exercisers in England. Donaghue and Allen ( 2016 ) found that personal trainers recognized that their clients had unrealistic weight goals but still focused on diet and exercise to reach goals.

Weight Stigma and Health Promotion

Anti-fat bias and weight discrimination among professionals has important implications for physical activity and health promotion programs. Thomas, Lewis, Hyde, Castle, and Komesaroff ( 2010 ) conducted in-depth interviews with 142 obese adults in Australia about interventions for obesity. Participants supported interventions that were nonjudgmental and empowering, whereas interventions that were stigmatizing or blamed and shamed individuals for being overweight were not viewed as effective. They called for interventions that supported and empowered individuals to improve their lifestyle. Hoyt, Burnette, and Auster-Gussman ( 2014 ) reported that the “obesity as disease” message may help people feel more positive about their bodies, but they are less likely to engage in health-promoting behaviors. More positive approaches that take the emphasis off weight and highlight health gains are more promising.

Cultural Competence

Cultural competence, which refers to the ability to work effectively with people who are of a different culture, takes cultural diversity directly into professional practice. Culturally competent professionals act to empower participants, challenge restrictions, and advocate for social justice.

Cultural Sport and Exercise Psychology

A few dedicated scholars have called for a cultural sport psychology in line with our guiding framework (e.g., Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003 ; Ryba & Wright, 2005 ). Schinke and Hanrahan’s ( 2009 ) Cultural Sport Psychology , and Ryba, Schinke, and Tenenbaum’s ( 2010 ) The Cultural Turn in Sport Psychology , brought together much of the initial scholarship. Special issues devoted to cultural sport psychology were published in the International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology (Ryba & Schinke, 2009 ) and the Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology special issue (Schinke & Moore, 2011 ). These works provide a base and call for cultural competence and social justice.

Cultural Competence for Professionals

Cultural competence is a required professional competency in psychology and many health professions, and is essential for anyone working with others, including sport, exercise, and performance psychology professionals. Cultural competence includes understanding and action, at both the individual and organizational level.

Most psychology resources follow Sue’s ( 2006 ) model of cultural competence with three key components: awareness of one’s own cultural values and biases, understanding of other worldviews, and development of culturally appropriate skills . In line with Sue’s model, the American Psychological Association (APA) developed the APA ( 2003 ) multicultural guidelines that call for psychologists to develop awareness of their own cultural attitudes and beliefs, understanding of other cultural perspectives, and culturally relevant skills. Furthermore, the guidelines call for action at the organizational level for social justice.

The ISSP developed a position stand (Ryba, Stambulova, Si, & Schinke, 2013 ) that describes three major areas of cultural competence: cultural awareness and reflexivity , culturally competent communication , and culturally competent interventions . Awareness and reflectivity refers to recognition of between- and within-culture variations as well as reflection on both the client and one’s own cultural background. Culturally competent communication involves meaningful dialogue and shared language. Culturally competent interventions recognize culture while avoiding stereotyping, take an idiosyncratic approach, and stand for social justice.

Cultural Competence and Inclusive Excellence

Cultural competence extends beyond individual competencies to all levels, including instruction, program development, hiring practices, and organizational policies and procedures. The APA multicultural guidelines call for professionals to recognize and value cultural diversity, continually seek to develop their multicultural knowledge and skills, translate those understandings into practice, and extend their efforts to advocacy by promoting organizational change and social justice. Cultural competence at the individual level is a professional responsibility. Inclusive excellence moves cultural competence to the institutional level. That is, we work for changes in organizations and policies that make our programs accessible and welcoming for diverse people. Taking inclusive excellence into sport, exercise, and performance psychology calls for recognizing and valuing diversity and social justice as goals that will enhance our programs and institutions, as well as bring the benefits of physical activity to participants. Therefore, we work not only to develop our individual cultural competencies, but also to effect change at the institutional level to ensure that our programs are inclusive and excellent.

Gender and culture are highly visible and influential in sport, exercise, and performance settings. Gender, race, ethnicity, social class, and physical characteristics often limit opportunities, sometimes through segregation and discrimination, but often through perceptions and stereotype influence. Sport, exercise, and performance psychology research confirms the influence of culture and offers explanations, but sport, exercise and performance psychology has made little progress in promoting cultural competence and social justice.

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Articles on sport culture

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Sport and culture essay.

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For sociologists subscribing to a hierarchical model of culture, sports may be regarded as its antithesis: a bodily practice, of little cultural consequence, gazed on by passive spectators for the enrichment of the leisure and media industries. However, taking sports seriously as culture does not necessitate the abandonment of formative sociological questions of structure, agency, and power, but helps to ”rehabilitate” and extend them into hitherto neglected areas. Sport’s raw popularity as spectacle alone marks it out as a pivotal element of contemporary society and culture. For example, the estimated cumulative audience for the 2002 Korea/ Japan World Cup of association football was 28.8 billion viewers; 9 out of 10 people in the world with access to television watched some part of the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games; and the worldwide audience estimate for the Opening Ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics alone was 1.2 billion viewers. Such ”mega-media” sports events are profoundly instructive about cultural change in (post) modernity.

The major dimensions of the sports-culture relationship concern the impacts of the industrial development of sport, the social ideologies that circulate within the ”media sports cultural complex” (Rowe 2004: 4), and the positioning and influence of sports within the wider sociocultural sphere. Sport is a key instance of the penetration of the logic of capital into everyday culture and of the industrialization of leisure time and practice, inducing since the nineteenth century spectators to pay to enter the controlled space of the sports stadium in order to watch paid athletes perform. Although these spatialized aspects of sports culture remain important – major stadia, for example, are invested with the quasi-spiritual qualities that support the proposition that sports is a secular religion – the most important force in the development of sports has been its increasingly intense relationship with the media, without which sports would be hampered by the restrictions of time and space. Because of its intimate involvement with, and omnipresence through, the media, sports is a highly effective bearer of social ideologies disguised as natural, self-evident truths, including those concerning innate competitiveness, corporeal meritocracy, national and racial superiority, and an inevitably unequal gender order.

Sports discourse and language increasingly frame the wider society in its own image – the ”sportification” of society. Sports metaphors, such as those involving ”level playing fields,” regulatory ”hurdles,” and ”races” for company acquisitions and profit goals, routinely insinuate themselves into news bulletins. Similarly, the language of sports suffuses political discourse in liberal democracies, with electoral contests, parliamentary debates and policy disagreements framed in the manner of sports encounters. Advertisers also ”pitch” products and services in sporting terms, with companies and consumers represented as ”teams” and ”oppositions,” and the visual imagery of sports used to depict producers and consumers. Such representations of diverse organizations, relations, and practices as analogous to sports phenomena require skeptical sociological examination given their cultural-symbolic reduction of complex social, economic, and political processes to simple, imagined sports contests and outcomes.

The sociological analysis of sports and culture must deal adequately with the size, complexity, scope, and volatility of its immediate subject, and encompass its deep intrication with the sociocul-tural world as a whole. The power that can be wielded within sports culture is highly variable and clearly related to other resources of power (including economic, military, and geopolitical). The form that sports culture takes in different national and transnational contexts is both highly diverse and globally connected, and demands a rejuvenated, theoretically rigorous, historically informed, and culturally attuned sociology of sports and culture.

Bibliography:

• Miller, T., Lawrence, G., McKay, J., & Rowe, D. (2001) Globalization and Sport: Playing the World. Sage, London.
• Rowe, D. (2004) Sport, Culture and the Media: The Unruly Trinity, 2nd edn. Open University Press, Maidenhead.
• How to Write a Sociology Essay
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