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New evidence on child marriage causes and solutions

9 NOVEMBER 2015

Research from Plan International uncovers the factors leading to high levels of child marriage in Asia and what can be done to protect girls from early and forced marriages.

A comprehensive survey of child marriage in Asia by Plan International has revealed deeply entrenched traditions and views are still forcing young girls into early marriage.

Disturbingly high rates of child marriage, particularly of girls, prevail in rural areas of Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Indonesia. Our research finds that child marriage, including of girls aged 12-14 years old, endures with widespread support among members of the community, parents, and children themselves.

Married too young: Explore the results in 3 countries

Getting the Evidence: Asia Child Marriage Initiative, was commissioned by Plan International and UK based research firm Coram International. Based on thousands of surveys and interviews with parents, community leaders, and children in communities in all 3 countries, the report details the underlying causes of child marriage alongside a suite of recommendations for countering the endurance of early marriage.

Poverty and lack of education increase child marriage

The primary reasons for such high rates of child marriage were found to be lack of access to education, economic opportunity, and health services, particularly for girls, alongside severe poverty and weak legal and enforcement mechanisms. Most disturbingly, the normalisation and justification of male sexual violence, and extreme gender inequity prevail in survey areas.

According to a 17 year old girl who participated in the research in Bangladesh, “If a girl doesn’t get married people will start to gossip about her. She will lose her reputation, and people will think she is having affairs. For a man it is less of an issue. He can remain single.”

Extraordinarily high rates of child marriage were found among females surveyed in Bangladesh, with 73% being married before they turned 18 years old. 27% of girls were married between the ages of 12 and 14. This compares to 2.8% of males in survey areas in Bangladesh.

In Indonesia, 38% of married females in survey areas were married under 18 years of age. The percentage of men married before they turned 18 was 3.7.

Pakistan had the lowest rate of child marriage of girls surveyed in the three countries, at 34.8%, with 15.2% under age 15. However, the rate of child marriage for boys was substantially higher, at 13%.

Early marriage can be stopped

Mark Pierce, Regional Director of Plan International in Asia says, “Ultimately, the endurance of child marriage lies in deeply ingrained gender discrimination, but economic factors, girls’ economic dependence, and tradition all play strong roles.”

“However, our research shows that changing communities’ attitudes and acceptance of child marriage is not a remote or insurmountable challenge; a combination of education, economic opportunity, access to health services and more strict, enforced legal frameworks make a substantial difference to the levels of acceptance and prevalence of child marriage.”

The report concludes that consistent and long term intervention by NGOs, community groups, governments, institutional, individual, community and family level actions would have a substantial impact on the rate and acceptance of child marriage in all three countries. It makes 40 practical, concrete recommendations.

The report and its recommendations will guide Plan International’s programming and advocacy regarding child marriage in Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Indonesia, as well as inform interventions in other countries.

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• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 14 December 2020

Early marriage and women’s empowerment: the case of child-brides in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia

• Mikyas Abera 1 ,
• Ansha Nega 2 ,
• Yifokire Tefera 2 &
• Abebaw Addis Gelagay 3  

BMC International Health and Human Rights volume  20 , Article number:  30 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Women, especially those who marry as children, experience various forms and degrees of exclusion and discrimination. Early marriage is a harmful traditional practice that continues to affect millions around the world. Though it has declined over the years, it is still pervasive in developing countries. In Ethiopia, Amhara National Regional State (or alternatively Amhara region) hosts the largest share of child-brides in the country. This study aimed at assessing the effects of early marriage on its survivors’ life conditions – specifically, empowerment and household decision-making – in western Amhara.

This study employed community-based cross-sectional study design. It adopted mixed method approach – survey, in-depth interview and focus group discussion (FGD) – to collect, analyse and interpret data on early marriage and its effects on household decision-making processes. The survey covered 1278 randomly selected respondents, and 14FGDs and 6 in-depth interviews were conducted. Statistical procedures – frequency distribution, Chi-square, logistic regression – were used to test, compare and establish associations between survey results on women empowerment for two groups of married women based on age at first marriage i.e., below 18 and at/after 18. Narratives and analytical descriptions were integrated to substantiate and/or explain observed quantitative results, or generate contextual themes.

This study reported that women married at/after 18 were more involved in household decision-making processes than child-brides. Child-brides were more likely to experience various forms of spousal abuse and violence in married life. The study results illustrated how individual-level changes, mainly driven by age at first marriage, interplay with structural factors to define the changing status and roles of married women in the household and community.

Age at first marriage significantly affected empowerment at household level, and women benefited significantly from delaying marriage. Increase in age did not automatically and unilaterally empowered women in marriage, however, since age entails a cultural definition of one’s position in society and its institutions. We recommend further research to focus on the nexus between the household and the social-structural forms that manifest at individual and community levels, and draw insights to promote women’s wellbeing and emancipation.

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Early marriage is any marriage entered into before one reaches the legal age of 18 [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Though both boys and girls could marry early, the norm in many countries around the world is that more girls than boys marry young and someone older [ 3 ]. In Mauritania and Nigeria, for instance, “more than half of married girls aged 15-19 have husbands who are 10 or more years older than they are” [ 3 ].

Resilient and interlinked socioeconomic and normative factors (e.g. poverty, illiteracy, traditionalism, patriarchy, etc.) undermine women’s status, capabilities and choices, and ensure early marriage continues unabated in many developing countries [ 4 ]. As a harmful traditional practice, though it is more common in developing than developed countries, there are substantial variations between and within regions of the world and countries [ 3 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. For instance, half of the world’s child-brides live in South Asia; and, while early marriage is still most common in Sub-Saharan Africa, between them, these two regions host the 10 countries with the highest rates of early marriage [ 3 , 5 , 8 ].

By early 2000s, 59% of Ethiopian girls were marrying before 18 [ 9 ]. Footnote 1 As in the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa, early marriage in Ethiopia is gendered with only 9% of men aged 25–49 been married by 18 [ 10 , 11 ]. Its effects are diverse and wide-ranging [ 3 , 4 ]. In its onset, early marriage effectively ends childhood by limiting its victims’ opportunities for schooling, skills acquisition, personal development and even mobility. It also increases the risks of early onset of sex, adolescent pregnancy and childbearing, etc. [ 12 , 13 ] whose negative outcomes are amplified by girls’ undeveloped physique and lack of or inadequate knowledge on healthy sexual and reproductive behaviours. Cumulatively, these effects of early marriage undermine girls’ and young women’s health, psychosocial wellbeing and overall quality of life [ 14 , 15 , 16 ].

Early marriage is not only a serious public health issue. It also exacerbates domestic violence [ 17 ] and undermines women’s status and decision-making powers [ 18 , 19 ]. It increases women’s risk of intimate partner sexual violence, for it is built on spousal age gap, power imbalance, social isolation and lack of female autonomy. Globally, some 30% of girls (aged 15–19) experience violence by partners [ 20 ]. Bangladeshi women married during their adolescence, for instance, are subject to increased domestic violence and loss of autonomy, which, nonetheless, improved with their educational attainment [ 21 ]. Child-brides, specifically, are twice as likely as adult-brides to experience domestic violence [ 22 ]. This is partly because child-brides are more likely to be uneducated, poor and adherents to traditional gender norms [ 3 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ].

Child-brides are mostly isolated with restricted mobility and limited opportunities for independent living. Those who had been going to school would be coerced to discontinue when they marry, and those who have not been to school, the hope to do so dies on their wedding day. In Tach-Gaynt Woreda of Amhara region, for instance, 69% of young women marry early. Between 2009 and 2014, females represented 61% primary school dropouts in the Woreda; and, 34% of female school dropouts mentioned early marriage as the main reason. If child-brides want to start/continue schooling, a rare approval must come from husbands and/or families. In rural communities of Ethiopia, including Amhara region, the ‘good wife’ is primarily pictured in terms of what she accomplishes at home and for the husband, children and the elderly in the family and kinship.

Against the backdrop of mounting calls for legal and policy changes, Ethiopia introduced provisions [ 10 ] to redress gender inequalities and discrimination in its most recent Constitution (1995; Article 35:3) [ 27 ]; it has also revised its Family (2000) and Penal (2005) Codes to, among other things, raise the age of legal consent for women to 18 (from 15). Ethiopia’s latest Education and Training Policy [ 28 ] introduced provisions to reorient societal attitude towards and valuation of women in education, training and development. More profoundly, and partly due to international pressure, in 2013, Ethiopia spelled out its commitment to eradicate early marriage by 2025 in the National Strategy and Action Plan on Harmful Traditional Practices against Women [ 29 ]. These and other relevant documents informed governmental and nongovernmental interventions to remove barriers, including early marriage, to young women’s personal advancement and empowerment, and taking effect at individual, institutional, national and cultural levels.

Accordingly, age at first marriage has been increasing over the years in Ethiopia [ 9 ]; nonetheless, its reported scale and rate are suspect for two main reasons. First, the Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) defines age at first marriage as the age at which partners begin living together under one roof [ 29 ], despite the fact that many early marriages in Ethiopia allow spouses to start living together only a few years later as in the cases of promissory or child marriages [ 4 ]. Second, systematic underreporting or omission is a high possibility, which would lower the magnitude of early marriage among girls than boys as the latter commonly delay marriage. Criminal prosecution under the Revised Family Code (Article 7) could also induce underreporting or deliberate omission of early marriages.

Though there needs to be caution in interpreting statistics on early marriage in Ethiopia, it has been amply documented that Ethiopian women’s low social status explains their limited rights and odds to assume duties, roles and authority on equal terms as their male counterparts [ 9 , 30 ]. Early marriage, one manifestation of this violence, is intimately linked with gender, poverty and illiteracy in rural Ethiopia [ 30 ]. Rural women tend to marry younger than those in urban areas, while patriarchy and the feminization of poverty, illiteracy and low educational attainment play crucial role in perpetuating the imbalance [ 9 , 30 ].

There are studies that document strong association between early marriage and poverty. UNICEF reports that one in three girls in low- to middle-income countries will marry before 18 [ 3 , 31 ]. Nonetheless, though many see a strong link between poverty and early marriage, the correlation is never monotonic. Family riches are not guarantee to avoid early marriage. With growing population and land shortages, girls from better-off families who stand to inherit valuable resources have become easy targets for sustained solicitations by those who desire to ‘marry-into’ wealth. Conversely, poor families generally resort to early marriage as a strategy to reduce economic vulnerability. In both scenarios, however, early marriage is seen as a mechanism to strengthen ties between families, evade the risk of daughters engage in premarital sex (and lose their virginity and/or become pregnant) or pass the culturally defined ‘desirable age’ for marriage (and become unmarriable).

The sociocultural consequences of becoming pregnant outside wedlock are harsh as they go against deep-rooted cultural norms that tie girls’ chastity and sexual purity before marriage to their family honor as well as their marriageability. Most parents fear delaying marriage makes sexual encounters imminent – consented or otherwise – that disgraces the family and tarnishes girls’ reputation and, subsequently, marriage prospects.

Within Ethiopia, girls in some regional states are more likely to marry early; and, Amhara region has the highest prevalence of early marriage with 50% of girls marrying at 15, and 80% marrying at 18 [ 32 , 33 ]. In 2014, 74% of women [ 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ] in the region married before 18, significantly higher than the national average of 41% [ 2 ]. To put this in perspective, “a girl born in [Amhara region] is three times as likely as the girl born in Addis Ababa to marry early” [ 3 ].

Reports on improving inter-generational age at first marriage at national level puts the persistently high prevalence of early marriage in Amhara region in a curious light [ 34 ]. In the region, early marriage is deeply entrenched in religious and cultural norms where sex before marriage is a blow to a girl’s marriageability, for her worth lies in her sexual purity, her future role as a devout wife and mother, and her commitment to family honor [ 35 ]. Hence, despite proactive laws, institutional structures and project interventions, early marriage grew adept and continues to affect the lives of many under different guises.

Due to its myriad nature [ 36 , 37 ], on the other hand, eradicating early marriage requires simultaneously addressing its various dimensions and promoting girls’ empowerment through education, institutional support structures and community development programs. Informed by a mixed-methods approach, thus, this study aimed at informing such types of interventions at national and regional levels by identifying its association with women’s empowerment at three Zones (North Gondar, South Gondar and West Gojjam) of Amhara region – the regional State with “one the world’s highest rates of child marriage” (and the highest in Ethiopia) where “most unions take place without girls consent” [ 38 ]. The effects of early marriage go beyond the child-brides and their children, for they severely undermine national and global progress on a variety of Sustainable Development Goals, i.e., Agenda-2030. In light of this, this interdisciplinary study, falls within the current research priority agenda of promoting evidence-based policymaking and interventions [ 39 ] to mitigate early marriage as a resilient sociocultural problem – both from a human rights standpoint and meeting the Sustainable Development Goals targets.

Theoretically, systems theory, with its roots in Ludwig von Bertalanffy’s general systems theory, informs this study [ 40 , 41 , 42 ]. General systems theory argues that all entities – physical, biological, chemical, social, etc. – are complex, structured and dynamic systems, and they constitute sub-systems or units that interact with one another as well as the external environment. His theory advanced remarkably over the years with applications in biology [ 43 , 44 , 45 ], economics [ 46 , 47 , 48 ], psychiatry [ 49 , 50 ] and sociology [ 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 ], among others.

In the field of family studies, systems theory has been used to study family or marriage as an interactional system, whereby patterns in members’ behaviors reflect interdependencies and communications amongst each other and with their normative environment, primarily – rather than their idiosyncrasies. As such, it brings at least two advantages to the current study: firstly, it allows us to understand the norms that structure families, marital relations, individual choices and decisions; secondly, it helps us unravel the tensions between agency and structure i.e., how changes at individual, family and cultural levels feed on each other to make family or marriage a dynamic interactional system capable of recalibrating its functions, communications, etc. vis-à-vis subsystems other systems in its sociocultural milieu [ 55 , 56 ].

Using systems theory, hence, this study explores the effects of early marriage on child-brides interactional outcomes of a series of factors, including individuals’ personal convictions, the function of marriage (for instance, marriage in traditional societies is primarily a cultural arrangement that decent groups use to cement desirable alliances), normative definitions of sex, sexuality, etc. In other words, this study will treat early marriage as part of a broader, normative system where decisions or actions cannot be random but aim to create, maintain or re-create a state of equilibrium. Consensus, conflict, abuse or violence in a family, as Stratus puts it, can viewed as, primarily, products of the system than individual pathology [ 55 ]. Factors that perpetuate any of these scenarios in a family are embedded within the very fabric of the culture and norm that structure the family institution and relations among members i.e., individuals cannot randomly opt out of the norms of the system patterns without suffering consequences for their indiscretions or violations.

Description of the study area

The Amhara region is one of the 10 regional states and 2 city administrations that make-up the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Footnote 2 The region has an estimated population of 21.13million, with 90.85% residing in rural areas. Agriculture is the mainstay of residents in rural areas, with tourism, services and commerce creating the majority of jobs for urbanites. In 2013, Net Enrolment Rate at primary level was 93%, with gender parity at 0.95 [ 57 ]. The national adult literacy rate was 41.5% in 2012 [ 58 ].

This study covered 7 administrative districts – five Woredas and two cities – located in three Zones – North Gondar, Footnote 3 South Gondar, West Gojjam – of northwestern Amhara region i.e., Chilga (Code.01), Gondar Zuria (Code.02), Libo-Kemkim (Code.05), Derra (Code.06) and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa (Code.07) Woredas , and cities of Gondar (Code.03) and Bahir Dar (Code.04). These districts are of varying sizes and they are subdivided into Kebeles – smallest administrative unit in the Ethiopian federal structure. The fieldwork was conducted between January and April 2017.

Study population

This study covered all women who had had their first marriage within 10-years prior to the fieldwork, irrespective of their current marital status, in western Amhara region. The 10-years timeline provided a reasonably representative group of married women who would furnish sufficient data to assess changes in the incidence, prevalence and multifaceted effects of early marriage on their life conditions.

Study design

This study employed a mixed method approach involving quantitative and qualitative methods. A cross-sectional study design with descriptive and analytical components enabled a comparative assessment of the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment in the domestic sphere. Theoretically, system theory informs the discussion, analysis and interpretation of data i.e., by taking into account both individual (e.g., age) and ecological (e.g., cultural value, public policy) factors as they interact and affect actors’ behaviors (in this case, interpersonal interactions and decision-making) at household level.

Methods of the study

Survey, focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews generated relevant data on married women. A representative sample of 1278 married women were surveyed to gathered data on the prevalence and outcomes of early marriage in western Amhara region. Qualitative methods – FGD and in-depth interview – were used to assess married women’s experiences, community perceptions and values on (early) marriage, appropriate age of marriage, and impact of early marriage and community change-actors, among others. Critical desk-review of relevant documents generated perspectives and insights to triangulate the results of primary data.

Sample size

Survey sample size was calculated using a single population formula, by assuming the proportion of early marriage in Ethiopia among married women whose age less than 24-years at 41% [ 2 ], with 95% confidence level and 4% margin of error: 581 . But after considering design effect for two-stage cluster sampling (*2) and non-response rate (*10%), the final survey sample size was determined at 1278 (=581*2 + (581*.10)).

To collect qualitative data, 2 types of FGDs were conducted in each of the 7 districts with, on average, 8 discussants: FGD 1 , with child-brides – a mixed length of age at first marriage i.e., 1–5 years and 6–10 years, and their residential place i.e., rural or urban; and, FGD 2 , with representatives of community leaders, elders, law enforcement officers, parents, school directors and governmental and non-governmental organizations working on children and girls. In total, 14 FGDs were conducted.

Sampling procedure

Probability and purposive sampling techniques were used, respectively, for survey, and FGD and in-depth interview. Firstly, 7 districts – 5 Woredas (Chilga, Gondar Zuria, Derra, Libo-Kemkim and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa) and 2 cities (Gondar and Bahir Dar) – of Amhara region were identified, for they host community intervention projects intended to curb early marriage. Secondly, 4 Kebeles from each district were selected and the sampling procedure accounted for differences among districts in their residential pattern (urban vs. rural) and availability of community intervention projects (beneficiaries vs. non-beneficiaries). Specifically, the sampling procedure followed a 3:1 urban: rural ratio for the two cities, and the reverse for the 5 Woredas . Finally, the 1278 survey sample was distributed to each Kebele based on its population size and the number of women in reproductive age (ages, 15-49). Using Kebele residents’ rosters as sampling frame, a random – and proportionate – sample of households were selected for the survey from each Kebele .

Data collection tools and procedure

All data collection tools (enumerator-administered questionnaire, and FGD and in-depth interview guides) were initially designed in English. They were translated into Amharic, and then back to English – forward-and-backward translation – to ensure their validity and consistency. The questionnaire was pilot-tested at Teda Kebele of North Gondar Zone, a Kebele excluded from the survey, to check for its validity, reliability and consistency. The pilot improved the questionnaire’s completeness, appropriateness, conciseness and relevance as well as the feasibility of the fieldwork.

Twenty-eight females were employed as survey enumerators from World Vision–Ethiopia’s roster of data collectors that documents trained, experienced, locally-resourceful youth for possible recruitment as enumerators, interviewers, guides, etc. in research projects. These enumerators and local guides underwent 2-days intensive training on research methods, data collection tools, interviewing skills, etc. including running mock-interview sessions. After the training, they administrated survey questionnaires by travelling from household to household. They, before asking survey questions, were required to explain the objective of the study, requested for informed consent to participate in the study and checked respondents’ profile for eligibility i.e., women married within 10 years during the fieldwork.

Two types of FGDs, 14 in total, were conducted: FGD 1 involved child-brides who were identified and invited by enumerators during the survey; and, discussants for FGD 2 were identified based on their knowledge of the problem of early marriage in the study area and approached via administrative channels. Finally, 6 in-depth interviews were conducted with child-brides, chosen purposively as their experiences vividly illustrate the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment.

After inquiring about preferences and confirming with participants, FGDs and in-depth interviews were conducted in facilities and spaces convenient to all such as offices of World Vision–Ethiopia, Gender and Legal Affairs, and Youth Centers. These facilities and spaces were assessed beforehand for their cleanliness, calm, safety and accessibility as well as falling outside non-participants’ earshot and possible intrusions. On average, FGDs and in-depth interviews took, respectively, 60 and 40 min to complete. Authors conducted FGDs and interviewed child-brides.

Data management and analysis

For the survey, all filled and returned questionnaires were checked for completeness and consistency of responses. Once survey data collection was finalized, 3 experienced data encoders entered questionnaire data into Epi-Info and later transferred to SPSS [ 20 ] as data-sets for cleaning, organization and analysis. Descriptive and inferential statistics were employed to determine, among others: the prevalence of early marriage; the incidences and magnitude of bad outcomes of early marriage on women’s decision-making; and, community’s perception on early marriage and appropriate age of marriage. Binary logistic regression models were used determine the likely occurrence of different forms of disempowerment in two groups of women i.e., those married before 18 and those married at/after 18. A p -value of 0.05 was used as a cut-off point to determine statistical significance.

Regarding FGDs and in-depth interviews, all sessions, with the consent of participants, were digitally recorded. Audio-files were later transcribed, post-coded and categorized under core thematic areas. Thematic content analysis provided insights into the nature, community perception and drivers of early marriage and changes. Analytical descriptions and quotes from FGDs and in-depth interviews were used to triangulate, contextualize or explain survey results. Narrated texts, graphs and tables were used to present results according to the nature of the information derived.

In quoting directly from FGDs and in-depth interviews, codes were used to refer to the method, source and location (districts). Accordingly, FGD-R01, for instance, refers to an FGD conducted with representatives of relevant stakeholders (i.e., R) in Chilga Woreda of North Gondar Zone (i.e., 01). Similarly, Interview-S07 refers to an interview conducted with child-brides (i.e., S) in Yèlma-èna-Dénsa Woreda of West Gojjam Zone (i.e., 07).

Ethical considerations

Data for this article are taken from a larger study the authors conducted on behalf of E 4 Y Project , a project run by World Vision-Ethiopia and cleared for appropriate ethical standards at national and regional levels. On behalf of the authors, World Vision–Ethiopia supplied official letters to the respective regional and district administration offices and provide support and facilitation as required.

During the fieldwork, study participants and/or parents/legal guardians (when participants were under the age of 18) were informed about the study objectives and the scope of their involvement beforehand. Verbal consent was obtained from participants or parents/guardians prior to commencing survey, interviews or FGDs. Privacy and confidentiality were granted and maintained during the survey, discussions or interviews. Confidentiality of digital recordings and transcribed data were strictly protected and this was explained to all participants. During FGDs and in-depth interviews, special attention was given to when asking sensitive questions based on local contexts. Participants’ concerns and questions were addressed before they provided individual, informed consents. There was no financial incentive offered to study participants. Nonetheless, participants who had to travel from distant Kebeles for study’s purpose were provided with transport allowance.

The preliminary findings of the study were presented and validated in a national validation workshop held at Bahir Dar city (Ethiopia) and in attendance were representatives of the community (including study participants) and relevant governmental and non-governmental organizations working on early marriage. Workshop participants reflected on the process and results of the study. The authors addressed the comments and questions raised during the workshop, and they revised the study report submitted to World Vision-Ethiopia.

The results and findings of the study are organized and presented in two sub-sections: (a) the prevalence of early marriage; and (b) early marriage and household decision-making in Amhara region. Let us start with the prevalence of early marriage and its variation among districts of the region.

The prevalence of early marriage in Amhara region

The survey covered 1278 married-women respondents, while 112 [ 6 ] participants took part in 14 FGDs (interviews). Of the 1278 respondents, 444 (34.7%) were married before the age of 18 Fig.  1 . Nonetheless, as Fig.  2 reports, there was variation in the prevalence rate of early marriage among districts in the study area: Derra (54.5%) and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa (49.7%) Woredas registered the highest, and the cities of Gondar (16.7%) and Bahir Dar (25.1%) the lowest rates of early marriage. With the regional prevalence rate of 32%, the results indicated that urbanization is inversely related to the prevalence rate of early marriage.

Prevalence of early marriage in Western Amhara, Ethiopia (Survey, 2017)

Comparatively, early marriage was high among Orthodox Christians (38.8%) and rural residents (40.6%). Regarding schooling, the proportion of child-brides increased from ‘no formal schooling’ (48.3%) to ‘primary level’ (52.6%), before it declined at junior (39.7%) and senior (28%) high-school levels. These results underlined rural residents and primary grades as potent entry points for any effective intervention, for 53% of primary graders and 41% of rural residents ended up marrying before 18.

Respondents’ age at first marriage ranged from 5 to 35 (M = 18.75; SD = 3.44); and, the lowest ages to start living with spouses and make sexual debut among respondents were, respectively, 9 (M = 18.93; SD = 3.25) and 10 (M = 18.80; SD = 3.11).

Among respondents primarily engaged in farming, on the other hand, 67.1% experienced early marriage, which is not unexpected since the prevalence of early marriage is high in rural areas where agriculture is the main employer of labor. Similarly, 39.3% those who produce and sell local alcoholic beverages were married before 18 (Fig. 2 ). These and the results presented above indicate that early marriage has pertinent impacts on and associations with young women’s education, economic development and wellbeing.

Prevalence and profile of early marriage in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia (Survey, 2017)

Early marriage and household decision-making in Amhara region

In this section, the effects of early marriage on young women’s empowerment at household decision-making processes are presented under five sections: early marriage, marital interactions and dysfunctions; early marriage and spouse abuse; early marriage and household management; early marriage, social interactions and procreation; and early marriage and healthcare.

Early marriage, marital relations and dysfunction

As Table  1 shows, respondents’ current living arrangement with first husband – which, though imperfectly, serves as a proxy to history of family dysfunction – significantly varies by their age at first marriage (χ 2  = 34.296; α = .001). Family dysfunction refers to processes that undermine the intactness of the family institution and members’ ability to procreate, socialize children and support each other in life. These processes include, among others, conflict, abuse, role-strain, apathy, separation, divorce and desertion. In this study, when respondents did not share households with their first husbands at the time of the survey, it was taken to imply some form of family dysfunction i.e., conflict, abuse, separation, divorce, etc. Specifically, while 82.4% of the respondents married at/after 18 were living with their first husbands, only 68.2% of those married before 18 did. In other words, grim by-products of marriage such as separation, divorce, desertion (and possible remarriage) seems to be forced on women who had their first marriage before 18 – the legal age of consent under the Ethiopian Civil Code.

To put it in context, a logit model predicts girls married before 18 are more than twice as likely (= e 0.137 ) as women married at/after 18 not to be with their first husband (Logit: χ 2  = 31.431; α = .001; Wald = 31.388; ß  = .770; Constant = 772 ) . Significantly more respondents married before 18 also dissolved their first marriage and remarried (42 (9.5%)) than those married at/after 18 (21 (2.5%)). Specifically, girls married before 18 are twice as likely as women married at/after 18 to dissolve their first marriage, and either establish a new one or become widow or single (χ 2  = 45.380; α = .001). For FGD participants at Libo Kemkim, these experiences tend to make the lives of child-brides grimmer:

Most of them [child-brides] would not have strong foundation to build their marriage on and end up being divorcees. After divorce, they migrate to urban areas and, due to lack of opportunities for education or employment, become street children or, worse, prostitutes. They are ghastly populating this cruel occupation. Many also migrate to Arab countries as divorce implies loss of livelihood [FGD_R06].

Mostly in rural communities of western Amhara region, underage girls enter into marriage without a personal, informed choice. For marriage generally is the result of the decision of parents and/or close kin, and it is culturally desirable for girls to marry men much older than themselves. But as they drop out of school and become child-mothers, several child-brides resented their husbands, parents and others who brokered and/or enabled the loss of their childhood:

It is a challenge to raise a child and taking care of household chores while still being a child! If I were to give birth now, I will be physically mature to take care of my duties effectively. I would have more time for myself too. I think marrying and giving birth as children have stunted our development … We do not lead a decent living and we do not cloth or clean up well. This is the result of our parents’ decision to marry us early …. [Moreover,] our children did not get the best we could have provided in care and protection. For lack of knowledge, we neglected them and this would not have happened if we married after we matured well enough. We do not clean them as required. Despite all this, we managed to see them grow. We do not want to see them grow repeating what we passed through, though. We want them to go to school, mature physically and mentally, enjoy life before they assume the responsibility of running a household the way we did/do [FGD_S05].

Early marriage and spouse abuse

Higher rates of first marriage dissolution, separation or desertion were not the only outcomes more likely associated with early marriage in the study population. Child-brides who remained married to their first husbands were highly vulnerable to spousal abuse and violence. Chi-square test of association (χ 2  = 11.311; α = .01), for instance, found that child-brides were more likely to experience spousal verbal abuse (46.9%) than women married at/after 18 (36.9%). Specifically, women married at/after 18 are 33% (= e 0.119 ) less likely to experience spousal verbal abuse than child-brides (Logit: χ 2  = 11.247; α = .001; Wald = 11.261; ß  = -.440; Constant = .797 ) . In a patriarchal society where both women and men accept some type of spousal abuse as a normality in marriage, the results show that delaying marriage until or past 18 was associated with small but statistically significant decline in spousal verbal abuse (Table 2 ).

Similarly, compared to those married at/after the legal age of 18, child-brides were also more likely to experience spousal beating (χ 2  = 8.090; α = .01) and non-consensual sex or marital rape (χ 2  = 36.903; α = .001) by their first husbands compared to woman married at/after 18. Specifically, women married at/after 18 were 38% (= e 0.171 ) and 58% (= e 0.145 ) less likely to experience spousal beating (Logit: χ 2  = 7.845; α = .01; Wald = 7.986; ß  = -.483; Constant = .694 ) spousal non-consensual sex (Logit: χ 2  = 35.520; α = .001; Wald = 35.712; ß  = -.866; Constant = .808 ) , respectively, as compared to child-brides.

Early marriage and household management

Child-brides were also more subservient/subordinate to their husbands in the administration of family possession and/or money (χ 2  = 21.428; α = .001). While 45% of child-brides reported the main responsibility to administer family possessions and/or money rested in the husband, less than one-in-three women married at/after 18 reported similar scenarios. Furthermore, the percentage of respondents who share the responsibility of administering family resources with their husbands increased from 51.6 to 65% among those married before and at/after 18 respectively.

Similarly, child-brides’ decision-making roles in major family transactions and activities e.g., buy or sell land, livestock, groceries, children’s clothing, etc. were significantly lower than women married as adults (χ 2  = 33.702; α = .001).

As a norm, Ethiopian women have the responsibility of taking care of family members including children, the elderly, etc. As Table  3 shows, decisions on how and when married women dispense with this role disproportionately involves husbands. Only 14 and 19% of respondents married before and at/after 18, respectively, were the main decision makers on buying groceries (χ 2  = 14.608; α = .01); and, 2 and 3% of those married before and at/after 18, respectively, had made decisions on purchasing children’s clothing (χ 2  = 10.799; α = .02). On a related note, collaborative decision-making on both issues and respondent age-categories improved at the expense of husbands’ share. Nonetheless, married women had better decision-making powers in purchasing groceries (17%) than children’s clothing (3%).

Early marriage, social interactions and procreation

As Table  4 depicts, women married at/after 18 were more likely to visit their families as per their own terms (6.8% vs. 3.2%) or in consultation with their husbands (69.4% vs. 59.9%) than succumbing to husbands’ unilateral decision (10.0% vs. 18.7%) as compared to child-brides (χ 2  = 31.830; α = .001). But, for both group of women, the decision to visit families is more likely to be shared than unilateral – save for some variation for husband’s share.

The (non) use of contraceptives is another indicator of women’s decision-making power at household level, and the results in Table 4 underline that husbands retained disproportionate power in deciding whether or not wives will use contraceptives (χ 2  = 17.781; α = .001) or when they can have a child (χ 2  = 21.231; α = .001) when wives’ age at first marriage was below 18. The majority of married women in both groups made shared decisions together with their husbands on both issues; but, percentage differentials between the two groups show that those married at/after 18 negotiated decisions on when to have a child (66.8% vs. 54.8%), or use contraceptives (79.5% vs. 68.6%) more often than child-brides. Note here also that those who marry at/after 18 (84%) are more likely than those who marry before 18 (79%) to have ever used contraceptives.

Early marriage and healthcare

With regard to receiving medical care (Table  5 ), statistically significant difference existed on who made decisions when wives fell ill (χ 2  = 10.734; α = .02): most decisions were shared (55.7%) or made unilaterally by husbands (24.7%). Between the two groups, women married at/after 18 were almost twice as likely as child-brides to decide on their own to seek or receive medical services when they fell ill. On the other hand, there was no statistically significant difference between spouses on who made the decision to seek medical treatment when children were the once who fell ill. Parental decision-making powers did not differ much when it was the child’s, rather than the mother’s, wellbeing at stake.

There is no statistically significant difference on who decides on place of child delivery (Table 5 ) – i.e., whether at home or health stations – (χ 2  = 5.070; α = .17). When it comes to mothers’ availing antenatal care (ANC), nonetheless, women married at/after 18 were more likely to decide together with their husbands (48.7% vs. 44.7%), or on their own (11.4% vs. 9.0%), than accept husbands’ unilateral decision (2.4% vs. 5.4%) as compared to child-brides (χ 2  = 11.573; α = .009). This is, however, assuming both group of women have comparable – availability and accessibility – reproductive health facilities and services, gender-mix of health professionals (husbands prefer women health professionals to deliver their babies), etc.

Similarly, on how decisions on children’s immunization/vaccination were made at household level, there was weak statistical difference between the married women depending on their ages at first marriage. But observed differences show that child-brides were twice more likely to accept husbands’ unilateral decisions (3.8% vs. 2.0%), or less likely to share the role with their husbands (33.8% vs. 39.6%), as compared to women married at/after 18. However, cautious interpretation of this result must take into account the weak statistical association between age at first marriage and decision making on children’s immunization/vaccination (χ 2  = 7.035; α = .071).

Building on the survey results, this section explores further – using narratives and discourses generated through FGDs and in-depth interviews – the main findings on the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment in western Amhara region. The discussion is embedded within systems theory and follows similar structure of presentation as the results section.

The survey results showed that one-third of married-women in western Amhara region were affected by early marriage; and, they experience various forms of marital and family disorganizations i.e., divorce, separation, martial abuse, etc. They mostly marry older men and soon afterwards drop out of school. Education is generally ‘unthinkable’ for child-brides, FGD participants at Libo Kemkim explain:

The immediate result of early marriage is dropping out of school, if they were [still] in school at the time of marriage. Husbands want their wives to quit schooling [and become stay-at-home wives] too. If child-brides stay in school, they become persistent truants or repeat grades. More than half of them repeat grades. They do not get the necessary support they need to stay in school and be successful. They are also very much depressed and isolated from the school community and their classmates (FGD_R06).

But as child-brides get older, many grew aware of their missed opportunities due to a life imposed on them. While their age-mates be and act as they are supposed to i.e., children, they toil and serve the will of an outmoded tradition. A 16 years old child-bride in Derra Woreda laments,

I loved going to school and did well too …. But when I reached Grade-7, my mother started complaining why I wanted to continue going to school instead of getting married. She used to name girls in my neighbourhood who married younger than I was at the time …. Now, I’m jealous of my former classmates who still go to school and progress through grades …. I sometimes cry alone (Interview_S 1 05).

Child-brides become more and more isolated and restricted to the household as years go by. A child-bride who married at 15 and dropped out of school at 6th grade says, “I don’t see my friends frequently. They visit during weekends, since they have school during weekdays. This makes me sad and angry. Seeing them going to school with books and in uniforms, I feel sad and I want to cry” (Interview_S 2 05).

Child-brides were also more likely to experience early sexual debut and pregnancy – and probably suffer from medical complications. Childbirth effectively ends their childhood as they become child-mothers: “My brothers used to tease me about the way I carried my son around. I did not know how to do it right. But they supported me a lot in raising him” (Interview_S07).

As the survey results revealed, child-brides were more likely to sustain verbal abuse (47%) than martial rape (28%) or beating (16%) by first husbands than adult-brides. These incidents remain mostly unreported to authorities, unless they result in serious injuries – and even these may be kept as a family matter and dealt with discretely. For they are taken for granted aspects of married life or a trait of masculinity as the experience of a child-bride who married a 22-year-old man when she was 15 attests. When asked if her husband ever verbally or physical abused her, she replies, with a dismissive chuckle in her voice, “Isn’t he a man?! Of course, he swears and insults me when things are not in order at home” (Interview_S 2 05).

As patriarchal culture normalizes spouse abuse and violence, men tend to regularly use it to settle disagreements with and/or assert their authority over their wives. Mostly against child-brides, due to age gap, husbands may feel justified, or even required, to use force to ensure conformity to patriarchal norms of marital relations. In fact, survey results underlined the importance of age at first marriage whereby such scenarios are significantly reduced among women married at/after 18 – their delayed marriage gave them the time and maturity to influence the mate selection process and martial relations.

Child-brides, compared to women married at/after 18, were also consistently powerless in making or negotiating decisions with their husbands on important household matters. At best, they shared decision-making powers with their husbands, which, considering their broad definition of ‘shared’ decision-making process, may not tell us much about their real-live experiences. Furthermore, their roles in household decision-making processes varied by the activity under consideration. For instance, they were better involved when the decision is about buying groceries than children’s clothing. This is not contrary to the prevailing patriarchal norms, however, as groceries are ‘must-have’ but children’s clothing could be optional depending on other priorities, and it is on such matters that men retain the authority.

On the other hand, child-brides and adult-brides were not different regarding decisions on when and how often they visited their families. But there is more to the process than what meets the eye; and, it is related to parental approval of the union – from initiation to formation and maintenance – which puts the husband at ease when it comes to his wife visiting her parents/families. In other words, it only implies the husband temporarily transferring the locus of control from his house to her parents’. Furthermore, marriage involves the transference of rights between domestic groups, and there is always a scope for a wife to visit and contribute labour or services to her parents/family in such occasions as childbirth, pre- and post-natal care, weddings, death, etc. Footnote 4 A husband cannot refuse his wife these socially sanctioned visits and roles without risking ridicule and contempt. But he can negotiate the length of her family visit, which exemplifies one of the few contexts where some level of negotiation (and empowering scenario) is built into marriage norms for married women.

The role of child-brides in decisions on conceiving, spacing and number of children, however, paints the usual picture of disempowerment, and it is primarily related to the cultural value that children have in the study community. As a norm, early marriage is actually marriage between families with procreation i.e., generational continuity in its core. In western Amhara, children are also seen as blessings, making the use of contraceptives immoral, sinful and threat to the foundation of traditional marriage. In the eyes of the community, children make a family complete; and oftentimes, contraceptive use is discouraged especially among young brides, which explains why this study found fewer child-brides ever using contraceptives. Hence, if and when husbands resist the use of contraceptives, they have the cultural leverage to back it up. However, those who married at/after 18 were better placed to negotiate the terms as their marriage was most likely shaped by their preference – with varying levels of parental and family involvement, of course.

Child-brides responded to these scenarios differently. Some resigned and accepted their fate, while others, like the child-bride at Bahir Dar city, revolted: “My mother married me off to a 22-years-old man when I was only 10. I moved to his parents’ house. My in-laws were very old and I had to take care of them. I did everything around the house as well …. It was killing me. One morning, I just got up and left, and came to Bahir Dar” (Interview_S04).

Parents and families almost unilaterally and ubiquitously arrange early marriage – and they draw on cultural values to justify their decisive roles. But, with early marriage being illegal, they must proceed discretely not to alert authorities – legal departments, police, the courts, education officers, teachers, etc. – and, primarily, the girl-child herself or her friends. A legal officer at Addis Zemen Woreda (South Gondar) explains:

As people become aware of the legal repercussions, many [parents] are also getting creative to evade the law and marry-off children. Now, they use social events like Mahèber , Zèkèr or birthdays as covers. This has made modern day early marriage practices largely clandestine and illusive. Detecting or reporting it is becoming difficult (FGD_R06).

With ramped-up campaigns against early marriage, girls and young women are becoming self-aware of its illegality of early marriage and their rights to education. Self-assertive girls have learned to evade this yoking institution by refusing their parents’ wishes or, when that does not work, threatening to contact authorities. This explains why many child-brides were kept in the dark about such arrangements, making their first encounter with their husbands-to-be disillusioning: “My father arranged everything. He told me who I will marry and where I will live afterwards. I never knew the person before and the first time I saw him was when we went for medical Footnote 5 …. They said he was 20 at the time but he looked much older to me” (Interview_S 1 05).

Child-brides may accept their parents’ decisions to marry early for various reasons: to fulfil a terminally-ill parents’ wish to see their children forming a family; to escape poverty or help parents benefit from bride-wealth ( tèlosh ); to enable a family forge desirable alliance with a respected family through marriage; etc. But growing older brings opportunities of self-awareness and maturity for most child-brides. Their exposure to the world outside induces changes in their views, attitudes and behaviours – changes that test their resolve to continue respecting parents’ life-changing decisions. Husbands and parents usually treat this change as a sign of moral corruption and respond with corrective measures, abuse or violence. This explains why most child-brides are more prone to various forms of family disorganization, abuse or disempowerment compared to adult-brides.

There is a common thread in these discussions i.e., age. In Ethiopia, as in most other societies, 18 is more than just a number. It is the age of legal emancipation, which comes with the right to decide on one’s own or give independent consent to contractual agreements including marriage. However, most communities in the study area – bar for the two cities of Gondar and Bahir Dar – define girls’ readiness for marriage well below 18 – with stark contradiction to the Family Law. The Law may see the child in a girl below 18. But for people around her, she could be at ‘the right age’ to become, or start her journey to become, a good-wife and/or a good-mother.

As future household heads, on the other hand, boys are allowed to grow older, develop their life-skills, and become experienced and mature. They enjoy greater scope for experimentation and financial independence before venturing to form family. Conversely, since early childhood, girls are taught to regard marriage, family and motherhood as the good-woman’s virtues. As soon as girls’ physical development ‘catch the eye,’ the norm is for her parents to identify a suitable marriage plan. This scenario is intimately related to the gendered socialization of boys and girls in patriarchal societies like Ethiopia. A secondary school principal at Yèlma-èna-Dénsa Woreda concurs:

The [rural] community sees boys and girls differently. It marries girls early as protection from risks [such as rape, abduction or adolescent pregnancy as they traverse great lengths to and from school]. Moreover, parents do not have faith in girls to be successful in education and lead a decent life on their own as boys. They think marriage is the best way for girls to have a fruitful adult life. For boys, parents usual wait for them to reach their potential in education, or learn to stand on their feet. This, however, does not happen for [most] girls (FGD_R07).

Whether parents arrange marriage for their daughters depends on a unique definition of ‘an appropriate mate,’ FGD participants at Chilga Woreda add:

What parents and the community take into account during arranging early marriage [for a girl] is whether the groom-to-be can provide for her. They don’t consider its bad health or other effects in her life …. [As a norm,] Parents [could also agree] to give their daughter’s hands in marriage if they are convinced that a boy [or his family] is economically well and promise to let her continue her education …. But this promise rarely materializes [FGD_R01].

But to ensure a child-bride keeps a good home, she is preferred (i.e., arranged) to marry someone older with the means to provide for her and the cultural wisdom to make important decisions on household and broader matters. The arrangement works well for boys who postpone marriage till they acquire the means to provide for a family and administer its affairs.

Consequently, in a patriarchal arrangement where power lies in the hands of men and the husbands are usually older, child-brides remain structurally fixed to subservient position in their own marriages and houses. With largely ineffective systems to prevent early marriage or ensure child-brides’ safety and rights in an unlawful arrangement, husbands can easily draw on the patriarchal culture to impose their decisions, whereby consulting or involving wives becomes an indulgence they do well without. Even with changes that undermine patriarchal rules on marital relations, as Kolb and Straus argue, “individuals socialized to operate in one system of family organization may have difficulty [in] operating under new standards” [ 59 ].

Conclusions

Informed by systems theory and using a mixed methods approach, this study compared child- and adult-brides in western Amhara region to assess their roles in household decision-making processes. It reported that child-brides are more likely to experience family and marital disorganizations – they had higher rates of both divorce and remarriage. They were also more likely to suffer from various types of abuse and violence while committed to subordinate roles in most household decision-making processes.

Systems theory teaches us that marital relations and household decision-making processes reflect the idiosyncrasies of members, the functional prerequisite of the household unit and the wider cultural milieu. As the study results revealed, women married at latter ages were able to influence household decision-making processes in ways that recognize their preferences and wellbeing. Age is not just a biological factor as it entails cultural definition of one’s scope of involvement and influence in household as well as wider sociocultural, economic and political affairs of the community. The interactions between individual and community factors seem to create better negotiation powers for women married as adults than those married as children.

Using systems theory, the discussion of results underlined the relevance of unravelling the interactions between individual, institutional and community factors to understand and/or change the power dynamics between spouses at household level. Furthermore, its findings imply that sectoral interventions will struggle to bring much-sought after emancipation of women in patriarchal institution and culture and abolish early marriage. The alignment between the study findings and the premises of system theory illustrate why child-brides faced resistance from their husbands, families and communities to be involved in household decision-making processes. There were reports about married women sustaining spousal abuse for wanting to have a say on what happens in the household. There were also women who did not want to do so since that was not how they were brought up and saw husbands’ unilateral decision-making powers as something natural.

In sum, the study results reveal that with increasing age comes physical, social and emotional maturity, and delaying marriage improved married women’s empowerment in household decision-making processes. But this change did not unfold unilaterally and in simple correlation with women’s age at first marriage since it bore the imprints of individual, institutional and cultural factors. There were instances of neglect, resistance or abuse as individuals, institutions and norms adjust to and accommodate women’s preferences and wills in marital relations and household management. We conclude by stating the obvious: if women do not have much decision-making power at the domestic sphere, which is traditionally defined as their domain, how would the gap be in the public sphere, which is traditionally out of their reach or influence? The authors believe this is one of the areas that further research could productively explore.

Following the political unrest of 2018, the North Gondar Zone has been subdivided into three zones with their own administrative structures – North, Central and West zones – in 2019. But this study was conducted in 2017 – before the restructuring – and covered Kebeles in the then North Gondar Zone.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Countries with higher prevalence of early marriage are Niger (82%), Bangladesh (75%), Chad (73%), Yemen (64%), Mali (63%), Nepal (63%), Mozambique (59%) and Ethiopia (57%)

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia had 9 regional states (Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somali, Benishangul-Gumuz, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples, Gambela, and Harari) and 2 city administrations (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa) until 2020. Currently, the Sidama region had broken-off with SNNP and has been recognized as a separate region, making the number of regional states 10.

Many Africans and Latin Americans practice a tradition for new moms called la cuarentena, a Hispanic word that to refer to a period of approximately 6 weeks, during which new mothers abstain from sex and solely dedicate their time and energy to breastfeeding and taking care of themselves and the baby. Members of the family participate to cook, clean and take care of other children, if there are any. What is different in the Ethiopian case is that pregnant women generally return to their parents’ house and stay there receiving all pre- and post-natal care by their family members. The length of the stay covers a week or days before birth and until the baby is baptized, for Christian folks.

Medical assessment of couples’ health status – mainly HIV/AIDS – is becoming increasingly a requirement to legalize marriage in Ethiopia.

Abbreviations

Central Statistical Authority (Ethiopia)

Demographic and Health Survey (Ethiopia)

Engaged, Educated, Empowered Ethiopian Youth

Focus Group Discussion

International Center for Research on Women

Ministry of Education (Ethiopia)

Ministry of Women, Children and Youth Affairs (Ethiopia)

Standard Deviation

Statistical Package for Social Sciences

Transitional Government of Ethiopia

United Nations Fund for Population (Activities)

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

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Acknowledgments

We would like to acknowledge the WV-E for providing the funding for the research based on which this manuscript is developed. Its staff were more than collaborative in providing editorial assistance and logistics support whenever required. We thank survey respondents, FGD participants and in-depth interviewees for taking their time and providing relevant information which enabled us to understand the nature of relations between early marriage and women empowerment in the study area. Last but not least, we are grateful for University of Gondar, where three of us had been working for over a decade at the time of the study, to enable and support our multidisciplinary research team.

We, the authors, would like to express our preference to be searchable through our own individual PubMed records and we include out names, institutional affiliation and country information as follows:

• Mikyas Abera, PhD. Assistant Professor, University of Gondar, Ethiopia

• Ansha Nega, Mrs. Assistant Professor, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

• Yifokire Tefera, Mr. Assistant Professor, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

• Abebaw Addis Gelagay, Mr. Assistant Professor, University of Gondar, Ethiopia

Funding for the research was provided by World Vision Ethiopia, whose staff provided editorial and logistics support during the data collection, analyses and write-up phases.

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School of Public Health, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Ansha Nega & Yifokire Tefera

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MAN. MAN’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing, conducting and coordinating the field research; checking for quality survey data entry; transcribing qualitative data; generate themes from qualitative data; running statistical analyses on SPSS and interpreting results; producing the first draft of this manuscript for comment and refinement by research team members. AN. AN’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions. YT. YT’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions. AAG. AAG’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions as well as editorials. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript.

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1. Mikyas Abera . Dr. Mikyas Abera, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at the University of Gondar (UoG), Gondar (Ethiopia). He studied Sociology and Social Administration (BA; Addis Ababa University: 2003), Sociology (MA; Delhi School of Economics: 2007), and Sociology of Education (PhD; Addis Ababa University: 2015). His research interests are education, gender, rehabilitation, social inequality and science and technology. He helped UoG to launch undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate programs in Sociology between 2003 and 2017. He currently teaches and supervises students both at graduate and postgraduate levels, and engages in several research and community engagement projects.

2. Ansha Nega . Mrs. Nega, MSc, is Assistant Professor of Public Health at School of Public Health, Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia). She studied Occupational Health and Safety (BSc; University of Gondar) and Ergonomics (MSc; Loughborough University). Mrs. Nega worked for more than 13 years at UoG with varied responsibilities including teaching, research and community works. She has served as the Director for Community Based Rehabilitation program at University of Gondar; lead and co-lead various collaborative researches on disability, child labor, occupational safety, rehabilitation, and early marriage, among others. Currently, she is faculty at Addis Ababa University.

3. Yifokire Tefera . Mr. Yifokire Tefera, PhD Candidate at Addis Ababa University and adjunct staff and Assistant Professor of Public Health at UoG. Environmental Health Science (BSc; Jimma University, Ethiopia); Occupational Health and Safety (MSc; Loughborough University, UK). Mr. Tefera has served UoG for over 14 years under different capacities: teaching faculty, researcher, administrator and community worker. He has extensive experience in leading and/or coordinating collaborative international and national research projects. His research and community work interests lie on public health child labor, decent work, disability and development. Currently, Mr. Tefera pursues his PhD in Occupational Health and Safety at AAU, collaborative program between AAU and Bergen University, Norway.

4. Abebaw Addis Gelagay . Mr. Abebaw Addis Gelagay is an Assistant Professor of Reproductive and Child Health at UoG and have been serving University of Gondar since 2014 with roles in teaching, research, management and community work. He studied Nursing (Diploma; Addis Ababa University), Public Health (BSc; UoG), and MPH in Reproductive and Child Health (MPH; UoG). He has extensive experience in leading and/or coordinating collaborative international and national research projects. His research and community work interests lie, mainly, on general, reproductive and child health. Currently, Mr. Addis serves as Chair of Department of Reproductive Health, Institute of Public Health, UoG.

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Ethical approval for the research was attained at the level of the E 4 Y (Engaged, Educated, Empowered Ethiopian Youth) project – a project implemented by World Vision–Ethiopia in various regional States of Ethiopia. In addition, the study proposal, tools, funding source, etc. were submitted to and approved by the Institute of Public Health’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of Gondar, Ethiopia to meet scientific and ethical standards. The IRB cleared the study not to have any health, social, personal harm to participants, their communities and the environment. Study participants as well as parents and/or legal guardians – for those under the legal age of 18 – were requested to provide verbal or signed consent for participation beforehand. The IRB approved oral consent for parents and/or legal guardians as well as participants considering many reside in remote villages with very low literacy level. However, whenever possible, written consent was collected from study participants and such was approved.

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Abera, M., Nega, A., Tefera, Y. et al. Early marriage and women’s empowerment: the case of child-brides in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia. BMC Int Health Hum Rights 20 , 30 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12914-020-00249-5

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ANTHROPOLOGY

Why daughters may choose early marriage

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The causes of early marriage often remain unclear. A new study tests whether parental interests and coercion explain high rates of marriage for girls aged 15–18 in rural Tanzania. It finds that most brides choose their own partners and do not suffer harm to their physical or mental wellbeing later in life, and suggests alternative explanations.

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The Economics of Early Marriage: Causes, Consequences, and Policy Solutions

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There is growing consensus among researchers, policymakers, and other stakeholders that the practice of female early marriage has adverse consequences for the women who experience them, their families, and the wider population. While it is evident that the practice of female early marriage is entwined with longstanding customs and traditions, there is also good reason to believe that economic factors are important drivers behind current behavior and underpin a range of solutions being explored by policymakers. This chapter provides an economic perspective on the issue. It examines the literature for theories and evidence relating to the economic causes and consequences of female early marriage and the efficacy of alternative policies, and highlights current knowledge gaps.

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The article has benefitted from valuable comments of the editor and anonymous referees. There is no conflict of interest.

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Early Marriage and Its Impact on Education Research Paper

Introduction.

Elementary education has undergone remarkable growth over the last three decades in the enrollment of the underprivileged societal groups like ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and economic minorities. Due to the rise in the enrollment of learners from the underprivileged groups, learning institutions have largely become diverse. Apparently, schools currently have been hit by a myriad of complex emerging issues and challenges. This aspect requires the relevant authorities to address the rising needs and objectives of diverse learners. This paper will examine and discuss challenges the impact of marriage on the education of children. The paper will predict and suggest what policymakers and school authorities should do in a bid to curb the negative effects emerging from this issue.

The tenacious exclusion practices by teachers, school bureaucracies, and society concerning the underachieving students’ socio-economic, cultural, and political perceptions greatly influence the learners’ capabilities (Cherubini, Hodson, Manley‐ Casimir & Muir, 2010). The assumption that schools are for boys and girls are for marriage is retrogressive; unfortunately, it persists in the contemporary society across the world. This perception largely contributes to early marriages amongst school going girls. This paper will show that early marriages influence children’s education in many ways and the practice has contributed to increased school dropouts especially amongst girls, thus creating a barrier to social justice and personal development.

Given the significant impacts that early marriage has had on education, this paper builds on the available recent research to establish the extent of early marriage and its impacts on the lives of children. This paper conducts an extensive inquiry to gather information from multi-disciplinary academic articles related to this topic. In addition, the paper incorporates the existing information to build on new and consistent knowledge. Since child development and learning adjustment is a crucial process for both girls and boys, this paper will adopt a balanced model to analyze the impacts of exposing children to early marriages at the cost of their education. According to Nguyen and Wodon (2012), demographic and health surveys indicate that girls and boys below 18 years of age are too young to be involved in marital and reproductive transitions. This tendency contributes to school dropouts or slow intellectual progress, thus lowering their education prospects substantially.

The current statistics

Table 1 below shows data on trends in the occurrence of child marriage for girls below the age of 18 years. This data indicates that child marriage is decreasing, but at a slow pace, and thus the prospect of eliminating early marriage remains elusive. The data show that different income groups influence early marriages with less developed countries recording more cases as compared to their developed counterparts.

The impact of early marriage on education

In many cases, the decision by a girl or her parents to get married at tender age is highly subject to the girl’s potential and capabilities to stand out in school. Girls, who are weak in school, have low prospects in education, and thus they presumably have very little to lose in the future; hence, they are discouraged to go on with studies as compared with girls who have high intellectual capabilities. However, studies have shown that poor performance in school is related to socio-economic, racial, linguistic, and regional disparities. These differences have an adverse effect on the personality and performance of children in school. These impacts are highly pronounced among the learners who belong to the underprivileged families (Cherubini et al., 2010). Early marriage is a major factor contributing to school drop out for female children between the ages of 9 and 17 (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). Some regions have cultural practices that constrain girls from exercising their social justice on decisions to marry. This section will explore the several challenges that affect education of children due to early marriages.

Termination of education

Some cultures gold that girls are for marriage and school should be for the boys. In the developing countries, particularly the northern part of Nigeria, girls should be in their husband’s house during their first menstrual cycle (Nguyen & Wodon, 2012). Some communities even give out girls immediately they are born. When these girls grow and learn of what the family or society expects of them, they are discouraged since nobody expects them to excel in school as opposed to their male counterparts. These cultural practices have led some societies astray by denying the young people the chance to compete in school and make their own decisions in life. When these girls join schools, there are less likely to concentrate since they see themselves as baby-making machines, thus leading to poor performance, which compels them to pull out of school voluntarily. However, girls should be given the right to make personal life choices and societies should ensure that everyone is accorded equal rights to life. On the other hand, boys gradually turn into fathers while in school. The influence of peer pressure is increasingly forcing school going boys to engage in teen sex. Some communities believe in taking responsibilities of personal own choices. Therefore, these young boys are compelled to marry at tender age when they do not have the capacity to have families (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). The pressure of sustaining marriage livelihood becomes demanding and the young boys cannot concentrate in school. They are forced to discontinue their studies and find means to feed their young families.

Isolating girls

When girls marry while in school, they are separated from their peers in school and it takes time to adjust to the new environment with their husbands. This isolation affects the girls’ concentration in schools emotionally and psychologically, thus leading to undesired results. Married girls in most cases find themselves missing classes to cater for family issues and they are forced to do catch up studies. The pressure intensifies, thus forcing them to quit or fail in their studies (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). This aspect affects their social life since they cannot interact with their educated peers. The girls become dependent on their husbands, thus compromising their socio-economic opportunities and power. In case the early married school-age girls become widowed, they have nobody to support their education and with little options to raise their families.

Low quality of education

Studies have shown a close link between early marriage and the quality of education (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). The mainstream perception that learners should marry after completion of their education process creates identity crises and the actual perception of social selves hinders these girls from socializing or conducting discussions in classrooms. For instance, when teachers have to discuss topics relating to early marriages, they might be forced to overlook some important details pertaining the topic mainly to avoid what might look as discussing the married members of the class. Therefore, they do not address the pertinent points surrounding the issue, and thus the quality of education is compromised. The entire class might be misled on some crucial issues regarding early marriage, which might affect their future lives.

Poverty and marriage

Financial stability exerts a substantial impact on a child’s learning and school attendance, and this influence contributes to girls’ early marriage in many ways. The learning institutions incorporate learners from wide social orientations. Children from poor backgrounds are affected psychologically and they end up losing concentration on studies, which leads to poor performance. The teacher-student relationship also plays a significant role. For instance, teachers who label such students as slow learners might encourage them to pull out of school. Parents decide to let their girls marry and reduce the financial burden that come with education. Marital status becomes an influential predictor of school attendance for the married girls. Most girls feel ashamed whilst interacting with fellow students who see them as wives rather than students. The divided attention forces the young girls to pull out or terminate their studies at lower levels (Koppelman & Goodhart, 2011). This aspect undermines the girls’ potential to explore their capabilities and become independent in the future. In addition, early poverty and neglect among young learners gradually develop to adolescence learning disorders. Developmental cognitive studies indicate that early brain development forms the basis of intellectual progress and learning (Egbo, 2009). Therefore, when girls get married while in school, they are further interrupted, and thus they get an excuse to drop out of school. The poverty cycle continues, thus leading to low social status. This aspect does not only affect the young girls, but also the economic growth of a country.

Economic factors

Poor societal value for girls leads to early marriage, but this notion varies across different cultures. In many societies, women are considered as incompetent in the workplace, hence unproductive as opposed to men. Such societies hold that girls create a financial burden, and thus their parents let them be married in a bid to ease such monetary encumbrances. Sometimes, girls get married early to offset their parents’ debts. These girls find it difficult to continue with studies while in marriage, and thus they opt to exit school. Most probably, children of illiterate mothers will have low incentives to go further in education, which projects the poverty cycle to other generations (Finlay & Neumark, 2008).

Teen pregnancy and school exit

Undoubtedly, teen pregnancy has a strong link to school exit for young girls (Cherubini et al., 2010). Girls, who continue learning after getting married, find themselves at the risk of terminating their education once they get pregnant. Given the nature of classroom experiences through interactions and participation, the girls find life unbearable, and thus they decide to drop out and concentrate with marital life.

Gender inequality

In most cases, girls are highly affected by early marriages since they have limited educational opportunities, thus reducing their employment chances and the power to compete with their male counterparts. Victims of early marriage in school are likely to experience gender-based violence and discrimination by fellow students or even teachers (Cherubini et al., 2010). Unfortunately, the few girls who manage to go through the education system while in marriage come out of school hoping to compete in the workforce, but the male-dominated societies have little concern about their skills. They are seen as family house helps, and thus they are denied job opportunities based on their gender. The idea that girls should be married and boys should be educated gives the boys a green light to go pursue their dreams even after they marry. When boys get married, they do not receive backlash from the school fraternity. This aspect builds them psychologically as the support coming from their wives is sufficient for them to further their education unlike girls who find themselves in similar situations.

Change of location and backgrounds

Early marriage means the relocation and adaptation to new environments, maybe across the country or even the continent. These changes imply cultural diversities and integration to new lifestyles in marriage and new environments of learning. The class environment in most cases differs in many ways and it calls for high concentration to catch up, which is insurmountable for married girls. The current state of education faces challenges to uphold equity and tolerance for diverse cultures in school (Egbo, 2009). Due to linguistic disparities, it is hard for girls to adapt to new school environments, while at the same time keeping up with family matters. This pressure compels them to exit school or end up graduating with poor results.

Recommendations

Early marriage among schoolchildren is a violation of human rights and intrusion to personal life as many decisions are made for them by their parents. Therefore, policymakers need to address cultural values that should be improved to protect girls from exploitation on gender-based inequalities. Law enforcers should encourage the affected people particularly the girls to report cases when they feel that their rights are being undermined. Education should be used as an option to alleviate early marriage by creating support systems for the girls’ education and deal with other disparities in learning institutions (Cherubini et al., 2010). Women empowerment should be advocated to ensure a balance in the distribution of education opportunities for everyone.

Despite the significant improvement in the school enrollment of children from all divisions of the society, great disparities exist in terms of gender and the gap intensifies with girls being the most affected particularly by early marriage. Studies have shown that school drop out and low qualities of education are negatively affecting girls that are trapped in early marriages (Koppelman & Goodhart, 2011). Higher learning institutions report a huge gap in gender distribution, by showing that male students dominate these institutions. This aspect implies that many girls end up exiting education institutions at lower stages when they cannot handle both marital issues and education. Therefore, policymakers and the governments should realize that learning institutions and classrooms currently comprise diverse student populations with varying life experiences. Therefore, policymakers should reorient learning institutions coupled with advocating comprehensive and inclusive system to alleviate any form of disparities. Advocacy should be carried out to reduce the prevalence of early marriage by empowering the less privileged sections of the society and ensure that societies develop the culture of learning for all individuals regardless of their gender.

Cherubini, L., Hodson, J., Manley‐ Casimir, M., & Muir, C. (2010). Closing the Gap’ at the Peril of Widening the Void: Implications of the Ontario Ministry of Education’s Policy for Aboriginal Education. Canadian Journal of Education 33 (2), 329 ‐ 355.

Egbo, B. (2009). Teaching for Diversity in Canadian Schools . Toronto, Canada: Pearson Canada Inc.

Finlay, K., & Neumark, D. (2008). Is marriage always good for children? Evidence from families affected by incarceration . Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.

Koppelman, L., & Goodhart, R. (2011). Understanding human differences: Multicultural education for a diverse America . Boston, MA: Pearson/Allyn & Bacon.

Nguyen, M., & Wodon, Q. (2012). Child Marriage and Education: A Major Challenge. Journal Economics Bulletin , 32 (1), 398-411.

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IvyPanda . 2020. "Early Marriage and Its Impact on Education." June 20, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/early-marriage-and-its-impact-on-education/.

1. IvyPanda . "Early Marriage and Its Impact on Education." June 20, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/early-marriage-and-its-impact-on-education/.

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IvyPanda . "Early Marriage and Its Impact on Education." June 20, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/early-marriage-and-its-impact-on-education/.

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Individual and Community-level factors associated with early marriage in Zambia: a mixed effect analysis

Million phiri.

1 Department of Population Studies, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia

2 Demography and Population Studies Programme, Schools of Public Health and Social Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa

Emmanuel Musonda

Liness shasha, vincent kanyamuna.

3 Department of Development Studies, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia

Musonda Lemba

Associated data.

Datasets used in our study are publicly available at DHS program website ( https://dhsprogram.com/ ).

Child marriage has long been a public health concern around the world, because it has the potential to deprive adolescent girls of their sexual reproductive health rights and limits their ability to reach their full potential in life. The prevalence of child marriage has been consistently higher in sub-Saharan Africa than elsewhere. However, fewer studies have explored the influence of both individual and community-level influences on early marriage in sub-Saharan Africa. This study, therefore, examined individual and community-level factors associated with child marriages in Zambia.

Data came from the Zambia Demographic and Health Surveys (ZDHS) conducted in 2007, 2013–14 and 2018. A pooled weighted sample of 9990 women aged 20–29 years was used in the analysis. Stata software version 17 was used to perform statistical analysis, taking into account complex survey design. The association between individual- and community- level factors and early marital behavior was assessed using multilevel logistic regression models.

The prevalence of child marriage among women aged 20–29 was 44.4 percent (95% CI: 42.1, 46.7) in 2018, declining from 51.5 percent (95% CI: 48.9, 54.0) in 2007. Women with secondary or higher level of education [aOR = 0.36, 95% CI = 0.26–0.49] and [aOR = 0.07, 95% CI = 0.03–0.18] and those whose age at first birth was (15–19 year) or (20–29 years) were associated with less likelihood of experiencing child marriage. Communities with a high percentage of women who gave birth at a young age [aOR = 1.36, 95% CI = 1.15–1.62] were more likely to experience child marriage. Individual and community-level characteristics accounted for 35% of the overall variations in communities' likelihood of experiencing early marriage. Even after controlling for both individual and community-level influences, the intra-class correlation revealed that around 4.5 percent of the overall variations remained unexplained.

Prevalence of child marriage has reduced over the years but is still high in Zambia. Both individual and community- level factors influenced child marriage in Zambia. There is a need to strengthen strategies that keep girls in school to delay their exposure to early sexual debut and child marriage. Designing of reproductive health interventions in the country should consider integration of community factors such as economic insecurity and access to reproductive health information.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12905-023-02168-8.

Introduction

Child marriage, defined as a legal or informal union between two people before they turn 18 years old, is a practice that disproportionately affects girls and is linked to several unfavorable social and developmental outcomes [ 1 – 5 ]. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals acknowledges that Child marriage has long been a public health concern around the world [ 6 – 8 ]. This is because it has the potential to deprive adolescent girls of their sexual and reproductive health rights. Furthermore, child marriage can limit their ability to reach their full potential and enjoy their human rights as guaranteed by several international treaties [ 1 , 9 – 12 ]. Child marriage remains a burden in developing regions with sub-Saharan Africa having the highest prevalence of 37%, South East Asia at 30% and Latin America at 21% [ 1 , 6 , 13 , 14 ]. According to Girls Not Brides in 2018, one out of every five girls is married before the age of 18, with Africa accounting for roughly 67–76 percent of child marriages [ 7 , 15 ]. Apart from Africa, Asia has a high rate of child marriage, with around 46 percent of women aged 20–24 in South Asia marrying before the age of 18 [ 16 , 17 ]. Despite global declines in child marriage rates, its persistence in particular places has led to a growing acknowledgment that ending the practice requires a detailed knowledge of the factors that drive it [ 18 , 19 ]. Several studies on child marriage have revealed a number of socially complex, interconnected, and context-specific variables that vary in importance across and even within nations [ 1 , 11 , 13 ].

The major drivers of child marriage have been conceptualized as follows: poverty and economic factors; lack of opportunity for girls beyond marriage; fear of pregnancy/girls' sexuality; social norms; and a lack of agencies among girls themselves [ 1 , 13 , 18 , 20 – 22 ]. Literature has shown that girls who marry early are more likely to experience violence, abuse, and forced sexual relations because of unequal power relations [ 23 – 25 ]. Young girls are also more vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections (including HIV) [ 26 – 28 ]. Girls’ education, health, and psychologic well-being of females, as well as the health of their offspring, are all negatively impacted by child marriage [ 29 ].

Most existing research seeking to explain why child marriage persists has focused on understanding how factors manifest at the individual and household levels. In recent years, there has also been a growing interest in understanding and changing drivers that sustain the practice at the community level [ 22 , 25 ]. However, few studies have explored how the drivers of child marriage manifest across both micro (individual and household) and macro (community) levels, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) [ 21 , 30 , 31 ]. Understanding the intersection of drivers across levels and to what extent drivers work separately or jointly to sustain the practice is critical for designing and implementing effective policies and programs aimed at preventing child marriage. However, we are still learning about factors that influence early marital decision making, particularly about girls’ beliefs and circumstances and about the social context in which they live [ 32 – 34 ].

Even though literature shows that the environment has a significant impact on marital and reproductive health behaviour of young individuals, mainly due to peer pressure and other social factors, no study has attempted to examine both individual and community level factors associated with child marriage in Zambia. An earlier study by Mulenga and others [ 35 ], conducted in Zambia found that residence, age at first sex, education level of women and their partners, and family size had a significant influence on prevalence of child marriage. The study, however, ignored the influence of community-level factors on child marriage. There is a paucity of knowledge on how community-level factors influence early marriage in Zambia. In view of this, we conducted this study to bridge the knowledge gap that exists in the literature. Examining both individual and community-level factors associated with child marriage is an important step to inform relevant government and non-governmental organizations to have an in-depth understanding of factors that explain why girls fall into a trap of child marriages in Zambia.

Despite many efforts by government and stakeholders to address social and economic factors that predispose young girls to marry early, the prevalence of child marriage is still high in Zambia. In 2013, 31.4% of women aged 20–24 reported to have been married before age 18 [ 1 , 9 , 10 ]. The prevalence is significantly higher in rural areas than in urban areas [ 9 , 36 , 37 ]. We therefore conducted this study to investigate individual and community-factors associated with child marriage in Zambia. The study also sought to establish if there are community-level variations in the prevalence of child marriage. There is increasing evidence in the literature that the environment has a significant impact on young people's reproductive behaviour [ 38 – 42 ] . Therefore, the application of the multilevel analysis model in this study allowed for in-depth analysis of the effects of both individual and community variables on women’s decision about early marriage. Our study has provided an opportunity to generate information useful for shaping and redesigning of existing policies and interventions aimed at eliminating early marriage in the country. The findings might inform reproductive health policies and programming in other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Data source

Secondary data from the Zambia Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) conducted in 2007, 2013 and 2018 was used [ 43 ]. Specifically, the study used the women’s individual recode files (IR) which contain the responses of women aged 15–49 who were enrolled in surveys. The Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) is a nationwide cross-sectional survey that is usually carried out across low-and middle-income countries every five-years [ 44 ] and collects data on several indicators such related to demographic and health of a country. The DHS has been an essential source of country level data on issues surrounding sexual and reproductive health indicators in low-and middle-income countries as it gathers data on several indicators such as marriage, sexual-activity, fertility, fertility-preferences and family-planning [ 44 ]. Stratified, two-stage sampling approach is usually employed in selecting the sample for the DHS. A pooled sample of 9990 women aged 20–29 years, who were ever-married prior to survey and had complete information on reported age at first marriage were included in the analysis. The age group 20 to 24 years old is the typical age range for researching child marriage among women who have ever been married [ 1 , 11 , 17 ]. We used the broader age range of the ever-married women 20 to 29 years old for analyses of the data samples because the age sample for the group 20–24 years was not sufficient for our analysis. Because age at first marriage was measured retrospectively, we excluded all teenage women aged 15–19 years from the analysis. This is due to the fact that not all members of this cohort had a chance to experience child marriage as they had not yet completed childhood age. The selection criteria for the study sample size for the three DHS’s is described in Fig.  1 .

Sample selection and inclusion criteria

Outcome measure

The outcome variable for this study was age at marriage. Age at first marriage is defined as “age at which woman or a man was first married or stated cohabiting with partner” usually age at first marriage is presented as; less than 18 years or 18 years and above [ 8 , 9 , 35 ]. During the DHS survey, all women who reported being ever married prior to the survey were asked to state the age at which they got married or started cohabiting with a partner. The variable was collected and recorded as continuous data. To facilitate binary analysis, we then recoded the variable into two categories: (i) ‘less than 18 years’ and; (ii) 18 years or above. A binary outcome variable was then classified as “0” representing age at first marriage/cohabitation of 18 years or above and “1” representing age at first marriage below 18 years, which was treated as child marriage.

Independent variables

Based on exiting literature [ 30 , 34 , 35 , 45 ], a number of explanatory variables were selected, these included: age of a woman; age at first sex; education; literacy; residence; region; wealth status; employment status; exposure to family planning messages; age at first birth; gave birth in the last five years; age of partner; education of partner; and employment of partner. These variables were grouped into individual and community-level variables.

Individual level factors

Individual-level factors included age of a woman categorized as [ 20 – 29 ]; education level (none, primary, secondary and higher); literacy (illiterate and literate); age at first sex (less than 15, 15–19, 20–24 and 25–29); age at firth birth (less than 15, 15–19 and 20–29); age of a partner at the time of the survey (less than 25, 25–29, 30–34, and 35 +); wealth status (poor, middle and rich). Other individual variables included employment status (not working and working); education level of partner (none, primary, secondary, and higher); partner’s employment status (not working and working); gave birth last five years (no and yes); media exposure (no and yes); and desired family size (less than 4 children, 4–5 and 6 + children).

Community-level factors

The aggregation of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics (education, employment, wealth status, age at first birth) and behaviour-related factors (fertility desire, exposure to FP messages) from individual-level to community-level was done to study these variables at the community or neighbourhood level. These community variables were chosen based on their significance in previous research [ 21 , 30 ]. A community was defined as the primary sampling unit (i.e., cluster) of the ZDHS’s. Household wealth, employment, women’s education, age at first birth, ideal number of children, and exposure to media FP messages were aggregated to a sampling unit to generate community level. The community-level factors, except for residence, were aggregated individual-level variables at the cluster level measured as average proportions classified into low, medium, and high levels for each variable for easy interpretation. The following categorisation was used to group the percentile into three discrete categories (low = “0–49 percent”; medium = “50–75 percent”; high = “75–100 percent”). A number of studies guided the construction of the indices and community variables used in this study [ 22 , 25 , 40 , 45 – 47 ].

Statistical analysis

Data analysis was done at three levels: descriptive, bivariate and multilevel using Stata version 17 software, with 5% level of significance. At the descriptive level, percent distributions of outcome indicators were presented. At the bivariate level, cross-tabulations with chi-square tests were used to analyse the association between child marriage and the selected independent variables. In order to assess the effects of several identified individual and community-level factors on child marriage in Zambia, a two-level multilevel binary logistic regression model was applied on a pooled data for all the three surveys phases. First level involved analysing data at the individual level and the second involved analysis at community level. The “melogit” command was used in Stata software to account for the clustering of the outcome variable within and across sampling clusters of the survey design. Adjusted odds ratios (aOR) with corresponding 95% confidence intervals (CI) were reported. Four multilevel logistic models were estimated. Model 1 included the outcome variable only in order to test the random variability in the intercept. Model 2 included the individual-level variables to examine women’s characteristics on early marriage experience while Model 3 examined the effect of community-level characteristics only; model 4 included both the individual and community-level factors. All covariates were included in the multilevel analyses regardless of level of significance at bivariate analysis. This is because all the variables in our study conceptual framework have been reported to significantly influence child marriage in prior studies [ 30 , 34 , 35 , 45 ].

The intra-class correlation (ICC) was used to understand variations of relationships between communities and the relative effect of community-level variables. ICC provides information on the share of variance at each level. The latent method was used to calculate the PVC at each level. It assumes a threshold model, approximating the level 1 variance by π 2 / 3 ( ≈ 3.29 ) [ 40 , 47 , 48 ]. To explain the heterogeneity in the probabilities of early marital experience, the Proportional Change in Variance (PCV) was computed for each model compared to the empty model. The PCV provided information on the share of variance for each model relative to model I. Aikake Information Criteria (AIC) were used to compare models and measure goodness of fit [ 40 , 47 ].The model with the lower Aikake Information Criteria (AIC) was considered being a better fit for the data. To assess multicollinearity among independent factors, the variance inflation factor (VIF) was used. There were no concerns with multicollinearity in any of the variables (all VIF < 5). The variance inflation factor values are presented in Additional file 1 : Table 1.

Ethical approval

The data analysed in this study is available in the public domain at ( https://dhsprogram.com/ ) Permission to use the data was obtained from the DHS program. All datasets used in this study did not contain any personal identification information from survey participants. The original Zambian DHS Biomarker and survey protocols were approved by Tropical Disease and Research Center (TDRC) and the Research Ethics Review Board of the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Atlanta.

Sample description

A total of 9990 women were included in the analysis across the three ZDHS surveys. The majority, 44 percent, were from the 2013/14 ZDHS, while 34 percent were from the 2018 survey and 21 percent from the 2007 survey. Table ​ Table1 1 shows the distribution of women included in the analysis by background characteristics across the survey years. The distribution of respondents across ages shows that most of them (above 50 percent) were aged between 25 and 29 years in all the three surveys years. Rural and urban distribution showed that in all three survey years, 2007, 2013 and 2018, the majority of respondents were from rural areas (63 percent, 57 percent and 59 percent respectively). The provincial distribution shows that Lusaka had the highest proportion of women across the two survey years 2013 and 2018 (19 percent and 19 percent respectively) while Copperbelt (16 percent) had the highest proportion of women for the survey year 2007. Regarding the highest level of education majority of respondents had attained only primary school level education across the three survey years 2007, 2013 and 2018 (59 percent, 49 percent and 46 percent respectively). In terms of employment status, 56 percent in 2007, 54 percent in 2013 and 52 percent in 2018 were working.

Percent distribution of background characteristics of ever married young women (20–29 years), 2007–2018 DHS, Zambia

Table ​ Table1 1 further shows that in all survey years 2007, 2013 and 2018, most of the women had their first birth in the age group 15–19 (67 percent, 69 percent and 68 respectively). Majority of the women, ranging from 80 to 89 percent, had no exposure to family planning messages all survey years.

Table ​ Table2 2 shows the prevalence of child marriage according to different background characteristics of women. The trends and pattern show that over the years 2007 to 2018, the prevalence of child marriage reduced from 52 to 44 percent in Zambia. Bivariate analysis reveals that many socio-economic and demographic variables were consistently associated with child marriage ( p  < 0.001). The percentage of women who experienced child marriage was high in all the survey years among those aged 20–24 compared to those aged 25–29.

Percent distribution of bivariate analysis of child marriage prevalence among ever married women (20–29 years) by background characteristics, 2007–2018 DHS, Zambia

*** p  < 0.001; ** p  < 0.01; * p  < 0.05; Ns  Non-significant

Child marriage has been consistently high among women living in rural areas than among their counterparts living in urban areas. Results show that there has been a large decline in the prevalence of child marriage from 42 to 34 percent in urban areas compared decline observed in rural areas (57 percent to 52 percent) in the period 2007–2018. The provincial prevalence of child marriage in 2018 ranged from 32 percent on the Copperbelt to 57 percent in Eastern province. The prevalence of child marriage was high among women with no formal education across the three survey years ( p  < 0.001). Prevalence of child marriage in Zambia has been high among women with no formal or primary level of education).

Across all the three survey years, the prevalence of child marriage was observed to be high among women whose age at first sexual debut was below the age of 15. This prevalence increased from 66 to 70 percent in the period 2007–2018. Furthermore, our study results show a significant decline in prevalence among women coming from all income groups between 2007 and 2018. There was a slight decline in child marriage among women whose partner’s level of education was primary or secondary from 59 to 56 percent and 47 percent to 39 percent between 2007 and 2018, respectively.

Across the three surveys, the prevalence of child marriage was high among women who had no exposure to family planning messages: 55 percent, 50 percent and 47 percent, respectively. The study results also reveal that young women who preferred a large family size were more likely to marry early compared to their counterparts who preferred a low family size.

Factors associated with experience of early marriage

Modelling approaches (fixed effects).

Table ​ Table3 3 displays the measures of association from the multilevel binary logistic regression model of association between child marriage, individual, and community-level factors. Results of model IV which accounted for both individual and community-level factors, revealed that women with secondary education or higher were less likely to experience child marriage compared to those with no education. Women whose age at first sex was in age groups 15–19 and 20–24 years and those whose age at first birth was in the age group 15–19 and 20–29 years were equally less likely to experience child marriage compared to women who initiated sexual debut or had a first birth at before age 15. Furthermore, women whose partners’ education was secondary or higher were less likely to experience early marriage compared to those whose partners had no formal education. Women from communities with a moderate percentage of women belonging to poor households, from communities with a high percentage of women giving birth at a young age were more likely to experience child marriage compared with their defined counterparts who belonged to poor households and those from communities with low percentage of women giving birth at a young age, respectively. Although nearly all the covariates in the model were significant in the univariable models, very few remained significant after adjustment in the full multivariable model (Model IV).

Multilevel parameter estimates and adjusted odds of child marriage prevalence, DHS 2007 -2018

Model I contains no explanatory variables; Model II includes individual-level factors only; Model III includes community-level factors only; Model IV includes both individual-level and community-level factors

aOR adjusted odds ratio, CI Confidence internal, ICC Intraclass correlation coefficient, PCV Proportional change in variance, AIC Akaike information criterion

*** p < 0.001; ** p < 0.01; * p < 0.05

Modelling approaches (random effects)

Measures of variation for child marriage experience are presented in Table ​ Table3. 3 . In the null model, the use of multilevel modelling was justified by the significant variation in prevalence of child marriage (σ2 = 0.23, 95% CI 0.17–0.30). The ICC for the child marriage prevalence was 6.4% suggesting that variation in experience of child marriage across clusters may be attributed to other unobserved community-level characteristics. The final model (Model IV) reveals significant variances, showing the effects of community heterogeneity. Additionally, 35 percent of the variance in the odds of experiencing child marriage across communities were explained by both individual and community-level factors, as indicated by the Proportional Change in Variance (PCV) in model IV.

This study sought to analyse the influence of individual and community-level factors that explain child marriage in Zambia. The study applied a multilevel logistic regression models on the pooled 2007–2018 Zambia Demographic and Health Surveys to better understand the factors that explain child marriage among women in Zambia. Disparities in experience of early marriage have been observed among different sociodemographic strata and understanding factors associated with early marriage in Zambia has a significant implication on strengthening sexual reproductive health policies and programmes to further reduce the prevalence of child marriage.

Our study reveals that the proportion of child marriage among women was 44.4 percent in 2018, declining from 51.5 percent in 2007. This decline could be attributed to the design and implementation of the national multi-sectoral strategy to end child marriage, which was launched in 2016 [ 9 ]. The study established that individual factors (education level of a woman, partners’ education, age at first sexual debut, age at first birth and desired family size) and community-level factors (poverty level, young age at first birth) were significantly associated with early marriage in Zambia. The high prevalence of child marriage remains a public health and social concerns to achievement of sustainable development goals on improving maternal health and women’s education. These results suggest urgent attention for strengthening sexual reproductive health policies and programming in Zambia. Conversely, the study has revealed that residence, household wealth status, employment status and other community-level factors had no effect on experience of child marriage among young women in Zambia. A similar study by Zegeye [ 45 ] found that apart from region, all community-level factors were not associated with an experience of child marriage in Mali.

In this analysis, women with secondary or higher level of were less likely to experience child marriage. This suggests that increasing schooling opportunities for women have a significant bearing on reducing the prevalence of child marriages in Zambia, because educated women have the potential to make an informed decision about marital behavior because of easy access to appropriate reproductive health information. Our finding is consistent with similar studies conducted in Tanzania, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia and Nigeria [ 21 , 30 , 49 ] which also reported education as a significant factor in reducing exposure to early marriage. Additionally, women whose partners had secondary or higher education are less likely to experience early marriage compared to those whose partners had a lower level of education. This finding is similar to what was reported in previous studies [ 45 , 50 ].

Our findings revealed that women who delayed their first sexual debut were less likely to experience early marriage compared with those started having sexual intercourse early. This finding is consistent with a study conducted in Tanzania and Burkina Faso in which age at first sex was positively associated with early marriage [ 21 , 30 ]. Sexual behavior of women has shown to influence marital behavior in other settings. For instance, in Congo, women who started sexual debut before age 16 were three and a half times more at risk of early marriage than those who started having sexual intercourse after age 17 [ 51 ]. Our study found that women who started childbearing after age 14 were less likely to marry early. The variations in experience of early marriage according to different sexual reproductive behavior observed in this study underscore the need to strengthen comprehensive sexual reproductive education and contraceptive services in primary and secondary education curriculum to reduce child marriage in Zambia effectively.

The effects of community-level characteristics on child marriage have been well-documented [ 21 , 45 ]. Findings from the current analysis revealed that women from communities with a moderate percentage of women belonging to poor households and from communities with a high percentage of women giving birth at a younger age were more likely to experience child marriage compared to their defined counterparts. Women from poor households may have inadequate access to sexual reproductive health information and services. Additionally, these women may also have less access to education, hence being less likely to comprehend health messages leading to a low understanding of consequences of early marriage and reduced demand of reproductive health services [ 33 , 52 ]. Similarly, women from well-to-do communities are expected to better have chances of accessing education and sexual reproductive health information. As such, these women are empowered to make an informed decision about health and social consequences of early marriages.

Differences in experience of child marriage were observed according to distinct individual and community factors. Therefore, increasing access to education for female adolescents and women and strengthening sexual reproductive programme interventions will be key to addressing the problem of child marriage in Zambia. As evidenced by the results, employed women were less likely to have experienced child marriage, suggesting that empowering women may go a long way in addressing child marriage. There could be unobserved or unmeasured community-level factors that influenced early marital behavior. This suggests that there could be factors operating at the community-level, not included in the current analysis, which may be associated with early marital behavior in Zambia. These may include, but are not limited to, cultural differences between communities (that may ultimately influence child marriage), and community outreach, engagement, and mobilization efforts. Therefore, sexual reproductive programs need to be embedded in early school curriculum and a thorough community profiling. Furthermore, interventions to curb child marriage require approaches that will strengthen community engagement among relevant stakeholders such as civic leader, traditional leaders, community leaders and religious institutions.

Although the study has provided useful findings that have the potential to inform strengthening of existing sexual reproductive policies and programming targeting at changing marital behaviour among adolescents and women in Zambia. Designing of tailor-made interventions to address the problem will require a detailed decomposition analysis of both individual and community-level factors to delineate factors that have contributed to the observed reduction in prevalence of child marriage.

Study strengths and limitations

The study had a number of limitations. First, because of the cross-sectional nature of the DHS data, causality cannot be inferred from this study. Second, the outcome of interest child marriage was measured retrospectively using the reported age at first marriage for the ever-married women. But the independent factors are with reference to the time when the survey was conducted, meaning that there is a possibility of a variance between the factors at the time of marriage and those at the time of the survey. There is also a possibility of recall bias, since the DHS participants were asked to report events that happened in the past. Since the study comprised a nationally representative sample of Zambian women, the current findings can apply to the entire population of women in Zambia. The hierarchical nature of the DHS dataset allowed for exploration of community effects, which may have an influence on sexual and reproductive health and family planning programming in Zambia. The study assessed a wide range of factors to strengthen the associations observed.

The study has established that the prevalence of child marriage is still high in Zambia, even though there has been a reduction in the trends over the years. In Zambia, we have observed that the factors that influence child marriage operate at both individual and community-level level. Sexual and reproductive health programmes should be strengthened, especially among communities with less access to education in order to improve reproductive health outcomes, such as age at first sexual intercourse and age at first birth among women. Further research is needed to have a better understanding of some findings reported in this study, as well as to learn more about the socio-cultural and religious influences that may explain some of the unaccounted for community effects on child marriage.

Acknowledgements

We appreciate the Zambia Statistics Agency, Ministry of Health, ICF and other partners involved in Zambia DHS program.

Abbreviations

Author contributions.

MP developed the concept for this study, wrote background and discussion sections. EM and MP wrote the methods section. EM performed data analysis. LS wrote the interpretation text for the manuscript. ML and VK performed overall review and editing of the manuscript for intellectual content. All authors read and approved the final version of the manuscript.

No funding was received.

Availability of data and materials

Declarations.

Because the data used in the analysis came from secondary sources that are already in the public domain, the study did not require approval from an ethics body. However, all necessary procedures and guidelines were followed to access the DHS datasets from the DHS program. The DHS protocols ensured that all ethical process were followed before commencement of data collection processes in Zambia. All participants older than 18 years who were enrolled in the DHS were required to give their informed consent during enumeration. Additionally, parents or guardians of all participants aged 15 to 17 gave consent before the legal minors were asked for their assent.

Not applicable.

Authors declare no competing interests.

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A blog post on the harm child marriage is inflicting on girls

Taking a child for early marriage when she is still young may lead to lack of health, lack of care, unwanted pregnancies and she might be overburdened with domestic work.

Lack of health

When a girl is taken for early marriage, she may not know how to keep her children, herself and not even the home clean and healthy. You may find the mother busy with cooking and the children are disposing waste which may cause sickness and diseases later on, for example cholera, diarrhoea and typhoid because of dirty water.

Lack of care

When you take your child for early marriage, she may be irresponsible. She may not be able to handle her home or even to speak to the people of the community. It will be a problem because she is fearing due to the lack of care.

Unwanted pregnancies

When you take your child for early marriage, she will become pregnant and later on and she may give birth through surgery or she may die in the process of giving birth which is not good. Some parents are taking their child for early marriage for reducing poverty at home and in the community, but you won’t reduce unwanted pregnancies by doing so.

Overburdened with domestic work

Overburdening children with domestic work are not good because it may later on affect the children or the child and they will feel some pain on the body such as chest pain and back pain. Carrying heavy things might harm their bodies.

My advice to our parents: Parents, avoid early marriage May Modong, 15 years old.

The COVID-19 has made it worse with increased rates of unwanted pregnancies and high crime rates.

During this pandemic, many girls have become pregnant because they know that this year is a wasted year- no need for them to go back to school. But no, it is not the way to your future because education is the only way to your future

This pandemic has made some children to join some groups in the areas, other are now thieves, some are drinking alcohol and smoking cigarette which may later on affect the body and even lead to death.

My advice to our parents:

Parents, avoid early marriage

Parents, don’t overburden children with a lot of domestic work

My advice to the children

We children should not refuse to go to school because education is the key to our future because when you educate a girl you educate the whole nation and reduce gender-based violence many girls and women in this country are facing.

Thank you and may God bless UNICEF and Every one of us in Jesus’ name. Amen.

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Early marriage: Causes, effects, problems, how early is too early?

There are many nations and tribes worldwide for whom early marriage is a long-lasting tradition preserved throughout the centuries. It may sound terrifying, but early marriages are still popular in remote areas, and most people still practice them.

What are the causes and effects of early marriage? The immature individuals, who get married, are not always stable enough to cope with the difficulties that come with marriage. What makes people get married early, and what are the consequences?

What is early marriage?

Early marriage, often known as child marriage, is a partnership between two persons while one or both parties are under 18.

What are the causes of early marriage?

What are the consequences of early marriage ? What makes people reject their own wishes and start relationships as a couple? Here are some of the major causes of early marriages in many societies.

A kind of disobedience

What is enmeshment in a relationship and how does one deal with it?

It is up to the youth to be influenced by modern tendencies and a desire to be like a young celebrity who has married recently. Moreover, these people feel like Romeo and Juliet, who found one love for their entire life. They escape and get married secretly, breaking the prohibitions.

Lack of sexual education and unexpected pregnancy

Young people are not always educated enough on sexual relationships and methods to avoid unplanned pregnancies.

Most countries prohibit abortions. Furthermore, they bear criminal liability under the law. To prevent legal responsibility and punishment, young people are obliged to get married, even if one of the "participants" is considered too young.

Early marriage as a tribute to ancestors

Keeping traditions preserved is one of the primary tasks in many African countries . For example, they contract a marriage due to the customs inherent to their ancestors.

It is one of the causes which affect the lives of young girls. Their parents "sell" them into marriage to cope with debts and escape their miserable state.

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Protection of the family's honour

Giving their daughter into marriage at a very early age means purity; parents keep their dignity and honour. Parents may also get their children engaged in building strong relationships between clans or powerful families.

What are the effects of early marriage in our society?

In most cases, early marriages are not good for both sides of the relationship. However, the main negative influence falls on the young girls married off at tender ages. Below are some of the major problems of child marriage.

Lack of education

In most cultures, the primary "function" of a girl or a woman is to give birth to children and run the house. Such a necessary feature as education is thought to be unnecessary for them. The girls are detached from educational establishments and are obliged to be good wives. They are forbidden to have even the slightest idea to continue studying.

The most popular types of family

Great refusal

Even if a woman is finally allowed to continue her formal education, she often faces another difficulty – a refusal to be accepted back. The only answer to her "Why?" is that she is already a wife and a mother of a child she should take care of.

Being in a trap

As a result, these girls find themselves being in a trap: on the one hand, they have to work to earn a living, but from another hand – a lack of education and necessary skills doesn't provide enough opportunities for well-paid jobs. That's why their life turns into a "circle of survival" with no beginning and no end.

Easy to contract diseases

Children who are married off are also more likely to get s*xually transmitted illnesses like HIV. Most of them are quite young and have little understanding about STIs and unexpected pregnancy, as well as how to protect themselves from such infections.

Top 5 causes of the current religious crisis in Nigeria and possible solutions

Emotional adversity

From early years, families force their children to do something that contradicts their wishes and aims. The young "brides" are not given a choice and are involved in relationships without a feeling of love.

As a result, the emotional state of girls becomes slightly unstable. She is not mature enough mentally to cope with all the difficulties and questions in her mind.

They find only two ways out – commit su*cide or run away with the kids from their husbands to some distant relatives. This leads to social renunciation and shame put on her family. Moreover, they still stay face-to-face with their difficulties with no help.

Physical immaturity and health issues

It has been proved that the female body is formed only by 18 years to reproduce the offspring. An unformed body cannot provide the fetus with proper conditions and normal development. Moreover, one observes the highest mortality rate among newborns and women in families with early marriage.

Top 9 examples of gender inequality in the society and their causes

No friends and loneliness

After marriage, many young girls get separated from society (especially if she moves into a new place of residence) and focus on their families and household duties.

No social support and proper medical care

The rights and needs of women are thought to be of almost no importance if compared to men's. They do not get enough medical care services, social support, and improved working conditions.

Young and physically productive

In developing countries, the problem of early marriage is followed by higher productivity. The younger a girl is, the more children she can give birth to. Also, in some tribal communities, it is a tradition to have many children.

Furthermore, some of these social structures give preference to boys as to the continuers of the family. As a result, a couple produces more children to "reach the goal". Possessing too many children is the key cause of "overpopulation" worldwide.

Unhealthy marriage practices in Nigeria

High level of poverty

Young people breed more children. Social conditions do not provide well-paid jobs. As a result, parents do not have enough money to make their children educated. No education means low-paid positions or no job at all. The more unemployed people, the higher the poverty level is observed within a country.

What are the best solutions to end early marriages?

Girls are particularly impacted by child marriage because it frequently results from pervasive gender inequity. Below are some solutions to help us end these early marriages in our communities.

• Provide financial assistance and incentives to girls and their families.
• Educate and mobilise parents and people of the community.
• Improve girls' access to a good education.
• Put in place community mobilisation campaigns.
• Encourage the passage of favourable legislation and policies.
• Increase the effectiveness of poverty-reduction efforts.
• Provide financial incentives for postponing marriage.
• Combating discrimination and fostering gender equality.
• Provide a safe and non-exploitative source of income.

10 benefits of early marriage for ladies and men

How old are the children involved in child marriages?

Most children who marry young are younger, with most occurring between the ages of 13 and 17. Girls can be given away at the age of nine when parents are under intense pressure to marry off their daughters.

Are boys ever married off while still children?

Boys can also be married off as children; however, girls are the majority of the time. In rare cases, you will find boys being married at a younger age.

What is the difference between child marriage, early marriage and forced marriage?

A union where one or both partners are under the age of 18 are referred to as a child or early marriage. A forced marriage is one in which either one or both partners do not offer their complete and free permission regardless of age.

Marriage is a serious step that should be done voluntary and carefully planned. There should be no other reason than love and a desire to live with a beloved person for the rest of your life. Forced and early marriage is still a global problem across many countries, cultures, religions and ethnicities. It is fueled by social norms, insecurity, poverty, gender inequity, and poverty and has disastrous repercussions everywhere.

Causes of early marriage in Africa

READ ALSO: Yoruba introduction ceremony list and other interesting details

Legit.ng recently published an article with information about Yoruba introduction ceremony and other fascinating details. A Yoruba introduction ceremony is the first official meeting between the bride and groom's families.

A Yoruba introduction list is an essential part of this ceremony. It contains items/gifts shared by the groom and groom's family. Any family who wants their son or daughter to marry a Yoruba, regardless of tribe, nationality, or race, should fulfil this traditional condition.

Source: Legit.ng

Essay on Early Marriage

Students are often asked to write an essay on Early Marriage in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Early Marriage

What is early marriage.

Early marriage means two people starting a married life when they are young, often before they are 18 years old. This is common in some cultures and places.

Reasons Behind Early Marriage

Many times, families think marrying their children young is good, maybe for tradition, money, or to keep honor. Sometimes, young people may also want to marry early because they love each other.

Problems with Early Marriage

Marrying young can cause problems. It can stop education and harm health, especially if young girls have babies. It can also lead to more family fights and money issues.

Changing Views

Now, many people and governments say early marriage is not good. They are trying to change laws and teach others about the problems it causes, to help young people wait to marry.

Also check:

• Paragraph on Early Marriage

250 Words Essay on Early Marriage

Early marriage is when two people get married before they reach the age at which they are generally considered ready for marriage responsibilities. This age is often 18 or older. When young teenagers or even children are married, it is called early or child marriage.

Many times, early marriages happen because of tradition, culture, or poverty. Families may think marrying off their children young will protect them or help them financially. Some believe it is a way to keep traditions alive or ensure that the young couple grows together in a certain way.

Getting married early can cause a lot of problems. Young couples might not be ready for the big responsibilities that come with marriage, like taking care of a family. They might have to stop going to school and miss out on education and opportunities to grow. Health can also be a big concern, especially if young girls become mothers when their bodies are not ready.

The Impact on Society

When young people marry early, it doesn’t just affect them; it impacts the whole society. They might not be able to contribute much because they missed out on education and skills. This can lead to more poverty and less progress for the community.

Early marriage can limit young people’s futures and hurt their health and society’s growth. It is important for communities to understand these problems and work together to give young people the chance to learn, grow, and make their own choices about marriage.

500 Words Essay on Early Marriage

Early marriage is when two people get married before they reach a certain age. This age varies from place to place, but it is often before the age of 18. In some cultures, it is common for young people to get married very young, sometimes even as children. This practice has been around for a long time, and in some parts of the world, it is still happening today.

There are many reasons why early marriage takes place. In some families, it is a tradition that has been passed down for generations. Sometimes, parents think that marrying their children young will protect them or make sure they are taken care of. Other times, families might not have enough money, and marrying off a child can mean one less person to feed or clothe. In some situations, young girls are married to older men because of agreements made between families.

Challenges of Early Marriage

When people marry young, they face many challenges. They might have to stop going to school, which means they won’t get the education they need to find good jobs in the future. They might not be ready for the responsibilities of marriage, like taking care of a home or raising children. This can be very hard for them and can lead to problems in the marriage.

Health is another big concern. Young girls who have babies might face more risks during pregnancy and childbirth because their bodies are not fully developed. This can be dangerous for both the mother and the baby.

Effects on Society

Early marriage doesn’t just affect the people who get married, but it can also have an impact on society. When many people in a community marry young, it can mean that a lot of people don’t finish school. This can lead to a community where not many people have the skills or knowledge to do certain jobs, which can make it hard for the community to grow and prosper.

What is Being Done?

Many people and organizations around the world are working to stop early marriage. They try to educate communities about the problems it causes and encourage them to let children stay in school longer. Laws are also being made to make it illegal for children to marry before they reach a certain age. These efforts are helping, but there is still a lot of work to be done.

In conclusion, early marriage is a complex issue that affects individuals and society in many ways. It can lead to health problems, a lack of education, and difficulty in finding good jobs. By understanding the reasons behind it and the challenges it brings, people can work together to help end this practice. It is important for everyone, including children, to know about their rights and the importance of making choices that are good for their future. With continued education and changes in the law, we can hope for a world where all children are allowed to grow up and make decisions about marriage when they are truly ready.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

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Child Marriage Essay

500 words child marriage essay.

Child Marriage continues to be a prevalent practice in many parts of the world . Even though the world is evolving at a fast pace, there are some regions that can’t seem to move on with times. What’s sad is the dark reality of child marriage which is not considered often. Child marriage is basically the formal or informal marriage of a child with or without their consent, under the age of 18. In most cases, the boy or man is older than the girl. Through a child marriage essay, we will throw light on this social issue.

Causes and Impact of Child Marriage

Child marriage is no less than exploitation of right. In almost all places, the child must be 18 years and above to get married. Thus, marrying off the child before the age is exploiting their right.

One of the most common causes of child marriage is the tradition which has been in practice for a long time. In many places, ever since a girl is born, they consider her to be someone else’s property.

Similarly, the elders wish to work out their family’s expansion so they marry off the youngsters to characterize their status. Most importantly, poor people practice child marriage to get rid of their loans, taxes, dowry and more.

The impact of child marriage can be life-changing for children, especially girls. The household responsibilities fall on the children. They are not mentally or physically ready for it, yet it falls on them.

While people expect the minor boys to bear the financial responsibilities, the girls are expected to look after the house and family. Their freedom to learn and play is taken away.

Further, their health is also put at risk due to the contraction of sexually transmitted diseases like HIV and more. Especially the girls who get pregnant at a young age, it becomes harmful for the mother as well as the baby.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

How to End Child Marriage

Ending child marriage is the need of the hour. In order to end this social evil, everyone from individuals to world leaders must challenge the traditional norms. Moreover, we must do away with ideas that reinforce that girls are inferior to boys.

We must empower the children, especially girls, to become their own agents of change. To achieve this, they must get access to quality education and allow them to complete their studies so they can lead an independent life later on.

Safe spaces are important for children to be able to express themselves and make their voices heard. Thus, it is essential to remove all forms of gender discrimination to ensure everyone is given equal value and protection.

Conclusion of Child Marriage Essay

To sum it up, a marriage must be a sacred union between mature individuals and not an illogical institution which compromises with the future of our children. The problem must be solved at the grassroots level beginning with ending poverty and lack of education. This way, people will learn better and do better.

FAQ on Child Marriage Essay

Question 1: What are the causes of child marriage?

Answer 1: The causes of child marriages include poverty, dowry, cultural traditions, religious and social pressures, illiteracy, and supposed incapability of women to work for money.

Question 2: How can we end child marriage?

Answer 2: To end child marriage we must also raise awareness about this issue and educate both parents and kids. Further, we must encourage them to be independent first and then search for a partner only after attaining a specific age. Laws should be introduced to tackle this social issue.

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FACTORS WHICH CONTRIBUTING TO EARLY MARRIAGE AMONG FEMALE TEENAGERS.pdf

The study aimed at asses the factors which contribute to early marriage among teenagers, it was to gather information on the extent, magnitude and consequences of early marriages in Ubungo Municipality, as a basis for raising awareness on how children, particularly girls, are affected by the practice The Study was conducted at Msigani ward,Mbezi ward,Saranga ward and Kwembe ward on May and June 2018. These four wards are among the areas in Ubungo Municipal in Dar es salaam most affected by early marriage. As shown in this report, girls are more affected by early marriage than boys, since girls are marginalized, their voices are never heard and they are, in most cases, considered as ‘investments’ by their parents and guardians who receive bride price when the girls are married. The survey sought to find out firstly whether people in these wards knew anything about early marriage in their areas. Respondents were asked to define ‘who is a child’, whether they knew what child marriage was, and if they had any views on child marriage in their localities. Secondly, respondents were asked about the extent and causes of early marriage in their areas – the number of cases in their communities – and whether they thought early marriage was a good practice or bad practice. Factors contribute to early marriage formed a further category of questioning. The respondents were then asked if they knew the impact of child marriage on the individual children, their families and the community at large. Finally, respondents were asked if they knew any laws, policies or regulations which govern marriage in Tanzania. The practice are compounded by many factors including: economic factors, social factors like lack of knowledge about what constitutes ‘a child’, ideas about the age at which girls or boys are considered ready for marriage, and the association of puberty with readiness for marriage for both girls and boys. The study employed both qualitative and quantitative approaches while the research design was descriptive survey design. Data were collected using interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussion methods. The population sample of the study comprised fourty (40) respondent , categorized into four respondents, Teachers 10, local governments officer 5, Parents/Guardians/Community Members 5,Female pupils/students 15 and social workers 5

Related Papers

Samuel C H I J I O K E Okorie

This study sets out to explore the socio economic variables and early marriage among teenage girls in Obanliku Local Government Area of Cross River State, Nigeria. The specific objectives were to examine and to determine the Socio economic variables and its relationship with early marriage among teenage girls in the study area. The study was guided by Human Right Approach and Radical Feminist Theory which analyse the right of the female gender and patriarchy as the cause of women’s oppression, and this in turn, hinders them from participating in educational activities equal to men. Survey design was adopted to facilitate the study which enabled the researcher to gather data easily and freely through direct participant observation, key informant interviews and structured questionnaire. A 4 point likert scale; four research questions; and four null hypotheses guided the study. The sample population was 100 respondents both male and females. Data was gathered using questionnaire, oral narrative, key informant interview, articles, journals and other forms of secondary data collection. Data was analysed using Pearson product moment correlation coefficient (r). The study found out that early marriage was facilitated as result of low family income, cost of education, early pregnancy and cultural practice. The study, therefore, concludes that early marriage correlates with family Socio economic status. This finding agrees with that of UNICEF (In the work of Envuladu E.A; et al on: Determinants and effect of girl child marriage: a cross sectional study of school girls (cited Dec 20th 2018) which opined that Families with low income engage more in Bride wealth which enhances the practice of early marriage of teenage girls in most African communities. The study also finds out that early marriage correlates with cost of education. This finding UV with the position of Field & Ambrus (2008) who noted that, early marriage below the age of eighteen (18) can lead to decrease of about 4-6 percent of girls not completing their education factors and child marriage is usually against the will of the girls who desire to be educated and influential in the society but cannot due to educational cost. As means to promote behavioural change approaches to GBV in the society, the study recommends: Government intervention in reducing the cost of education for the people in rural communities with little or no means of income; Promote rural socio economic activities; Support gender empowerment projects; enforce laws that prohibits early marriage GBV; Sex and gender role Education; Creation of gender, development and education centre, Public awareness programs through town hall meetings, Use of village town criers and Advocacy in public places; Establishment of GBV monitoring team in communities; Collaborative Synergy between stakeholders and community indigenes; Home Training and support; Goal Setting and self-discovery; Setting up IPC community facilitators on GBV; Trainings on Sexual Reproductive Health and Hygiene; and Carrying out HIV test. In conclusion; Children should be taught at an early age what sex is, the importance of sexual consent age and what to do if found in an unwanted situation.

Ethiopian Journal of Reproductive Health

Wasihun Edossa

BMC Women's Health

Mojgan Mirghafourvand

Background Child marriage is a violation of children’s rights and it exposes them to social isolation and psychological damages. These negative effects are not limited to them and expands to the family and society as well. The present research aimed at determining the knowledge and viewpoint of adolescent girls regarding child marriage, its causes and consequences in the city of Tabriz-Iran, in 2020–2021. Methods This cross-sectional study was carried out on 300 adolescent girls who had records in the health centers in the city of Tabriz. The data were collected using the sociodemographic characteristics questionnaire, questionnaire of knowledge, and view of adolescent girls regarding child marriage, and its causes and consequences. The multivariate logistic regression model with adjusting the sociodemographic characteristics was used to determine the relationship between the viewpoint of adolescent girls about child marriage and their knowledge in this regard. Results The mean (SD)...

CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research - Zenodo

Connie Johns

Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization

Rosdalina Bukido

Marriage is one of the commands that are highly recommended to all mankind. Human as a legal subject has the right to exercise legal powers granted by the Act. Each individual legal authority to perform marriages has been clearly regulated in Law Number 1 of 1974 on Marriage. This paper describes the factors that cause the occurrence of early marriages in the city of Manado North Sulawesi Province. The number of respondents in this paper is of 100 people by employing qualitative descriptive analysis. The results showed that the main factors that led to the early marriage in the city of Manado are pregnancies due to promiscuity. Other factors are the lack of knowledge of parents and children on the rules of marriage, economic factors and their marriage dispensation from the court. Keywords: Marriage, the underage children. 1 Introduction Marriage is a vessel to form a family in accordance with the purpose of marriage stated on the Marriage Act No. 1 of 1974 which is to build a happy and everlasting family based on a belief in one God. The purpose of marriage is to establish a family; having descendants for a family consists of a husband, a wife and children; the marriage is forever, as we may see the emphasized on the word "eternal"; and the marriage is to achieve happiness. One of the most important things regulated in the Marriage Act is the qualification to perform marriages. Marriages performed not in accordance with the terms of marriage (minimum age for marriage) is then classified as an early marriage. There are multiple factors that encourage them to perform under age marriage. Perpetrators of early marriage have their own reasons of committing to early marriage. There are diverse factors driving the occurrence of early marriage which range from economic factors in which they want to help their family to meet the necessities; to social factor in which they aim to seal the disgrace of being pregnant due to promiscuity which is against the accepted norms of the communities. Early marriage mostly occurs during puberty, this is because adolescents are particularly vulnerable to sexual behavior. Early marriage is also happen as teenagers think emotionally to do a wedding, thinking they had loved each other and are ready to get married. Another factor is the arranged-marriage by parents which most of the time is due to schools' drop out and economic problems (Umi Nurhasanah, Susetyo) Marriages are generally performed by adults with no regard to the profession, religion, ethnicities, economic status (poor or rich), and place of origin (living in the village or in the city). Not a few people who already have physical or mental abilities will be looking for a partner in accordance with what they wanted. Marriage in human life is not a temporary but for a lifetime commitment. Unfortunately, not everyone can understand the eternal nature and purpose of marriage that is to obtain the true happiness (Rina Yulianti, 2010). In cases where the age of marriage is too young may result in the increasing cases of divorce due to lack of awareness of household life responsibilities as husband and wife. Successful marriage is often marked by a readiness to take responsibility. Once deciding to get married, they are ready to bear all expenses incurred as a result of marriage, both concerning the provision of livelihood, education of children, and those related to the protection, education, and good relationships (Rina Yulianti, 2010). Definition of marriage contained in the Act No. 1 of 1974 is in line with the philosophical meaning of the first principle of Pancasila on Almighty God. The first precept underlies and animates the principles of just and civilized humanity, the unity of Indonesia, democracy led by the inner wisdom of deliberations representation and social justice for all Indonesian people. It is based on the nature of the principal that supporters of the State are human beings. Because the state is an institution of living together, humanitarian agencies and human beings are creatures of the Almighty God, so that the existence of all mankind is as a result of the existence of the Almighty God which is taken as a primary cause (Kaelan, 2004). The implementation of early marriage is religiously legal if all marriage requirements have been accomplished by also considering the minimum age prerequisite for both men and women. Maturity of thought and action is obviously needed by the men and women prior to pledging the sacred promise to form a new family. One of the negative impacts of under-age marriage is that both husband and wife are less knowledgeable about

kameel Ahmady

It is a well-documented and an undeniable premise that Early Child Marriage (ECM) dramatically affects and harms the physical and psychological well-being of young children’s lives. In some developing countries, ECM is an economic tool that can improve the economic status of the family. It can fortify bonds between families, ensure girl’s virginity before marriage, controls her sexual desire, and avoids the possibility of a girl reaching an age where she is no longer desirable as a wife by a man or his family2. Complications related to pregnancy and childbirth are the main causes of death amongst 15–19 year-old girls3. Equally devastating are the health consequences which make girls prone to sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. From a social perspective, it is a brutal end to her education and autonomy as well as a minimisation of life choices. Girls are reduced to mere commercial commodities. From a human rights and gender perspective, the practice of ECM is the consequences of gender oppression and harmful customary or traditional practices that results in sustaining gender inequality and subjugation.

Academia. edu

ABSTRACT This dissertation deals with the topic of Child marriage among girls in the Nkoranza North District in the Brong Ahafo Region of Ghana. Child marriage is observed as a traditional practice directly threatens the rights to education, health as well as personal development, to the wellbeing of girls. The main objectives of this dissertation was to explore the social, cultural, and economic factors that influence child marriages in the Nkoranza North District, examine the prevalence rate of child marriages, and find out how child marriages are arranged in the District.. Purposive sampling was used to get 43 respondents who were males and females representing others in this study. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect information from chiefs, queen mothers, religious leaders, parents, fetish priests, midwives, girls below 18 in child marriage, and girls above 18 years who entered into marriage before 18 years. The study found that factors which contribute to child marriage among girls in the Nkoranza North District include poverty, lack of education, bad religious practices, cultural practices, gender inequality, peer pressure influence, and teenage pregnancy. Teenage pregnancy emerged as a very significant reason for which parents are forced to give their daughters under 18 years to marriage, and this observation cut across all the category of participants that were used for the study. The study therefore recommends among other things for communities, organizations and parents to pursue and promote activities that will discourage early pregnancy among girls. These may include the provision of well-resourced educational facilities and role models/mentors for the children especially the girls.

Biwott K E M B O I Samuel

Worldwide, more than 700 million women alive today were married before their 18th birthday. More than one in three (about 250 million) entered into union before age 15. Boys are also married as children, but girls are disproportionately affected. Every year, an estimated 15 million girls aged under 18 are married worldwide with little or no say in the matter. Child marriage, also known as early marriage, is defined as “Any marriage carried out below the age of 18 years, before the girl is physically, physiologically, and psychologically ready to shoulder the responsibilities of marriage and childbearing.” Child marriage, on the other hand, involves either one or both spouses being children and may take place with or without formal registration, and under civil, religious or customary laws. However, when one spouse is female, this tends to have more negative impact, and therefore the emphasis on child marriages tends to focus on the girl child. UNICEF defines Child marriage, as a formal marriage or informal union before age 18. Child marriage is widespread and can lead to a lifetime of disadvantage and deprivation. The start of marriage is an important social and demographic indicator and, in most societies, represents the point in a person’s life when childbearing first becomes acceptable. The duration of exposure to the risk of pregnancy depends primarily on the age at which women first marry. Women who marry early, on average, are more likely to have their first child at a young age and give birth to more children. In 2004 a UNICEF statistical study estimated that more than 100 million girls in the developing world would be married before the age of 18 by 2015 (UNICEF Early Marriage, 2005). UNICEF found child marriage to be a common practice in Africa with over 42% (though this over 60% in parts of East and West Africa) married before they reached the age of 18 years. In developing countries, one in every three girls is married before reaching age 18. One in nine is married under age 15. (UNFPA). While both boys and girls are affected, child marriages impact on girls in far larger numbers and with more intensity. Worldwide, more than 75 million young women aged 20 to 24 years, a quarter of them in Africa, entered their first marriage or union before they celebrated their 18th birthday. But the global profile of child marriage is changing. A growing child population combined with a slow decline in the practice of child marriage in Africa will put millions more girls at risk. If current trends continue, almost half of the world’s child brides in 2050 will be African.4 The study aims to contribute to the elimination of both forms of gender discrimination by their desired long-term impact of the programme which is to ensure that girls and young women are free from all forms of gender-based violence (GBV) and are economically empowered by 2030 in East Africa. Secondly it recognizes that child marriage affects both girls and boys, but of course the consequences are dire for the girl child as evidenced from other previous studies whereby the affected girls are often at risk of sexual, physical, psychological and economic violence. Such child marriage often ends the development opportunities of girls, especially in their education, which is evident in the high number of school dropout rates and out-of-school children in our communities as estimated by the UNESCO Institute for Statistics which estimates that the education of 750,000 of these children is affected. To further understand the issues around child marriage, conducted a research Study on Social Norms Affecting Early Child marriages. This study report delves into several aspects of child marriage including drivers, barriers, perpetrators, knowledge on child marriage, and role of traditional and religious leaders as advocates against child marriage as well as making key recommendations for the better implementation of programs on child marriage.

Iranian Journal of Positive Psychology

World of Researches Publication WRP

Early marriage or the phenomenon of childhood is widespread in many parts of the world for many reasons, including poverty, gender inequality, traditional cultural practices affecting human societies, illiteracy and insecurity, leading to lack of education Correct the next generation, increasing divorce rates, raising maternal and child mortality rates and health problems. Marriage at an early age and before conceptual maturity presents the child with a world of unfulfilled needs and expectations, which overestimates psychological and psychological effects. Due to the fact that these marriages occur before the child reaches mental maturity, the girls are forced to marry at an early age. Because they have not been able to go through their childhood and adolescence, they will become mentally ill over time. Suicide, escape from home, and increasing divorced children in the community as some of the damages of child marriage. In developing countries, one in three girls under the age of 18 and one in nine girls, one is married before the age of 15. They are, in the word sense, converted into young child sex slaves. Early childhood marriage is organized by the child's family in accordance with the custom, and often involves family-friendly pledges and concessions at a time when the children themselves are younger than they decide on these marriages. In both the phenomenon of female genital mutilation and early marriage, consent is taken from others instead of the individual. In some countries, female genital mutilation results in early childhood marriage as a result. In some cases, the child's marriage has occurred in the traditional societies after the occurrence of circumcision.

ANIMA Indonesian Psychological Journal

Nilla Sari Dewi Iustitiani

This study aims to give an overview of the causes and consequences of child marriage by qualitative research using in-depth interview techniques. Participants were eight girls who married during their childhood and live in Java, Indonesia. Interviews were analyzed by using content analysis techniques. The results show that underlying factors causing child marriage, include the following: (1) unwanted pregnancy; (2) the influence of parents and the surrounding environment for fear of slander and unwanted things; (3) education; and (4) economy. The consequences of child marriage include: (1) dicontinuation of education; (2) economic instability; (3) violation of law, age falsification, unregistered marriage, difficulties in obtaining birth certificates; (4) deprivation of children&#39;s liberty and autonomy; (5) psychological problems; (6) violence; and (7) health problems especially in girls.

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