migration in the caribbean essay

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Challenges and opportunities of migration in the Caribbean

March 29, 2023 por Valerie Lacarte - Ana María Sáiz - Jordi Amaral - Diego Chaves-González - Jeremy Harris Leave a Comment

Migration has long been part of the fabric of Caribbean nations’ experience. But while Caribbean migration is often discussed in the context of out-migration to the United States, Canada, and European countries, movement to and within the Caribbean is an equally important part of this story. In recent decades, due in great part to climate change, natural disasters, and shifts in global mobility patterns, the migration landscape in the Caribbean has also changed significantly.

To provide governments, stakeholders, and external partners interested in strengthening the region’s capacity to accommodate changing migration patterns, the Inter-American Development Bank and the Migration Policy Institute have partnered to provide a policy review on migration in the Caribbean.

The report Migration, Integration, and Diaspora Engagement in the Caribbean: A Policy Review provides those interested in human mobility across Latin America and the Caribbean with a general overview of the Caribbean region’s extra- and intraregional migration trends, institutional frameworks, and the challenges and opportunities that new migration flows present for its development and regional integration.

Recent changes in the migratory flows in the Caribbean

In 2020, there were an estimated 859,400 intraregional and 745,700 extraregional immigrants living in Caribbean countries. The intraregional share of migrants grew from 46% in 2000 to 56% in 2020.

The intraregional share and origins of immigrants vary across countries. In the nine primary countries studied in the report—The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago—immigrants from other Caribbean nations made up 63 percent of all immigrants in 2020. Intraregional migration was most common in countries such as the Dominican Republic, Barbados, and The Bahamas, and Haitians were by far the largest group of immigrants across these countries, followed by Guyanese.

Extraregional migration in the Caribbean

In some countries, there are notable populations of immigrants from outside the region. Venezuelans represent the second largest immigrant population (after Haitians) across the nine countries analyzed and are present in particularly large numbers in the Dominican Republic, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana. Immigrants from the United States, the United Kingdom, China, and Canada were also present in many of these nine countries.

Intraregional migration in the Caribbean

Similar to patterns of migration worldwide, migrants within the Caribbean tend to originate in countries with lower standards of living and fewer opportunities, moving to more advanced economies with more employment opportunities. As such, countries and territories with thriving tourism industries and higher incomes, such as The Bahamas, the British and U.S. Virgin Islands, the Turks and Caicos Islands, and Saint Kitts and Nevis, tend to attract nationals from Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Guyana, and Jamaica. Moreover, a smaller number of high-skilled workers from countries such as Jamaica, Cuba, and Trinidad and Tobago tend to migrate to countries where they will have greater employment opportunities and receive higher incomes.

The impact of climate change and natural disasters on migration in the Caribbean

Climate change and natural disasters have been important drivers of internal, intraregional, and extraregional displacement in the Caribbean, and experts have expressed concerns that the frequency and impact of climate-related events are only likely to grow in the years to come. In recent decades, the region has experienced several devastating hurricanes, which are likely the most impactful type of natural disaster in the region, in addition to earthquakes, tropical storms, floods, and drought, all of which have forced people to leave their homes. These disasters are among the contributing factors to the increased migration of Caribbean nationals, particularly Haitians, to both South and North America.

Regional frameworks and institutions that facilitate mobility

Regional agreements and other forms of cooperation have also emerged as prominent features of mobility in the region. As an example, under CARICOM’s Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), nationals of CSME Member States benefit from six-month stays without a visa in other Community countries. While these six-month stays do not come with work authorization, the CSME also includes a Skills Certificates regime that provides free mobility and works authorization for specific categories of workers.

Additionally, the region’s public university system, the University of the West Indies, has facilitated migration for educational purposes, mainly within the anglophone Caribbean.

Challenges for a stronger regional integration

The region’s unique free mobility regimes have, to some extent, helped facilitate the movement of displaced people and response workers during times of environmental crisis. Yet a closer look at the Caribbean’s migratory systems indicates that, in most of the countries included in the study, these regimes are out of date, and this limits societies’ capacity to manage migration and successfully integrate new immigrants.

Diaspora engagement: An opportunity for the development of the Caribbean

A final, crucial dimension of migration policy in the Caribbean is diaspora engagement in efforts to further the region’s economic development. Emigrants and their descendants are well-recognized for their role in channeling much-needed financial support to their families in the Caribbean through remittances, but their engagement with their countries of origin or ancestry can also take the form of business development and job creation, direct investment, and the strengthening of social and professional networks. Moreover, the Caribbean diaspora has contributed to the region via the transfer of knowledge and skills, including through targeted initiatives that seek to counter the decades-old problem of brain drain.

As Caribbean nations continue to face important migration and development challenges, dialogue through the region’s established institutions provides a path towards adapting Caribbean migratory systems, while ensuring that migration policies account for the concerns of sending and receiving countries.

Valerie Lacarte

Valerie Lacarte is a Senior Policy Analyst with MPI’s U.S. Immigration Policy Program, where she contributes to research design and conducts data analysis on a range of issues, including native-immigrant gaps in socioeconomic outcomes and access to public benefits for vulnerable immigrant and humanitarian populations. Dr. Lacarte earned a BA in economics from Université du Québec à Montréal, an MA in economics from Université de Montréal, and a PhD in economics from American University. For her dissertation, she used a mixed-methods approach to study the integration of Caribbean immigrants into the U.S. labor market and the intersectionality of race, ethnicity, and cultural gender norms.

Ana María Sáiz

Ana María Sáiz es Especialista Sectorial Senior en la Unidad de Migración del Sector Social del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID). Se incorporó al BID en 2005, inicialmente trabajando para el Departamento de Efectividad en el Desarrollo y Planificación Estratégica. Desde entonces, ha trabajado en varios sectores del BID y en el Departamento de País Centroamérica, Haití, México, Panamá y República Dominicana. Trabajó en Haití desde enero de 2013 hasta septiembre de 2018, liderando la cartera de la División de Vivienda y Desarrollo Urbano, y se unió a la Unidad de Migración en abril de 2021 en la Sede, donde supervisa el trabajo relacionado con la migración en los países del Caribe y el Cono Sur, y es el punto focal para proyectos relacionados con Género y Diversidad. Ana María tiene un B.A. en economía de la Universidad de los Andes de Colombia, una maestría en Justicia Penal de la Universidad de Boston y actualmente está cursando una maestría en Planificación Urbana y Regional en la Universidad de Georgetown. Antes de unirse al BID, se desempeñó como Jefa de la Oficina de Planificación de la Superintendencia de Valores (Superintendencia de Valores de Colombia); y Asistente de Investigación de Econometría, S.A una firma consultora en Bogotá.

Jordi Amaral

Jordi Amaral is a Research Consultant at MPI, where he worked with the Latin America and Caribbean Initiative. He is a Research Analyst at Hxagon and a freelance researcher and writer specializing in Latin America and the Caribbean, migration, politics, human rights, security and rule of law, and development. Previously, he worked with the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), the Atlantic Council, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the Central American Resource Center, and ONG Rescate. Mr. Amaral holds a BA in international affairs and Latin American and hemispheric studies from the George Washington University, where he graduated Phi Beta Kappa and summa cum laude.

Diego Chaves-González

Diego Chaves-González is Senior Manager for MPI's Latin America and Caribbean Initiative, which aims to create dialogue and foster the exchange of innovative policy ideas among Latin American governments and their partners. Mr. Chaves-González’s research focuses on forced displacement, legal pathways, integration, migration and development, and regional cooperation in migration management. Mr. Chaves-González holds a master’s degree in economics and social development from Cardiff University, a master’s in public policy from Tecnológico de Monterrey, and a bachelor’s degree in political science and specialization in international relations from Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in Bogotá.

Jeremy Harris

Jeremy Harris ha trabajado en el BID por 20 años, desempeñándose como Economista y Especialista en Comercio del Sector de Integración y Comercio del Banco desde 2009. En el BID, ha trabajado en varios procesos de apoyo a las negociaciones comerciales de América Latina, incluyendo el CAFTA y el ALCA, con énfasis en las reglas de origen y acceso a mercados. También ha participado en el diseño y desarrollo de varias bases de datos y sistemas informáticos sobre acceso a mercados, y ha realizado estudios analíticos sobre los acuerdos comerciales y sus efectos sistémicos sobre el comercio regional y global. Fuera del BID, ha trabajado como consultor de la CEPAL, la CARICOM, el Departamento para el Desarrollo Internacional del Reino Unido (DFID) y la Agencia Alemana de Cooperación Técnica (GTZ). Tiene un PhD en Economía de la Universidad de Maryland.

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Migration Patterns in the Caribbean Essay

Introduction, types of migration in the caribbean, reference list.

Over the last one and a half centuries, migration in the minds of the Caribbean peoples has become intensely ingrained. It has developed as a means of bettering their lives through acquiring financial and social capital thus, the likelihood for migrating is very high and so is the response to chances to move whenever they arise. These opportunities have occurred both within the region and in recent times from North America and Europe. Migrants from the Caribbean have been attracted by economic growth which created labor shortage and other social opportunities. These are the “pull” factors. The “push” factors are the reasons which drive people away from their home countries such as poverty, lack of opportunities, land shortages, overcrowding and the need to broaden their horizons. However, migration is not just a submissive reaction to ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors. A set of self-motivated negotiations exists at national and international contexts where a selective process is used to balance the need for immigration in the host country and potential for migration in the country of origin (Rowntree, Lewis, Price, & Wyckoff, 2007).

These are determined by the purpose of migration and the length of stay at the destination. This may include long-term stay, short-term stay or return migration. However, it is difficult to put rigid timeframes for determining the length of the stay. A migrant in all the three types of migration during his/her lifetime and a single family may engage in all the three types at the same time. In addition migration does not result in total displacement from his/her country of origin or community. This therefore leads to three types of migration experienced in the Caribbean (Rowntree, Lewis, Price, & Wyckoff, 2007).

Intra-regional migration

During the first three decades of the twentieth century, major movement of intra-regional migration was from the Anglophone to the Hispanic Caribbean and the Netherlands Antilles. By the middle of the twentieth century, this type of migration was mainly from the Anglophone countries, Haiti to the Bahamas and the Dominican Republic and from the Dominican Republic to Puerto Rico. This migration was in response to specific developments or peak seasons of economic growth such as exploitation of oil in Trinidad, growth of tourism in the U.S Virgin Island, Cayman and the Bahamas. This is because a specific type of labor was in demand and immigration of this was encouraged. According to the 1991 Caribbean Community (CARICOM) census, there were 104,669 migration stocks in the Caribbean region and those from the Caribbean region accounted for the majority. Others forming a significant number were from USA, United Kingdom, Canada and India. The major contributors to intra-regional migration in this census were migrants from Grenada, St Vincent and Guyana (Elizabeth, 1999).

Characteristics of migrants

The age and sex distribution of migrants shows the reasons which influenced their migration. A relatively mature population of migrants was experienced in the 1980s mainly because they were in search of jobs. The data from specific countries also shows there was no gender imbalance in the migration (Elizabeth, 1999). The educational level of immigrants in the region also shows that immigrants have a higher level of education than both the populations they leave and that of the host, showing that the migration process is selective. Immigrants also engage in niche occupations as a result of chances made available by the economic and social structure of the countries of destination. In the Bahamas and the British Island non nationals are involved in unskilled work. The same case is witnessed in the Dominican Republic where immigrants from Haiti are in low paying, manual work which the locals can not do and in Puerto Rico manual labor is mostly by non-nationals from Dominican Republic who replace the nationals migrating to North America and Canada. In Jamaica, the trend is different where non-nationals in professional work account for 45.9% and 16.3% in managerial and 12% in technical. This could be attributed to the replacement of Jamaicans migrating to North America (Ferguson, 2003).

Extra-regional migration

These are migrations outside the Caribbean region. In the 1950s and 1960s, migrations were mainly to the United Kingdom and Netherlands from the former colonies. After 1962, migrations to the United States and Canada increased as those from Europe decreased due to opportunities created in the former by new legislations and restrictions in entry from the latter. Since then, migration to these two countries has increased over the years. Migrants to the US are mainly made up of Cubans, Dominican Republicans and the British Commonwealth Caribbean and Haiti. In the 1990s the stream from these countries has increased dramatically especially from the Dominican Republic and Jamaica. Immigrants from other small countries such as Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados are very significant in comparison to the small population sizes in their own countries. The US has also implemented refugee movement and guest worker programs in addition to regular visas which have seen migrants stay for long durations for work or education or both (Ferguson, 2003).

Return Migration

This describes movement of the people to their countries of origin for periodic or regular visits before they settle indefinitely. Even after settling indefinitely they continue to visit their former residents for varying durations of time. This also involves remittances either in financial capital or goods to their Caribbean countries of origin. This can be through formal or informal means either before, along with or following their return to their countries. Those with intention of returning may remit savings to invest in their own countries or others which they deem safer to invest in or may be recipients of pensions or social security payments for the rest of their lives and choose to return home. In Jamaica for example the personal transfers of the period between 1991 and 1997 were more than the foreign currency earned in other sectors and in Barbados transfers from Britain of pension payments in 1997 were approximately 6 million pounds sterling (Elizabeth, 1999).

Migration in the Caribbean region has a long history and has tended to follow “push” and “pull” factors. However, in recent history, selective processes which have encouraged migration to some countries and discouraged movement to others have been put in place. This has given rise to three types of migration patterns. Intra-region migration involves movement within the Caribbean region. Extra-regional migration has seen Caribbean people move to other countries of the world mainly in the UK and Netherlands first and then to the US and Canada. Return migration involves movement of Caribbean people in foreign countries to their countries of origin either to stay indefinitely or for duration of time. This has also seen the remittance of goods and financial capital to the Caribbean countries either as investments or pensions or other retirement benefits.

Elizabeth T. H. (1999). Trends and Patterns of Migration to and from Caribbean Countries. Goggles Docs. Web.

Ferguson, James. (2003). Migration in the Caribbean: Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Beyond. Minority Rights Group International. Goggles Docs. Web.

Rowntree, L., Lewis, M., Price, M., and Wyckoff, W. (2007). Globalization and Diversity, Geography of a Changing World. Pearson Education.

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IvyPanda. (2024, March 17). Migration Patterns in the Caribbean. https://ivypanda.com/essays/migration-patterns-in-the-caribbean/

"Migration Patterns in the Caribbean." IvyPanda , 17 Mar. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/migration-patterns-in-the-caribbean/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'Migration Patterns in the Caribbean'. 17 March.

IvyPanda . 2024. "Migration Patterns in the Caribbean." March 17, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/migration-patterns-in-the-caribbean/.

1. IvyPanda . "Migration Patterns in the Caribbean." March 17, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/migration-patterns-in-the-caribbean/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Migration Patterns in the Caribbean." March 17, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/migration-patterns-in-the-caribbean/.

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Migration In the Caribbean: Current Trends, Opportunities And Challenges

Attachments.

1. Introduction

1.1 Executive Summary

Main Findings of this Working Paper

• In 2007, the Caribbean emigration rate was four times higher than Latin America’s overall emigration rate. The Caribbean emigration rate has somewhat slowed, but the region nevertheless remains an area of net emigration. Guyana and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines show the strongest emigration movements: 9.65 and 9.6 per 1000 people respectively were emigrating in 2013. Of the countries included in this study, the only confirmed2 net recipients of migrants are Antigua and Barbuda and Suriname, with immigration rates of 2.23 and 0.57 per 1,000 respectively for 2013 (CIA World Factbook, 2015).

• In absolute terms, Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Haiti have the largest diaspora communities: over a million emigrants each, with most living in the United States (World Bank, 2015). Guyana and Haiti are, in absolute terms, the primary countries of origin of intraregional migrants. In relative terms, Guyana and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines have the most emigrants. Respectively, the emigrant population is 58.2 per cent and 55.5 per cent the size of the population living at home (World Bank, 2015).

• Over half of total Caribbean migrants to the US, Europe, and Canada are women. Furthermore, migrants are predominantly of productive and reproductive age. Cubans form an exception – the largest group of Cuban migrants is aged 45 and over (Thomas-Hope, 2000).

• Most Caribbean States grant citizenship at birth (jus soli), but this right is restricted in the Dominican Republic, the Bahamas, and Suriname.

• The Caribbean islands are especially vulnerable to extreme weather events and global climate change – events and processes that can cause internal displacement and set in motion emigration processes. Haiti and the Dominican Republic are amongst the world’s countries most vulnerable to climate change: they occupy the third and eighth place on the Global Climate Risk Index (Kreft et al. 2015).

• In 2001, 59.5 per cent of Dominican Republic migrants in Spain were classified as unskilled3. By 2010, this percentage had dropped to 44.6 per cent (CEPAL, 2011, p.53). The drop represents both stricter selection (IOM, 2012), as well as the increase of skilled migrants from the Dominican Republic. By 2009, there were 129,669 Dominicans living regularly in Spain (CEPAL, 2011).

• The number of work permits awarded by Spain decreased by 463 per cent between 2008 and 2010 (IOM, 2012); however, the number of Dominican Republic migrants travelling to the EU – mostly to Spain – only dropped by 38 per cent in the same period.

• A total of 64.7 per cent of the total diaspora community of the countries included in this study is registered as living in the United States, representing 9.3 per cent of the total US immigrant community. Suriname is an outlier with only 3 per cent of Surinamese emigrants living in the United States (World Bank, 2015).

• In 2000, Dominican Republic migrants in the United States were found to be twice as likely to be unemployed as United States citizens, to be earning 65 per cent of the average US income, and 28.3 per cent of them living in conditions of poverty (CEPAL, 2007). These figures may signal the existence of a significant gap in economic opportunities between migrants and US born population in the United States.

• Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago are unique in that the proportion of their immigrants in high-end positions is higher than the proportion of local born. In Barbados 25.8 per cent of the local workforce holds a high-end position, against 28.4 per cent of immigrant workers. In Trinidad and Tobago, these figures are 21.7 per cent and 26.9 per cent respectively (Fraser and Uche, 2010).

• High immigration flows, together with high emigration flows, has radically changed the ethnic composition of Belize. In 1980, the Mestizo population represented 33.4 per cent of the population, with 40 per cent of the population being Creole. In 2000, the Mestizo population had increased to 50 per cent and the Creole population had diminished to 25 per cent (ILO et al., p.16).

• Haitian migration to the Dominican Republic contradicts a general tendency that Caribbean intraregional migrants possess secondary or even tertiary education (Fraser and Uche 2010).

• 37 per cent of female Haitian immigrants in the Dominican Republic is economically active, and over 50 per cent of Haitian immigrants has less than four years of formal education (ACP Observatory on Migration, 2014, p. 16).

• Haiti is the Caribbean country most dependant on remittances. In 2014, 21.1 per cent of its GDP was derived from remittances. Jamaica (15%) and Guyana (11%) follow (World Bank, 2015). In absolute amounts, the Dominican Republic receives most remittances: USD 4.65 billion in 2014. The Dominican Republic is followed by Jamaica (USD 2.26 billion), and Haiti (USD 1.95 billion). Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, and Trinidad and Tobago are net senders of remittances.

• It is believed that remittance flows toward the Caribbean countries could be up to 50 per cent higher if the money sent through unofficial channels was accounted for (World Bank, 2015). The contribution of remittances to the GDP of most Caribbean states is increasing slightly over the years (ibid).

• Of the countries in this study, Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, Dominican Republic, Guyana, Haiti, and Trinidad and Tobago have specific anti-trafficking laws. Only Cuba, Haiti, and Suriname have clauses in their legal framework that allow for the asylum of refugees. The Bahamas, Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Suriname have legislation prohibiting the employment of immigrants in sectors that can be filled by the domestic labour market.

Key Trends Identified in this Working Paper

• Migration patterns from Latin America to Europe have always been driven by linguistic and colonial ties, but migration to Europe is no longer as significant as it once was. The exception is Spain, as it continues receiving immigrants from Latin America – including the Dominican Republic. In general, Europe has become the place for return migration, mostly of retirees and to a lesser extent of second generation migrants.

• In the 1960s the United States replaced Europe as main migrant destination, and remains the main destination for Caribbean migrants. Suriname forms an exception as it does not have a significant diaspora community or current migratory flows to the US. Canada is becoming increasingly popular for migrants from the English speaking Caribbean, and currently houses around 143,000 Jamaicans, 101,000 Guyanese, 76,000 Trinidadians and 11,000 Vincentians.

• Brazil has become a new destination for Haitian migrants. In 2013, the number of refugee applications increased by 600 per cent (Marcel and Stochero, 2013). The leading Brazilian presence in the UN mission in Haiti might be a reason (ibid).

• Historically, large economic projects or industry booms, such as the construction of the Panama Canal and the growing tourist or petrol industries in certain islands, have attracted Caribbean migrants overseas. It is expected that such future developments will continue to have similar pull-effects, especially impacting the smaller islands of the region (Thomas-Hope 2015).

• Although a number of Caribbean nations are evidently affected by epidemic amounts of violence – the Bahamas, Belize, Jamaica, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago all have murder rates of between 25 and 42/100,000 people (UNODC 2014) – its relation to migration has not been sufficiently investigated. Violence might play a significant part as a push factor.

• There is also a growing presence of extra-regional immigrants, mostly Asian and African, into the region, both regular and irregular. Approximately 200,000 Chinese nationals are smuggled into the region every year, accompanying the increasing economic relationships between CARICOM and China (ACP Observatory on Migration, 2014, p.15). Some extra-regional migrants intend to use the Caribbean as a transit region, while others intend to stay. There is a lack of in-depth studies on the topic.

• Return migration of retirees to the Caribbean is a trend that has gained force in recent years, with the return of a large number of migrants who left in the 1960s (CEPAL, 2012). Some Caribbean emigrants also return to the Caribbean for private education for their children, or are second-generation migrants. However, migrants from Cuba and Haiti tend to become long-term stay or permanent migrants, not opting for return.

• Environmental vulnerability, related to the depletion of local natural resources, extreme weather events, and global climate change, will play an ever increasing role in internal displacement and international migration in the Caribbean.

• Although unskilled labour migration still exceeds skilled migration, the proportion of skilled labour migration is increasing. There is a higher intensity of qualified migration in the Caribbean than in Latin America (IOM, 2012).

• There are three major irregular migration movements in the Caribbean:

»» transit region for South Americans, and to an ever increasing extent Africans and Asians;

»» intraregional irregular migration toward richer countries; and

»» irregular migration from the Caribbean to the United States.

➣➣It is suspected that the total size of irregular migration is exceeding the size of regular migration flows.

• There is great concern for the trafficking of especially minors and young women to islands with a large tourism industry (Thomas-Hope, 2005). This irregular migration flow is expected to continue for as long as anti-trafficking laws are not sufficiently implemented and enforced, and for as long as conditions in countries of origin do not improve.

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International migration in the Caribbean

Background paper for the World Development Report 2023: Migrants, Refugees, and Societies

This paper provides a broad overview of the migration phenomenon in the Caribbean based on available evidence. It first describes the migration context in the region, with a focus on key migration related facts, significant trends, and current and future challenges. It then identifies and discusses examples of policies implemented in the region, including evidence on their impact track record. Migration presents both significant challenges and opportunities for the long-term socioeconomic development of the region. 

Publication type

Migration, Integration, and Diaspora Engagement in the Caribbean: A Policy Review

• Media Resources
• 2030 Agenda

Migration and Migrants: Regional Dimensions and Developments

World migration report 2024: chapter 3, latin america and the caribbean.

Migration to Northern America is a key feature in the Latin America and Caribbean region 253 . The latest available international migrant stock data (2020) 254 show that over 25 million migrants had made the journey north and were residing in Northern America (Figure 13). As shown in the figure, the Latin American and Caribbean population living in Northern America has increased considerably over time, from an estimated 10 million in 1990. Another 5 million migrants from the region were in Europe in 2020. While this number has only slightly increased since 2015, the number of migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean living in Europe has more than quadrupled since 1990. Other regions, such as Asia and Oceania, were home to a very small number of migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean in 2020 (over 400,000 and 200,000 migrants, respectively).

The total number of migrants from other regions living in Latin America and the Caribbean has remained relatively stable, at around 3 million over the last 30 years. These were comprised mostly of Europeans (whose numbers have declined slightly over the period) and Northern Americans, whose numbers have increased. In 2020, the numbers of Europeans and Northern Americans living in Latin America and the Caribbean stood at around 1.4 million and 1.3 million, respectively. Meanwhile, around 11 million migrants in Latin America and the Caribbean originated from other countries in the region.

Post-migration experiences

Half of the records in our review ( n = 9, 50%) describe the experiences of the nurses once they migrate. The majority of these post-migration records ( n = 7, 78%) related experiences of how Caribbean nurses were disadvantaged and continue to be disadvantaged through clear patterns of institutionalized racism, marginalization, discrimination, and devaluing of prior credentialing and knowledge [ 22 , 24 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 ]. Barriers were presented by nursing colleagues, nurse managers, and patients [ 22 , 29 , 31 , 32 ]. Some Caribbean nurses were manipulated into accepting enrolled or licensed practical nurse positions instead of registered nurse positions [ 28 ] and those who had received education in Canada as opposed to the Caribbean were treated differently.

Caribbean nurses were required to work in subsidiary positions until upgraded. This was not the case for Caribbean colleagues educated in Canada, who often retired in leadership positions, or those educated in Britain who seemed to also enjoy more upward mobility on the job [ 32 ]. Caribbean nurses were often relegated to positions in public versus private hospitals, nursing homes, and clinics in New York [ 24 ]. These places of employment were seen to have lower occupational status [ 24 ]. It has also been suggested that the Caribbean nurses who worked in semi-private hospitals, where salaries were thought to be higher, made similar salaries to their Caribbean counterparts employed in government-operated hospitals and nursing homes [ 24 ].

Only one (11%) of the records describing the post-migration experiences of Caribbean nurses offers a comparison between them and those of nurses from the host country. Wheeler et. al [ 22 ] found that both groups had similar experiences and noted concerns with the differences in technology in US hospitals and in Caribbean hospitals as well as concerns regarding being given heavier workloads than colleagues. The majority of the Caribbean nurses did not report either exploitation by recruitment agencies or language as an issue upon arrival to the destination country (USA). They did report feeling overwhelmed with having to provide total patient care as opposed to the team nursing care approach and with facing negative responses or reactions to their accented English. The US RNs reported their challenges with understanding the accented English of Caribbean colleagues [ 22 ].

In addition to Caribbean nurses’ experiences of struggles, studies in our review relate their experiences of strategizing in response to barriers and discriminatory and racist practices to succeed through individual or group actions. Their resistance and resilience in navigating the dynamics of power relations socially and professionally led to access and integration into their workplaces [ 28 , 29 , 31 ].

Finally, only one (11%) of the studies describing post-migratory experiences of Caribbean nurses discussed the theme of “building ties”. The researchers asserted that at the time of the study, this was a novel finding. It added to the body of knowledge and was relatively new and unexplored in the nursing literature that explored the experiences of overseas nurses in the NHS and indeed throughout the developed world [ 33 ].

Migration policies, programs, or practices

Some assert that the inadequacy of country governments’ policy responses to the root causes of nursing shortages has driven the dynamics of international recruitment. While free trade agreements or blocs may facilitate flows, these only happen when there is a pull-push imbalance, with pull of the destination countries being most important [ 21 , 27 ]. More than half of the records included in our review ( n = 11, 56%) discuss various international, regional, and national migration policies, programs, or practices.

International

Of the 11 records addressing various migration policies, programs, and practices, only three (27%) discuss how destination countries addressed the immigration of Caribbean nurses. Despite nursing shortages in the 1950s and early 1960s, the Canadian Immigration Department did not want an influx of Caribbean nurses. The immigration department adopted what it called “Women of Exceptional Merit”, which resulted in Caribbean nurses encountering significant barriers in navigating their careers as RNs. These barriers appeared to be related to systemic practices that influenced the regulation of nursing, as well as relationships in work environments [ 30 ]. Interestingly, were it not for nursing shortages in Canada, immigration of these nurses would not have been necessary [ 34 ].

Technological advancements and an increased budget through the 1965 Medicare and Medicaid legislation in the United States resulted in expansion of the healthcare industry and the changing roles of nurses. These reasons were partly responsible for the need to recruit to fill the growing demand in the United States. Medicaid and Medicare legislature coincided with the Immigration Act in 1965 to increase the emigration prospects of Caribbean nurses. Hence, Nicholson [ 24 ] expected and did find the majority ( n = 125, 89%) of the sample had migrated between the years 1960 and 1980, and more than 75% ( n = 103) of the nurses were sponsored based on occupation versus relationship.

Caribbean Forum-European Commission Economic Partnership Agreement

The Caribbean Forum-European Commission Economic Partnership Agreement (CARIFORUM–EC EPA) is meant to achieve three overarching objectives: (1) to alleviate poverty in CARIFORUM; (2) to promote regional integration and economic cooperation; and (3) to foster the eventual integration of the CARIFORUM states into the world economy by improving their trade capacity and creating an investment-conducive environment [ 35 ]. CARICOM negotiated greater access for various skilled workers, inclusive of nurses, to European Union (EU) countries on a temporary basis. This agreement came into effect in 2009 and has been heralded as a landmark agreement. However, the effect of such an agreement on stemming nurse migration is questionable. Language constraints largely limit their services to the UK and their services are already in high demand; hence, such programs are not needed to facilitate their access [ 25 ].

One (10%) of the records provides insight into numerous initiatives undertaken at the regional level (although discussed in the Jamaican context) to address emigration of nurses and its impacts. The Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME) is believed to have the potential to encourage the flow of nurses throughout the region; however, the prospects of better remuneration in traditional destination countries as well as in non-CSME member states such as The Bahamas and the Cayman Islands could thwart expected results [ 25 ]. Another policy initiative has been the Managed Migration Program that is supported by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). This Managed Migration Program includes the economic partnership agreement between CARICOM and the Dominican Republic, which has provided for the temporary movement of skilled persons, including nurses, since 2009 [ 25 ]; the Homecoming Program (in 2003), which encouraged Caribbean nurses who practiced abroad to return to their home countries to volunteer and share their skills with local nursing colleagues; and the health and tourism model, which attempted to recruit nurses from destination countries such as Canada, the UK, and the USA to practice in the Caribbean for up to 6 months per year [ 20 ].

Several Caribbean nations have responded to the emigration of nursing personnel by implementing “bonding” of those whose education was subsidized by the government. This policy approach requires nurses to serve the stipulated time of the bond before migrating or repay the cost of their education. Countries have enjoyed varying success, with some recruiting companies opting to pay off the bonds of nurses [ 25 , 36 , 37 ].

Another policy approach adopted by Caribbean countries such as Jamaica and St. Kitts was what some would call “training for export”. This approach would be considered part of the Managed Migration approach, but at a national level, and entails increasing the training of nurses to meet internal and external demands. St. Kitts’ program trains nurses for employment in the USA, and the USA provides reimbursements for training costs [ 37 ]. This approach, however, does not appear promising in the Jamaican context with nursing faculty targeted by recruitment agencies, reducing nursing education capacity [ 25 ]. What has been heralded as an innovative project is one which allows Jamaican nurses to work in Miami 2 weeks per month while working the remainder of the month in Jamaica [ 37 ].

As Caribbean countries grapple with continued nursing shortages, due in part to emigration of their nurses, they form regional and international alliances to recruit nurses to fill vacant positions. The private and public sectors alike engage in regional and international recruitment. Countries like Jamaica and Guyana look to Cuba and India as source countries, although nurses have been recruited from some countries in Africa, such as Nigeria. Intergovernmental agreements between the Jamaican and Cuban governments guide the recruitment of Cuban nurses [ 25 , 34 ].

Consequences of migration on donor countries

Approximately one third of the records ( n = 6) in our review addressed the negative impacts caused by the emigration of Caribbean nurses. In countries such as St. Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG), women enrol in the midwifery program in adequate numbers; however, many do so with the intent to leave the island with a marketable skill, and recruitment agencies target the nurses as soon as they have completed the program [ 36 ]. The attrition rate of registered nurses from training programs is sometimes in excess of 20% [ 23 ]. The nurses remaining are often adversely affected through even higher patient-nurse ratios and the level and quality of services may be compromised [ 36 ]. There are also concerns regarding the impact of the presence of immigrant nurses on the level and quality of services [ 34 ]. Many Caribbean countries invest substantially in post-basic training of nurses, the migration of whom translates into a loss in investment resources that they cannot afford [ 21 , 25 ].

One study describes the loss of nurses from various Caribbean countries to the UK based on nursing council registrations. Haiti, Dominican Republic, and Jamaica were the top three countries identified as losing 6.10%, 2.17%, and 1.03% of country nurse stock as a result of migration to the UK. The Caribbean’s loss totalled over 9% ( n = 201). Concluding remarks assert that low-income, English-speaking countries involved in high levels of bilateral trade experience greater losses of nurses to the UK [ 26 ].

Gaps in the literature

Several gaps related to the migration of Caribbean nurses, with prospects for future research, have been identified. The literature provides some information regarding migration trends/patterns, post-migration experiences, and strategies to address migration and its impact, as well as consequences of migration to source countries. Several of the Caribbean countries are featured in the literature in varying degrees. However, 61% ( n = 11) of the literature in our review addresses the migration of Jamaican nurses either as its sole focus or along with other Caribbean countries [ 20 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 32 , 34 , 37 ]. While each Caribbean country should be viewed in the specifics of its context, Pan-Caribbean research comparing and contrasting both patterns/trends and English-speaking Caribbean countries versus non-English-speaking countries could prove useful in the further development of feasible, comprehensive, data-informed policies, programs, or practices to address nurse migration on a regional level. In addition, in the absence of Pan-Caribbean studies, more research is needed to answer the call for “comprehensive, detailed studies on migratory movements, legislation, policy, and other issues” ([ 38 ], p. 104) which remain understudied in numerous islands of the Caribbean. Many of the records in our review were cross sectional; hence, no causal relationships could be claimed. More longitudinal studies on Caribbean nurse migration and its impacts would propose causal relationships, and strategies could then be tailored to specifically address relationships.

Although still predominantly female, the male presence is increasing in nursing, albeit more slowly in Caribbean countries. Much of the migration literature pertaining to Caribbean nurses only address the female perspective. A gendered approach would seek to acknowledge and give voice to the experiences of male nurses; then, comparisons between genders could be made. Once again, strategies be they at the regional, national, or organizational level could benefit from data representative of all nurses.

Our review found that while some studies addressed Caribbean nurses specifically, often this group was lumped together with other black or minority nurses, thus requiring disaggregation of data. While the experiences of these groups may be similar in some respects, there are potential differences, even when Caribbean nurses are compared to black nurses from, for example, African countries.

The literature is either silent or very scarce in several areas: (1) Caribbean nurses’ post-migration experiences to another or other Caribbean countries. Future research could offer a comparison of the immigrant nurse’s experiences with host country nurses (and/or internationally educated nurses [IEN]); (2) the perspective of the recruitment agencies regarding their responsibilities and roles in nurse migration and its impacts; (3) the ethics of continued recruitment of nurses from Caribbean islands, which themselves are experiencing severe nurse shortages; (4) the perspective of employers of Caribbean nurses in destination countries of the Caribbean and internationally; (5) remuneration of Caribbean nurses post-migration, specifically in comparison to that of dominant groups/colleagues in destination countries; and (6) the impact of nurse migration on the level and quality of services in countries of the Caribbean.

Our scoping review provides a summary of primary, peer-reviewed, and grey literature related to the migration of Caribbean nurses spanning over 60 years and offers an important contribution to nursing and migration literature through the collating of the relevant research on the topic. A criticism of the literature in our review is the absence of an identified theoretical approach/framework in most of the records. While we acknowledge Vaughan’s caution as cited by Yin [ 39 ], p. 35 that the use of theory guides our search, yet simultaneously limits what we find, we also acknowledge that the appropriate use of theory/theories clarifies our understanding of conceptual connections and overall study findings [ 40 ]. Use of theory is particularly useful when the area of inquiry is considered complex/multi-faceted [ 40 ]. Two or more of the themes were noted in 44% ( n = 8) of the records in our review, demonstrating the complexity of addressing this phenomenon. The literature is dominated by past and current strategies to address the nursing shortages in Caribbean nations, perhaps in response to calls for country governments to address nurse migration through policies that adequately address the root causes [ 41 , 42 , 43 ].

Most of the literature pertaining to nurse migration policies or strategies focuses on the Managed Migration Program of the Caribbean along with interesting country-specific initiatives aimed at minimizing costs while maximizing benefits by managing nurse migration. Salmon et al. [ 44 ] also discuss the initiatives we found in our review: The St. Vincent Model: nurses training for export; Jamaican nurses working in Miami: temporary migration—the best of two worlds; the Homecoming Program: brain gain, as part of the “Year of the Caribbean Nurse” (2003); and International nurse recruitment: health and tourism model, and hailed them as country-specific innovations with great potential for developing and maintaining an adequate nursing supply for the Caribbean. Our preliminary assessments indicate that these policies and programs to address migration through short-term strategies have not been very successful or sustainable long term [ 25 , 27 , 36 ]. Murphy et. al. [ 20 ] suggest that more is required regarding documentation of the degree to which strategies to manage health care worker migration have been implemented, as well as regarding the analysis of strategies in place for their impacts, if any, or consequences. Countries such as Trinidad and Tobago, Haiti, St. Kitts, Guyana, and especially Jamaica comprise much of the literature, perhaps due to the higher nurse migration levels in the region. However, data from other Caribbean countries could prove useful for cross-sectional analysis and collaboration for possible strategies. IOM [ 38 ] suggests further research regarding the policy impacts in the Caribbean, specifically in understudied countries.

The development and implementation of various policies and programs is encouraging; however, what remains less evident is the development and implementation of policies aimed at mitigating “push” factors and the overall improvement of the personal and professional lives of nurses through, for instance, providing better remuneration, improved work conditions, and greater opportunity for professional development and advancement at home. George, Rhodes, and Laptiste [ 45 ] found that wage differentials between donor and destination countries are so great that small reductions are unlikely to affect emigration, which suggests that other factors, such as better working conditions and opportunities for professional development and advancement will have to be addressed to influence the decision to migrate. Joint reports from international organizations such as OECD and WHO [ 46 ] consistently call for increase in retention efforts, particularly in lower-income countries losing large numbers of their skilled healthcare professionals. Such countries need to attend to some of the “push” factors by increasing their retention efforts by increasing pay rates and improving working conditions [ 47 ].

Migration generally, and nurse migration specifically, may be moderated by international and intra-regional policies and agreements in concert with national strategies, making the phenomenon multi-faceted, nonlinear, and reciprocal, as demonstrated in the previous discussion. Caribbean countries act as donor, host, and transit countries to Caribbean nurses, with many of the nurses migrating or intending to migrate internationally [ 37 ].

Additionally, previous findings suggest that Caribbean nurses migrate for various personal and professional reasons, with senior specialist nurses targeted by international recruiters [ 48 , 49 ]. These patterns and trends are similar to those of our review. Future research can include investigating emerging trends, such as the movement of nurses without the aid of recruitment agencies. Additionally, more empirical evidence is needed regarding (1) the effectiveness and (2) the main challenges of policies, programs, and practices currently in use, which is required to inform the development of evidence-based strategies to support and retain Caribbean nurses. However, this could pose numerous challenges since health human resource databases and other migration-tracking mechanisms are either non-existent or functioning at suboptimal levels.

Our review also illuminates post-migration experiences of Caribbean nurses, specifically their encounters with system-wide discriminatory practices, resulting in devaluing, deskilling, and limited upward mobility. In a review of quantitative and qualitative studies from Canada, UK, and the USA, [ 50 ] found that internationally educated nurses (IENs) reported frequently experiencing varied forms of discrimination and lack of opportunity in their places of work, with particularly strong evidence in the UK context. Additionally, findings indicated that covert forms of discrimination were more commonly experienced than overt forms [ 51 ]. However, the literature does not compare the degree, types, frequency, and responses of male and female nurses to discriminatory practices. This may be the case since male representation in nursing remains comparatively small when compared to female colleagues.

The mass and protracted exodus of Caribbean nurses from the countries in the region has taken a steady toll over time. The major concern articulated through our review and supported by researchers such as George, Rhodes, and Laptiste [ 45 ] is the decline of the amount and quality of health care services at all levels including the organizational and national levels. The remaining nursing personnel endure further hardships with increased patient loads and workloads, which may adversely affect the quality of patient care and extend to community and national levels. Additional empirical evidence is imperative to better determine the true extent of migration on society as a foundation on which to develop and implement feasible, sound labour policy planning [ 25 ].

While numerous gaps are identified, we suggest more immediate attention to three areas related to nurse migration in the Caribbean: (1) policies, (2) trends, and (3) impacts, particularly, in Caribbean countries previously understudied [ 38 ]. Countries such as Antigua and Barbuda, Cuba, Guyana, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and The Bahamas are identified as countries lacking comprehensive studies on migration patterns and trends, legislation, and policies [ 38 ]. As Dumont and Lafortune [ 47 ] note, countries are encouraged to negotiate mutually beneficial agreements in their attempt to better manage health workforce migration; however, the impact of these agreements and related policies requires evaluation. Finally, we support the use of more qualitative research to explore various issues related to nurse migration in the Caribbean, as this method could potentially provide a deeper understanding of migration flows and policies’ impacts and identify policy gaps [ 38 ].

Strengths and limitations

Strengths of our review include that the study was conducted by a team of researchers with expertise in scoping review methodology and international nurse migration and used an exhaustive search strategy with multiple electronic databases including two specific to the Caribbean to identify the peer-reviewed and grey literature. Additionally, we pilot tested and then used standardized screening and extraction forms to ensure consistency in the identification and coding of the data. Two researchers completed the selection of the articles for inclusion as well as data extraction. Despite the rigorous methodological framework utilized, limitations include the exclusion of articles whose full text was not available in English or which could not be located; the possibility of missed literature, particularly grey literature, despite our extensive literature search; and the omission of a quality assessment of the studies [ 12 ].

Our review highlights Caribbean nurse migration. As such, literature in this review focuses on patterns, trends, and past and current strategies from international, regional, and national perspectives of this phenomenon. In addition, through the literature, we synthesize post-migration experiences of Caribbean nurses and the impact of nurse migration on donor countries. This review also demonstrates the need for appropriate use of theory in health workforce research to facilitate a better understanding of concepts and their connections and overall study findings. To address nurse migration adequately, stakeholders must commit to the collection and utilization of empirical evidence regarding the effectiveness of current strategies. Finally, while researchers tend to focus on countries with the greatest levels of nurse emigration, data regarding this phenomenon in other Caribbean countries is needed for a more comprehensive understanding of the plight of the Caribbean region and would answer the call from the IOM [ 38 ] to study policies, trends, and impacts in understudied Caribbean countries.

Availability of data and materials

Any data generated during this study is provided within the manuscript or the additional files.

Abbreviations

Caribbean Community

Caribbean Single Market and Economy

European Union

International educated nurse

International Organization for Migration

Licensed practical nurse

Organization of American States

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

Pan American Health Organization

Registered nurse

Registered midwife

St. Vincent and the Grenadines

Trained clinical nurse

United Kingdom

United States of America

World Health Organization

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Rolle Sands, S., Ingraham, K. & Salami, B.O. Caribbean nurse migration—a scoping review. Hum Resour Health 18 , 19 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12960-020-00466-y

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Caribbean Integration An essay on Caribbean Integration

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Matthew Bishop

Caribbean Studies

Emilio Pantojas García

Colin McDonald

The Federation of the West Indies was a watershed moment in the history of the British WI, it remains the focal historical point that carries the weight of perceived failure without fully understanding the underlying dynamics of a forced union, not one born out of mutual need.

Current History

Patsy Lewis

The World Economy

Shelton Nicholls

Tamara Onnis

Regional economic and political integration is not a new phenomenon. The study of regional integration has a long-standing tradition in the field of international relations and has arguably never gone out of fashion. Instead, over the past decade, scholarly attention in this area has increased due to the numerous and far-reaching effects of regional integration on nation states, their sovereignty, and their economic clout. Be it trade in goods and services, health care and medicine, legal jurisdictions, media and communications, or energy and other resources, regional integration has far-reaching consequences on countries globally. After the European Union (EU), the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is one of the most developed and functioning unions in the world1. Yet this is a little known, often ignored, and usually discarded fact. Moreover, most literature on regional integration is centered around the EU and other unions such as Mercosur, Asean etc. It is also a general tendency of...

IMF Working Papers

Deeper economic integration within the Caribbean has been a regional policy priority since the establishment of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the decision to create the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME). Implementation of integration initiatives has, however, been slow, despite the stated commitment of political leaders. The “implementation deficit” has led to skepticism about completing the CSME and controversy regarding its benefits. This paper analyzes how Caribbean integration has evolved, discusses the obstacles to progress, and explores the potential benefits from greater integration. It argues that further economic integration through liberalization of trade and labor mobility can generate significant macroeconomic benefits, but slow progress in completing the institutional arrangements has hindered implementation of the essential components of the CSME and progress in economic integration. Advancing institutional integration through harmonization and rationa...

The members of the Pacific Islands Forum have recently considered a quite critical review of the Pacific Plan for strengthening regional cooperation and integration. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM), another grouping encompassing a number of small island developing states, has also been contemplating highly critical assessments of the nature of its approach to regionalism, and of the institutions that have been put in place to give effect to this approach. Are there lessons for the Pacific from the Caribbean experience? This article looks at aspects of the approaches to regionalism and economic integration adopted in the Caribbean, and considers parallels with the situation in the Pacific. It suggests that the CARICOM experience puts into question elements of the logic and overall approach to integration being pursued in both regions (and being urged by external partners).

Francois Taglioni

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Advancing social justice, promoting decent work ILO is a specialized agency of the United Nations

Press conference

Public dissemination event of the Regional Strategy on Labour Migration and Human Mobility 2023-2030 created by 37 countries and territories in Latin America and the Caribbean, in conjunction with the ILO, to respond to the multiple challenges and maximise the enormous opportunities that labour migration brings.

One of the greatest risks for migrant workers is that the principles of fair recruitment are not respected. This makes them vulnerable to the possibility of trafficking and forced labour; in fact, they are three times more likely to be subjected to forced labour than non-migrants.

5.9 million migrant workers

According to the latest official ILO data (2021), in Latin America and the Caribbean.

40% of migrant workers are women

This percentage has increased over the years, showing a feminisation of labour migration.

In terms of r emittances, according to the Inter-American Development Bank , Latin American and Caribbean countries received around US$155 billion in 2023, representing a growth of 9.5% over 2022. Thus, for fifteen consecutive years, the receipt of remittances has been increasing.

To respond to the multiple challenges and maximize the enormous opportunities that labour migration brings, 37 countries and territories in the region have created, together with the ILO, their Regional Strategy on Labour Migration and Human Mobility 2023-2030. Francesco Carella, ILO Labour Migration Specialist

Event details

Time schedule(s):

• 09:00 Mexico, San Jose 10:00 Lima, Bogota 11:00 Port of Spain 12:00 Buenos Aires, Santiago, Brasilia 17:00 Geneva

Duration: 1 hour

Via Zoom: Registration (required)

Simultaneous interpretation: Spanish - English - Portuguese

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• During the conference, priority will be given to questions submitted in advance via the registration link or to the following email: [email protected]
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Executive Summary

ILO Regional Strategy on Labour Migration and Human Mobility in Latin America and the Caribbean 2023-2030

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Readout of Senior Official Performing the Duties of Deputy Secretary Canegallo’s Participation in the LA Declaration on Migration and Protection Ministerial

From May 6-7, Senior Official Performing the Duties of the Deputy Secretary Kristie Canegallo joined Secretary of State Antony Blinken, White House National Security Council’s Marcela Escobari, and USAID Acting Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean Michael Camilleri in Guatemala City, Guatemala to represent the United States Government at the third Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection Ministerial. Over the course of the last two years, the Los Angeles Declaration has provided a framework for its signatories throughout the Americas to take action on shared goals including strengthening border enforcement, expanding lawful pathways, and addressing the root causes of migration.

On the margins of the ministerial, Senior Official Performing the Duties of Deputy Secretary Canegallo participated in bilateral and trilateral meetings with counterparts from several countries, including Guatemala, Costa Rica, Belize, Ecuador, and Mexico, to continue enhancing hemispheric cooperation across several areas including information sharing, coordinating enforcement measures, and attacking transnational criminal organizations. During a bilateral meeting with Costa Rican Foreign Affairs Minister Arnoldo André, the Department of Homeland Security signed an agreement establishing a Biometric Data Sharing Partnership and the Department of State signed a separate agreement on countering human trafficking—measures that will boost security for both our nations and for the hemisphere. Senior Official Performing the Duties of the Deputy Secretary Canegallo also participated in a Labor Mobility event, where she highlighted this Administration’s work to boost temporary worker visas, noting that the United States issued a record number of H-2B visas to workers from Central and South America in 2023. Ms. Canegallo emphasized that the United States will continue to work with foreign partners to advance hemispheric efforts that expand labor opportunities, safeguard human rights, and contribute to bolstering the national and regional economy.  The following is a detailed fact sheet outlining achievements of the Los Angeles Declaration and the work the region is leading on.

Fact Sheet: Third Ministerial Meeting on the Los Angeles Declaration On Migration and Protection in Guatemala

Nearly two years ago, in response to the historic challenge of migration and forced displacement, President Biden launched the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection, with 20 leaders from across the Western Hemisphere. The Los Angeles Declaration is a first-of-its-kind framework to promote coordinated action under three core pillars: (1) addressing root causes and supporting the integration of migrants to foster long-term stabilization; (2) expanding lawful pathways; and (3) strengthening humane enforcement.

On May 7, 2024, Guatemala hosted the third Los Angeles Declaration Ministerial with foreign ministers and senior representatives from 21 endorsing countries. Secretary of State Antony Blinken led the U.S. delegation, alongside White House Coordinator for the Los Angeles Declaration Marcela Escobari, Department of Homeland Security Senior Official Performing the Duties of the Deputy Secretary Kristie Canegallo, and USAID Acting Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean Michael Camilleri. The United States is grateful for President Arévalo’s leadership in hosting the Ministerial.

On behalf of the United States, Secretary Blinken announced $578 million in humanitarian, development, and economic assistance to support partner countries and host communities in responding to urgent humanitarian needs, expanding lawful pathways, and supporting the regularization and integration of migrants. The United States also announced expanded enforcement partnerships to deter irregular migration, including increased consequences for the smuggling networks that prey on vulnerable migrants. The U.S. Government reiterated its commitment to work alongside partners to establish a permanent, regionally-driven Secretariat to ensure that coordinated progress is sustained under the Los Angeles Declaration.

The endorsing countries presented progress toward their commitments under the Los Angeles Declaration and announced the following new initiatives.

Strengthening Humane Enforcement

• The United States took steps on May 6 to impose visa restrictions on executives of several Colombian maritime transportation companies for facilitating irregular migration to the United States. These are part of a broader set of U.S. actions targeting owners, executives, and senior officials of companies providing transportation by land, sea, or charter air designed for use primarily by persons intending to irregularly migrate to the United States. Earlier restrictions were placed on individuals in the charter air sector.
• The International Air Transport Association and several of its member airlines committed to concerted action to limit the use of commercial flights for irregular migration.
• The United States and Costa Rica announced the establishment of a new Biometric Data Sharing Partnership to enhance Costa Rica’s biometric collection and matching, and strengthen its border management, thereby increasing safety and security in the region. The United States and Costa Rica also signed a memorandum of understanding outlining bilateral cooperation in countering trafficking in persons.
• The United States is deploying additional resources to Guatemala to increase security at land, air, and sea ports throughout the country, increasing screening and vetting in the region.
• The United States will expand public awareness of the CBP One™ mobile app among migrants seeking to enter the United States. From January 2023 through the end of March 2024, more than 547,000 individuals have used CBP One™ and presented themselves to a port of entry for processing, instead of risking their lives at the hands of smugglers.
• The United States leads the Countering Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling Action Package Committee under the Los Angeles Declaration, coordinating international efforts to target, investigate, arrest, and prosecute human smuggling organizations that are preying on vulnerable migrants.
• Partner countries reaffirmed their commitment to stem extracontinental irregular migration through increased use of transit visas, passenger vetting, and enforcement measures against entities and individuals that profit from irregular migration.

Expanding Lawful Pathways for Migration and Protection

• President Biden rebuilt our refugee resettlement program and led a historic expansion of lawful pathways to the United States and partner countries.  Under the President’s Safe Mobility Offices initiative to deter irregular migration and expand lawful pathways in the Western Hemisphere, we are on track to increase six-fold the number of approved refugees from the region.  Already, over 21,000 individuals have been approved to resettle safely and legally in the United States through the Safe Mobility Offices in Guatemala, Costa Rica, Colombia, and Ecuador.
• Guatemala and the United States announced that the Safe Mobility Offices in Guatemala will expand eligibility to include Hondurans, Salvadorans, and Nicaraguans present in Guatemala.
• Costa Rica and the United States announced that the Safe Mobility Offices in Costa Rica will expand eligibility to accept Ecuadorians.
• The United States reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening lawful pathways. Under the Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela (CHNV) parole process, flows of irregular migrants from these four countries have been reduced significantly, while 435,000 vetted and cleared individuals of these nationalities have been approved to lawfully enter the United States. Applicants must have a U.S.-based financial supporter, pass vetting and background checks, and meet other established criteria to receive advanced travel authorization. Once paroled on a case-by-case basis, CHNV nationals are eligible to apply for work authorization and start work immediately.
• USAID announced plans to launch a new regional labor mobility initiative — “Alianza de Movilidad Laboral para las Américas” or “Labor Neighbors” — to increase access to lawful temporary labor pathways for new migrant-source and destination countries. The initiative will work with international organizations and other partners to provide technical assistance to countries across the region to identify eligible workers to meet pressing labor needs.
• The Department of Labor launched a $3 million project to strengthen protections for workers participating in U.S. temporary foreign worker programs. The United States also announced it is joining the International Labor Organization’s Fair Recruitment Initiative and its Advisory Committee. The initiative seeks to ensure that domestic and cross-border recruitment practices are grounded in international labor standards, promote gender equality, and prevent human trafficking and forced labor. These steps reinforce the Biden Administration’s Presidential Memorandum on Advancing Worker Empowerment, Rights, and High Labor Standards Globally and its steadfast commitment to protecting worker rights at home and around the world.
• Mexico announced that, since 2022, it has issued over 17,500 temporary visas to individuals seeking international protection to address labor shortages in the country. Additionally, Mexico has launched a pilot program in collaboration with the Haitian Embassy, International Organization for Migration, and the Tent Partnership to expand labor pathways, offering job opportunities and work permits to Haitian migrants.
• Costa Rica committed to continue modernizing its asylum system through digitalization, data-driven solutions, and adopting practices to streamline refugee status determination with support from UNHCR and the international community.  
• Canada confirmed it will take UNHCR referrals from the Safe Mobility Offices, as part of Canada’s ongoing commitment to this important initiative. Canada has also made significant progress on its commitment to welcome 15,000 migrants from the Americas region. Canada is also investing $75 million Canadian dollars over six years to fund capacity building projects to strengthen migration and protection systems in the region.

Addressing Root Causes and Supporting the Integration of Migrants to Foster Long-term Stabilization

• The United States reaffirmed its commitment to addressing the root causes of irregular migration. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation is announcing the approval of a $20 million direct loan to Cosami, a savings and loan cooperative, for low-income mortgages in rural Guatemala. Cosami’s assistance will help finance the construction of borrowers’ first homes, helping to improve living conditions, create jobs, and promote economic growth in lower-income communities.
• With initial support from the U.S. Government, the International Organization for Migration launched a new online platform and data portal for the Los Angeles Declaration, which enables endorsing countries to obtain, share, and disseminate best practices and data.
• Ecuador announced that, under a new regularization program, those who have already registered will be able to complete their process to obtain a temporary resident visa and more migrants will be able to apply for a temporary visa.
• Colombia announced a plan for regularization of irregular migrants through special permits for parents and legal guardians of children with valid Temporary Protective Status. Colombia also announced a new special permanent visa for Latin American and Caribbean migrants without regular status in the country. The Colombian government estimates these actions will benefit up to 600,000 individuals.
• Costa Rica committed to expand the Special Temporary Category regularization pathway and reduce barriers to access with continued assistance from the international community.

• Border Security
• Immigration
• Lawful Pathways

The Birthplace of Jazz: Tracing its Origins

This essay about the origins of jazz explores how this quintessentially American musical form emerged from the diverse cultural melting pot of New Orleans, Louisiana. It highlights the crucial role of African American communities and their contributions to jazz’s development, tracing its evolution from its roots in African rhythms and improvisation to its spread across the nation. While New Orleans is often hailed as the birthplace of jazz, the essay also acknowledges the influence of other cities and communities, such as Chicago and New York, in shaping the genre. Ultimately, jazz emerges as a testament to the resilience, creativity, and collaboration of its creators, transcending its origins to become a global phenomenon.

How it works

Jazz, that syncopated rhythm pulsating with life and soul, is a quintessentially American musical form. Its roots run deep, intertwined with the complex history of the United States. To pinpoint the exact birthplace of jazz is akin to tracing the path of a river; it meanders through various influences, cultures, and experiences, ultimately converging into a singular, electrifying sound.

New Orleans, Louisiana, often hailed as the birthplace of jazz, stands as a crucible where diverse musical traditions fused to birth this revolutionary genre.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the bustling port city served as a melting pot, where African, Caribbean, European, and Creole cultures intersected. The convergence of these cultural currents laid the groundwork for jazz to emerge as a distinct form of musical expression.

The African influence on jazz is undeniable, stemming from the African diaspora and the rhythmic traditions brought by enslaved Africans to the Americas. The syncopated rhythms, call-and-response patterns, and improvisational spirit intrinsic to jazz find their roots in African musical practices. These elements, infused with European harmonies and instrumentation, flourished in the vibrant cultural milieu of New Orleans.

One cannot discuss the origins of jazz without acknowledging the crucial role of African American communities in its development. In the neighborhoods of Storyville and Tremé, African American musicians, often self-taught and marginalized by society, found spaces to express themselves freely. They played in brothels, dance halls, and street parades, infusing their music with the raw energy of their lived experiences. It was in these humble settings that jazz took shape, evolving organically as a reflection of the joys and struggles of African American life.

The early pioneers of jazz, including figures like Buddy Bolden, Jelly Roll Morton, and Louis Armstrong, emerged from these vibrant musical communities. Their innovations, from improvisation to swing rhythms, laid the foundation for the jazz revolution that would sweep across the nation and beyond. As jazz gained popularity, it transcended its humble origins in New Orleans, spreading to cities like Chicago, New York, and Kansas City, each contributing its own unique flavor to the evolving genre.

While New Orleans may hold a special place in the annals of jazz history, it would be remiss to overlook the contributions of other regions and communities to its development. Cities like Chicago, with its vibrant jazz scene in the early 20th century, and New York, home to legendary jazz clubs like the Cotton Club and the Apollo Theater, played pivotal roles in shaping the evolution of jazz. Likewise, the Great Migration, which saw millions of African Americans move from the rural South to urban centers in the North, brought jazz to new audiences and influenced its sound in profound ways.

In conclusion, the origins of jazz are as rich and complex as the music itself. While New Orleans may serve as a symbolic birthplace, jazz is a product of countless influences, cultures, and experiences. From the rhythms of Africa to the streets of Harlem, jazz embodies the spirit of resilience, creativity, and collaboration that defines the American experience. Its origins may be elusive, but its impact on music and culture is undeniable, a testament to the power of human creativity and expression.

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Remove a code repository from this paper, mark the official implementation from paper authors, add a new evaluation result row, remove a task, add a method, remove a method, edit datasets, the structure and migration of heavily irradiated grain boundaries and dislocations in ni in the athermal limit.

7 May 2024  ·  Ian Chesser , Peter M. Derlet , Avanish Mishra , Sarah Paguaga , Nithin Mathew , Khanh Dang , Blas Pedro Uberuaga , Abigail Hunter , Saryu Fensin · Edit social preview

The microstructural evolution at and near pre-existing grain boundaries (GBs) and dislocations in materials under high radiation doses is still poorly understood. In this work, we use the creation relaxation algorithm (CRA) developed for atomistic modeling of high-dose irradiation in bulk materials to probe the athermal limit of saturation of GB and dislocation core regions under irradiation in FCC Ni. We find that, upon continuously subjecting a single dislocation or GB to Frenkel pair creation in the athermal limit, a local steady state disordered defect structure is reached with excess properties that fluctuate around constant values. Case studies are given for a straight screw dislocation which elongates into a helix under irradiation and several types of low and high angle GBs, which exhibit coupled responses such as absorption of extrinsic dislocations, roughening and migration. A positive correlation is found between initial GB energy and the local steady state GB energy under irradiation across a wide variety of GB types. Metastable GB structures with similar density in the defect core region but different initial configurations are found to converge to the same limiting structure under CRA. The mechanical responses of pristine and irradiated dislocations and GB structures are compared under an applied shear stress. Irradiated screw and edge dislocations are found to exhibit a hardening response, migrating at larger flow stresses than their pristine counterparts. Mobile GBs are found to exhibit softening or hardening responses depending on GB character. Although some GBs recover their initial pristine structures upon migration outside of the radiation zone, many GBs sustain different flow stresses corresponding to altered mobile core structures.

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Black History Month 2024

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The Swinging Sixties: A Poetic Journey

Fred Peters: A Musical Journey

Indigo Blue Room -Video

Style in my DNA -e book

This Bundle contains 4 Research Resources. Will help develop knowledge and understanding of the contributions made by Caribbean people from London, Nottingham, and Birmingham to 1960s British Arts & Culture. A perfect resource bundle to celebrate Black History Month 2024.

The Swinging Sixties: A Poetic Journey This poem by Vida Harris gives a cheerful account of Caribbean life in Nottingham in the 1960s. The poem serves as a creative guide for students, illustrating how to weave historical facts into engaging narratives Age: 11-16, subjects: Poetry, English, Citizenship, Drama, Social History, Research, and Essay Skills. Two pages in Word and PDF formats.

The resource aids teachers and students in developing knowledge and understanding of the global movement of families and communities, fostering cultural awareness.

Fred Peters: A Musical Journey Reggae musician Fred Peters shares first-hand experiences of Brixton, London, England in the 1960s, providing essential social history research. Explores the influence of family life, music, fashion, and the club scene in shaping Black British history and identity. Age: 11-18. Subjects: English, History, Citizenship, Creative Writing & Drama. Includes four supporting archive images, offering a visual journey into the vibrant 1960s London cultural landscape.

Style in my DNA -e book Style in my DNA, by Lorna Holder, documents 70 years of Caribbean influence on British fashion. Research book. It is informative and essential in representing black cultural history, fashion, and identity. It is an invaluable resource for fashion studies, black studies, Windrush archive study, research, and social history of London, Birmingham, and Nottingham. The striking photographs and illustrations in the book will help anyone seeking to understand the Caribbean migrant experience. Age code 11-18 Subjects: Modern History, Art & Design, Art, Citizenship. Classroom topics: Diversity, Identity, Community, Fashion & Textile, Photography & Dressmaking. 208 pages.

Indigo Blue Room -Video Video of a stage production showing the difficulties a married couple from Trinidad faced, in adapting to life in 1960s Birmingham. The main character, Lattisha, once prosperous and glamorous, could not cope with living in one room, doing manual work, and dealing with her husband, Samson, an unfaithful Calypsonian singer, leading to mental health issues.

Age: 14-18. Subjects: Social History, English & Drama. A resource to help form the basis of conversation around issues of migration, family life, mental health issues, work, identity, and belonging. From the stage play Living Under One Roof by Lorna Holder.

This research bundle encourages teachers and parents to create engaging learning activities and comprehension questions for classroom and home learning. It provides a positive account of the significant contribution made nationally by Black British creatives to 1960s popular culture.

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