effects of poverty on human life essay

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2.4 The Consequences of Poverty

Learning objectives.

• Describe the family and housing problems associated with poverty.
• Explain how poverty affects health and educational attainment.

Regardless of its causes, poverty has devastating consequences for the people who live in it. Much research conducted and/or analyzed by scholars, government agencies, and nonprofit organizations has documented the effects of poverty (and near poverty) on the lives of the poor (Lindsey, 2009; Moore, et. al., 2009; Ratcliffe & McKernan, 2010; Sanders, 2011). Many of these studies focus on childhood poverty, and these studies make it very clear that childhood poverty has lifelong consequences. In general, poor children are more likely to be poor as adults, more likely to drop out of high school, more likely to become a teenaged parent, and more likely to have employment problems. Although only 1 percent of children who are never poor end up being poor as young adults, 32 percent of poor children become poor as young adults (Ratcliffe & McKernan, 2010).

Poor children are more likely to have inadequate nutrition and to experience health, behavioral, and cognitive problems.

Kelly Short – Poverty: “Damaged Child,” Oklahoma City, OK, USA, 1936. (Colorized). – CC BY-SA 2.0.

A recent study used government data to follow children born between 1968 and 1975 until they were ages 30 to 37 (Duncan & Magnuson, 2011). The researchers compared individuals who lived in poverty in early childhood to those whose families had incomes at least twice the poverty line in early childhood. Compared to the latter group, adults who were poor in early childhood

• had completed two fewer years of schooling on the average;
• had incomes that were less than half of those earned by adults who had wealthier childhoods;
• received $826 more annually in food stamps on the average;
• were almost three times more likely to report being in poor health;
• were twice as likely to have been arrested (males only); and
• were five times as likely to have borne a child (females only).

We discuss some of the major specific consequences of poverty here and will return to them in later chapters.

Family Problems

The poor are at greater risk for family problems, including divorce and domestic violence. As Chapter 9 “Sexual Behavior” explains, a major reason for many of the problems families experience is stress. Even in families that are not poor, running a household can cause stress, children can cause stress, and paying the bills can cause stress. Families that are poor have more stress because of their poverty, and the ordinary stresses of family life become even more intense in poor families. The various kinds of family problems thus happen more commonly in poor families than in wealthier families. Compounding this situation, when these problems occur, poor families have fewer resources than wealthier families to deal with these problems.

Children and Our Future

Getting under Children’s Skin: The Biological Effects of Childhood Poverty

As the text discusses, childhood poverty often has lifelong consequences. Poor children are more likely to be poor when they become adults, and they are at greater risk for antisocial behavior when young, and for unemployment, criminal behavior, and other problems when they reach adolescence and young adulthood.

According to growing evidence, one reason poverty has these consequences is that it has certain neural effects on poor children that impair their cognitive abilities and thus their behavior and learning potential. As Greg J. Duncan and Katherine Magnuson (Duncan & Magnuson, 2011, p. 23) observe, “Emerging research in neuroscience and developmental psychology suggests that poverty early in a child’s life may be particularly harmful because the astonishingly rapid development of young children’s brains leaves them sensitive (and vulnerable) to environmental conditions.”

In short, poverty can change the way the brain develops in young children. The major reason for this effect is stress. Children growing up in poverty experience multiple stressful events: neighborhood crime and drug use; divorce, parental conflict, and other family problems, including abuse and neglect by their parents; parental financial problems and unemployment; physical and mental health problems of one or more family members; and so forth. Their great levels of stress in turn affect their bodies in certain harmful ways. As two poverty scholars note, “It’s not just that poverty-induced stress is mentally taxing. If it’s experienced early enough in childhood, it can in fact get ‘under the skin’ and change the way in which the body copes with the environment and the way in which the brain develops. These deep, enduring, and sometimes irreversible physiological changes are the very human price of running a high-poverty society” (Grusky & Wimer, 2011, p. 2).

One way poverty gets “under children’s skin” is as follows (Evans, et. al., 2011). Poor children’s high levels of stress produce unusually high levels of stress hormones such as cortisol and higher levels of blood pressure. Because these high levels impair their neural development, their memory and language development skills suffer. This result in turn affects their behavior and learning potential. For other physiological reasons, high levels of stress also affect the immune system, so that poor children are more likely to develop various illnesses during childhood and to have high blood pressure and other health problems when they grow older, and cause other biological changes that make poor children more likely to end up being obese and to have drug and alcohol problems.

The policy implications of the scientific research on childhood poverty are clear. As public health scholar Jack P. Shonkoff (Shonkoff, 2011) explains, “Viewing this scientific evidence within a biodevelopmental framework points to the particular importance of addressing the needs of our most disadvantaged children at the earliest ages.” Duncan and Magnuson (Duncan & Magnuson, 2011) agree that “greater policy attention should be given to remediating situations involving deep and persistent poverty occurring early in childhood.” To reduce poverty’s harmful physiological effects on children, Skonkoff advocates efforts to promote strong, stable relationships among all members of poor families; to improve the quality of the home and neighborhood physical environments in which poor children grow; and to improve the nutrition of poor children. Duncan and Magnuson call for more generous income transfers to poor families with young children and note that many European democracies provide many kinds of support to such families. The recent scientific evidence on early childhood poverty underscores the importance of doing everything possible to reduce the harmful effects of poverty during the first few years of life.

Health, Illness, and Medical Care

The poor are also more likely to have many kinds of health problems, including infant mortality, earlier adulthood mortality, and mental illness, and they are also more likely to receive inadequate medical care. Poor children are more likely to have inadequate nutrition and, partly for this reason, to suffer health, behavioral, and cognitive problems. These problems in turn impair their ability to do well in school and land stable employment as adults, helping to ensure that poverty will persist across generations. Many poor people are uninsured or underinsured, at least until the US health-care reform legislation of 2010 takes full effect a few years from now, and many have to visit health clinics that are overcrowded and understaffed.

As Chapter 12 “Work and the Economy” discusses, it is unclear how much of poor people’s worse health stems from their lack of money and lack of good health care versus their own behavior such as smoking and eating unhealthy diets. Regardless of the exact reasons, however, the fact remains that poor health is a major consequence of poverty. According to recent research, this fact means that poverty is responsible for almost 150,000 deaths annually, a figure about equal to the number of deaths from lung cancer (Bakalar, 2011).

Poor children typically go to rundown schools with inadequate facilities where they receive inadequate schooling. They are much less likely than wealthier children to graduate from high school or to go to college. Their lack of education in turn restricts them and their own children to poverty, once again helping to ensure a vicious cycle of continuing poverty across generations. As Chapter 10 “The Changing Family” explains, scholars debate whether the poor school performance of poor children stems more from the inadequacy of their schools and schooling versus their own poverty. Regardless of exactly why poor children are more likely to do poorly in school and to have low educational attainment, these educational problems are another major consequence of poverty.

Housing and Homelessness

The poor are, not surprisingly, more likely to be homeless than the nonpoor but also more likely to live in dilapidated housing and unable to buy their own homes. Many poor families spend more than half their income on rent, and they tend to live in poor neighborhoods that lack job opportunities, good schools, and other features of modern life that wealthier people take for granted. The lack of adequate housing for the poor remains a major national problem. Even worse is outright homelessness. An estimated 1.6 million people, including more than 300,000 children, are homeless at least part of the year (Lee, et. al., 2010).

Crime and Victimization

As Chapter 7 “Alcohol and Other Drugs” discusses, poor (and near poor) people account for the bulk of our street crime (homicide, robbery, burglary, etc.), and they also account for the bulk of victims of street crime. That chapter will outline several reasons for this dual connection between poverty and street crime, but they include the deep frustration and stress of living in poverty and the fact that many poor people live in high-crime neighborhoods. In such neighborhoods, children are more likely to grow up under the influence of older peers who are already in gangs or otherwise committing crime, and people of any age are more likely to become crime victims. Moreover, because poor and near-poor people are more likely to commit street crime, they also comprise most of the people arrested for street crimes, convicted of street crime, and imprisoned for street crime. Most of the more than 2 million people now in the nation’s prisons and jails come from poor or near-poor backgrounds. Criminal behavior and criminal victimization, then, are other major consequences of poverty.

Lessons from Other Societies

Poverty and Poverty Policy in Other Western Democracies

To compare international poverty rates, scholars commonly use a measure of the percentage of households in a nation that receive less than half of the nation’s median household income after taxes and cash transfers from the government. In data from the late 2000s, 17.3 percent of US households lived in poverty as defined by this measure. By comparison, other Western democracies had the rates depicted in the figure that follows. The average poverty rate of the nations in the figure excluding the United States is 9.5 percent. The US rate is thus almost twice as high as the average for all the other democracies.

This graph illustrates the poverty rates in western democracies (i.e., the percentage of persons living with less than half of the median household income) as of the late 2000s

Source: Data from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2011). Society at a glance 2011: OECD social indicators. Retrieved July 23, 2011, from http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/soc_glance-2011-en/06/02/index.html;jsessionid=erdqhbpb203ea.epsilon?contentType=&itemId=/content/chapter/soc_glance-2011-17-en&containerItemId=/content/se .

Why is there so much more poverty in the United States than in its Western counterparts? Several differences between the United States and the other nations stand out (Brady, 2009; Russell, 2011). First, other Western nations have higher minimum wages and stronger labor unions than the United States has, and these lead to incomes that help push people above poverty. Second, these other nations spend a much greater proportion of their gross domestic product on social expenditures (income support and social services such as child-care subsidies and housing allowances) than does the United States. As sociologist John Iceland (Iceland, 2006) notes, “Such countries often invest heavily in both universal benefits, such as maternity leave, child care, and medical care, and in promoting work among [poor] families…The United States, in comparison with other advanced nations, lacks national health insurance, provides less publicly supported housing, and spends less on job training and job creation.” Block and colleagues agree: “These other countries all take a more comprehensive government approach to combating poverty, and they assume that it is caused by economic and structural factors rather than bad behavior” (Block et, al., 2006).

The experience of the United Kingdom provides a striking contrast between the effectiveness of the expansive approach used in other wealthy democracies and the inadequacy of the American approach. In 1994, about 30 percent of British children lived in poverty; by 2009, that figure had fallen by more than half to 12 percent. Meanwhile, the US 2009 child poverty rate, was almost 21 percent.

Britain used three strategies to reduce its child poverty rate and to help poor children and their families in other ways. First, it induced more poor parents to work through a series of new measures, including a national minimum wage higher than its US counterpart and various tax savings for low-income workers. Because of these measures, the percentage of single parents who worked rose from 45 percent in 1997 to 57 percent in 2008. Second, Britain increased child welfare benefits regardless of whether a parent worked. Third, it increased paid maternity leave from four months to nine months, implemented two weeks of paid paternity leave, established universal preschool (which both helps children’s cognitive abilities and makes it easier for parents to afford to work), increased child-care aid, and made it possible for parents of young children to adjust their working hours to their parental responsibilities (Waldfogel, 2010). While the British child poverty rate fell dramatically because of these strategies, the US child poverty rate stagnated.

In short, the United States has so much more poverty than other democracies in part because it spends so much less than they do on helping the poor. The United States certainly has the wealth to follow their example, but it has chosen not to do so, and a high poverty rate is the unfortunate result. As the Nobel laureate economist Paul Krugman (2006, p. A25) summarizes this lesson, “Government truly can be a force for good. Decades of propaganda have conditioned many Americans to assume that government is always incompetent…But the [British experience has] shown that a government that seriously tries to reduce poverty can achieve a lot.”

Key Takeaways

• Poor people are more likely to have several kinds of family problems, including divorce and family conflict.
• Poor people are more likely to have several kinds of health problems.
• Children growing up in poverty are less likely to graduate high school or go to college, and they are more likely to commit street crime.

For Your Review

• Write a brief essay that summarizes the consequences of poverty.
• Why do you think poor children are more likely to develop health problems?

Bakalar, N. (2011, July 4). Researchers link deaths to social ills. New York Times , p. D5.

Block, F., Korteweg, A. C., & Woodward, K. (2006). The compassion gap in American poverty policy. Contexts, 5 (2), 14–20.

Brady, D. (2009). Rich democracies, poor people: How politics explain poverty . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Duncan, G. J., & Magnuson, K. (2011, winter). The long reach of early childhood poverty. Pathways: A Magazine on Poverty, Inequality, and Social Policy , 22–27.

Evans, G. W., Brooks-Gunn, J., & Klebanov, P. K. (2011, winter). Stressing out the poor: Chronic physiological stress and the income-achievement gap. Pathways: A Magazine on Poverty, Inequality, and Social Policy , 16–21.

Grusky, D., & Wimer, C.(Eds.). (2011, winter). Editors’ note. Pathways: A Magazine on Poverty, Inequality, and Social Policy , 2.

Iceland, J. (2006). Poverty in America: A handbook . Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Krugman, P. (Krugman, 2006). Helping the poor, the British way. New York Times , p. A25.

Lee, B., Tyler, K. A., & Wright, J. D. ( 2010). The new homelessness revisited. Annual Review of Sociology, 36 , 501–521.

Lindsey, D. (2009). Child poverty and inequality: Securing a better future for America’s children . New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Moore, K. A., Redd, Z., Burkhauser, M., Mbawa, K., & Collins, A. (2009). Children in poverty: Trends, consequences, and policy options . Washington, DC: Child Trends. Retrieved from http://www.childtrends.org/Files//Child_Trends-2009_04_07_RB_ChildreninPoverty.pdf .

Ratcliffe, C., & McKernan, S.-M. (2010). Childhood poverty persistence: Facts and consequences . Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press.

Russell, J. W. ( 2011). Double standard: Social policy in Europe and the United States (2nd ed.). Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Sanders, L. (2011). Neuroscience exposes pernicious effects of poverty. Science News, 179 (3), 32.

Shonkoff, J. P. (2011, winter). Building a foundation for prosperity on the science of early childhood development. Pathways: A Magazine on Poverty, Inequality, and Social Policy , 10–14.

Waldfogel, J. (2010). Britain’s war on poverty . New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.

Social Problems Copyright © 2015 by University of Minnesota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Poverty: Essay on Causes, Effects and Solutions of Poverty

Category: Essays and Paragraphs On November 22, 2018 By Mary

Introduction

Poverty is basically the state of being poor. It is a concept subject to perspective. Poverty refers to the state where the number of poor people is by far more than that of the people who can actually afford a decent lifestyle. In this case therefore, most of the residents of that particular setting are normally struggling to make a living and even secure a meal and for this reason, the living standards and conditions in a poverty ridden place are not desirable.

Poverty is caused by factors such as changing trends in the economy, lack of education in a country, high rates of separation, overpopulation, culture, disease and environmental issues like absence of rain and calamities. These factors therefore make it impossible for a person to afford an ordinary living pattern.

Causes of poverty

• Poverty is caused by corruption where a few individuals in power are so greedy that they steal public finances and therefore deny the public finances meant to make their living standards better.
• Misappropriation of funds is another cause where finances are misused or used in the wrong way and therefore leaving the important projects at bay.
• Foreign dominance of the economy is also a cause where the foreigners take over and therefore are the only ones who amass wealth for themselves, leaving the local people in worse conditions than they found them.
• Debt is another cause as it denies growth in the sense that finances earned are channeled towards repaying the debt.

Effects of Poverty

• Poverty makes it impossible for people to seek medical assistance or to even access to any form of medication hence poor health .
• Poverty also causes lack of education . This is because education can sometimes be very demanding financially in terms of school fees, reading and writing materials and also school uniforms.
• Poverty causes stress . Poor individuals report much more stress cases than middle-class families.
• Poverty is the main cause of elevated levels of dependence. Poor people tend to depend on their family members or the government to get financial aid.
• Poverty also leads to hunger and malnutrition . This is due to the inability to afford good food or no food at all. This may contribute to slow development in children.
• Poverty also contributes to increased levels of corruption . Poor people in desperate need for jobs also result to bribing to get jobs.
• Poverty can also affect a country in terms of low GDP. This is because poor people have no means of becoming productive. They instead depend on others for their needs which reduces the country’s productivity.
• Poverty is the main cause for the rise of street children and street families. Since one cannot afford good housing without money, they result to staying in the streets and beg for food and money.
• Poverty has led to the development of slum housing in urban areas. These are cheap houses that people with little or no income love in. This type of housing is bad due to high chances of spread of diseases.

Solutions to poverty

• Fighting corruption is the principle way to fight corruption with the aim of eliminating the very ideals that cause poverty.
• Proper utilization of funds can also help fight poverty and provide and actual solution as it makes good for proper planning.
• Avoiding debt is a life principle that can reduce chances of poverty because the finances earned thereafter can be geared towards personal development for an individual or their country.
• Reducing foreign dominance on the economy is also another way as it helps ensure that the local people profit from what is rightfully their own.

Poverty is the major cause of lack of development in any country. It is therefore the obligation of every government to try and improve the living standards and conditions of its people by providing employment opportunities and other means by which people can earn money and provide for their families.

Hence, poverty is a situation in life that has to be fought by all means necessary not only by the government but by individuals as well.

By Mary (edited)

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Poverty Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on poverty essay.

“Poverty is the worst form of violence”. – Mahatma Gandhi.

How Poverty is Measured?

For measuring poverty United nations have devised two measures of poverty – Absolute & relative poverty.  Absolute poverty is used to measure poverty in developing countries like India. Relative poverty is used to measure poverty in developed countries like the USA. In absolute poverty, a line based on the minimum level of income has been created & is called a poverty line.  If per day income of a family is below this level, then it is poor or below the poverty line. If per day income of a family is above this level, then it is non-poor or above the poverty line. In India, the new poverty line is  Rs 32 in rural areas and Rs 47 in urban areas.

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Causes of Poverty

According to the Noble prize winner South African leader, Nelson Mandela – “Poverty is not natural, it is manmade”. The above statement is true as the causes of poverty are generally man-made. There are various causes of poverty but the most important is population. Rising population is putting the burden on the resources & budget of countries. Governments are finding difficult to provide food, shelter & employment to the rising population.

The other causes are- lack of education, war, natural disaster, lack of employment, lack of infrastructure, political instability, etc. For instance- lack of employment opportunities makes a person jobless & he is not able to earn enough to fulfill the basic necessities of his family & becomes poor. Lack of education compels a person for less paying jobs & it makes him poorer. Lack of infrastructure means there are no industries, banks, etc. in a country resulting in lack of employment opportunities. Natural disasters like flood, earthquake also contribute to poverty.

In some countries, especially African countries like Somalia, a long period of civil war has made poverty widespread. This is because all the resources & money is being spent in war instead of public welfare. Countries like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, etc. are prone to natural disasters like cyclone, etc. These disasters occur every year causing poverty to rise.

Ill Effects of Poverty

Poverty affects the life of a poor family. A poor person is not able to take proper food & nutrition &his capacity to work reduces. Reduced capacity to work further reduces his income, making him poorer. Children from poor family never get proper schooling & proper nutrition. They have to work to support their family & this destroys their childhood. Some of them may also involve in crimes like theft, murder, robbery, etc. A poor person remains uneducated & is forced to live under unhygienic conditions in slums. There are no proper sanitation & drinking water facility in slums & he falls ill often &  his health deteriorates. A poor person generally dies an early death. So, all social evils are related to poverty.

Government Schemes to Remove Poverty

The government of India also took several measures to eradicate poverty from India. Some of them are – creating employment opportunities , controlling population, etc. In India, about 60% of the population is still dependent on agriculture for its livelihood. Government has taken certain measures to promote agriculture in India. The government constructed certain dams & canals in our country to provide easy availability of water for irrigation. Government has also taken steps for the cheap availability of seeds & farming equipment to promote agriculture. Government is also promoting farming of cash crops like cotton, instead of food crops. In cities, the government is promoting industrialization to create more jobs. Government has also opened  ‘Ration shops’. Other measures include providing free & compulsory education for children up to 14 years of age, scholarship to deserving students from a poor background, providing subsidized houses to poor people, etc.

Poverty is a social evil, we can also contribute to control it. For example- we can simply donate old clothes to poor people, we can also sponsor the education of a poor child or we can utilize our free time by teaching poor students. Remember before wasting food, somebody is still sleeping hungry.

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Breaking the Poverty Trap

Why Poverty and Inequality are Human Rights Issues

Girls from the Kalokol Girls Primary School fetch water from a dry riverbed to carry back to their school, which does not have access to running water. Nearby Lake Turkana is too saline for human consumption. © 2014 Brent Stirton/Reportage by Getty Images for Human Rights Watch

What is the relationship between poverty, inequality, and human rights? When a person isn’t able to feed themselves or house their family, if they can’t access clean water or a decent job, or when kids have no choice but to drop out of school or get married because they’re living in poverty, these are all examples of human rights abuses. When government and corporate practices systematically deprive people of the resources they need, poverty becomes entrenched and economic inequality grows. But when you challenge structural inequities and improve access to essential goods and services, people can live with dignity, which is fundamental to upholding human rights. The intersection between poverty, discrimination, exclusion, and a range of other rights abuses are themes across much of our work at Human Rights Watch. Also, addressing the impact of deprivation is fundamental to protecting human rights. We investigate the policies that trap people in poverty so that we can stop the cycles of poverty and promote more inclusive development.  How are governments to blame for poverty?  Governments around the world carry an immense responsibility to support people and help them reach an adequate standard of living, a basic human right. They can do so by ensuring policies don’t support the wealthy at the expense of the poor. But governments do the opposite when they fail to rein in powerful people or companies from actions that result in people living in destitution. And when governments fail to enforce labor standards or roll back policies preventing deforestation or pollution, they’re contributing to the loss of livelihood and a healthy environment for people. Laws that govern land, inheritance, lending, and a whole range of other issues can also disproportionately hurt people already struggling financially.

Governments also fail to invest in resources and programs that ensure all people have access to what they need. They cut budgets for food and adopt policies or laws that exclude certain children from going to school . For example, in Tanzania , we did work to end discriminatory policies that prevent pregnant girls from attending school. In the United States, the cost of health care prevents certain people from accessing care. As there is a clear correlation between race and poverty in the US, this disproportionately impacts communities of color. Most governments worldwide don’t have social systems to protect the economically most vulnerable from external shocks, although there is a basic human right to social security. Governments are also harming people when they prioritize efficiency over rights when using technology to automate social programs. In the United Kingdom, the government is using a poorly designed algorithm to calculate people’s welfare benefits, creating payment delays and fluctuations that force people into hunger, debt, and poverty. And what about the people who can’t afford internet at their homes? The government still requires them to manage their benefits online. Additionally, because of the pandemic, we are seeing what happens when governments don’t invest enough in social protection programs to make sure people aren’t thrown into economic freefall when crisis strikes.

For example, in Cambodia , many low-wage workers have lost their jobs as companies and factories shut because of the pandemic. Many low-wage workers are turning to micro-loans to pay for essential services such as health care and school fees. Despite government guidance for micro-lenders to provide debt relief, these micro-loan providers are unethically coercing people into selling their land and housing, used as collateral, when they can’t pay back their loans. Cambodia’s government should suspend loan repayments and interest accruals and give people debt protection. How else can governments help people get out of poverty? A critical first step is developing a solid legal framework that protects people’s basic economic rights, like the right to an adequate standard of living, and provides for effective remedies for those whose economic rights are violated. Laws and regulations should prevent people from exploiting political and economic systems to benefit themselves at the expense of the rights of others. This includes worker, environmental, consumer, criminal, or anti-discrimination protections and policies. For example, governments can raise the minimum wages so that they are genuine living wages that help meet the needs of workers and their families. These rights are universal, and, in a global economic system, these protections should expand beyond borders. Workers across a global value chain need to be protected against labor abuses. And governments need to monitor and enforce those laws. Without enforcement, the best laws won’t have much impact. Governments also should leverage resources to invest in people and communities. This includes increasing spending on a range of social programs, like health care, education, job training, and access to credit. It also means improving transparency and oversight to root out corruption and wasteful practices that take resources away from the people who need it most.

It is critical for governments to include people’s voices in shaping these policies and the technologies they use to implement them. This is a necessary counterbalance to self-interested powers that seek to enrich themselves. For example, in the context of development projects, affected communities should be consulted to ensure they receive the promised benefits, and don’t end up losing more than they gain. In Guinea , we reported on bauxite mines that were funded both by Chinese investors and by the private sector arm of the World Bank Group. The mines were supposed to create jobs and make things better for communities, but instead they have threatened the livelihood of thousands of people by destroying ancestral farmland and damaging water sources. The companies involved claimed to have consulted communities, but in reality, communities have little choice but to allow mining to move forward on the companies’ terms. Communities should instead be able to participate in decisions about how their land is used and get meaningful benefit from mining and other development projects.

What if governments can’t afford to provide all this for their people? It’s a reality that governments don’t have infinite funds, particularly in the wake of the pandemic, when many are facing revenue crises. Yet when governments respect human rights, they make sure powerful people and companies don’t make it harder for people to be financially secure. This doesn’t require massive government spending.

Also, there’s a lot governments can do to maximize the resources they have. This means eliminating corruption and self-dealing by politicians that can lead to misdirected or wasteful spending. Governments should prioritize the needs of the poorest, ensuring that everyone has the adequate support to access food, housing, water, education, and other essentials for a decent life. Governments should also aim to provide universal social protections, such as a welfare system, and should help people achieve greater economic security. For example, providing affordable internet access to low-income families could buffer them from future poverty, as does offering quality public education along with other continuing education courses designed to improve access to better jobs. All this would benefit society as a whole.

Also, governments should make sure they have the resources to fund programs, creating stable, long-term programs focused on people’s needs. Governments should also take steps to prevent tax evasion and explore progressive tax policies , which tax people with more assets at a higher rate than the poor, thereby easing the burden on the poor. How would you answer people who say it’s people’s own fault that they’re living in poverty?  Everyone is entitled to basic rights like food and housing – it is not a question of who is “deserving” or “undeserving.” There are undeniable systematic forces that make it much harder for some people to earn enough money to meet their basic needs or save enough money to protect them from ruin when they face unexpected expenses. This has contributed to the stark rise in inequality around the world. Over 70 percent of the world’s population live in countries that recently experienced growing inequality. There is no reason why a person should have to work multiple shifts or jobs to make ends meet. People should have agency over their lives and be able to shape their futures. We want to change the policies that deprive people of those choices and of the opportunities they need to create a better life.

*This interview has been edited and condensed. 

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Social scientists have long understood that a child’s environment — in particular growing up in poverty — can have long-lasting effects on their success later in life. What’s less well understood is exactly how.

A new Harvard study is beginning to pry open that black box.

Conducted by Robert Sampson, the Henry Ford II Professor of the Social Sciences, and Robert Manduca, a doctoral student in sociology and social policy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, the study points to a handful of key indicators, including exposure to high levels of lead, violence, and incarceration as key predictors of children’s later success. The study is described in an April paper published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

“What this paper is trying to do, in a sense, is move beyond the traditional neighborhood indicators people use, like poverty,” Sampson said. “For decades, people have shown poverty to be important … but it doesn’t necessarily tell us what the mechanisms are, and how growing up in poor neighborhoods affects children’s outcomes.”

To explore potential pathways, Manduca and Sampson turned to the income tax records of parents and approximately 230,000 children who lived in Chicago in the 1980s and 1990s, compiled by Harvard’s Opportunity Atlas project. They integrated these records with survey data collected by the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods, measures of violence and incarceration, census indicators, and blood-lead levels for the city’s neighborhoods in the 1990s.

They found that the greater the extent to which poor black male children were exposed to harsh environments, the higher their chances of being incarcerated in adulthood and the lower their adult incomes, measured in their 30s. A similar income pattern also emerged for whites.

Among both black and white girls, the data showed that increased exposure to harsh environments predicted higher rates of teen pregnancy.

Despite the similarity of results along racial lines, Chicago’s segregation means that far more black children were exposed to harsh environments — in terms of toxicity, violence, and incarceration — harmful to their mental and physical health.

“The least-exposed majority-black neighborhoods still had levels of harshness and toxicity greater than the most-exposed majority-white neighborhoods, which plausibly accounts for a substantial portion of the racial disparities in outcomes,” Manduca said.

“It’s really about trying to understand some of the earlier findings, the lived experience of growing up in a poor and racially segregated environment, and how that gets into the minds and bodies of children.” Robert Sampson

“What this paper shows … is the independent predictive power of harsh environments on top of standard variables,” Sampson said. “It’s really about trying to understand some of the earlier findings, the lived experience of growing up in a poor and racially segregated environment, and how that gets into the minds and bodies of children.”

More like this

Cities’ wealth gap is growing, too

Racial and economic disparities intertwined, study finds

The study isn’t solely focused on the mechanisms of how poverty impacts children; it also challenges traditional notions of what remedies might be available.

“This has [various] policy implications,” Sampson said. “Because when you talk about the effects of poverty, that leads to a particular kind of thinking, which has to do with blocked opportunities and the lack of resources in a neighborhood.

“That doesn’t mean resources are unimportant,” he continued, “but what this study suggests is that environmental policy and criminal justice reform can be thought of as social mobility policy. I think that’s provocative, because that’s different than saying it’s just about poverty itself and childhood education and human capital investment, which has traditionally been the conversation.”

The study did suggest that some factors — like community cohesion, social ties, and friendship networks — could act as bulwarks against harsh environments. Many researchers, including Sampson himself, have shown that community cohesion and local organizations can help reduce violence. But Sampson said their ability to do so is limited.

“One of the positive ways to interpret this is that violence is falling in society,” he said. “Research has shown that community organizations are responsible for a good chunk of the drop. But when it comes to what’s affecting the kids themselves, it’s the homicide that happens on the corner, it’s the lead in their environment, it’s the incarceration of their parents that’s having the more proximate, direct influence.”

Going forward, Sampson said he hopes the study will spur similar research in other cities and expand to include other environmental contamination, including so-called brownfield sites.

Ultimately, Sampson said he hopes the study can reveal the myriad ways in which poverty shapes not only the resources that are available for children, but the very world in which they find themselves growing up.

“Poverty is sort of a catchall term,” he said. “The idea here is to peel things back and ask, What does it mean to grow up in a poor white neighborhood? What does it mean to grow up in a poor black neighborhood? What do kids actually experience?

“What it means for a black child on the south side of Chicago is much higher rates of exposure to violence and lead and incarceration, and this has intergenerational consequences,” he continued. “This is particularly important because it provides a way to think about potentially intervening in the intergenerational reproduction of inequality. We don’t typically think about criminal justice reform or environmental policy as social mobility policy. But maybe we should.”

This research was supported with funding from the Project on Race, Class & Cumulative Adversity at Harvard University, the Ford Foundation, and the Hutchins Family Foundation.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Homelessness — Introduction to Poverty: Causes, Effects, and Management

Introduction to Poverty: Causes, Effects, and Management

• Categories: Homelessness Hunger Poverty in America

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Published: May 17, 2022

Words: 2156 | Pages: 5 | 11 min read

Table of contents

Introduction, global trends of poverty, causes of poverty, effects/impacts of poverty on the family, management and control, poverty in europe, poverty in africa, poverty in kenya, lack/poor education, feminization, low economic growth performance, divorce/separation, stress/depression, emotional and physical wellbeing of the children, the governments should come up with initiatives to alleviate poverty, educating the families and equipping them with technical skills.

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5 Essays About Poverty Everyone Should Know

Poverty is one of the driving forces of inequality in the world. Between 1990-2015, much progress was made. The number of people living on less than $1.90 went from 36% to 10%. However, according to the World Bank , the COVID-19 pandemic represents a serious problem that disproportionately impacts the poor. Research released in February of 2020 shows that by 2030, up to ⅔ of the “global extreme poor” will be living in conflict-affected and fragile economies. Poverty will remain a major human rights issue for decades to come. Here are five essays about the issue that everyone should know:

“We need an economic bill of rights” –  Martin Luther King Jr.

The Guardian published an abridged version of this essay in 2018, which was originally released in Look magazine just after Dr. King was killed. In this piece, Dr. King explains why an economic bill of rights is necessary. He points out that while mass unemployment within the black community is a “social problem,” it’s a “depression” in the white community. An economic bill of rights would give a job to everyone who wants one and who can work. It would also give an income to those who can’t work. Dr. King affirms his commitment to non-violence. He’s fully aware that tensions are high. He quotes a spiritual, writing “timing is winding up.” Even while the nation progresses, poverty is getting worse.

This essay was reprinted and abridged in The Guardian in an arrangement with The Heirs to the Estate of Martin Luther King. Jr. The most visible representative of the Civil Rights Movement beginning in 1955, Dr. King was assassinated in 1968. His essays and speeches remain timely.

“How Poverty Can Follow Children Into Adulthood” – Priyanka Boghani

This article is from 2017, but it’s more relevant than ever because it was written when 2012 was the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. That’s no longer the case. In 2012, around ¼ American children were in poverty. Five years later, children were still more likely than adults to be poor. This is especially true for children of colour. Consequences of poverty include anxiety, hunger, and homelessness. This essay also looks at the long-term consequences that come from growing up in poverty. A child can develop health problems that affect them in adulthood. Poverty can also harm a child’s brain development. Being aware of how poverty affects children and follows them into adulthood is essential as the world deals with the economic fallout from the pandemic.

Priyanka Boghani is a journalist at PBS Frontline. She focuses on U.S. foreign policy, humanitarian crises, and conflicts in the Middle East. She also assists in managing Frontline’s social accounts.

“5 Reasons COVID-19 Will Impact the Fight to End Extreme Poverty” – Leah Rodriguez

For decades, the UN has attempted to end extreme poverty. In the face of the novel coronavirus outbreak, new challenges threaten the fight against poverty. In this essay, Dr. Natalie Linos, a Harvard social epidemiologist, urges the world to have a “social conversation” about how the disease impacts poverty and inequality. If nothing is done, it’s unlikely that the UN will meet its Global Goals by 2030. Poverty and COVID-19 intersect in five key ways. For one, low-income people are more vulnerable to disease. They also don’t have equal access to healthcare or job stability. This piece provides a clear, concise summary of why this outbreak is especially concerning for the global poor.

Leah Rodriguez’s writing at Global Citizen focuses on women, girls, water, and sanitation. She’s also worked as a web producer and homepage editor for New York Magazine’s The Cut.

“Climate apartheid”: World’s poor to suffer most from disasters” – Al Jazeera and news Agencies

The consequences of climate change are well-known to experts like Philip Alston, the special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights. In 2019, he submitted a report to the UN Human Rights Council sounding the alarm on how climate change will devastate the poor. While the wealthy will be able to pay their way out of devastation, the poor will not. This will end up creating a “climate apartheid.” Alston states that if climate change isn’t addressed, it will undo the last five decades of progress in poverty education, as well as global health and development .

“Nickel and Dimed: On (not) getting by in America” – Barbara Ehrenreich

In this excerpt from her book Nickel and Dimed, Ehrenreich describes her experience choosing to live undercover as an “unskilled worker” in the US. She wanted to investigate the impact the 1996 welfare reform act had on the working poor. Released in 2001, the events take place between the spring of 1998 and the summer of 2000. Ehrenreich decided to live in a town close to her “real life” and finds a place to live and a job. She has her eyes opened to the challenges and “special costs” of being poor. In 2019, The Guardian ranked the book 13th on their list of 100 best books of the 21st century.

Barbara Ehrenreich is the author of 21 books and an activist. She’s worked as an award-winning columnist and essayist.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

Poverty Impact on Life Perception Essay

How do the poor consider risks in the life choices they make.

Poverty is typically viewed as an extraordinarily damaging environment not only because of the unavailability of numerous essential resources or the lack of employment opportunities, studying, and, therefore, future financial success. It is also the mind frame of people living behind the poverty threshold that affects their condition. Particularly, how poor people see risks needs to be addressed. Because of the fear of losing the little that they own, poor people develop the propensity to avoid risks and, thus, prefer not to take chances in the scenarios that do not imply immediately and doubtless gain (Carvalho, Meier, Wang, 2016). Furthermore, the risks associated with health, war, and terrorism, etc., are viewed as the issues of major concern for people living in poverty.

Rajen Makhijani: Middle and Upper Classes Do Not Understand the Poor. Social Class Effect

The specified attitude represents a striking contrast to how high- and middle-class citizens define risk. Enjoying significantly greater security, members of the middle class do not typically view the risks associated with health and economic stability as something that they can lose instantly. As a result, members of the middle class tend to be more decisive in their life choices. Not being afraid that a sudden change will turn out to be not only disruptive but also destructive to their well-being, people from the middle-class tier prefer to take risks if they see an opportunity for the further development and growth. Consequently, unlike poor people, middle-class citizens have more opportunities for personal and professional growth (Mader, 2015).

It would be erroneous to claim that representative of the middle-class view risk solely as an opportunity for a potential gain. Instead, members of the middle class tend to assess key factors carefully before choosing whether to dismiss a particular challenge or accept it (Rocha, Rocha, & Rocha, 2015). Poor people, in contrast, have the propensity to avoid risks at all costs. Seeing that an ability to participate in risk-taking also requires substantial skills, such as the ability to assess relevant challenges and opportunities, it could also be argued that it is the lack of education opportunities and professional growth that prevents people living below the poverty threshold to accept risks as a chance to succeed (Dubois, Rucker, & Galinsky, 2015).

Sense of Purpose and Wealth

It could also be argued that wealth is linked to a sense of purpose to a considerable extent. It is often assumed that wealthy people’s lives are less purpose-driven than those of poor people. On the one hand, the availability of resources makes any further effort pointless. As a result, a wealthy person may be deprived of the experience of a triumph that follows a successful endeavor. On the other hand, the sense of purpose may be difficult to achieve for someone who struggles to sustain their life and, therefore, does not have the opportunity to focus on their spiritual growth (Benabou, Ticchi, & Vindigni, 2015).

How would the Major Sociological Theories (Conflict Perspective, Functionalism, Symbolic Interactionism, Feminism) Explain the Existence of Slums? Which Theory Do You Believe Offers the Best Explanation? Why?

Conflict perspective.

Conflict Theory implies that poverty is a direct outcome of inequality and social stratification (Turner, 2016). The specified theory suggests that moving toward a different social structure will allow eradicating poverty (Turner, 2016). Connecting economic concerns to social issues, the specified theory also provides a profound explanation for the persistence of slums as a result of prejudices that still thrive in modern society.

Functionalism

Based on the tenets of Functionalism, slums exist due to the imperfections in the social and economic systems of contemporary society. It is assumed that, with the introduction of an improved and more efficient system, the environment in which poverty and, thus, slums will be eradicated, will become a possibility (Turner, 2016). The Functionalist approach plays a much heavier emphasis on the social constituent of the problem.

Symbolic Interactionism

The approach of Symbolic Interactionism, in turn, requires to introspect into relationships between members of society. Similar to the Conflict Theory perspective, it views a social factor as the key reason for the problem (Turner, 2016). However, Symbolic Interactionism delves into the effects that stratification has on relationships within society (Turner, 2016).

The Feminist Theory helps view the phenomenon of poverty through the lens of gender relationships. Therefore it addresses the issue of gender inequality. Particularly, the specified theoretical framework allows exploring the problem of gender-defining the chances to receive education, be employed, and have chances for further career development. Although the identified framework also embraces socio-cultural issues, it focuses primarily on gender relationships, thus, limiting the analysis to the obstacles faced by a specific demographic. Nevertheless, it must also be regarded as a legitimate framework given the issues faced by women because of gender inequality (Turner, 2016).

Best Explanation

Choosing between the theories listed below to provide a comprehensive explanation of the roots of poverty, one must give credit to the Social Conflict Theory as the perspective from which poverty can be viewed in the greatest detail and, therefore, analyzed respectively. The suggested approach helps study the issue of poverty through the lens of complex socioeconomic relationships. As a result, a profound exploration of the issue is provided. The specified theory sheds light on the effects of discrimination against all vulnerable populations, i.e., helps identify gender-, race-, and class-related concerns within a particular society. Therefore, the Social Conflict Theory may be used as the platform for implementing changes that will eventually make slums cease to exist and, instead, help create a community where people are provided with equal opportunities.

Benabou, R., Ticchi, D., & Vindigni, A. (2015). Religion and innovation . Web.

Carvalho, L. S., Meier, S., & Wang, S. W. (2016). Poverty and economic decision-making: Evidence from changes in financial resources at payday. American Economic Review, 106 (2), 260-284.

Dubois, D., Rucker, D. D., & Galinsky, A. D. (2015). Social class, power, and selfishness: When and why upper and lower class individuals behave unethically. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 108 (3), 436.

Mader, P. (2015) The financialisation of poverty. In P. Mader, The political economy of microfinance: Financializing poverty (pp. 78-120). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Rocha, A. R. C., da Rocha, A., & Rocha, E. (2016). Classifying and classified: An interpretive study of the consumption of cruises by the “new” Brazilian middle class. International Business Review, 25 (3), 624-632.

Turner, S. (2016). American sociology: From pre-disciplinary to post-normal . New York, NY: Springer.

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IvyPanda. (2020, September 23). Poverty Impact on Life Perception. https://ivypanda.com/essays/poverty-impact-on-life-perception/

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IvyPanda . 2020. "Poverty Impact on Life Perception." September 23, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/poverty-impact-on-life-perception/.

1. IvyPanda . "Poverty Impact on Life Perception." September 23, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/poverty-impact-on-life-perception/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Poverty Impact on Life Perception." September 23, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/poverty-impact-on-life-perception/.

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Poverty and Human Development

UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). 1997. Poverty and Human Development. New York.

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Essay on Poverty: Samples in 100, 200, 300 Words

• Updated on  
• Oct 14, 2023

Poverty is a deep-rooted problem that continues to affect a large portion of the world’s population today. It touches on several aspects of human life including but not limited to political, economic, and social elements. Even though there are several methods to escape poverty, still issues arise due to a lack of adequate unity among the country’s citizens. Here are some essays on poverty which will give you insights about this topic.

Table of Contents

• 1 Essay on Poverty in 100 words
• 2 Essay on Poverty in 200 words
• 3.1 Reasons Behind Poverty
• 3.2 World Poverty Conditions
• 3.3 Role of NGOs to Eradicate Poverty
• 3.4 What Can be Done by Us?

Essay on Poverty in 100 words

Poverty is defined as a state of scarcity, and the lack of material possessions to such an extreme extent that people have difficulties in fulfilling their basic needs. Robert McNamara, a former World Bank President, states that extreme poverty is limited by illiteracy, malnutrition, disease, high infant mortality rate, squalid conditions of living, and low life expectancy.

In order to eradicate poverty in a country, strict measures need to be taken on all levels. The political system needs to address this issue with utmost sincerity and strategic implementation in such a way that it improves the lives of people, especially the ones living below the poverty line. 

Also Read: Speech on Made in India

Essay on Poverty in 200 words

Poverty is like a parasite that degrades its host and eventually causes a lot of damage to the host. It is basically the scarcity of basic needs that leads to an extremely degraded life and even low life expectancy. It includes a lack of food, shelter, medication, education, and other basic necessities. Poverty is a more serious circumstance where people are forced to starve. It can be caused by a variety of factors depending upon the country. 

Every country that is hit with pandemic diseases, experiences an increase in poverty rates. This is because of the fact that poor people are unable to receive adequate medical care and hence are unable to maintain their health. This renders the people powerless and even puts their liberty in jeopardy. This is because of the fact that poor people can become trapped in a vicious cycle of servitude. The condition of poverty is a distressing one that causes pain, despair, and grief in the lives of the ones it affects. 

This is also a negative scenario that prevents a child from attending basic education. It’s the lack of money that prevents people from living sufficiently. Also, it is the cause of more serious social concerns such as slavery, child labour, etc. Hence action is needed on the same with utmost sincerity. 

Essay on Poverty in 300 words

Poverty is a multifaceted concept that includes several aspects such as social aspects, political elements, economic aspects, etc. It is basically associated with undermining a variety of essential human attributes such as health, education, etc. Despite the growth and development of the economies of countries, poverty still exists in almost every one of them. 

Reasons Behind Poverty

There are several contributing reasons behind poverty in a nation. Some of them are mentioned below:-

• Lack of literacy among citizens
• Lack of Capital in the country
• Large families and a rapidly growing population
• Limited employment opportunities

There are even urban areas where the slum population is increasing. These are deprived of many basic amenities such as sanitation, drainage systems, and low-cost water supply, etc. 

World Poverty Conditions

According to UNICEF , around 22000 children lose their lives each day due to poverty. There are approximately 1.9 billion children in developing countries in the world and India is also among them. Out of these, approximately 640 million don’t have a proper shelter, 270 million are living without medical facilities, and approximately 400 million don’t have access to safe water. This worldwide situation is growing at a fast pace. 

Role of NGOs to Eradicate Poverty

The approaches by NGOs basically include helping the poor by providing various public services such as medical services etc.

They also play a major role in mobilizing the services recommended by the government. They have various approaches and strategies that directly help the poor in various ways.

What Can be Done by Us?

We help in eradicating poverty by increasing employment opportunities.

Ensuring financial services and providing the same is another such measure that can be taken.

Recognizing social entrepreneurs as people of influence, conveying to them the seriousness of this situation, and then eventually making people aware of the same is another thing that can be done. 

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Writing an essay on poverty in 200 words requires you to describe various aspects of this topic such as what causes poverty, how it affects individuals and society as a whole, etc. The condition of poverty is a distressing one that causes pain, despair, and grief in the lives of the ones it affects.

An essay on poverty may be started as follows:- Poverty is a deep-rooted problem that continues to affect a large portion of the world’s population today. It touches on several aspects of human life including but not limited to political, economic, and social elements. Even though there are several methods to escape poverty, still issues arise due to a lack of adequate unity among the country’s citizens.

Poverty in 100 words: Poverty is defined as a state of scarcity, and the lack of material possessions to such an extreme extent that people have difficulties in fulfilling their basic needs. Robert McNamara, a former World Bank President, states that extreme poverty is limited by illiteracy, malnutrition, disease, high infant mortality rate, squalid conditions of living, and low life expectancy. In order to eradicate poverty in a country, strict measures need to be taken on all levels. The political system needs to address this issue with utmost sincerity and strategic implementation in such a way that it improves the lives of people, especially the ones living below the poverty line.

For more information on such interesting topics, visit our essay writing page and follow Leverage Edu .

Deepansh Gautam

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Essay on Poverty: Causes, Effects, and Solutions

Poverty is an international problem that affects many people. It means not having enough money for basic things like food, housing, and healthcare. Poverty also has serious consequences for individuals and communities. In this essay on poverty, we will examine the causes, effects, and possible solutions to poverty. Understanding poverty better will enable us to create a more equal society where everyone can live happily.

Table of Contents

• 1 Introduction to Poverty Essay
• 2.1 Economic Inequality
• 2.2 Political Instability
• 2.3 Discrimination
• 2.4 Lack of Education or Training
• 2.5 Health Issues or Disabilities
• 2.6 Limited Access to Affordable Housing
• 2.7 Globalization And Trade Policies
• 2.8 Environmental Factors
• 2.9 Income Inequality
• 3.1 Short-term Effects of Poverty
• 3.2 Long-term Effects of Poverty
• 4.1 Training and Education
• 4.2 Microfinance
• 4.3 Healthcare
• 4.4 Basic Income
• 4.5 Affordable Housing
• 4.6 Food Assistance
• 4.7 Progressive Taxation
• 4.8 Community Development
• 5 Conclusion of Poverty Essay

Introduction to Poverty Essay

A person who is in poverty is one who lacks basic necessities like food, shelter, and clothing. It’s a complex, broad issue that affects millions of people worldwide. But poverty isn’t just a lack of material resources; it’s also a range of social, economic, and political factors that limit an individual’s freedom.

A person in poverty may experience poor health outcomes, limited access to education, higher crime rates, and social exclusion. Poverty impacts society as a whole as well, including lower economic productivity, higher healthcare costs, and increased social inequality.

In many cases, poverty is tied to other forms of inequality, like racism, sexism, and disability discrimination. These overlapping factors make it difficult for individuals and communities to break out of poverty. Even though poverty has been combated for decades, it remains a big problem everywhere. In fact, the COVID-19 pandemic has made it worse, pushing millions of people into poverty.

In order to solve poverty, it’s important to understand its root causes and effects of poverty and develop effective strategies.

Also Read: Essay On Motivation In Life.

Causes of Poverty: Examining Systemic and Individual Factors Contributing to Poverty

Economic Inequality

The presence of large amounts of wealth in the hands of a few individuals or groups can limit the access of those who are not as fortunate to have access to resources and opportunities. For example, families with low incomes may not be able to afford the same quality of education as wealthy ones, thus limiting their future opportunities.

Political Instability

A country with an unstable political climate may have limited access to basic services such as healthcare and education, leading to higher poverty rates. According to the World Bank, 8% of the global population, or 648 million people , live in extreme poverty.

Discrimination

Access to resources and opportunities can be limited by societal barriers like race, gender, sexuality, or ability. These kinds of barriers can be seen in education, employment, housing, and healthcare. They create an unequal playing field, where some have access to resources, while others are unfairly excluded. Due to this, disadvantaged people are unable to break out of poverty.

Lack of Education or Training

It is a major cause of poverty. When people don’t have access to appropriate education or vocational training, they often can’t get well-paying jobs or find employment at all. Without education, it’s hard for individuals to escape poverty because they lack the skills and knowledge needed to secure better opportunities.

Health Issues or Disabilities

Individuals with health issues or disabilities may be unable to work or earn a stable income due to health issues or disabilities. Healthcare costs can quickly increase, putting individuals under financial burden. Also, individuals who suffer from health challenges may have difficulty finding and maintaining employment due to limited physical or cognitive abilities. Lack of access to healthcare and preventative services worsens the problem. Health issues and disabilities impact economic stability and basic needs, creating a continuous cycle of poverty.

Limited Access to Affordable Housing

When people cannot find affordable housing, they must spend a large portion of their income on housing, leaving them with only a minimal amount of money to spend on other basic necessities. This problem is caused by factors such as high prices, limited availability, and discriminatory practices, which lead to overcrowded and unhealthy living conditions, evictions, and homelessness.

Globalization And Trade Policies

Globalization and trade policies can lead to poverty for several reasons. When countries engage in globalization and trade, local industries can suffer because they are unable to compete with foreign companies. It can result in job losses and the loss of economic diversity within the country.

Also, trade policies that do not properly regulate cheap goods can negatively impact developing countries. If powerful nations favor these goods, it can lead to overdependence on imports, further diminishing local industries and job opportunities. Also, trade agreements may prioritize the export of raw materials rather than encouraging the development of industries that add more value to these resources.

Developing countries also face challenges related to technology, medicine, and labor standards. Limited access to advanced technologies and essential medicines can interfere with their development. Also, outsourcing production to countries with lower labor standards can lead to low compensations and poor working conditions for workers in developing countries.

In short, trade policies that prioritize profit over people can lead to job loss and lower wages, contributing to poverty in both developed and developing countries.

Environmental Factors

Environmental factors also cause poverty. There are also natural disasters like droughts and floods that destroy livelihoods and limit access to resources like fertile land and water. Rising temperatures and unpredictable weather patterns have also been linked to climate change, which affects both agriculture and low-income communities. Deforestation and pollution further damage people’s health by reducing access to resources. Polluted areas or toxic waste dumps further worsen the situation for underprivileged communities.

Income Inequality

Income inequality is one of the key causes of poverty. Poverty occurs when there is an imbalance in the distribution of income within a society, with some holding large amounts of wealth while the majority struggles with low incomes. There are several factors that can contribute to inequality, including unequal access to education, a lack of employment opportunities, as well as unfair economic policies. It contributes to a cycle of poverty by preventing people from getting decent salaries, accessing essential resources, and improving their overall living conditions, thus widening the wealth gap.

Also Read: Should Teenagers Have a Part Time Job Essay.

Effects of Poverty: Short Term and Long Term

Individuals in poverty lack the resources they need to meet their basic needs. Here in this poverty essay, we will analyze the short-term and long-term effects of poverty.

Short-term Effects of Poverty

• Malnutrition: Poverty leads to a lack of access to nutritious food, resulting in malnutrition, which can cause inadequate growth, weakened immune systems, and other health problems.
• Poor Health: People living in poverty often lack access to healthcare and basic hygiene, leading to an increased risk of diseases and poor health outcomes.
• Lower Educational Achievement: Children living in poverty often lack access to quality education, leading to lower levels of education, which can have negative effects on future employment opportunities and earning capacity.
• Increased Crime Rates : The higher the level of poverty is, the more likely it is that people will become dependent on committing crimes in order to meet the basic needs of their families.
• Psychological Distress: Poverty can also cause psychological distress, including feelings of shame, anxiety, and depression.

Long-term Effects of Poverty

• Reduced Earning Potential: Poverty often results in lower education levels and limited opportunities for individuals growing up in poverty. A poverty-stricken individual may not have the same level of education or opportunities as an individual who grows up in a wealthy neighborhood.
• Poor Health Outcomes: People suffering from poverty over the long term are more likely to suffer from poorer health outcomes, including a higher rate of chronic diseases and illnesses.
• Intergenerational Poverty: There is a possibility that poverty may be passed from one generation to the next, thus creating a cycle of poverty that can be difficult to break.
• Limited Social Mobility : In some cases, poverty limits social mobility and makes it challenging for individuals and families to make progress on the road to economic success and achieve greater economic stability as a result of poverty.
• Reduced Community Development: When a community is poor, it often faces barriers to development due to the lack of available resources and opportunities for growth.

Also Read: What Does It Mean to Be Human Essay.

Effective Strategies and Solutions to Poverty

There are various potential solutions and interventions to reduce poverty, ranging from short-term emergency relief to long-term structural changes. Here are some solutions to poverty:

Training and Education

Training and education are vital strategies for addressing poverty. Providing people with the skills and knowledge they need can increase their chances of finding a job and earning a living. Investing in educational opportunities, including vocational training and job-specific skills development, can empower individuals to break the poverty cycle.

Also, financial awareness and entrepreneurship education can give people the tools to manage their finances effectively and earn money. We can help individuals improve their lives and contribute to the economic development of their communities by investing in training and education.

Microfinance

Microfinance is an effective strategy and solution for poverty that offers small loans and financial services to people who don’t have access to traditional banks. It allows low-income people to earn income and improve their lives by starting or expanding their own small businesses.

A microfinance institution also provides borrowers with financial education and support, allowing them to develop good financial habits and manage their resources effectively. By providing microfinance to people, they will have the opportunity to break out of poverty and become self-sufficient, and this plays a vital role in uplifting their communities and giving them hope for the future.

Health care plays an important role in addressing poverty by providing effective strategies and solutions. Providing accessible and affordable healthcare services is essential to improving personal well-being and combating poverty.

As a society, we are responsible for making sure everyone has access to quality healthcare, including preventive care, diagnostics, treatments, and medications, so that our people can stay healthy, pursue education, and find employment.

Also, healthcare initiatives that focus on the promotion of health education and disease prevention can help individuals and communities make informed decisions about their health, thereby reducing poverty in the long run.

Basic Income

The basic income program is meant to provide individuals with a regular, unconditional source of income to cover all of their basic needs, regardless of whether or not they work. Along with reducing poverty, this can also provide a safety net for people with disabilities or other reasons who cannot work.

Affordable Housing

Providing affordable housing is a key way to fight poverty and ensure everyone has a place to live. This involves developing affordable housing options for low-income families. People and families can pay for other necessities like food and health care if housing is more cost-effective.

Also, this approach prevents housing insecurity and lowers housing costs, which gives people the opportunity to get quality education and a job. Housing for everyone can be achieved through a range of measures, including government subsidies, rent control, and partnerships with non-profits.

Food Assistance

Food assistance is critical for fighting poverty. It helps people and families who can’t afford nutritious food. It can come in the form of food banks, government programs, or community initiatives. The benefits of food assistance include reducing hunger, improving health outcomes, and enabling students to pursue education, jobs, and other opportunities. The goal of food assistance is to reduce poverty by addressing one of the most fundamental needs of individuals.

Progressive Taxation

Progressive taxation is an effective strategy and solution to poverty that involves taxing individuals and businesses based on their income or wealth. With a progressive tax system, people with higher incomes or more wealth pay more in taxes, while people with lower incomes pay less. Through this approach, appropriate wealth will be redistributed and income inequality will be reduced, giving the government more money to invest in programs that help people out of poverty.

Community Development

The goal of community development is to empower and improve the lives of individuals within a community thereby reducing poverty. The main objective is to identify and address the root causes of poverty, such as limited access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities, by bringing together community members, organizations, and resources.

A key objective of community development is to uplift and break the cycle of poverty by actively involving the community in decision-making processes, increasing collaboration, and implementing sustainable initiatives. By using this approach, communities can become more self-sufficient, adaptable, and equipped with the tools and support they need in order to overcome poverty and improve their overall well-being.

Also Read: Can A Person Choose to Be Happy Essay.

Conclusion of Poverty Essay

Poverty is a pressing global issue with severe consequences for individuals and societies. Several factors contribute to this problem, including limited access to education, limited resources, unemployment, and unequal distribution of wealth. The effects of poverty can be seen in the form of inadequate healthcare, malnutrition, crime, and instability in society. As a way to combat this problem, we should create jobs and start businesses, improve access to essential necessities like water and healthcare, and create social safety nets. If we address the root causes and implement sustainable solutions, we can make our society more balanced and economically successful.

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Cost of living crisis: we cannot ignore the human cost of living in poverty

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• Peer review
• Ruth Patrick , senior lecturer 1 ,
• Katie Pybus , lecturer in Mental Health 2
• 1 Department of Social Policy & Social Work, University of York
• 2 University of York

Food and energy prices are already on the rise and look set to increase further, pushing up the essential costs of living. Ruth Patrick and Katie Pybus discuss the impact of poverty on health

Rising prices. Tax increases. Energy price hikes. Social security cuts. Stagnating wages. Together, it makes for an incredibly difficult environment, especially for families already struggling to get by. The start of 2022 has rightly seen much attention on the cost of living crisis, which will place real and sustained budgetary pressures on millions of households.

There is never a good time for a crisis, but this one feels almost cruelly ill timed, coming as it does when the nation continues to feel the economic, social, and political impacts of the covid-19 pandemic. In times of crisis, there is an especially important role for social security systems, which can provide protection from poverty, even out income shocks, and—importantly—provide a degree of security , in an uncertain time.

Sadly, however, our social security system is currently unfit for purpose. 1 This was clear even before the pandemic began, with successive cuts to support and the failure to increase benefits in line with inflation, leaving inadequate benefit levels that regularly fail to meet essential needs. 2

Through the Covid Realities research programme, we have documented the human cost of poverty, and the negative impacts that flow from a social security system that demands that households somehow manage on inadequate incomes. 3 This shows how aspects of the benefits system—the five-week wait for a first Universal Credit payment, high levels of debt deductions, restrictions on benefit entitlement (the Benefit Cap and two-child limit)—are poverty producing, perversely doing the very opposite of what a social security system should.

As families struggle to get by, this almost inevitably negatively impacts on people’s mental health and there is growing evidence of links between the social security system and mental ill-health. 4 5 Many Covid Realities participants describe their poverty, and social security receipt, as causing them anxiety, stress, and low mood. As prices rise yet further, millions of families are simply beyond breaking point: they do not have anywhere or anything left to cut.

After the Government’s refusal to provide adequate support to families on a low income in the Chancellor’s Spring Statement, there are rightly fears for how families will manage. Families living on a low income have struggled to navigate the pandemic, and now face a punishing round of budgetary pressures, which come on top of the recent ending of the £20 uplift to Universal Credit and the failure to uprate benefits in line with current rates of inflation. The collision of immediate hardship and the fear and threat of even more hardship to come adds to existing stress, with potential for short and longer term negative health impacts.

As prices rise yet further, millions of families are simply beyond breaking point: they do not have anywhere or anything left to cut.

Even before the pandemic, concerns had been raised by mental healthcare providers that changes to the benefits system, as well as wider deprivation, were contributing to increased demand on services, a situation that seems only likely to worsen unless we act to properly support families now, and in the future. 6

Yet, at a time when there is an opportunity to tackle (and perhaps even prevent) entrenched links between mental ill health and poverty by improving support for families, policy makers have instead recently responded with an intensification of benefit sanctions, themselves harmful to mental health, on top of the cuts already in place. 7

What we need instead is urgent intervention to shore up our beleaguered social security system, increasing levels of support, and stripping away the design features that do the opposite of what they should. The social security system is failing us all of the time (not just in these times of national crisis), and investment in it is long overdue.

Until that happens, families will continue to struggle. We can and must do better.

Competing interests: none declared

Provenance and peer review: not commissioned, not peer reviewed.

The Covid Realities research programme has been funded by the Nuffield Foundation, but the views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily the Foundation.

• ↵ UK Poverty 2022: The essential guide to understanding poverty in the UK https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/uk-poverty-2022
• ↵ Covid realities. https://covidrealities.org/
• ↵ How do I make something out of nothing?”: Universal Credit, precarity & mental health May 2021. https://covidrealities.org/learnings/write-ups/universal-credit-precarity-and-mental-health
• Wickham S ,
• Bentley L ,
• Whitehead M ,
• Taylor-Robinson D ,
• ↵ Joseph Rowntree Foundation. 600 000 will be pulled into poverty as a result of Chancellor's inaction https://www.jrf.org.uk/press/600000-will-be-pulled-poverty-result-chancellors-inaction
• ↵ Providers NHS. Mental health services. Key points. https://nhsproviders.org/mental-health-services-addressing-the-care-deficit/key-points
• Welfare Conditionality

Poverty Effects on an Individual

People work hard to meet their needs. However, this does not necessary mean escape from poverty. Poverty can cause extensive damage on one’s life. This is mainly because poverty affects health, education, employment opportunities, family, friends and social status, among others. Poverty causes extreme suffering, especially if one cannot afford the basic human needs. For instance, pictures and video footage from the Horn of Africa show people dying from hunger.

These people suffer from the worst possible plight on earth; that is, living without food and clean water. Furthermore, effects of poverty lead to more poverty. In essence, an individual’s situation continues to deteriorate and therefore he/she risks extinction. This paper will explore the effects of poverty on an individual.

People deserve healthy living as this guarantees continued stay on earth. However, when this is compromised, their health deteriorates. Poverty leads to lack basic human needs like water, food, shelter and clothing. This means that such an individual is deprived of clean water, which exposes him/her to diseases like typhoid and dysentery, among others. To make matters worse, this individual cannot afford treatment. In essence, lack of clean water alone has the propensity of ending his/her miserable life.

Therefore, it is important to note how terrible that individual’s situation looks. Furthermore, lack of food brings malnutrition and hunger, which leads to death. Moreover, he/she cannot afford good shelter. This individual is therefore exposed to adverse weather conditions during day or night, which further deteriorates his/her health.

Another aspect of life that is affected due to poverty is clothing. Because, this individual cannot afford adequate clothing, this leaves him/she with prospect of indecent dressing which constitutes shame and health hazards. In essence, Poverty causes irreparable damage on one’s health.

Modernism has brought about opportunities, which require skills to perform. These skills can only be acquired through education. However, a poor individual cannot afford adequate education in order to achieve his/her dreams of contributing to national development. Therefore, he/she misses-out on employment opportunities, which would otherwise save him/her from poverty. This result in further deterioration of living standards, which expose him/her to humiliation and repercussions named above.

Poverty causes one to be highly demoralized and bored. This is mainly because he/she cannot afford the comfort and luxury associated with wealth. Moreover, employment opportunities continue to reduce with time. His/her social status also becomes embarrassing. This means that he/she cannot have adequate friends who may be willing to assist or even associate.

Therefore, he/she remains isolated from society as well as from active participation in community development. In face of such humiliation, this individual may suffers from low self-esteem, confidence and will to live. This leads to increased poverty, mental issues and may lead to extinction.

Poverty is the worst possible calamity an individual should face. This is mainly because its effects are suicidal. Whatever the situation, one should always esteem to have basic needs. Moreover, people should work hard to evade poverty. However, it is also important to note that some individuals live in areas where hard work does not necessarily translate into better life. Government in such areas should help save these people because the effects of poverty are real and grave.

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Effects of early-life poverty on health and human capital in children and adolescents: analyses of national surveys and birth cohort studies in LMICs

Cesar g victora.

a International Center for Equity in Health, Federal University of Pelotas, Pelotas, Brazil

Fernando P Hartwig

b Postgraduate Program in Epidemiology, Federal University of Pelotas, Pelotas, Brazil

Luis P Vidaletti

Reynaldo martorell.

d Hubert Department of Global Health, Rollins School of Public Health, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA

Clive Osmond

f MRC Lifecourse Epidemiology Unit, University of Southampton, Southampton, UK

Linda M Richter

g Department of Science and Innovation, National Research Foundation Centre of Excellence in Human Development, School of Public Health, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa

Aryeh D Stein

q Department of Psychiatry, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK

Aluisio J D Barros

Linda s adair.

k Department of Nutrition, Gillings School of Global Public Health, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC, USA

Fernando C Barros

l Post-Graduate Program of Health in the Life Cycle, Catholic University of Pelotas, Pelotas, Brazil

Santosh K Bhargava

m Sunder Lal Jain Hospital, Delhi, India

Bernardo L Horta

Maria f kroker-lobos.

n INCAP Research Center for the Prevention of Chronic Diseases, Institute of Nutrition of Central America and Panama, Guatemala City, Guatemala

Nanette R Lee

o USC Office of Population Studies Foundation, University of San Carlos, Cebu, Philippines

Ana Maria B Menezes

Joseph murray.

c Human Development and Violence Research Centre, Federal University of Pelotas, Pelotas, Brazil

Shane A Norris

h SAMRC Pathways for Health Research Unit, School of Public Health, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa

Harshpal S Sachdev

p Sitaram Bhartia Institute of Science and Research, New Delhi, India

i MRC–Wits Rural Public Health and Health Transitions Research Unit, School of Public Health, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa

j African Health Research Institute, Durban, South Africa

Jithin S Varghese

e Laney Graduate School, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA

Zulfiqar A Bhutta

r Centre for Global Child Health, Hospital for Sick Children, Toronto, ON, Canada

s Institute for Global Health and Development, The Aga Khan University, Karachi, Pakistan

Robert E Black

t Institute for International Programs, Bloomberg School of Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, USA

Associated Data

The survival and nutrition of children and, to a lesser extent, adolescents have improved substantially in the past two decades. Improvements have been linked to the delivery of effective biomedical, behavioural, and environmental interventions; however, large disparities exist between and within countries. Using data from 95 national surveys in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs), we analyse how strongly the health, nutrition, and cognitive development of children and adolescents are related to early-life poverty. Additionally, using data from six large, long-running birth cohorts in LMICs, we show how early-life poverty can have a lasting effect on health and human capital throughout the life course. We emphasise the importance of implementing multisectoral anti-poverty policies and programmes to complement specific health and nutrition interventions delivered at an individual level, particularly at a time when COVID-19 continues to disrupt economic, health, and educational gains achieved in the recent past.

This is the second in a Series of four papers about optimising child and adolescent health and development

Introduction

Massive inequalities in the distribution of wealth, both between and within countries, are a key challenge to sustainable development. 1 Despite progress in the alleviation of poverty in most parts of the world over the past three decades, wealth inequalities still exist, and several low-income countries have seen the incomes of the bottom 40% stagnating, or even decreasing. 2 , 3 In a time trend analysis of 83 countries, the global average Gini index—weighted by national population size—increased from 36·7 in 2000 to 40·8 in 2015. This finding indicates that the average person was living in a country where inequality was on the rise. 4

Addressing inequality is at the core of the Sustainable Development Goals 5 target of leaving no one behind. 6 Economic inequality is not only important per se, but it is also a major driver of health status, as is emphasised by initiatives aimed at tackling the social determinants of health. 7 In addition to how the poorest communities are at increased risk of illness and malnutrition, inequality affects the health of entire populations. Social gradients in health are ubiquitous, with stepwise increases in illness and mortality down the socioeconomic spectrum. 8

There is ample literature on the effect of poverty during the life course in high-income societies. Birth cohort analyses, from countries such as the UK, New Zealand, USA, and Norway, point to the lifelong effects of material and psychosocial exposures on health and human capital. 9 By contrast, the literature from low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs) on such topics is scarce. Nevertheless, many (if not most) children currently living in LMICs experience suboptimal nurturing care, 10 , 11 an innovative concept that encompasses child health, nutrition, learning, relationships, security, and safety. These five components of nurturing care are largely determined by poverty; a “cause of the causes” 12 of poor health and development. Exposure to adversity in early life, 9 , 13 for which poverty is a proxy measure, is postulated to be a major driver of adequate nurturing care and of its consequences on human capital.

Key messages

• • Data from low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs) substantiate the negative effects of early-life poverty on the survival, nutrition, and cognitive development of children and adolescents
• • Analyses of long-term birth cohorts in LMICs show that early-life poverty is strongly and inversely associated with human capital indicators, such as adult height, achieved schooling, and intelligence
• • By contrast, some risk factors for non-communicable diseases, including overweight and signs of metabolic syndrome in adults, are less common in men, but not in women, exposed to early-life poverty than in the rest of the population
• • Broad and multisectoral anti-poverty policies and programmes need to be urgently strengthened to offset the impact of COVID-19 on poverty and to promote the health and development of children and adolescents, both in the short term and long term

The first paper in this Series used evidence from longitudinal studies to consider conditions of survival, growth, disability, and education in world regions and their effects on crucial periods in the lifecycle before adulthood that build the foundation for human capital. 11 In this second Series paper, we review data on key conditions related to human capital in children, adolescents, and adults, and analyse how early-life poverty contributes to their enduring prevalence throughout the life course. Using data from 95 national surveys in LMICs, we assess the presence and magnitude of social gradients in the health, nutrition, and cognitive development of children and adolescents, reflecting the accrual of human capital. Additionally, we use data from six large, long-running birth cohorts in LMICs to explore the long-term associations between early-life poverty and health and human capital outcomes in adulthood. In both sets of analyses, we use indicators related to the constructs of nurturing care and of human capital, including survival, health, nutrition, and cognition. We also report on selected conditions that affect an individual's ability to contribute to society, including stunted height 14 and obesity 15 in adulthood, teenage motherhood, 16 and psychological symptoms. 17 This information informs consideration of interventions, intersectoral approaches, and policies, which are addressed in the third 18 and fourth 19 papers of this Series.

An analysis of 95 national surveys

The analyses of national surveys addressed the following five outcomes related to human capital in children and adolescents: mortality rate and prevalence of growth stunting in children younger than 5 years, not being on track for development in children aged 3–5 years (based upon the Early Childhood Development Index), 20 teenage motherhood (the proportion of women aged 20–29 years who had become mothers before age 20 years), and completion of primary school in girls aged 15–19 years. Teenage motherhood was included as a human capital indicator because it is associated with poor linear growth and with attained schooling, in not only mothers but also their children. 21 , 22 , 23

National surveys with individual-level information on these outcomes and on household-level socioeconomic position, dated 2010 or later, were available for 95 LMICs. These countries included 28 (90%) of 31 low-income countries, 37 (79%) of 49 lower-middle-income countries, and 30 (50%) of 60 upper-middle-income countries. The median date for the surveys was 2014 (IQR 2013–2016). Details on the surveys, indicator definitions, and countries included in the analyses are available in the appendix (pp 1–8 ).

Table 1 shows the median slope index of inequality (SII) values for each of the five outcomes, comparing across country income groups. Countries were arranged using the World Bank classification at the time of the survey, 24 with all estimates weighted by the number of children younger than 5 years in each country as of 2015. 25 Four of the five outcomes show the highest prevalence in low-income countries and lowest prevalence in upper-middle-income countries, with intermediate prevalence in lower-middle-income countries. The exception is teenage motherhood, which is frequent in some upper-middle-income countries with large populations, such as Mexico, Angola, South Africa, and Iraq. Spearman correlation coefficients for national-level associations with log gross domestic product per capita were negative and highly significant for all five outcomes. The full correlation matrix is available in the appendix (pp 9–109 ).

Population-weighted slope index of inequality values for child and adolescent outcomes and Spearman correlation coefficients with national GDP per capita and Gini index for income distribution

Estimates were weighted by the number of children younger than 5 years in each country, as of 2015. GDP=gross domestic product.

Additionally, we investigated the magnitude of inequalities within each country. Stratification by deciles produce more granular results than does breakdown by quintiles, and sample sizes for most national surveys allow for this more detailed analysis. 26 Analyses were done separately for each country ( appendix pp 11–13 ). National results were then aggregated by world regions using the UNICEF classification, 27 with countries weighted by the number of children younger than 5 years or adolescents (aged 10–19 years) in 2015. 25 Results are presented as equiplots , in which each marker corresponds to the value of the outcome in each decile. The SII was calculated for each region; this index represents the slope, or beta statistic, of a regression of the outcome on the household wealth variable. SII might be interpreted as the difference between the richest and poorest extremes of wealth distribution, expressed in deaths per 1000 live births for mortality and in percentage points for the other four outcomes. For detrimental outcomes, SII values tend to be negative, indicating a decrease with increasing wealth ( appendix pp 14–15 ). The SII is not a simple difference between prevalence or mortality in the wealthiest and poorest deciles, but a regression-based difference between the top and the bottom of the wealth scale.

The national Gini index for income distribution was inversely correlated with the SII for growth stunting, not being on track for development, and teenage motherhood ( table 1 ), indicating that a larger inequality in income was associated with wider inequalities in these three adverse outcomes. Correlations between the Gini index and the mortality rate for children younger than 5 years or incomplete primary schooling were weak and non-significant. The full correlation matrix is shown in the appendix (p 10) . Limitations of correlation analyses include potential bias introduced by missing data (although missing data are infrequent in most surveys) and by uncertainty in outcome measures. We opted not to adjust for confounding factors because both independent variables were deemed to be distal determinants of health and human capital outcomes, and we wanted to avoid adjustment for mediating factors.

In relation to inequalities within each country, all SII values were negative, substantiating inverse associations between the five outcomes and family wealth ( table 2 ). For example, the mortality rate for children younger than 5 years in west and central Africa was 85·7 deaths per 1000 live births lower for children at the top of the wealth scale than for those at the bottom, and the corresponding difference in prevalence of growth stunting was 35·9 percentage points. Further details on the SII values and full results are presented in the appendix (pp 8, 14–15 ).

Population-weighted SII values for child and adolescent outcomes

SII=slope index of inequality.

There were clear gradients in the mortality rate in children younger than 5 years by wealth decile in all regions, with the widest absolute gaps observed in west and central Africa, south Asia, and east Asia and the Pacific ( table 2 ; figure 1 ). The SII, expressing the difference in the number of deaths per 1000 live births between the upper and lower ends of the wealth spectrum, ranged from –25·3 in Latin America and the Caribbean to –85·7 in west and central Africa ( table 2 ). Comparing across regions, the mortality rates for children younger than 5 years ranged from 9·3 deaths per 1000 live births in the wealthiest decile in eastern Europe and central Asia to 132·0 deaths per 1000 live births in the second poorest decile in west and central Africa, a 14-times difference ( appendix p 14 ). For benchmarking purposes, the mortality rate for children younger than 5 years in western Europe is currently estimated to be four deaths per 1000 live births, 28 which is lower than the rate in even the richest deciles in this analysis.

Child and adolescent indicators according to wealth deciles by world region

Data taken from 95 national surveys performed between 2010 and 2019. Indicators include mortality rate (A) and prevalence of growth stunting (B) in children younger than 5 years, not-on-track development in children aged 36–59 months (C), teenage motherhood in women aged 20–29 years who had become mothers before age 20 years (D), and incomplete primary schooling among girls aged 15–19 years (E). Wealth by decile is presented in decreasing order from decile 10, representing the wealthiest decile, to decile 1, representing the poorest.

Gradients in prevalence of growth stunting were present in all regions, with the SII ranging from –6·6 percentage points in eastern Europe and central Asia to –35·9 percentage points in west and central Africa ( figure 1 ). Different inequality patterns were observed in the two regions of sub-Saharan Africa (where inequality was largely driven by lower prevalence in the wealthiest decile than in the rest of the population), compared with the patterns observed in the regions of east Asia and the Pacific, and in Latin America and the Caribbean (where inequality was mostly driven by higher prevalence in the poorest decile relative to all other deciles). Across regions, stunting prevalence showed a ten-times difference, ranging from 5·5% in the wealthiest decile in Latin America and the Caribbean to 54·4% in the poorest decile in south Asia. In a well nourished population, around 2·5% of children would be classified as having stunted growth based on the normal distribution, 29 a prevalence that is well below those described in table 2 for any decile.

Data on early child development were available for 66 countries ( figure 1 ), with national surveys that applied the Early Childhood Development Index ( appendix p 7 ). 20 There were marked socioeconomic inequalities in most regions, with inverse associations between family wealth and developmental delays. Compared with 19·8% in the wealthiest decile, 48·8% of children in the poorest decile across west and central Africa presented developmental delays, with the SII equalling –30·6 percentage points. In the Middle East and north Africa and in Latin America and the Caribbean, prevalence of these delays did not decrease monotonically with growing wealth; however, inverse associations were significant (SII –10·1 percentage points for the Middle East and north Africa and –5·4 percentage points for Latin America and the Caribbean). Across the world's regions, prevalence of developmental delays ranged from 7·0% in the wealthiest decile in east Asia and the Pacific to 48·8% in the poorest decile in west and central Africa, a seven-times difference.

Four outcome indicators were also analysed by sex. In most regions, boys were more likely to die, have stunted growth, and present developmental delays than were girls. Similar findings on mortality 30 and stunting 31 have been reported previously. Data on schooling for both sexes were available for 56 countries. In south Asia and in west and central Africa, boys were more likely to have completed primary school than were girls; however, this was not the case for the remaining regions ( appendix p 16 ).

In all regions, girls from poor families were the most likely to become teenage mothers ( figure 1D ). The widest gap was in west and central Africa, where frequency of teenage motherhood in the poorest decile was 67·2% and that in the wealthiest decile was 21·4%. The narrowest gap was observed in eastern Europe and central Asia, where overall frequency of teenage motherhood was the lowest of all regions, ranging from 23·6% in the poorest decile to 9·4% in the wealthiest decile. Across regions, frequency of teenage motherhood ranged from 5·7% in the wealthiest decile in east Asia and the Pacific region to 67·2% in the poorest decile in west and central Africa, a 12-times difference.

Except in regions where primary schooling was universal or nearly so ( figure 1 )—including eastern Europe and central Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, and east Asia and the Pacific—there were substantial gaps in education for girls according to wealth. In west and central Africa, the proportion of girls who did not complete primary education ranged from 44·0% in the poorest decile to 5·7% in the wealthiest decile. In south Asia, the corresponding range was 35·0% to 1·9%.

The analyses of national surveys have limitations. First, deciles are relative rather than absolute measures of socioeconomic position. The poorest decile in a given country might correspond, in terms of absolute wealth, to the third or fourth decile in a low-income country. However, relative poverty is as important in predicting deprivation 32 and health status 33 as is absolute poverty. Second, weighted results are heavily influenced by countries with large populations, such as India; however, unweighted results would give each country (eg, Nigeria and São Tomé and Príncipe) equal weights in the west and central Africa region. Third, there are data gaps in terms of countries that do not have standardised surveys from 2010 onwards, including half of upper-middle-income countries, such as China and Brazil. Finally, although the early indicator for child development used in national surveys is not sufficiently validated, it has proven to be useful for comparing groups of children, as opposed to comparing individual children. 34

Previous analyses of child mortality, 35 nutritional status, 36 , 37 and development 34 , 38 used stratification by wealth quintiles rather than deciles, with the exception of an analysis of growth stunting that included surveys up to 2013. 26 Use of deciles has shown distinctive social gradients in these three outcomes within every region of the world, particularly in the two sub-Saharan Africa regions and in south Asia. By contrast, the narrowest gaps were found in eastern Europe and central Asia, which had the lowest prevalence for all outcomes.

Additionally, use of deciles has allowed us to identify groups at particularly high risk. In east Asia and the Pacific, children in the poorest decile were at substantially higher risk of mortality, growth stunting, and developmental delay than those in the second poorest decile. The same finding was observed for growth stunting in Latin America and the Caribbean. In the two sub-Saharan African regions, children in the poorest four deciles or so had similar levels of risk for most outcomes, indicating that the widespread poverty in this region affects a large proportion of their populations.

Effects of women's empowerment

Early-life poverty is a comprehensive indicator of early child adversity, 13 for which plentiful data are available. Family wealth is used as the main marker for early-life adversity in our analyses; however, there are other important dimensions of adversity, including women's empowerment, which is associated with mortality rates and prevalence of growth stunting in their children younger than 5 years ( figure 2 ).

Associations between women's empowerment and child indicators in the ten most populous countries with available data

Indicators include the mortality rate (A) and prevalence of growth stunting (B) in children younger than 5 years.

We used the Survey-based Women's emPowERment (SWPER) global index 39 to categorise women in terciles according to their level of empowerment, and correlated these terciles with mortality and prevalence of growth stunting in their children in the ten most populous countries with available data ( figure 2 ). We opted to use the social independence domain of the SWPER score because it is more closely associated with child health outcomes than are the other two domains—namely, attitudes towards violence and decision making. 39 Growth stunting and mortality in children younger than 5 years were selected as the outcomes because large numbers of countries have data available.

Social independence reflects a woman's level of educational attainment, frequency of reading information (ie, newspapers or magazines), age at first childbirth, and age at first cohabitation, as well as differences in educational attainment and age between a woman and her partner ( appendix p 8 ). In nearly all countries studied, there were stepwise increases in mortality and prevalence of growth stunting in children younger than 5 years as maternal empowerment decreased.

Our findings represent a likely effect of the level of maternal empowerment on mortality in children younger than 5 years, which is consistent with published results on women's empowerment and child mortality in 59 countries. 40 Furthermore, these findings show that similar, if not stronger, associations exist between the level of maternal empowerment and prevalence of growth stunting in offspring. Interventions aimed at empowering women have an important role in improving the health and nutrition of their children.

Analyses of six birth cohort studies

To assess how strongly exposure to early-life poverty predicted adult health and human capital outcomes in LMIC contexts, we reanalysed data from the six longest-running births cohorts in LMICs, the COHORTS consortium, which had at least 1000 participants at recruitment and frequent visits in early life ( table 3 ). 41 All cohorts were population-based, yet socioeconomic inequality was less marked in the urban poor cohort from Soweto, South Africa, and in the rural poor cohort from Guatemala than in the other four settings.

SII values for health, nutrition, and human capital outcomes according to early-life poverty

Values represent the difference in the outcome between the wealthiest and poorest ends of the socioeconomic distribution of households. SII=slope index of inequality.

Information on early-life socioeconomic position was based on family income in Cebu, Philippines; Delhi, India; and Pelotas, Brazil, in the 1982 and 1993 cohorts, and on asset indices in Guatemala and Soweto. Quintiles rather than deciles were used in the analyses because of sample size limitations. All analyses were stratified by sex. Details on the samples, variables, and analytical methods are available in the appendix (pp 17–19 ).

The first step was to verify whether the social patterns for child length and development, which were measured in the 1990s or earlier in each cohort, were consistent with the results from the survey analyses. Length measures were taken during early childhood (age 1·0–2·0 years) and height was measured in middle childhood (age 4·0–8·5 years). Different child development scales were used in each site at age 4·0–8·5 years and were converted into cognitive quotient Z scores, with a mean of 0 (SD 1) in each site ( appendix p 18 ).

The SII was calculated to express the difference in outcome measures between the upper and lower ends of the scale of socioeconomic position ( table 3 ). In all cohorts with data, results were consistent with the national survey analyses, showing important social gradients in child height and development ( appendix pp 20–22 ). The SII values suggest that social gradients were widest in Pelotas and Delhi, intermediate in Cebu and Soweto, and narrowest in Guatemala.

Indicators were selected to cover different components of human capital—namely, health, nutrition, and intelligence, for which data were available for adults from most or all cohorts at ages ranging from 22 years to 57 years ( appendix p 17 ). Outcomes included height, years of schooling, intelligence quotient, teenage motherhood, psychological symptoms (using the Self-Reported Questionnaire scale), prevalence of overweight or obesity (body-mass index ≥25 kg/m 2 ), and the number of signs of metabolic syndrome. More information on definitions and tests used are available in the appendix (p 18) .

Positive significant social gradients in height were found in all six cohorts for men and in five cohorts for women, with Soweto as the exception ( table 3 ; figure 3 ). Similar gradients were observed for attained schooling in the six cohorts for women and in five cohorts for men, again except for Soweto where there was little variability in this indicator (mean 11·7 years [SD 1·5]). Intelligence results were available in all cohorts except for in Delhi, showing positive social gradients in all studies. Of note, the SII value for men from Guatemala had a significance level of p=0·0537.

Distribution of adult indicators by wealth quintile in the six birth cohorts

Indicators include height (A), attained schooling (B), and intelligence quotients (C) in adulthood in both men and women. Wealth by quintile is presented in increasing order from quintile 1, representing the poorest quintile, to quintile 5, representing the richest.

Social gradients for teenage motherhood, prevalence of overweight or obesity, number of metabolic signs, and number of psychological symptoms were not clear ( table 3 ; appendix pp 23–26 ). Both cohorts in Pelotas showed inverse social gradients for teenage motherhood, yet results were not significant for the other cohorts. Number of psychological symptoms was inversely related to wealth in men and women from Pelotas, but again not in the other cohorts.

Prevalence of overweight and obesity tended to be directly associated with wealth in men in five cohorts, and metabolic signs showed a similar social patterning in men from the Delhi cohort and the Pelotas 1982 cohort. By contrast, prevalence of overweight and obesity and number of metabolic signs were inversely and significantly associated with wealth in both cohorts of women from Pelotas. In the cohort from Guatemala, there were borderline inverse associations with overweight and obesity (p=0·06) and for metabolic signs (p=0·08). In Cebu, prevalence of overweight and obesity was directly associated with wealth in men and women.

Additional evidence on the effects of early-life poverty is provided by the Young Lives study, 42 which included cohorts of children from Ethiopia, India, Peru, and Vietnam recruited at age 6–18 months. A social gradient in growth stunting was present at recruitment and persisted until the final measurement at age 12 years. 43 Similar social gradients were present for the children's vocabulary, from first measurement at age 5 years to final measurement at age 12 years. 43 Trajectory analyses based on measurements at age 1–15 years showed that high wealth quartiles were protective against trajectories of stunting; however, high wealth and urban residence quartiles predicted trajectories of overweight. 44

A limitation of our analyses is that we used either income or asset indices to measure poverty on the basis of available data from each cohort. Although both indicators are closely related, their constructs are different. For most variables, socioeconomic gaps were wider in the two cohorts from Pelotas than in other sites. These gaps were likely to be due to the remarkable scale of income inequality in Brazilian society and to how both cohorts covered the whole population of a city. In 1982 and 1993, average income in the richest quintile was 12 or more times higher than in the poorest quintile. The larger sample sizes for both Pelotas cohorts also increased the likelihood of obtaining statistically significant differences. The selective nature of some cohort samples was made evident by a comparison of results of national surveys with those from the cohorts in the same country. For example, the survey in Guatemala showed remarkably wide inequality in growth stunting in children ( appendix p 11 ), whereas there was relatively little inequality in the cohort from four rural villages ( table 3 ).

There were instances of heterogeneity in the magnitude and sometimes the direction of associations between early-life poverty and adult outcomes. It is reassuring that for key outcomes, such as height, schooling, and intelligence, results were highly consistent; however, this was not the case for the indicators of morbidity. Like all long-term cohorts, particularly in LMICs, losses to follow-up can be substantial. 41 Of note, the median age of cohort members at the most recent follow-up ranged from 22 years in the 1993 Pelotas cohort to 57 years in Guatemala, a difference that should be taken into account when considering outcomes, such as prevalence of overweight and obesity, number of psychological symptoms, and number of metabolic signs. In addition, metabolic signs included five separate indicators and future analyses are required to reach conclusions on their causes. Furthermore, our analyses on early-life poverty did not consider socioeconomic trajectories, and there is evidence that adult outcomes might differ between individuals whose socioeconomic position remains the same and those whose socioeconomic position improves over time. 45

Conclusions and implications

Our analyses provide considerable documentation of pervasive social gradients in the survival, health, nutrition, and cognitive development of children, as well as in teenage motherhood and in girls' education. The analyses of 95 national surveys confirmed the importance of gross domestic product in predicting levels of the five outcomes under study. Within countries, we were able to document consistent, stepwise social gradients in human capital indicators in children and adolescents from LMICs. Of the 35 analyses of five outcomes in seven world regions, 30 (86%) showed at least a doubling of the risk of the detrimental outcome in the poorest decile compared with the richest decile, and in 17 (49%) comparisons, the ratio was more than three times higher. Furthermore, the magnitude of inequality in child mortality, nutrition, and development was positively associated with the degree of economic inequality in each country. These analyses substantiate that children and adolescents are being gravely affected by socioeconomic inequality between and within countries.

Results from six large population-based birth cohorts in five LMICs substantiate that the effects of early-life poverty are—for the most part—persistent, generating wide gaps in health and human capital across the life course. Linear growth and cognitive development in early life showed well defined social gradients in all cohorts. These outcomes, measured between the 1970s and 1990s, support our findings from national surveys. As cohort participants became older, social gradients varied according to the type of outcomes. Indicators related to a narrower definition of human capital, such as the one adopted by the World Bank, 46 including survival, growth, schooling, and intelligence, showed clear positive gradients in virtually all analyses by cohort and sex. Some differences were striking; for example, intelligence quotient was around 20 points higher in individuals at the top of the wealth scale than in those at the bottom in the two cohorts from Pelotas. As reported in the first paper in this Series, 11 and supported by the national survey analyses in this second Series paper, social gradients in cognition are already present in young children (aged <5 years). Although differences in the length and quality of schooling are likely to play a key role, many factors in the environment that disadvantaged children face, starting in gestation, contributes to their underperformance. 10

By contrast, adult outcomes reflecting a broader definition of human capital, which also incorporates physical and mental health, did not present such clear results. There were inverse social gradients for teenage motherhood and psychological symptoms in the cohorts from Pelotas, but not in the other cohorts. The negative effect of early-life poverty on mental health, at least in some settings, could be an important mechanism for intergenerational transmission of poverty by affecting parental ability to provide nurturing care to their children. 47

Prevalence of overweight and obesity in men tended to increase with early-life socioeconomic position in most cohorts, and similar patterns were present for metabolic signs in the two cohorts from Pelotas. In our analyses, these outcomes were the only ones that were detrimental in adults, and had the highest prevalence in the wealthiest deciles. By contrast, in women from Pelotas and Guatemala, but not Cebu, the findings for number of metabolic signs and prevalence of overweight and obesity were in the opposite direction. The literature suggests that the social patterns of overweight prevalence change as the nutrition transition progresses. 48 When undernutrition is common, men and women from wealthy deciles tend to show the highest prevalence of overweight and obesity. Over time, this pattern reverses in women, whereas the original pattern remains for men in the same population. Furthermore, when the transition is complete, both men and women show inverse social gradients. 49 , 50 Our findings suggest that the six cohorts could have been at different stages in the transition, with Cebu showing the traditional pattern of increasing overweight with wealth, Soweto and Delhi in a phase where there was a direct association for men but no social patterning for women, and Guatemala and Pelotas showing a direct association in men and an inverse association in women. None of the cohorts had reached the final stage in the transition when both men and women showed inverse patterns. The Sustainable Development Goals include targets related to both non-communicable diseases and human capital. 51 We have shown that, although early-life poverty is clearly detrimental for human capital, it might be paradoxically associated with a decreased risk of some chronic conditions, at least in men.

Taken together, our findings show clear and positive social gradients in the traditional outcomes of human capital (eg, attained height, intelligence, and attained schooling); mixed results for a broader set of outcomes, including teenage pregnancy and mental health; and increased risk of overweight or obesity and other metabolic conditions in men born to wealthier families. Although early-life poverty has a negative effect on most indicators of adult human capital, the social gradients can be inverted, at least regarding overweight, obesity, and signs of metabolic syndrome in men.

We observed sex differences in several outcomes, which might reflect biological differences and gender norms. In children, boys were more likely to die, 52 have growth stunting, 53 and present developmental delays than were girls, 54 which is probably due to their greater biological frailty. 55 In all but one world region, and in five of the six cohorts, girls had higher schooling than did boys, which is a common finding in many countries and probably reflects gender norms associated with the early entry of boys in the labour market and possibly with compliance with school discipline. 56 In terms of adult outcomes, as found in studies from many parts of the world, women presented more psychological symptoms than did men in all cohorts. This finding is attributed to a combination of higher levels of stress experienced by women and reluctance to report mental health difficulties in men. 57 , 58 Furthermore, in five of the cohorts, men in the wealthiest decile had the highest prevalence of overweight and obesity, whereas the reverse was observed in women in three cohorts.

Without a considerable reduction in social disparities, particularly in countries with high poverty and inequality, the world is unlikely to meet the Sustainable Development Goal of ending extreme poverty by 2030. Although global poverty has decreased since 1990, 3 most of the world's population nowadays is likely to live in an economy with higher inequality than they did 25 years ago. 4 In addition, national levels of inequality were more widely variable around the global mean in the past than they are now, as highly unequal countries become more equal, and more egalitarian countries become less so. 4 The health effects of socioeconomic inequality are likely to be felt worldwide.

Our findings should be interpreted in conjunction with the results of the other papers in this Series. 11 , 18 , 19 In particular, the third Series paper 18 reviews effective interventions within the health and nutrition sectors aimed at improving human capital. It also reviews broader intersectoral interventions aimed at social determinants, which are supported by the findings presented here showing how early-life poverty shapes the development of human capital. Achieving high and effective coverage with specific interventions is essential, and their effect will be complemented and amplified by broader anti-poverty interventions, including conditional and unconditional cash transfers, minimum wage policies, child benefits, and universal health care. Our analyses are intended to contribute to policies and programmes aimed at reducing poverty and promoting equity through targeting interventions at children and adolescents who are currently being left behind.

Early-life poverty affects children within a context that is increasingly defined by war and conflict, 59 global inequality, 7 climate change, 60 disparities between ethnic groups, 61 and damaging gender norms. 62 On top of such pre-existing threats, interactions between the COVID-19 syndemic and social determinants 63 have resulted in the exacerbation of socioeconomic inequalities, thus threatening recent, albeit modest, progress in the health and education of children and adolescents. The challenges that children of today will confront during their life course are unparalleled. A fair start in life is essential to ensure that all children are optimally enabled to face these global challenges.

Search strategy and selection criteria

For analyses of the associations between poverty and health, nutrition, and development outcomes in children and adolescents, we searched the comprehensive Countdown to 2030 survey database, which is also included in WHO's Health Equity Monitor website. The Countdown to 2030 database includes over 450 publicly available demographic and health surveys from over 120 countries. We identified 440 nationally representative surveys with publicly available data from 127 countries, from which we selected all surveys done between 2010 and 2019 with information on household socioeconomic position and the indicators for children and adolescents required for our analyses. 95 countries had these surveys and were included in the analyses.

Analyses of the associations between early-life poverty and outcomes in adulthood were based on collaborative data collection of six birth cohorts from low-income and middle-income countries. In 2006, in preparation for the 2008 Lancet Maternal and Child Undernutrition Series, we carried out a systematic search of large long-term, prospective birth cohort studies in LMICs with information on early life and adult variables. We excluded studies with fewer than 1000 subjects or with poor methodological quality. Only five studies qualified for the original pooled analyses. In 2021, a sixth study was included when the 1993 birth cohort study from Pelotas, Brazil, completed 18 years of follow-up. The six studies provided the data for the present analyses.

For the Optimising Child and Adolescent Health and Development Series see www.lancet.com/series/optimising-child-adolescent-health

Declaration of interests

REB serves on the Board of Vitamin Angels, a non-profit charitable organisation supporting maternal and child nutrition services in LMICs. AS and ADS report grants from Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. AS reports grants from the Wellcome Trust. ZAB reports grants from the International Development Research Centre (reproductive, maternal, newborn, child, and adolescent health in conflict settings: case studies to inform implementation of interventions) and Countdown to 2030–UNICEF. All other authors declare no competing interests.

Acknowledgments

Funding for the research contributing to this Series paper was provided by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) in a grant to the Federal University of Pelotas (OPP1199234), where work on the COHORTS and DHS/MICS survey analyses were supported by the BMGF (#OPP1199234) and the Wellcome Trust (grant # 101815/Z/13/Z). The COHORTS consortium was established through a grant from the Wellcome Trust (# 082554/Z/07/Z) and recent data collection was supported by a grant to Emory University from BMGF (OPP1164115). In addition to the named authors, the COHORTS study team included Isabelita Bas, Delia B Carba, Caroline H D Fall, Natália P Lima, Sara Naicker, Lukhanyo H Nyati, Lakshmy Ramakrishnan, Manuel Ramirez-Zea, Bruna Silva, Bhaskar Singh, Sikha Sinha, and Fernando Wehrmeister. The sponsors had no role in the analysis and interpretation of the evidence, writing of the paper, or decision to submit for publication.

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Contributors

CGV conceptualised and coordinated the analyses, prepared the first draft of the paper, responded to reviewer comments, and incorporated all revisions until publication. REB, ZAB, ADS, RM, and LMR contributed to the conceptualisation and overall guidance of the analyses and writing of the report. FPH, LPV, AJDB, and CO contributed to the data analyses. The main investigators of the COHORTS consortium—including LSA, FCB, SKB, BLH, MFK-L, NRL, AMBM, JM, SAN, HSS, ADS, AS, and JSV—provided the data. All authors have reviewed and approved the final version of the manuscript. CGV had full access to all the data in the study and final responsibility for the decision to submit for publication.

Supplementary Material