essay about chinese food

CHN/ITAL370W Noodle Narratives- Summer 2019

A CULTURAL EXPLORATION OF CHINA AND ITALY

The Chinese food culture from regional cuisines and its impact on the American food culture

Hong Li and Christine Ristaino

August 09, 2019

The exotic yet such a pleasant scent welcomed me as I opened the door of the restaurant. As I expected from the two Chinese characters “金 佛” on the door, the intense red everywhere inside and the oriental painting on the surface of a wall exuded an atmosphere of the authentic China. The first impression of this Chinese restaurant, Golden Buddha was mostly the same with the image that came to my mind when thinking of a typical Chinese restaurant. However, as I looked around the inside for a moment, I could identify that the customers were from all different countries not just Asians. Since Golden Buddha is a Chinese restaurant, I initially thought that there would be more of Asians than Americans in the restaurant. What is this a new phenomenon? What are the effects that the Chinse food culture had on the American food culture? Based on these two questions, I decided to write my final research paper about ‘The Chinese food culture from regional cuisines and its impact on the American food culture’. The Chinese food culture is manifested itself in the different regional cuisines that have their own unique taste and style. This distinctive food culture of China has fascinated the American people playing a crucial role in shaping the identity of the American food culture.

China is the world’s number one country for its vast territory and huge population. It has twenty-three provinces in total and each region has its own style of living and culture. There is nothing but food that can show the unique style that differs from region to region as it is the only cultural artifact that solely becomes who we are. Then, why are the cuisines different from region to region? What are some of the factors that make such regional differences? To gratify such curiosities, I scrutinized both primary and secondary sources about Chinese regional cuisines and could figure out the four main dividing factors that distinguish from one region to another: Agriculture, climate, palate, geographical isolation, and religion.  

The agriculture is one of the biggest distinguishing factors that affects the regional cuisine. The ingredients that chefs use in making food are dependent on the agriculture and wildlife of that region. This idea can be clearly shown by comparing the Northern and Southern china. In Northern china, where what cultivation is suitable, wheat flour is the staple food for people in that area, so the Northern Chinese people enjoy eating noodles and dumplings. On the other hand, in Southern China, where rice cultivation is suitable due to warm and rainy weather, they eat rice as their staple food.

Another dividing factor is the climate. The climate in China is different regionally and the central and south china are humid. Because of the humidity, the central and south Chinese people usually eat spicy food in the belief that chili peppers in those foods help to move internal dampness and cold.  In ‘Shark’s fin and Sichuan pepper’, the memoir written by Fuchsia Dunlop, she claims that Xie Laoban’s Dan Dan noodles were a potent pick-me-up, a cure for hangover or headache, and the perfect antidote to the grey humidity of the Chengdu climate (Fuchsia 2019).

  The palate is the third aspect of causing difference in regional cuisines. Most of the Chinese people enjoy eating spicy food as their palate is accustomed to it. However, Cantonese cuisine shows that those in the southeast like sweet food, in contrast to a mostly savory palate in the rest of China (Annie 2018).

Geographical isolation specifically indicates why Taiwan food is different from that of other regions. As Taiwan is isolated from China, it has developed its own mixed cuisine blending some cooking styles from Fujian and Guangdong.

Lastly, religion also played a role in making a difference in regional cuisines. The main religious food is the halal food restrictions adhered to by Uyghur and other Muslim minorities in China’s northwest (Annie 2018). These factors ultimately led to the difference in the taste of Chinese cuisine regionally and divided China into five different regions based on the flavor and cooking style: Northern, Eastern, Western, Central, and Southern minority cuisine.  

The Northern China food is most characterized to be salty and simple with less vegetables. The districts that belong to Northern part of China are Shandong, Beijing, and Inner Mongolia. Shandong cuisine is mostly famous for seafood due to its Northeast location along the coast. The Shandong chefs try their best to keep the original flavor of fresh seafood only with simple ingredients and braising. They are also known for making both clear broth and creamy soup. The staple food for Shandong people is wheat, so they serve much more dishes made of wheat compared to other regions resulting in the more consumption of noodles. One of the famous dishes in Shandong is ‘Jyoh-jwan daa-chang’ which is braised pork intestines in brown sauce. It might sound not appealing to people who have never heard about or tried this food before, but the dish is in fact very appetizing as the Shandong chefs skillfully harmonize all the different flavors through a series of cooking techniques. Another Northern district is Beijing, the capital city of China. I am sure that everybody has heard about the dish called ‘Peking roast duck’. This famous roast duck is from Beijing and Beijing cuisine is mostly influenced by Shandong and Inner Mongolia. It is known for its imperial cuisine with strong seasonings like vinegar and garlic. Inner Mongolia cuisine also belongs to Northern China food and as the name suggests, it originates from traditional Mongolian culture. Inner Mongolia cuisine mainly includes dairy products and all kinds of red meat and the representative foods are ‘roasted whole sheep’ and ‘roast leg of lamb’.

The Eastern China cuisine is sweet and light with a lot of fish and seafood dishes. Cantonese and Fujian are the main regions of the Eastern China. Cantonese cuisine that originated from Guangdong province is the most popular style of Chinese cuisine around the world especially in America. It is characterized for mild and sweet taste with less spices focusing more on freshness and natural flavor of ingredients. The dishes from Guangdong are diverse in its kind such as fine seafood dishes, rice dishes, soup, and dim sum. One of the most famous Cantonese cuisine is ‘Slow-boiled soup’, a clear broth made by simmering meat and other ingredients over a low heat for several hours (Annie 2018). Since Chinese herbs and medicines are used as the main ingredients in making the soup, Chinese people believe that a bowl of this soup has the power to heal and strengthen their health. Fujian cuisine is noted for its use of exotic ingredients from mountain and sea. This unusual mixture of various ingredients yields a unique flavor that differentiates Fujian cuisine from other Chinese regional cuisines. The most well-known dish of Fujian is ‘Shark Fin Soup’ that needs a preparation of about three days. It is known for its marine taste and usage of about thirty mostly high-class ingredients, such as abalone, shark’s fin, scallops, and sea cucumber (Annie 2018). 

The Western China cuisine is known for Muslim food from Xinjiang cuisine and Tibetan food from Tibetan cuisine. As many of the inhabitants in Xinjiang are people from Uyghur, the cuisine is mostly based on halal foods as Xinjiang people are Muslims. Tibetan cuisine features a mix of flavors of Nepalese, Indian, and Sichuan cuisines due to its geographical position and its original dishes influenced by the harsh climate.

The Central China cuisine is hot and spicy along with strong seasonings. The regions that are in the Central China are Sichuan and Hunan. When people are asked to name one of the spicy Chinese foods, many of them first think of dishes from Sichuan. Sichuan cuisine is famous for its spicy and numbing flavor arises from the use of Sichuan pepper and Chili peppers. Kung pao Chicken is a traditional Sichuan dish made with chicken, chili, Sichuan peppers, peanuts, and vegetables (Annie 2018). The level of spiciness can vary depending on how much peppers are put in, but the soft texture of chicken does not change. Hunan cuisine is also famous for its spicy flavor, but it can be even spicier than Sichuan cuisine. The high agricultural output of the regions enables the use of diverse ingredients when making food. A typical Hunan dish is a numbing spicy chicken made with red chili peppers and spicy ingredients.

The Southern minority cuisine includes many preserved foods as people in this area are mountain farmers who usually preserve foods that they cannot eat immediately. This regional aspect determines the type of cuisine of that area such as picked vegetables and tofu that have sour flavor.

These diverse regional cuisines from Northern China to Southern minority all come together to form the distinctive Chinese food culture. Being acknowledged for its versatility, the Chinese food culture had impact on the food culture of other countries especially in the United States. The influence of the Chinese food culture on the American food culture dates back when the Chinese people first moved to the San Francisco Bay. In 1849, the rumors of gold nuggets that drew thousands of East Coast get-rich-quick hopefuls out of California during the Gold Rush also resonated across the Pacific with the merchants of Canton in South China (Rude 2016). The Chinese merchants, who had good feelings of success of their business in America, became the first immigrants to provide services for the miners in the San Francisco Bay. This first wave of immigration fueled later waves of Chinese immigrants who buckled down to work as pioneer agricultural laborers to manage their American life. All of these workers were undoubtedly also hungry for good Chinese cooking that reminded them of land they have left behind (Rude 2016). To satisfy their yearning for home food, the Chinese immigrants became the restaurant owners by impressing the patrons with cleanliness and professionalism. The restaurants owned by Chinese people became popular not only for the appetizing dishes they served, but also for the cheap price. Nevertheless, the relationship between Americans and Chinese people was not in a good shape as both wages and job opportunities declined due to the depletion of gold resources. The animosity towards Chinese people grew bigger and bigger and eventually became law. In 1882, “The Chinese Exclusion Act” was passed banning all Chinese workers entering the United States. This law continued until 1943.

Despite the social turmoil, the Americans were still captivated by the Chinese food. However, the food was mostly derived from only Cantonese cuisine. The liberalization of American immigration policy in 1965 brought new arrivals from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the Mainland, who in turn brought with them the foods they had enjoyed in areas like Hunan, Sichuan, Taipei and Shanghai (Rude 2016).

President Richard Nixon’s famous visit to China brought a big culinary impact on the United States. At that time, the Americans had not much knowledge about the authentic Chinese food, but only knew about Chinese dishes like chop suey, chow mein, and egg rolls and paid no more attention to them. However, after witnessing their president eating Pecking duck, the traditional dish of Beijing on a live broadcast, they became curious about the authentic Chinese food. The Americans went exploring in Chinatowns and fell in love with the flavor that they have never experienced before. The Chinese restaurants thrived in the United States than ever before.

Today, according to the Chinese American restaurant association, there are over 45,000 Chinese restaurants currently in operation across the United States. This number is greater than all the McDonald’s, KFCs, Pizza Huts, Taco Bells and Wendy’s combined (Rude 2016). The investigation demonstrates that the Chinese food culture is forming an ever-greater part of the American food culture.

The anthropological study about ‘Golden Buddha’, the Chinese restaurant in the United States further illustrates what is the impact of the Chinese food culture on the American society. In the interview with the restaurant manager, Steve, he claimed that his restaurant has two main kinds of foods: the Americanized Chinese food and the Korean style Chinse food. These two types of cuisines are the identity of not only this particular restaurant, but also the American food culture as they were made from the taste of the American people. As shown in the one of the popular Chinese restaurants in the United States, the Chinese cuisines are a big part of the American food industry and they are not the authentic Chinese cuisines, but the Americanized Chinese dishes that captivated the customers in America who are from all different countries.

In conclusion, the Chinese food culture of today is comprised of the different regional cuisines that come from agriculture, climate, palate, geographical isolation, and religion. Each region has its own unique flavor and cooking style that distinguishes itself from others. Since early times, the Chinese food culture had impact on the American food culture and its influence has increased recently due to brisk cultural exchanges from the globalization. It is not an exaggeration to say that the Chinse food culture shaped the identity of the American food culture as the most hip food that the most Americans enjoy eating is the Americanized Chinese food. The big boom of Chinese food in America will still go on and more and more younger generations will fall in love with this amazing cuisine just like their parents did.

Works Cited

DUNLOP, FUCHSIA. SHARK’S FIN AND SICHUAN PEPPER: a Sweet-Sour Memoir of Eating in China . W W NORTON, 2019.

Crowther, Gillian. Eating Culture: an Anthropological Guide to Food . University of Toronto Press, 2018.

Eric Fish, Asia Society. “How Chinese Food Got Hip in America.” The Atlantic , Atlantic Media Company, 9 Mar. 2016, www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/03/chinese-food-hip-america/472983/.

Hinsbergh, Gavin Van. “China’s 8 Great Cuisines – Best 8 Culinary Classics.” China Highlights , 9 Aug. 2018, www.chinahighlights.com/travelguide/chinese-food/eight-cuisine.htm.

Liu, Junru. Chinese Food . Cambridge University Press, 2011.

Rude, Emelyn. “Chinese Food in America: A Very Brief History.” Time , Time, 8 Feb. 2016, time.com/4211871/chinese-food-history/.

Wei, Clarissa. “An Illustrated History of Americanized Chinese Food.” First We Feast , First We Feast, 20 Oct. 2016, firstwefeast.com/eat/2015/03/illustrated-history-of-americanized-chinese-food.

Wu, Annie. “China’s Regional Cuisines – Chinese Food Types North–South.” China Highlights , 8 Aug. 2018, www.chinahighlights.com/travelguide/chinese-food/regional-cuisines.htm.

Wu, Annie. “Discover China’s Regional Food Through 10 Dishes.” China Highlights , 23 May 2018, www.chinahighlights.com/travelguide/chinese-food/discover-china-regional-food.htm.

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Chinese Food And Chinese Culture Essay Samples

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Food , China , Tea , Kong , Hong Kong , Hong , Chang , Herbal Tea

Words: 3500

Published: 03/08/2023

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Food is a fundamental necessity of life and therefore becomes a rich conveyor of cultural traditions and norms and attracts patterns of symbolic significance much like a magnet, for example, who is entitled to eat with whom, and when, and how food is to be shared. The cultural understandings surrounding the sharing of food illuminates social dynamics by distinguishing cohesive social units and social distance. Indeed, it can be said that a culture is encoded in the expectations of behavior associated with the communal act of dining. The purpose of this paper is to examine the historical continuity of symbol systems that structure Chinese society and how the structure is embedded in how the Chinese think about food and in the behavior surrounding the consumption of food. Most anthropological research on food has been in the area of food insecurity, ritual and eating, and how identity can be demonstrated by food patterns (Mintz and Du Bois 99). This paper examines the symbolism, ritual and identity encoded in the consumption of food in the Chinese cultural heritage. To lay the ground work, first the types of foods eaten and the symbol system applied to food in the ancient China will be reviewed. Foods prepared and eaten from the prehistoric Yangshao era to the Chou period set the basic pattern that informs Chinese cuisine and symbol systems today. Second, an examination of the rise and fall of herbal tea shops in Hong Kong is used to discuss the ways that food can carry cultural identity and adapt to accommodate political and economic changes. The consumption of herbal tea is a way of consolidating a cultural identity and a way of transitioning to a new identity. Finally, the regulations surrounding table manners in Hong Kong are examined in terms of how they can delineate private and public space and determine social relationships. In the description of current table etiquette practiced in Hong Kong, the reader can see how the structure set up in ancient China is continued to the present day. 1. Ancient China Later styles of Chinese food preferences and food management were formulated in Ancient China from the Yangshao Period (5000 – 3200 BC) to the Chou Period (200 BC) (Chang 25). Information on the types of food eaten during the early periods is obtained from archeological evidence and later in preserved literature, primarily poetry. As for style, the only information available from the archeological record is the type of food and whether or not the food was consumed in a raw or cooked form. Textual information begins in the Shang (1850 BC) and Chou civilizations (Chang 25). The staple starch in ancient northern China was types of millet, but wheat, hemp, barley and rice were also eaten. By the Late Chou period, rice was regarded as the preferred and more expensive grain (Chang 26-27). The chief legume was the soybean. There is mixed evidence as to when peanuts, sesames, and broad beans arrived in China. Velvet and red beans were common in Ancient Northern China. Taro and Chinese yam were found in southern China and may have been a more important form of starch than rice in southern China (Chang 28). Many different vegetables were available most of which were gathered wild. The following vegetables occur in texts, but there is little archaeological evidence for them: malva, melon, gourd, turnip, Chinese leek, lettuce, field sowthistle, common cattail, smart weeds, wormwood grasses, ferns, wild beans, lotus roots, Chinese cabbage, mustard greens, garlic, spring onion, amaranth, Chinese water chestnuts and bamboo shoots (Chang 28). As for animal foods, archeological remains of dogs and pigs have been the most commonly found mammals and have been found from as early as the Yangshao civilization right through to the Chou period (Chang 29). Occasionally, remains of cattle, sheep and goats are also found at Yangshao sites but were probably not domesticated until the Langshan period (2000 BC) (Chang 29). There is no evidence that milk or their products were consumed in ancient China. Evidence from oracle bones indicates that sheep and cattle were used in a sacrificial context, but were also probably consumed as part of the secular diet. Many wild animals were part of the early diet, most notably deer and rabbit, but were not as important a part of the diet as dogs and pigs. Bones of exotic animals such as whale, elephant, tapir and bear were found, which suggested that some rare foods might have been imported. Chicken occurs frequently in texts, but other birds such as partridge and pheasant were eaten. Carp was the most common fish eaten, but mullet was also consumed. Other edible species were bees, cicadas, turtles, frogs and snails. Much evidence exists for the uses of alcoholic beverages, mostly made from grain, at feasts and other ceremonies. Information from the Chou Period show that food was prepared by boiling, steaming, frying, salting, pickling, drying, steeping and smoking (Chang 29-31). Chang demonstrated that cultural significance of food, its preparation, and how it is consumed in ancient China is preserved in Chou poetry and onwards (36-39). Descriptions of meals in Chinese poetry only record food consumed by the upper classes. There does not appear to be any descriptions of simple vegetable dishes that presumably the lower classes consumed. The amount of food one is entitled to consume is regulated by rank and age. Each person is said to require four bowls of grain to fill his stomach. However, a high ranking minister was entitled to eight additional non-grain dishes, and a low ranking minister was entitled to six additional non-grain dishes. A man of sixty is entitled to three non-grain dishes, a man of seventy, four, and a man of eighty, five, and a man of ninety, six (Chang 37). Chang makes no mention of women or children and stated that it is not known if poor people were subject to the same strict rules. Did poor people necessarily eat like lone boors? Did they not also have their own rules in their own company? They must have, but, alas, their rules are not preserved in the available records. (Chang 39) Even greater detail accompanies the spatial arrangement of the food. Chang describes the intricate and precise placement of dishes before the diner, for example, what types of meat and how they were folded dictated that they must be placed to the right of the diner, whereas other types of meat folded in different ways must be placed to the left of the diner. The rules regarding the presentation of food indicated that cultural symbols were encoded into the process of eating (37-38). Highly formalized procedures that integrated the recognition of rank also characterized table manners when eating with others, and children were instructed on eating etiquette from an early age (Chang 38-39). The ritualization of spatial arrangements and other regulations surrounding the taking of meals suggests a great attention was paid to social stratification. Chang posits that the duality of yin and yang that informs Chinese civilization today can be found in ancient China in the food, food serving ware, and rituals surrounding food (46). For example, sustenance was divided into drink (yang) and food (yin). Food was further divided into grain/rice (fan) and dishes (ts’ai). Dishes were vegetables other than grain, and meat, and could be classified as either yang or yin. The basic meal consists of drink (water) and fan. This division is so fundamental that alcohol is regarded as fan.on the basis that it is made from grain. A more elaborate meal included ts’ai. Chang described a hierarchy with fan at the bottom and ts’ai at the top that included a guide as to the portions of each class of food that one must eat, specifically, more fan should be consumed than ts’ai (Chang 40-41). As will be discussed below, this symbolic division of food into types developed in ancient China remains the framework of cultural understandings of food and its consumption, including the hierarchy and strict proportions, and structures table manners in Hong Kong today. As Chang stated: This arrangement of food classes and the beliefs and rules associated with them, is in my opinion is the structural essence of the Chinese way of eating, and it has not changed from at least the Chou period to today. In the ancient texts wherever enumerations of things to eat and drink appear, the same hierarchy of food-drink contrasts is shown. (40) 2. Food and Chinese Identity in herbal tea shops in Hong Kong Sea Ling Cheng chronicles the rise and fall of herbal tea shops in terms of the political and economic changes that occurred in Hong Kong in the period leading up to Hong Kong’s return to China in 1997 (1997). Cheng suggested that the political changes taking place in Hong Kong fostered feelings of insecurity and the residents sought to re-affirm cultural identity in the traditions of the herbal tea shop. Cheng also demonstrates how the tea shops stayed afloat in economic downturns by maintaining their function as a social gathering place. The health benefits of herbal tea described by Cheng echo the dichotomies found in Chang’s review of ancient Chinese foods (Chang 48) and the need to balance the opposing factors. Cheng describes a health belief system composed of the dichotomies hot/cold and wet/dry that, if unbalanced in results in bodily discomfort (Cheng 52). Different effects are associated with the various herbal teas – chrysanthemum tea and five-flower tea are assumed to be mildly cooling, while sesame drink, sugarcane juice and sour plum juice are good for promoting digestion, and since their effects are mild, they can also be simply taken as a drink. Twenty-four-herb tea is generally perceived as strongly cooling and good for curing “hot” diseases like flu and fevers. (52)

Cooling teas were thought to counteract the hot and humid Hong Kong climate, particularly during the summer.

Traditionally, herbal teas were dispensed for free or inexpensively at Taoist temples to people who could not afford other medicines. The Chinese residents of Hong Kong were poor and eagerly accepted herbal teas as a folk remedy (Cheng 53). Wong Lo Kat was the first herbal tea shop registered in Hong Kong in 1897. Wong Lo Kat is the name of a man who was reputed to have discovered a combination of herbal ingredients that cured all illnesses. During the dire conditions of the Japanese occupation, the poor Chinese escaped their squalid living conditions in the comfort and sociality of the herbal tea shops (Cheng 53-54). The lack of reasonable housing drove people out of their “homes” but recreational facilities were also inadequate. So, for those economically less advantaged people, herbal tea shops provided a channel of escape from their humdrum lives by creating an easily accessible and comfortable public place that connected them with each other and the world at large. In this way, herbal teach shops played a socially integrating role (Cheng 56). In the 1950s, the types of drinks available at the shop expanded beyond herbal teas to other health promoting drinks such as almond drinks, five-flower tea, chrysanthemum tea, and sesame drink. Further, people came to the shops to enjoy the electric fan and to listen to the radio. For the price of a 10-cent drink, patrons could listen to the popular plays, stories and music broadcast by Rediffusion (Hong Kong) Limited (Cheng 57). As different technologies emerged, they were installed in tea shops to attract a range of customers. In the 1950s jukeboxes in some herbal tea shops were a major attraction for the younger generations. Many local Cantonese films produced in this period featured trendy young people (men with a slick-back hair style, folded-up shirt collars and women typically in mini-skirts) socializing and dancing to western music from the jukeboxes in the herbal tea shops (Cheng 57) . With the arrival of television, Hong Kong residents now had glimpses of the rest of the world. As Hong Kong’s economy grew and accommodations improved, local Hong Kong and western lifestyles became the models to follow. Identification with the Chinese mainland fell off, as did the patronage of herbal tea shops (Cheng 58-59). The social functions of the herbal tea shops that had been so prominent in the past decades were progressively taken over by the family or other entertainment establishments. More importantly, its “traditional roots” led to its marginalization in the march towards a metropolitan identity (Cheng 58-59). McDonald’s, Burger King and Kentucky Fried Chicken, with their American look and immaculate facilities, filled the vacuum left by the herbal tea shops as gathering places. The practice of eating out became a mark of personal economic success and modernity. The consumption of food outside the home reflected the prospering economy and the changing self- image of Hong Kong residents (Cheng 59). Other indications that the residents of Hong Kong were distinguishing themselves from mainland China and Taiwan were the rise in popularity of Cantonese pop songs with lyrics that depicted the local lifestyle and aspirations over the Mandarin pop songs (Cheng 60). In the herbal tea shops, ‘To retain its “traditional” image, Wong Lo Kat continues with its old practice of giving sweet preserved plums to those who have had the bitter taste of twenty-four herb tea’ (Cheng 61). Cheng refers to this fashion and the return of traditionally decorated Hong Kong eating establishments during this time as “nostalgic eating” (66). An increased identification with traditional Chinese décor accompanied the lead up to Hong Kong’s return to China, and according to Cheng, was the result of an “identify discontinuity” (68). 3. Table Etiquette Cooper begins his description of table manners in Hong Kong with a brief overview of the anthropological literature of food and its importance in adapting a population as to what is good or not good to eat, and how the symbolic ordering of the culture is reflected in the preparation and eating of food. As Cooper points out, table manners are so ingrained and at such an early age that deviations from the cultural norm evoke disgust and identify the individual as either a child or a barbarian (179). The categorization set out by the Chou period in China is clearly identifiable in Hong Kong food categories today. If fan (grain or rice) is not included, it is not a meal. Rice is generally not eaten at breakfast, therefore it not regarded as a proper meal but rather a snack to get you through to lunch time (Cooper 180). Chang describes the rules regarding the spatial arrangement of food set before a person (37-38). According to Cooper, the recognition of a need to spatially organize a meal exists in Honk Kong today. Each person has his or her own bowl of fan, which is placed in front of the individual. However, ts’ai dishes are shared and are placed in the middle of the table (Cooper 180). Further spatial distinctions are made with regard to eating utensils. Before each person is the personal bowl of fan, chopsticks, a spoon, and a saucer. Chopsticks are used to take a piece from the communal ts’ai and place it on top of the fan. The bowl is raised to the mouth and the fan and ts’ai are placed into the mouth with the chopsticks. To eat with the bowl remaining on the table indicates a disinterest in the food and is regarded as an insult to the host (Cooper 180). The rules that can be extracted from the use of bowls, dishes and chopsticks are a division of private and public space with the bowl being private, the ts’ai dish as public, and the chopsticks as mediating between the two (Cooper 180). Anything that touches the mouth, i.e. the bowl of fan, is classified as private space and kept within the immediate vicinity of the person to whom it belongs. When one has finished the rice in one’s bowl, one does not continue to eat of the communal ts’ai dishes. To eat ts’ai without rice in one’s bowl is to appear a glutton interested only in ts’ai, of which one must consume a great deal to get full without rice. (181) At formal occasions such as weddings and New Years’ banquets, the proportions of fan and ts’ai are reversed in order to emphasize the sumptuousness of the meal. rice is not served until last. Thus at a banquet, one may eat ts’ai without rice in one’s bowl, and one is expected to fill up on ts’ai such that when the rice is finally served, one can only take a token portion, which is to say, this has been a real feast. (Cooper 183) Cooper describes the overriding rule of communal eating as one of “deference to others” (181). Beyond deference, social status is embedded in the rules of dining as a group. In order of eating, adults take precedence over children, and a guest of honor must be the last to leave the table. When dining out, paying for the check for all the guests marks the payer’s status over the other guests. Among equals, paying the check is done in the expectation of eventual reciprocity. However, if the status between two diners is considerable, it is impolite for the one of lower status to take the check. Cooper describes a refinement of status jockeying. Of course the wider social context must also be taken into consideration. One may be desirous of seeking a favor of an important person, in which case paying the check may be a mild form of pressure in which the obligation of reciprocity is finessed, enjoining one’s fellow diner to comply with one’s request. Food events are first and foremost social events. (183) In his description of table etiquette in Hong Kong, Cooper demonstrates the persistence of the ancient Chinese fan and ts’ai distinctions dictating what and relatively how much you eat, the cultural value of deference, and the carefully observed social structure played out in the microcosm of the dining table. Cheng demonstrated how spaces in which food is consumed serve as public gathering places where people can socialize and acquire information. In fact, the herbal tea shops in Hong Kong were instrumental in facilitating change by revealing new western lifestyles and disseminating news from the rest of the world, which was particularly important at a time of political unrest. The waxing and waning of the popularity of the herbal tea shops and the types of food served in the tea shops indexed the changing cultural affiliations and anxiety as the residents of Hong Kong moved toward reunion with mainland China. Chinese medicine in the form of herbal tea was resurrected as a meaningful symbol of a desirable life. In conclusion, Cooper is correct when he states you are how you eat (179) in Hong Kong. In the case of Hong Kong’s herbal tea shops, you are where you drink tea. The dichotomized worldview of yin and yang is repeated throughout the centuries by being encoded in the classification of edibles into fan and ts’ai. It could be argued that the entire traditional cosmology is embedded in the food consumption patterns because of the critical role food plays in maintaining life. Chinese food traditions have a strong structure that has endured over centuries. Within the culture, patterns of behavior surrounding the consumption of food defined the social strata. To affiliate or deviate from the structure is a way the Chinese, notably in Hong Kong, expressed their evolving cultural identity.

Works Cited

Chang, Kwang-chih. “1: Ancient China,” Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives. Ed. Kwang-chih Chang. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977, 23-52. Print. Cheng, Sea Ling. “Back to the Future: Herbal Tea Shops in Hong Kong,” Hong Kong: Anthropological Essays on a Chinese Metropolis. Eds. Grant Evans and Marie Tam. Oxon, UK: Cruzon Press, 1997, 51-73. Print. Cooper, Eugene. “Chinese Table Manners: You Are How You Eat.” Human Organization 45.2 (1986) : 179-184. Print. Mintz, Sidney, W. and Du Bois, Christine, M. “The Anthropology of Food and Eating.” Annual Review of Anthropology 31 (2002) : 99-119. Print.

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Chinese Culture: Relation Between Food Traditions and Society Essay

As noted by Yao Zi, eating, cooking, and food are quite essential in Chinese culture. Health also cannot be left behind since it goes hand in hand with proper diet. However, food impacted largely on the country’s economy as compared to health. Food and consumption unified all classes of people in the Chinese culture and therefore brought closeness and harmony in relationships. This culture was so established that a number of metaphors in the Chinese language were coined relating to beautiful women, there was a kitchen god and the fame of the kitchen in every household was witnessed. Every household bribed the kitchen god with presents such as sweets whereas every family owned a strove, which signified unity.

Ancestral worship and family unity are major components of this culture. (Rogasaki, 2004) therefore food and health impacted equally on the Chinese culture and society. Food consumed by an individual brought about the Yin and Yang balance in the body.

The imbalance of any nature could result in diseases. Food and diet played a major role in the Chinese way of life such that even greetings were intertwined with health and diet i.e. have you eaten? As much as food unified the Chinese people, it also divided them where presentations, as well as cooking food, were taken to be aspects of civilized individuals. The civilized individuals were viewed as “cooked” while the uncivilized were seen as “raw”. Therefore, an individual’s social status and cultural identity were directly connected to food practices in medieval times.

Medicine was a respected profession with the prescription pharmacy being the most respected. Scholars produced nutritional and medicinal books covering everything to do with food from consumption to production. The Confucian qualities of moderation and frugality impacted hugely on food and society. Following food shortages in medieval times, excessive eating was contrary to the frugality and moderation ideals. Individual’s food intake was seen as a moral duty.

The Chinese were aware of the labor involved in food production. Increased trade resulted in widespread urbanization where farmers moved to the cities in search of wealth, as a result, food production decreased. Consequently, the food market depending on increased trade due to the fact that food ingredients were not restricted by Chinese religious taboos hence the Chinese food could easily vary. (Rogasaki, 2004)

There was also a market for slaughtered animals in the local market. Daoists, Buddhists as well as Confucianists harbored the belief that mistreatment killings of animals were morally wrong. Conversely, they at times went contrary to this belief by eating animals that were already killed by others. Buddhism advocated for vegetarianism and was against any instances of animal mistreatment. One is not supposed to kill or own animals according to Daoists.

Although they do not enforce absolute vegetarianism, they entertain animal suffering. Mencius and Confucius both ate fish and meat, however, they stated that one should avoid mistreating animals, in respect to eating they advised people to avoid bovines and horses. Following the fact that the three major religious and philosophical thoughts in China condemned the slaughter of animals whereas the demand for meat existed, the meat market still existed.

In conclusion, it emerges that health and longevity were major reasons as to why food was fundamental in the Chinese way of life.

Rogasaki, R. Hygienic modernity, Beijing: Yue Ding Publishers, 2004.

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IvyPanda . 2021. "Chinese Culture: Relation Between Food Traditions and Society." September 14, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/chinese-culture-relation-between-food-traditions-and-society/.

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Food Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on food.

Food is the basic human need to stay alive. Moreover, it is the need of every living organism . Therefore it is important that we should not waste food. Our world consists of different types of cultures. These cultures have varieties of dishes of food in them.

Thus, all the dishes have different taste. Furthermore, our nature provides us a variety of food. From fruits to vegetables, from Dairy food to seafood everything is available. Different countries have their own specialty of dishes. Therefore some of them are below:

World-famous Cuisines

Italian Cuisines – Italian cuisines is one of the most popular cuisines around the world. Moreover, it is widely available in our India too. Dishes like pizza, pasta, and lasagna own a special place in the hearts’ of people.

Furthermore, restaurants like Dominos and Pizza hut are available all over the country. People of every age love the taste of these Italian dishes. Also, Italian dishes are famous for their’ cheese filling. Every dish is load with cheese. Which enhances the taste of these Italian dishes.

Indian cuisine – Indian cuisine is always filled with a lot of herbs and spices. Furthermore, the specialty of Indian dishes is, it is always filled with curries. Whether veg or non-veg the dishes are in curry form. Moreover, Indian cuisine has so many varieties of food that has further branches. The Branch consists of Mughal cuisine which is mostly of non-vegetarian dishes. Also, almost every Indian love Muglia dishes.

Chinese Cuisine – Chinese cuisine in India is also very popular. There are many Chinese theme-based restaurants here. Moreover, in these restaurants Chinese are preferable chefs because they can only give the perfect Chinese blend. Chinese cuisines have a wide variety of dishes. Some of them are Chinese noodles, fried rice, Dumplings, etc. Dumplings have a different name here. They go by the name of momos in India and people love the taste of it.

These were some of the favorites of Indian people. Moreover, these are in almost every part of the city. You can find it anywhere, whether be it in 5-star restaurants or at the side of the street as street foods.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Importance of Food in Our Life

We cannot deny the importance of food in our lives. As it is the basic need to survive. Yet some people waste not thinking that there are still some people that do not get any of it. We should always be careful while taking a meal on our plates.

In other words, we should take only that much that our stomach can allow. Or else there will be wasting of food . In India there are many people living in slums, they do not have proper shelter. Moreover, they are not able to have even a one-time meal. They starve for days and are always in a state of sickness.

Many children are there on roads who are laboring to get a daily meal. After seeing conditions like these people should not dare to waste food. Moreover, we should always provide food to the needy ones as much as we can.

Q1. Name any two different types of cuisines available in India.

A1. The two different types of cuisines available in India are Italian and Chinese cuisine. These are famous apart from Indian cuisine.

Q2. How can we not waste food?

A2. You cannot waste food by taking only a sufficient amount of it. Moreover, people should seal pack the leftover food and give it to the beggars. So that they can at least stay healthy and not starve.

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ESSAY; Moscow's China Card

By William Safire

• Sept. 8, 1986

Every decade or so, China undergoes a political convulsion. In 1948-49, the Communists threw out the Kuomintang; in 1956, Mao's ''Great Leap Forward'' plunged the country into a depression; in 1966, the Cultural Revolution to purify the party brought on a new Dark Ages; in 1976-78, we saw Mao's would-be radical successors, the ''Gang of Four,'' replaced by pragmatic Deng Xiaoping.

Now we are celebrating the 10th anniversary of the death of Mao, and some Pekingologists would have us believe that this decade's upheaval will not come.

Mr. Deng, at 82, has provided for his succession, we are assured: it's all set for Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang to succeed him, with Hu Qili of the next generation right behind. Not to worry, goes the current Edgar Snow-job: China's new era of ''commutalism,'' communism with a capitalist face, will march undisturbed into the next millennium.

I wonder. Maybe the conventional wisdom will prove right for once. But for argument's sake, let's look at what is happening in China through a different set of glasses, seeking truth from facts.

Fact number one is that a wave of materialism is sweeping across the billion people of China. After a generation of repression, good ol' greed is back in the saddle, and an I'm-all right-Deng attitude permeates the new entrepreneurs.

As a longtime expositor of the virtue of greed in powering the engine of social progress, I cannot cluck-cluck at this. But there is a difference between the materialism of the Chinese on Taiwan, who are accustomed to free enterprise, and the lust for the good life of available goods on the mainland, where a terrible thirst has been a-building.

Let us assume that the outburst of materialism in China leads to some reaction: that some spoilsport faction emerges to summon up the ghost of Mao's ideological purity, and that this new gang of fortyish Outs finds its way back in. It is at least a possibility.

I think that shrewd old Deng is well aware of this possibility. That is why, despite his ostentatious rejection of personal cultdom, he is preparing his most dramatic assault on the memory of Mao. That father of the revolution startled the world by breaking with the Soviet Union; Mr. Deng, playing a revisionist Lenin to Mao's Marx, wants to startle the world and overwhelm internal opposition by a rapprochement with Moscow.

Accordingly, fact two: He has abandoned his demand that Russia move back its huge army from the Chinese border, thereby double-crossing his own Army leaders. He has forgotten his requirement that Soviet forces be withdrawn from Afghanistan, thereby double-crossing his Westernish ally, Pakistan.

All Mr. Deng now asks of the Russians is that they try to squeeze their Vietnamese clients to pull out of Cambodia. Of course they'll try - ''best efforts'' is an easy promise - and since the Vietnamese are notoriously independent, Moscow cannot be blamed for not succeeding. Result: Mr. Deng takes the salute from atop the wall in Red Square.

That reestablishes his Communist credentials, defanging hard-left opposition at home. And it is Middle Kingdom orthodoxy; I suspect Chinese agents in the U.S. supply the K.G.B. with intelligence, just as Peking permits our Big Ears on its soil to overhear Kremlin transmissions. Chinese policy has always been to play the barbarians against each other.

This theory would also explain fact three: Mr. Gorbachev's seizure of a U.S. newsman as hostage. It is no coincidence that this particular hostage selection follows China's arrest and expulsion of a reporter for a U.S. newspaper. The Soviet leader, advised by Anatoly Dobrynin, must have known that this slap in the face would jeopardize a summit - and went ahead with his calculated humiliation, similar to Mr. Nixon's mining of Haiphong harbor before his Moscow summit in 1972.

Because the Russians now have the prospect of a pilgrimage to Moscow by Mr. Deng, they can taunt the U.S. President with impunity. As Mr. Dobrynin probably predicted, Mr. Reagan is reduced to begging for the hostage's release, in effect volunteering testimony to a Soviet court, in his eagerness to crown his Presidency with a peacemaking summit.

Now Mr. Gorbachev can hang tough, holding a show trial and thereby delaying negotiations with the U.S. until the Deng visit - or can graciously accede to the Reagan plea, thereby establishing his dominance. And the overconfident Mr. Reagan never suspected, as he sat down to summit poker, that this time the China card was in his opponent's hand.

2018 Primetime Emmy & James Beard Award Winner

A History of Moscow in 13 Dishes

Jun 06 2018.

War, hunger, and some of the world’s great doomed social experiments all changed the way that Moscow eats.

Moscow, the European metropolis on Asia’s western flank, has always been a canvas for competing cultures. Its cuisine is no different. The ancient baselines of winter grains, root vegetables, and cabbage acquired scaffolding from both directions: eastern horsemen brought meat on sticks, western craftsmen brought pastries, and courtly French chefs came and drowned it all in cream.

History has a place on the plate here, as well: war, hunger, and some of the world’s great doomed social experiments from Serfdom to Communism to Bandit Capitalism all changed the way that Moscow eats. So in the spirit of all of those grand failures, we—a Russian chef and an American writer—will attempt here to reduce the towering history of this unknowable city to 13 dishes, with some Imperial past but a special emphasis on the more recent decades of culinary paroxysms as Moscow emerged from its Soviet slumber.

Olivier Salad

To visualize the long marriage between French and Russian cuisines, picture Peter the Great, on a diplomatic sojourn to Paris in 1717, a “ stranger to etiquette ”, meeting the 7-year-old boy-king Louis XV and lifting him in the air out of sheer elán. These things were simply not done, and yet, there they were. Peter’s joyful (and often envious) fascination with all things French took hold, among other places, in the kitchen. He brought French chefs back to his palaces, and then the lesser nobility followed suit, and when the first restaurants emerged in Moscow, they also spoke French. The Hermitage Restaurant, which was open from 1864 until history intervened in 1917, had a Francophone Belgian named Lucien Olivier as a chef, and he made a salad that was a perfectly unrestrained combination of French flavors and Russian ingredients: grouse! Veal tongue! Proto-mayonnaise! The ingredients now tend toward the pedestrian—boiled beef, dill pickles, various vegetables all bound with mayonnaise—and it has become a staple of Russian cuisine, especially on New Year’s. And yes, if you’ve ever seen the lonely Ensalada Rusa wilting behind the sneezeguard of a Spanish tapas bar, that is supposed to be a successor to the Olivier. But in Moscow, you should eat Matryoshka ’s version, which is not the original recipe but has some of that imperial richness: crayfish, quail, sturgeon caviar, and remoulade, all under a translucent aspic skirt, for 990₽ ($16).

There’s a type of expression around bottling things—bottled lightning, summer in a jar, etc.—that feels very apt here. What exactly is bottled with vareniye (jam)? A lot more than just fruit. These jams, which tend to be thinner than western varieties—with whole berries or fruit chunks in syrup—are bottled with a lot of Russian identity. There’s the Russian love of countryside. Deep dacha culture of summer cottages and personal orchards. Traditional naturopathy (raspberry vareniye taken with tea will fight fever). And above all, friendship is bottled here— vareniye made from the overabundance of fruit at one’s dacha is the most typical Russian gift, real sharing from real nature, even in the often-cynical heart of Europe’s largest megacity. Visitors who are short on lifelong friendships in Moscow can pick some up fine vareniye at any Lavka Lavka shop (we recommend the delicate young pine cone jam) or, curiously enough, at many Armenian stores.

Borodinsky Bread

The clinical-sounding title of Lev Auerman’s 1935 classic Tekhnologiya Khlebopecheniya ( Bread Baking Technology) doesn’t promise scintillation. But Auerman’s recipe for rye bread changed Russian bread forever. An older legend had it that the bread was baked dark for mourning by a woman widowed in the battle of Borodino in 1812, but the real birth of the bread came from Auerman’s recipes. A modification on sweet, malted Baltic breads, Auerman’s Borodinsky bread was 100% rye and used caraway or anise. The recipe has evolved a bit—today it is 80% rye and 20% wheat high extraction flour and leans more on coriander than caraway. But its flavor profile (sweet, chewy) as well as its characteristic L7 mold —a deep brick of bread—has made it easily identifiable as the traditional, ubiquitous, every-occasion bread of Moscow. You can buy it everywhere, but the Azbuka Vkusa high-end markets have a reliably good sliced version.

Buckwheat Grechka

Look closely at those Russians who have followed their money to live in London, or are vacationing in Cyprus or Antalya. See the slight melancholy that not even cappuccinos or sunshine can erase. It’s not because Russians are gloomy by nature; it’s probably because there is no real grechka outside of Russia and Ukraine, and that is devastating. Buckwheat grain and groats— grechka (or grecha in Saint Petersburg)—are deep in the culture. It’s a wartime memory: May 9 Victory Day celebrations feature military kitchens serving buckwheat like they did at the front. It’s a little slice of Russian history that lies somewhere between oatmeal and couscous. In Moscow, eat it at Dr. Zhivago with milk (180₽/US$2.90) or mushrooms (590₽/US$9.50), and rejoice.

Mimoza Salad

This fantastically expressive egg-and-canned-fish salad is a testament to Soviet ingenuity—it’s the ultimate puzzle to make a drastically limited food chain sparkle—and the universal human thrill of layering foods. The geological creation starts with a base layer of fish, then layers of grated cooked potato, mayonnaise, shredded cheese, grated carrots, sweet onion, diced egg whites and then capped with a brilliant yellow crumble of boiled egg yolk. It sits there on the plate, dazzling like the flowering mimosa tree it is named after. The taste? Well, it’s comfort food. Pick some up to go at any Karavaev Brothers location —the excellent deli chain sells it for 650₽ (US$10.40) a kilo.

It seems odd, almost impossible, to imagine a time in Russia before shashlik. It’s meat on a stick, something that all humans should have had on the menu since at least the time of Prometheus. But shashlik as we know it know—cubes of marinated meat cooked with vegetables over a mangal grill—didn’t really take off in Russia until the early 1900s. And due to a lack of suitable meat in much of the Soviet era (there were no meat cattle herds, only dairy), we’re starting the clock on shashlik in the late Soviet period. Despite its relatively recent (re)appearance, it is now the ubiquitous grill phenomenon of Russia, a welcome ritual of summer.

Much of Russian cuisine has borrowed heavily from Central Asia and further east over the millennia ( pelmeni anyone?), but plov is a striking example of an entire eastern dish making its way directly into Russian households. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and upheaval in many Central Asian Soviet Republics, mass economic migration to Moscow took off in the late 80s and early 90s. Central Asians today are the lifeblood of the Moscow labor force (part of up to 10-12 million Central Asian migrants living in Russia), and plov—rice steamed in stock with meat and vegetables—has jumped from the migrant communities to the homes of Muscovites everywhere. It has developed an unfortunate reputation for being a food that even finicky kids will eat, so there is a lot of harried domestic plov being made. But you can get a fully expressed Uzbek version at Danilovsky Market, online at plov.com , or at Food City—the surf-and-turf Tsukiji of Moscow.

The Big Mac

So many of the difficulties in American-Russian relations come down to one foundational attitude problem: The Americans (that’s half of this writing duo) were incredibly, distressingly smug through the entire fall of the Soviet Union. We mistook Soviet failure for an American victory, and that made all the difference. What does that have to do with a Big Mac? Well, when Russia’s first McDonald’s opened on Pushkinskaya in 1990 and 5000 people turned out to wait in line for the first taste of America, we back home in the states mistook it for culinary and commercial superiority. But there was something more complicated happening: Russians had been denied Western goods for so long and with such force that any outside identity was much-needed oxygen. And the long-term victory, as McDonald’s has continued to thrive in post-Soviet Russia, really belongs to the local franchise, which used higher-quality ingredients than in the U.S. and created a chain that was successful not because of its American identity but because of its Russian modifications. We wouldn’t recommend eating at any McDonald’s, especially not when there is Teremok for your fast-food needs, but having a soda in the original location is one way to sit and ponder the sin of hubris. And to use the free toilet and Wi-Fi.

The crown jewel of Levantine meat preparations, perhaps the single greatest street meat in the world: Shawarma. It first came to Moscow with a shawarma joint across from the Passazh mall, opened in the early 90s by Syrian cooks who dazzled masses with their sizzling, spinning, spiced meat emporium. Lines that stretched into the hundreds of people weren’t uncommon in those heady early days. And even though the original spot closed many years ago, Moscow shawarma only grew from there, mutating into the beast it is today, where you’re likely to find chicken, cabbage, mayo and a thin tomato sauce all combining to make the Levant a distant memory.

Fish Tartare aka Sashimi

One result of the aforementioned American smugness is that the West seemed surprised at how rapidly 1990s Russia assimilated some of the most hardcore capitalist traits, including but not limited to conspicuous consumerism. Moscow’s new elite was very, very good at that. What could be more conspicuous that recreating a restrained, exclusive seafood cuisine from Japan in the chaotic, landlocked megacity of Moscow? The very improbability of high-end sushi and sashimi in Moscow fueled much of its allure, and even though the trends have moved on from sushi, you can still tell the emotional attachment that the oligarch class has to those formative wastes of money. Sumosan restaurant started in Moscow back in 1997 and has since expanded to Monte Carlo and Londongrad , where they serve a dish that they call Fish Tartare, among others, in their restaurants and through their private jet catering service.

Blue Cheese roll

If the early elite sushi restaurants in Moscow were the frivolous edge of a food phenomenon, then Yakitoriya , a chain which started in the late 1990s, democratized it with affordable sushi rolls geared to local tastes. The Blue Cheese Roll, available now on their menu, seems like the apex (or nadir) of the Russianized roll: salmon, smoked eel, cucumber, cream cheese, Blue Cheese sauce. It might not be Jiro’s dream, but a true Russian middle class, one that can work honestly, earn meaningful salaries, and have a freaky sushi roll at the end of the week just like the rest of us—that’s something worthing dreaming for. Blue Cheese Roll, Yakitoriya, 417₽ (US$6.70)

If you’re American, have you ever wondered why tacos took over middle America but sopes remain virtually unknown? It’s curious how a country can assimilate some foods from their neighbors and but remain blissfully ignorant of others. That may explain what took place two years ago in Moscow, when the city seemingly discovered, as if for the first time, the bagged awesomeness that is khinkali , a soup dumpling from Russia’s southern neighbor Georgia. It became very trendy very quickly, and khinkali joints sprouted across Moscow like griby after a rain. But it wasn’t just that dish: what they were serving was a bit of the imagined southern, sybaritic lifestyle of the Caucasus, as promised in restaurant names like Est’ Khinkali Pit Vino ( Eat Khinkali Drink Wine ). Your best bets are at the stately Sakhli , around 100₽ (US$1.60) per soft, fulsome dumpling, or the more modernized Kafe Khinkalnaya on Neglinnaya Street , 100₽ (US$0.80) a dumpling.

We have named burrata—yes, that Italian alchemy of cheese and cream—the Perfect Dish of Moscow 2018, if only because it is the Dish of the Moment, ready to be enjoyed at the height of its faddishness now, and equally ready to be replaced when the city decides to move on. Read Anna Maslovskaya’s masterful breakdown of why—and where—to eat burrata in Moscow.

Top image: Olivier salad with chicken. Photo by: Kvector /Shutterstock

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The Perfect Dish: The Moscow Burrata

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