cultural worldview essay

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Personal Culture and Worldview

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Definition of personal culture and worldview, factors influencing personal culture and worldview, cultural identity and its relationship with personal culture and worldview, similarities and differences in personal culture and worldview, cultural relativism and ethnocentrism, challenges and opportunities of personal culture and worldview.

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Beyond Intractability

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By Michelle LeBaron

Originally published August 2003. "Current Implications" added in July, 2017.

Current Implications

To understand intractable conflicts, it is essential to understand that there are different levels operating in conflict. Different authors have described these levels in a number of ways. Chris Moore, in The Mediation Process ,[1] refers to substantive, psychological, and procedural levels of conflict. By this, he means that people are concerned with the issues that need to be resolved (the 'what' of the conflict); the psychological aspects of the conflict (including power, status, emotions, and other relational parts of the conflictual interaction); and the procedural parts of the conflict (how it is addressed and with what assistance). Stone, Patton, and Heen in Difficult Conversations suggest that three conversations are needed in any conflict: the what conversation, the feeling conversation, and the identity conversation.[2] Schirch, in her 1999 dissertation, suggests that there are three levels to conflict: material/analytical, social/relational, and symbolic/perceptual.[3] In Bridging Troubled Waters ,[4] I identify three levels of conflict: material, communicative, and symbolic, emphasizing that each level relates to the others.

What these approaches have in common is an acknowledgement that conflict is about more than appears on the surface. It is involved with identity and meaning -- who we see ourselves to be, and how we make and find meaning in our interactions with others, ideas, and the world. Intractable conflict usually involves some threat -- perceived or real -- to our identity or cherished meanings, or both. It may also be about material goods or resources, and it may be exacerbated by ineffective communication. But because intractable conflict is bound up with meanings and identities, it cannot be resolved by improving communication or finding better ways to deal with resources alone.

Identity and meaning are part of every human life in all world cultures. Meaning is generated from our sense of identity and from the information we receive. Our cultures give us messages about desirable identities (who we are, who we seek to be, and how we relate to others) and sources of meaning (what matters and why). Since our cultures give us different ideas about identity and meaning, our way of pursuing our goals and working out differences can create or escalate conflict.

Our cultures exist within larger structures called 'worldviews'. In her book In Search of Human Nature ,[5] Mary Clark defines worldviews as "beliefs and assumptions by which an individual makes sense of experiences that are hidden deep within the language and traditions of the surrounding society."[6] These worldviews are the shared values and assumptions on which rest the customs, norms, and institutions of any particular society. Clark tells us that these worldviews are tacitly communicated by "origin myths, narrative stories, linguistic metaphors, and cautionary tales", and that they "set the ground rules for shared cultural meaning."[7]

What is the significance of worldviews and different value structures for those interested in conflict and conflict resolution? Here are some of the reasons they are important:

If we make fundamentally different meaning of the world, then all of our attempts to improve communication or expand the pie of our material resources will fail because we may not be addressing our deeper differences that continue to fuel conflicts.
When worldviews are not in our awareness nor acknowledged, stronger parties in conflict may advertently or inadvertently try to impose their worldviews on others. Far more profound than trying to impose a particular solution to a conflict or a way of communicating, the imposition of a worldview can be destructive to a whole way of life. For example, when Europeans first came to North America , they labeled First Nations and Native American ways of life as 'backward' and 'primitive'. With this evaluative ranking, they justified imposing new ways of life on the indigenous peoples in North America . The painful and destructive legacy of this perspective continues today.
Since worldviews contain and shape cultures (shared starting points and currencies or values), working effectively across cultures requires some understanding of the soil from which cultures come -- the seedbed called worldviews.
Worldviews can be resources for understanding and analyzing conflicts when fundamental differences divide groups of people. By looking at the stories, rituals, myths, and metaphors used by a group, we can learn efficiently and deeply about group members' identities (who they see themselves to be) and meanings (what matters to them and how they make meaning). When we do this with each side to a conflict, places of connection and divergence may become clearer, leading to a better understanding of the conflict in context.
Worldviews, with their embedded meanings, can be the seedbed from which new shared meanings emerge. These shared meanings may arise as people co-create new stories, design new rituals, and find inclusive metaphors to contain their meanings.

The balance of this essay will illustrate the above points, in turn.

If we make fundamentally different meaning of the world, then all of our attempts to improve communication or expand the pie of our material resources will fail because we may not be addressing our deeper differences that continue to fuel conflicts:

In intractable conflicts, the usual problem-solving approaches do not work. Intractable conflicts tend to have complex issues, histories of problematic communication, and worldview differences that are largely unacknowledged. Here is an example from a problem-solving process to create a set of understandings about a sensitive wilderness area. The process brought representatives of local business, local communities, government, scientists, recreation outfitters and guides, and conservation groups together with a facilitator. They worked to develop over a hundred consensus recommendations about the area. On the surface, the process was a success.

Yet, significant levels of disagreement still existed in the community. While this was to be expected, there was no way to surface or discuss some of these differences because they related not only to different views about what should or should not be done in the valley, but to different worldviews -- different ways of seeing the valley and people's relationships to it. Analysis of the problem-solving process showed that participants had worked according to a dominant understanding of the valley, reflected in the metaphors that were frequently used. Scientists, government representatives, recreation outfitters and guides, and local business leaders all referred to the valley as a precious resource to be shared, preserved and used. Sometimes the metaphors of farming or ranching were implied, as representatives spoke of managing, returning areas to wilderness, and protecting wildlife corridors. At other times, the metaphor of banking and trusts was invoked as participants spoke of investing in the future of the valley, discharging a trust as stewards of capital that should not be spent, but grown and protected.

As diverse as these metaphors are, they have some things in common. To some extent, they contemplate use and active management. Resources are to be exploited and preserved for future profit. Implicit in this metaphor is the assumption of human status, wisdom and entitlement to regulate the natural ecosystem. Farms or ranches exist to produce products to market, and require careful attention and cultivation. If the product in this case is tourism, it has to be marketed just as soybeans or rice are sold on world markets. Banks and trusts manage investments, seek high yields, and divide balance sheets into various accounts and commodities. So, the economic effects of any decisions on local business and residents were important considerations at the table.

What was missing from these metaphors? The metaphor of the conservationist of the trees in the valley as the 'hair of mother earth' was unspoken. It was unspoken because the discussions during the problem-solving process fit a particular, dominant worldview, and excluded the one favored by a member of the group who had a minority perspective. In this process, attempts to expand the pie of options or improve communication through getting people to paraphrase, restate, or listen actively did not reach the deeper level of difference -- the worldview level.

When worldviews are not in our awareness nor acknowledged, stronger parties in conflict may advertently or inadvertently try to impose their worldviews on others. Far more profound than trying to impose a particular solution to a conflict or a way of communicating, the imposition of a worldview can be destructive to a whole way of life:

In the example given above, the dominant worldview related to the "normality" of developing and using the wilderness area. With this assumption widely shared in the group, an alternative assumption that would lead to either limited access or no use did not find credence. It was not just a question of the person holding the divergent worldview needing to be more assertive in the problem-solving process. Rather, it was a question of what was considered 'reasonable' and 'rational' within the process. The process as it was constructed did not make room for radically different perspectives. From this, we can see that conflict resolution processes themselves are influenced by worldviews. When these worldviews are not articulated or recognized, they can act to implicitly screen out differing worldviews to the detriment of those who want to arrive at durable outcomes that reflect a wide range of views.

To test this example, consider your response to someone who puts forward an idea that seems outrageous or outside the bounds of what is reasonable or possible. Such suggestions most likely arise out of a different worldview from that shared by most people in the room. Aren't those who offer such challenges to the dominant worldview most often dismissed, made subjects of humor or puzzled head shaking, and seldom invited to elaborate? If those present suspended their disbelief and inquired further, they might find some important nuggets in the "far-out" suggestion that could be helpful, even important, in their final decision-making.

Since worldviews contain and shape cultures (a series of shared starting points and currencies or values), working effectively across cultures requires some understanding of the soil from which cultures come -- the seedbed called worldviews:

Worldviews shape, or help determine, values. Values change across cultures, since they have to do with what we consider most important, and the ways we see our relationships, the world, and ourselves. Some of the values that vary across cultures include:

Power -- social status, prestige, control over others and resources
Achievement -- success through competence according to social standards
Hedonism -- pleasure of sensuous gratification for self
Stimulation -- excitement, novelty, change in life
Self-direction -- independent thought and action - choice, creativity, exploring goals
Universalism -- understanding, appreciation, tolerance, and protection for the welfare of people and nature
Benevolence -- preservation and enhancement of the welfare of members of in-groups
Tradition -- respect, commitment, and acceptance of ideas from a person's culture and religion
Conformity -- restraint of actions, inclinations, and impulses likely to upset or harm others
Security -- safety, harmony, and stability of society, relationships, and self.[8]

In any given conflict, a combination of these values will play out. Because people relate to these values differently when they hold different worldviews, misunderstandings and negative judgments about "the other side" may follow. As people become aware of the existence of different worldviews, they may stop expecting "the other" to make sense of the way they perceive the world, and realize instead that "the other" makes sense of the problem from their own worldview. In other words, the other side's "outrageous or nonsensical ideas actually become reasonable and sensible when seen from their point of view.

An example of the value of recognizing the existence of divergent worldviews comes from the dialogues between advocates on either side of the abortion conflict in Canada and the United States. Though, to my knowledge, no systemic study has been conducted investigating value and worldview differences between pro-life and pro-choice advocates, my evaluation of dialogue processes reveals some interesting observations. (While there is no uniform position agreed by all pro-life or pro-choice advocates, I will generalize here for the purposes of illustration.).

Both pro-life and pro-choice advocates value benevolence, universalism, and security , but their worldviews lead to them to value these things differently. Pro-life advocates, for example, may see all life as sacred from the moment of conception, and suggest that no human being should second-guess God or the Universe in its life-creating and life-ending capacity. Their idea of benevolence thus extends to the unborn fetus as well as to the other people involved in an unwanted or unplanned pregnancy. Pro-choice advocates are no less benevolent, but are apt to focus their efforts to improve and enhance welfare on those already born. Their worldview may place more credence in science, or involve a different notion of when human life begins (for example, at the point the fetus is viable outside the womb or at the point of quickening when a woman first discerns life within).

Part of the reason that the abortion debate has become so heated and volatile is that it is bound up with social and legal rules. Both sides would like their views to be universal, at least within the countries of Canada or the United States. Many pro-life advocates argue against public funding for, or provision of, abortion services. Many pro-choice advocates argue for public funding and universal availability of these services. As these two directions for universal application of norms, standards, and public services have clashed, the intractable conflict between the two sides has escalated. The value of security also plays out in the pro-life, pro-choice conflict. Pro-life advocates are concerned about the security of unborn children and the families into which they are born. Pro-choice advocates focus on the security of those involved with unwanted and unplanned pregnancies. While both are concerned with security, they differ in some important ways on what security means.

Dialogues convened by the Network for Life and Choice helped pro-life and pro-choice advocates become aware of their differing worldviews, and made the process of uncovering shared aspects of values possible.

Worldviews can be resources for understanding and analyzing conflicts when fundamental differences divide groups of people. By looking at the stories, rituals, myths, and metaphors used by a group, we can learn efficiently and deeply about group members' identities (who they see themselves to be) and meanings (what matters to them and how they make meaning). When we do this with each party to a conflict, places of connection and divergence may become clearer, leading to a better understanding of the conflict in context:

How did pro-choice and pro-life advocates come to see each other's worldviews, thus building a base of respect for each other that was broad enough to support dialogue and discover shared values? In the dialogues conducted by The Network for Life and Choice, facilitators asked participants to do two things that helped reveal their worldviews. They were asked to share personal stories of how they came to their views and to tell each other about their heroes and heroines. In doing so, they revealed things about their identity, what they found meaningful, their ideas about the nature of life, relationships, and "right living." Listening to these stories, the dialogue participants found it harder to sustain negative images of the other, recognizing instead commonalities that had previously been closed to them. From this base of empathy, they were able to explore shared values with more ease, while not losing sight of the aspects of values they did not share. Similarly, sharing heroes helped participants glimpse what was precious to others, and revealed aspects of values they shared.[9]

Worldviews, with their embedded meanings, can be the seedbed from which new shared meanings emerge. These shared meanings may arise as people co-create new stories, design new rituals, and find inclusive metaphors to contain their meanings:

Through dialogue, advocates from pro-life and pro-choice perspectives came to see that they shared some values. Both sides agreed about some aspects of security, for example that action to alleviate female and child poverty is desirable and necessary. Similarly, both pro-life and pro-choice advocates agreed on benevolence in the form of adoption services for those who desire them, and on ways to limit behavior outside clinics that might hurt or intimidate. They also agreed that some things should be universal: dignity and respect for all, for example, including the right to advocate for a point of view without fear of violence or reprisal.

One of the ways that they came to see these shared aspects of values was through the dialogic process of creating new stories and new identities. Participants in ongoing pro-choice/pro-life dialogue groups reported no diminishment of their ardor as advocates, but they did report that they assumed additional identities as participants in common ground. These new identities led them to humanize each other even as they pursued their social and legal agendas about the issue of abortion and ways of dealing with unwanted, unplanned pregnancies.

Worldviews are those systems or structures within which our values, beliefs, and assumptions lie. They influence how we see ourselves and others (identities) and how we make meaning of our lives and relationships. Since resolving conflict necessarily involves some kind of change, it is essential to understand the operation of worldviews. When people are asked to change their identity or things they find meaningful, they will resist, sometimes even when the alternative is death. Worldviews keep our lives coherent, giving them a sense of meaning, purpose, and connection. Conflict resolution processes need to help people look into each other's worldviews without trying to change them. As illustrated by the abortion dialogue example, it is possible to uncover shared values, or shared aspects of values, without fundamentally changing worldviews. Developing approaches to uncover shared values is an important area for future development in conflict analysis and resolution.

This article is full of current implications that relate to many conflicts around the world in which different cultures are clashing. In it, Michelle describes how conflicts are about much more than the surface issues, but also involve hidden factors relating to culture and identity. These cultural and identity differences, she asserts, cause people to see the world in completely different ways, to interpret "facts" and the difference between good and bad, right and wrong differently. "If we make fundamentally different meaning of the world, then all of our attempts to improve communication or expand the pie of our material resources will fail because we may not be addressing our deeper differences that continue to fuel conflicts."

This is precisely the problem that is causing the continuously escalating and polarizing conflict in the United States now between the supporters and opponents of Donald Trump. We see the world in entirely different ways. We identify different issues as problems. We believe in entirely different approaches for dealing with those problems. And we see no middle ground, which makes compromise impossible.

Related to the differences between pro-choice and pro-life advocates that Michelle talks about in this essay, more broadly, the current political conflict in the United States can be described as a clash between what George Lakoff [10] calls the "strict father culture" and the "nurturing parent culture," or what Mari Fitzduff refers to as "conservative/traditionalist culture" and the "liberal culture."

Strict father cultures, according to Lakoff, believe that the key to success is following leaders and traditions. They seek a strong authority figure--usually a man--(the father or president) to guide them, believing that he knows best and, as such, has the right to tell everyone else what to do. If his followers (be they children or citizens), disobey, they should be punished severely enough that they do not consider disobeying again. People in these cultures conform, follow rules, and believe that success comes from personal responsibility: working hard and living a virtuous life. If people are poor, or otherwise "unsuccessful," it is because they are lazy or corrupt, and hence not worthy of help. It is very much a "pull yourself up by your own bootstraps" philosophy.

Nurturing parent cultures, on the other hand are much more egalitarian and tolerant. There are many leaders...or no leader at all. They allow people much broader range in what is considered "acceptable" or even virtuous behavior. If people are poor or unsuccessful, it is due to bad luck or unfair treatment from others, and they deserve help.

In her monograph, Introduction to Neuroscience for the Peacebuilder [11], Mari Fitzduff explains that these cultural differences are actually, to a large degree, biologically determined. Humans evolved into two different personality types...a conservative type, which bonds much more tightly to their "in group," follows without questionning the group's values and ideology, avoids risk and uncertainty, and both fears and fights against people outside their group.

Liberal personalities, however, are much more open in their values and their identities--they are less risk averse and are willing to try new things, work with people from outside their group and be willing to change their beliefs much more readily than the traditionalists do.

Such personality differences, neuroscientists estimate, account for 53% of the differences between personality types, while 47% is driven by the enviornment one lives in.[12] But since at least half of people are conservatives, they seek out environments that conform to their own views. So they have little incentive to change. Even though liberals are theoretically more open to change...how many liberals are eager to live in conservative enclaves? Not many! So nature and nurture overlap to strengthen each of these cultural differences. This makes bridging the gap between the right and the left--finding a middle ground--exceedingly difficult.

--Heidi Burgess July, 2017.

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[1] Moore, Christopher. The Mediation Process . (2 nd Ed.) San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 1996.

[2] Stone, Douglas F., Patton, Bruce, and Heen, Sheila. Difficult Conversations : How to Discuss What Matters Most . New York: Penguin Press, 2000.

[3] See Schirch, Lisa. Ritual Peacebuilding: Creating Contexts Conducive to Transformation. Fairfax, Virginia, 1999. Unpublished dissertation, p. 14. Schirch's work is informed by the work of John F. Cragan and Donald C. Shields in their book. Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton Press, 1995, p. 20.

[4] LeBaron, Michelle. Bridging Troubled Waters: Conflict Resolution from the Heart . San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2002.

[5] Clark, Mary. In Search of Human Nature . London: Routledge, 2002.

[6] Ibid., p. 5.

[8] These definitions and categories from Carbaugh, Donal. Intercultural Theory . http://eco.ittralee.ie/personal/theories-III.php Accessed October, 2002.

[9] LeBaron, Michelle and Nike Carstarphen. Negotiating Intractable Conflict: The Common Ground Dialogue Process and Abortion. Negotiation Journal , Vol. 13, No. 4, October 1997, 341âÂ?Â?361.

[10] Lakoff, George. :Why Trump?" George Lakoff's Blog. https://georgelakoff.com/2016/03/02/why-trump/

[11] Fitzduff, Mari. An Introduction to Neuroscience for the Peacebuilder. Neuroscience and Peacebuilding, Washington DC. Peace and Collaborative Development, 2015. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/10234805/An_Introduction_to_Neuroscience_for_the_Peacebuilder

[12] Ibid. p. 12.

Use the following to cite this article: LeBaron, Michelle. "Cultural and Worldview Frames." Beyond Intractability . Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: August 2003 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/cultural-frames >.

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Personal Culture and Worldview

Introduction, defining culture, faith and culture, contemporary issues.

Culture is an integral part of personal identity and social order. It consists of values, beliefs, and regular activities that make up the lives of people all around the world. Numerous cultures are influencing the world today. Understanding cultural diversity provides a broader look at the surrounding environment and its various issues. With this essay, I will address my cultural background and discuss how it impacts my view on contemporary issues.

To begin with, the concept of culture should be defined and explained. Indeed, what is known as a culture is socially constructed. In the course book, it is defined as “the customary beliefs, social forms, and material traits of a racial, religious, or social group” (Chatraw and Prior, 2019). As it is seen, culture relates to all aspects of daily life that impact people’s perceptions about the way of living. For example, how people treat illnesses can be defined by culture, some cultures may use different herbs or perform healing rituals to lessen the physical condition of a patient. Hence, to understand what people think of and how they behave, it is critical to examine their culture.

When it comes to me, I am mixed race of Caucasian and African American and identify myself as spiritual. My cultural background does not solely define my identity, but it is a crucial part of it. Living in the United States, a country full of different cultures showed me how people can be different but at the same time have a common identity as an American citizens. Therefore, I also think that being an American is part of my culture.

Speaking about religiosity, I used to be Christian but after some events in my life, I start to realize that I prefer being spiritual. I believe in a higher power that people have a connection with the universe. I also prefer non-religious practices that help people get in touch with their spiritual selves through quiet reflection, time in nature, private prayer, yoga, or meditation. These practices make me feel mindful about my actions and help me to remain calm in stressful situations and even find solutions to various issues.

Indeed, my culture is influencing my worldview and perception of modern issues. For example, my African American part feels sensitive about the recent cases of racial discrimination. I truly support the Black Lives Matter movement and blame policymakers for not tackling the issues for decades. As it was said in the book, “Americans failed to live up to ideas with their treatment of Africans and Native Americans (Chatraw and Prior, 2019). It makes me feel various emotions at the same time when I realize how people of my African origin were treated and, in some cases, continue to be treated badly. People should understand that racial, ethnic, religious, social and any other differences should not be considered a threat, and people must be treated equally.

As a mixed-raced and spiritual person, I think that current immigration problems with people from poor countries moving to developed ones should not be considered a threat to the hosting population. People have the human right to move freely wherever they want. I also have the same attitude towards wars and weapons. People should prevent violence and not make wars as it is detrimental to the universe though bringing negative energy.

Spirituality provides me with calmness and a love for nature. As such, I cannot stand if I see how animals are treated badly. People are part of nature, and they should not consider themselves higher than any other natural creature by humiliating or punishing animals. It is stated in the book that “formal ideas, worldviews, precognitive assumptions, social, and physical dimensions passed on and inherited through others” (Chatraw and Prior, 2019). I think that culture is constantly changing, thus assuming that it is right to do things that were accepted as normal in the past, is incorrect.

People should not consider something as acceptable if only it used to be so. The most obvious example is gender roles that were dictated by patriarchy. Considering men as dominant figures, while women look after children and keep the household is an old-fashioned approach. My aunties believe in such gender roles, stating that it was always the man who should be in charge of the family. People should not put themselves into such a narrow frame and should do things how they want.

Culture is a crucial part of people’s existence, influencing their perceptions of life. Mixed race and spirituality make up my culture and the way how I view the world. Politics and social norms are challenged me every time I see the link between external events and my cultural backgrounds, such as racial discrimination, immigration, animal welfare, and other topics. I also think that culture should be changed, as things that are considered normal in the past, can be not acceptable in modern times.

Chatraw, J. & Prior, K., S. (2019). Cultural engagement: a crash course in contemporary issues. Grand Rapids

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2 Cultural Worldview and Cognition

Published: April 2015
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Worldviews are products of the socialization process and passed from generation to generation. While we know that cultural worldviews encourage certain ways of thinking and behaving, relatively little research has been done to understand the impact of cultural worldviews on consumer behavior. This chapter briefly discusses the process by which cultural worldviews are derived. The chapter describes several major categories of beliefs and provide examples of universal beliefs and specific worldviews from different cultures. In particular, the chapter reviews cultural worldviews that have been studied by social and cultural psychologists (e.g., beliefs about change, risk taking, respect for tradition, preferences for individuality/uniqueness, etc.) and their impact on social and consumer behavior (e.g., time, ethnocentricity, variety seeking, etc). The chapter concludes by proposing a unifying framework to study cultural worldviews and consumer behaviors.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Worldview in Intercultural Communication

Introduction, general overviews.

Intercultural Worldview and Cultural Elements
Intercultural Worldview and Interpersonal Relations
Intercultural Worldview Influencing Intercultural Communication Theory
Intercultural Worldview and Professional Practices in Health and in Education
Intercultural Worldview Differences in Cultures and Organizations
Intercultural Worldview Measurements

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Forthcoming articles expand or collapse the "forthcoming articles" section.

Culture Shock and Communication
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Worldview in Intercultural Communication by Carley Dodd LAST MODIFIED: 26 May 2021 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756841-0256

Worldview in intercultural communication represents an intercultural adaptation of worldview research originally from the humanities, theology, philosophy, and social sciences, particularly anthropology and linguistics. The concept refers to cognitive structures and holistic belief systems often shared by members of a culture perceived to influence one’s life space intersecting with deeply held assumptions on topics such as events, relationships, natural forces, deity, power, social hierarchy, and change that explain not only one’s cognitive map but also communication regarding current experiences and future event predictions. The notion can be said to inform the deepest layers of a culture’s experience. Some scholars trace the modern use of the concept to the 19th century with Humboldt’s application of the terms Weltanschauung and Weltbegriff , referring to beliefs defining how a culture or an individual interprets and interacts with the world. In sum, intercultural worldview is a quasi-metaphysical mental map influencing one’s thinking, doing, communicating, and discernment of others, nature, and self.

Worldview in intercultural communication has early roots in linguistics, such as from Wilhelm von Humboldt’s 19th-century underpinnings, as thoroughly reviewed in Underhill 2012 . Lucy 1997 articulates additional developments in early language and culture research and theory, captured in the well-known Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. Anthropologists noting worldview were highly influenced in the early 20th century by Ruth Benedict’s holistic culture and functionality, as Redfield 1953 , Hall 1976 , and Kearney 1984 describe. Philosophical interests persist in understanding orientations and practices, as Note, et al. 2009 states. In texts focused on intercultural communication, intercultural worldview was specifically addressed in Sarbaugh 1979 , with an early emphasis on identifying control over nature, as multiple cognitive orientations, and as religious outlooks such as those in Kraft 1978 reveal. Gudykunst and Kim 1997 emphasizes the need to deepen our understanding of worldview. According to Dodd 2017 , intercultural worldview research identifies numerous elements, or underlying factors, in new developments of assessing worldview in intercultural communication. Overall, intercultural communication researchers appear to consider worldview as a deeply structured, fundamental cultural model functioning to interpret communication and understanding among cultures.

Dodd, C. H. 2017. Worldview in intercultural communication. In The international encyclopedia of intercultural communication . Edited by Y. Y. Kim. John Wiley & Sons.

DOI: 10.1002/9781118783665.ieicc0077

This chapter traces worldview trajectory from Weltanschauung (world perception or world view) in anthropology and linguistics to current meanings for the field of intercultural communication and intercultural worldview measurements. The essay summarizes many of the common elements, such as meaning of life, time orientation, deity, luck, spiritual forces, self-value, nature, and fatalism and presents developments in theory and in assessing intercultural worldview.

Gudykunst, W. B., and Y. Y. Kim. 1997. Communicating with strangers: An approach to intercultural communication . 3d ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill.

This work presents a holistic view of intercultural communication and its multiple topics, along with early definitions of intercultural worldview.

Hall, E. T. 1976. Beyond culture . New York: Anchor.

This book, and the other numerous works by Hall, embody classic reading in underlying, hidden assumptions about culture, which is composed of many nonverbal elements, especially cultural information such as direct-indirect (low context is direct, high context is indirect) and linear-nonlinear time orientation (monochronic-polychronic).

Kearney, M. 1984. World view . Novato, CA: Chandler & Sharp.

Kearney’s earlier articles and this book reflect worldview studies not only associated with language and culture, but also including worldview as a part of cognitive anthropology, including nonverbal studies and a broad taxonomy of a culture’s implicit assumptions. The text also traces shifts in anthropological paradigms and emphases.

Kraft, E. 1978. Worldview in intercultural communication. In International and intercultural communication . Edited by F. Casmir, 47. Washington, DC: Univ. Press of America.

This work asserts that a culture’s worldview is mostly an unconscious set of patterned perceptions of reality categorizing actuality, what should be, and what is possible and impossible. Kraft identifies features such as control over nature, multiple cognitive orientations, and religious outlooks.

Lucy, J. A. 1997. Linguistic relativity. Annual Review of Anthropology 26:291–312.

DOI: 10.1146/annurev.anthro.26.1.291

This article analyzes the important contributions of Benjamin Whorf and Edward Sapir and the development of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, or linguistic relativity and linguistic determinism, which influenced the theory that language influences how people perceive reality.

Note N., R. Fornet-Betancourt, J. Estermann, and D. Aerts. 2009. Worldview and cultures: Philosophical reflections from an intercultural perspective: An introduction. In An introduction in worldviews and cultures . Edited by N. Note, R. Fornet-Betancourt, J. Estermann, and D. Aerts, 1–9. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer.

DOI: 10.1007/978-1-4020-5754-0_1

This work defines the cognitive nature of intercultural worldview with concepts like basic beliefs, truth, cultural categories, and being. The authors apply worldview as an orienting and comprehending function and point out how worldview can be used as a political or other ideology rather than a fundamental understanding of cultures. Key presuppositions behind worldviews and culture are articulated.

Redfield, R. 1953. The Primitive world and its transformations . Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.

This work represents early efforts by a group of University of Chicago scholars interested in understanding traditions and cultural beliefs that appear to influence interactions, particularly differences and misunderstandings between Native American cultures and a larger culture. Redfield was influenced by Franz Boas’s work in language and culture and saw parallels in his work with Ruth Benedict’s theory of culture involving a holistic set of patterns.

Sarbaugh, Larry A. 1979. Intercultural communication . Rochelle Park, NJ: Hayden Press.

This book presents a significant framework offering an early and brief assessment to measure three positions of the human-nature control continuum (humans control nature, humans in harmony with nature, nature not meant to be controlled). More importantly, this work extends implications for explaining cultural differences and how communities react to cultural differences, such as in crafting public policy.

Underhill, J. W. 2012. Humboldt, worldview, and language . Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh Univ. Press.

Underhill reviews early worldview conceptualizations from Wilhelm von Humboldt’s comparative linguistics organizing thought and worldview as cultural mindset, personal world, perspective, world-perceiving, and world-conceiving. Von Humboldt employed the word Weltanschauung (used by Kant and promoted by Hegel), referring to a system of thought or ideology illustrated as political, ideological, or religious worldviews). He further applied the term Weltbegriff to how speech and writing express shared worldview.

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[66.249.64.20|185.80.151.9]
185.80.151.9

Cultural and Social Justice Counseling pp 51–75 Cite as

Worldview: Implications for Culturally Responsive and Ethical Practice

Farah A. Ibrahim 4 &
Jianna R. Heuer 5

2652 Accesses

4 Citations

Part of the book series: International and Cultural Psychology ((ICUP))

Chapter 3 focuses on the concept of worldview, and the implications it has for counseling across cultures, ethnicities, genders, sexual orientations, religion/spirituality, etc. A method for assessing worldview, as identified by core values and assumptions is presented, i.e., Scale to Assess World View - II © (SAWV-II) along with research findings on the original SAWV and the revised version. The chapter identifies how the concept of worldview can help in establishing a positive therapeutic relationship, and the usefulness of the concept of worldview to facilitate counseling interventions. It highlights how clients with different worldviews identified by the SAWV - II can be facilitated using an existential counseling approach.

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Ibrahim, F.A., Heuer, J.R. (2016). Worldview: Implications for Culturally Responsive and Ethical Practice. In: Cultural and Social Justice Counseling. International and Cultural Psychology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-18057-1_3

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Cultural Identity Essay

27 August, 2020

12 minutes read

Author: Elizabeth Brown

No matter where you study, composing essays of any type and complexity is a critical component in any studying program. Most likely, you have already been assigned the task to write a cultural identity essay, which is an essay that has to do a lot with your personality and cultural background. In essence, writing a cultural identity essay is fundamental for providing the reader with an understanding of who you are and which outlook you have. This may include the topics of religion, traditions, ethnicity, race, and so on. So, what shall you do to compose a winning cultural identity essay?

Cultural Identity Paper: Definitions, Goals & Topics

Before starting off with a cultural identity essay, it is fundamental to uncover what is particular about this type of paper. First and foremost, it will be rather logical to begin with giving a general and straightforward definition of a cultural identity essay. In essence, cultural identity essay implies outlining the role of the culture in defining your outlook, shaping your personality, points of view regarding a multitude of matters, and forming your qualities and beliefs. Given a simpler definition, a cultural identity essay requires you to write about how culture has influenced your personality and yourself in general. So in this kind of essay you as a narrator need to give an understanding of who you are, which strengths you have, and what your solid life position is.

Yet, the goal of a cultural identity essay is not strictly limited to describing who you are and merely outlining your biography. Instead, this type of essay pursues specific objectives, achieving which is a perfect indicator of how high-quality your essay is. Initially, the primary goal implies outlining your cultural focus and why it makes you peculiar. For instance, if you are a french adolescent living in Canada, you may describe what is so special about it: traditions of the community, beliefs, opinions, approaches. Basically, you may talk about the principles of the society as well as its beliefs that made you become the person you are today.

So far, cultural identity is a rather broad topic, so you will likely have a multitude of fascinating ideas for your paper. For instance, some of the most attention-grabbing topics for a personal cultural identity essay are:

Memorable traditions of your community
A cultural event that has influenced your personality
Influential people in your community
Locations and places that tell a lot about your culture and identity

Cultural Identity Essay Structure

As you might have already guessed, composing an essay on cultural identity might turn out to be fascinating but somewhat challenging. Even though the spectrum of topics is rather broad, the question of how to create the most appropriate and appealing structure remains open.

Like any other kind of an academic essay, a cultural identity essay must compose of three parts: introduction, body, and concluding remarks. Let’s take a more detailed look at each of the components:

Introduction

Starting to write an essay is most likely one of the most time-consuming and mind-challenging procedures. Therefore, you can postpone writing your introduction and approach it right after you finish body paragraphs. Nevertheless, you should think of a suitable topic as well as come up with an explicit thesis. At the beginning of the introduction section, give some hints regarding the matter you are going to discuss. You have to mention your thesis statement after you have briefly guided the reader through the topic. You can also think of indicating some vital information about yourself, which is, of course, relevant to the topic you selected.

Your main body should reveal your ideas and arguments. Most likely, it will consist of 3-5 paragraphs that are more or less equal in size. What you have to keep in mind to compose a sound ‘my cultural identity essay’ is the argumentation. In particular, always remember to reveal an argument and back it up with evidence in each body paragraph. And, of course, try to stick to the topic and make sure that you answer the overall question that you stated in your topic. Besides, always keep your thesis statement in mind: make sure that none of its components is left without your attention and argumentation.

Conclusion

Finally, after you are all finished with body paragraphs and introduction, briefly summarize all the points in your final remarks section. Paraphrase what you have already revealed in the main body, and make sure you logically lead the reader to the overall argument. Indicate your cultural identity once again and draw a bottom line regarding how your culture has influenced your personality.

Best Tips For Writing Cultural Identity Essay

Writing a ‘cultural identity essay about myself’ might be somewhat challenging at first. However, you will no longer struggle if you take a couple of plain tips into consideration. Following the tips below will give you some sound and reasonable cultural identity essay ideas as well as make the writing process much more pleasant:

Start off by creating an outline. The reason why most students struggle with creating a cultural identity essay lies behind a weak structure. The best way to organize your ideas and let them flow logically is to come up with a helpful outline. Having a reference to build on is incredibly useful, and it allows your essay to look polished.
Remember to write about yourself. The task of a cultural identity essay implies not focusing on your culture per se, but to talk about how it shaped your personality. So, switch your focus to describing who you are and what your attitudes and positions are.
Think of the most fundamental cultural aspects. Needless to say, you first need to come up with a couple of ideas to be based upon in your paper. So, brainstorm all the possible ideas and try to decide which of them deserve the most attention. In essence, try to determine which of the aspects affected your personality the most.
Edit and proofread before submitting your paper. Of course, the content and the coherence of your essay’s structure play a crucial role. But the grammatical correctness matters a lot too. Even if you are a native speaker, you may still make accidental errors in the text. To avoid the situation when unintentional mistakes spoil the impression from your essay, always double check your cultural identity essay.

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Culture is a diverse and beautiful thing where people, systems, beliefs, traditions, language, food, politics, and education meld together. Working cross-culturally we see the strengths and weaknesses of culture, and we experience the joy of walking with people from different cultures who share a common worldview. Where culture is the melting pot of the ideas around us, worldview becomes the frame we use to make sense of it all and is ultimately more important.

Here at SOS, we are committed to the hard work of shaping and informing worldview. We talk about hard topics like trafficking, but not just from an academic or social standpoint. We want you to meet people whose lives and stories have been touched by the tragedy of trafficking. We want to share how our worldview is expanded through knowing them and how together, we can be part of bringing change. At its very core, our worldview is anchored in hope!

The distinction between culture and worldview is important because there is a cultural point of view on all the hard subjects we tackle. If we stop at culture and don’t take these topics deeper to worldview, we will be left with a shallow and incomplete understanding and ability to advocate for people.

An easy way to see this distinction is through our anti-trafficking efforts. If we allow culture to shape our worldview on trafficking, the cultural momentum for exploitation will crush us. From tutorials on how to be a sugar baby to the growing popularity of OnlyFans, we are watching our culture teach young people that there’s a fair market price for their body. An article was released recently that listed Pornhub as the third most socially influential tech company of the 21 st century. That means Pornhub is more influential to society and culture today than Apple or Amazon! Many pose the argument that people want to take back control because “if someone else is going to make money off me, I may as well make money off of me!” This cultural logic leads us down a road of bad policies that further exploit people. For us to win the cultural war against exploitation, we must be men and women with solid worldviews that will empower us to stand counter-culture on the things that matter.

When it comes to our worldview on trafficking, we firmly believe that each life matters and is significant. Each person affected by trafficking has great intrinsic worth and people should not be bought or sold. We stand in the truth that if it’s not okay for our daughters, sisters or friends, it’s not okay for anyone. We believe that any assistance that would further exploit survivors (whether that be through policies, politics or bad aid) is not okay, and we contend to do things with excellence that prioritizes the holistic care of the survivor first. We know so many lives restored, futures rebuilt and women once captive that are now walking in freedom. Where culture may tell us it’s okay or it should be legal, we set our worldview firmly in the truth that abuse is never okay.

As we live in a world shaped by social media and heavily politicized topics, we want to challenge you; next time you run across something that provokes you or something that you are passionate about, take a step back and look at it through the lens of culture and worldview. Let’s be men and women building healthy worldviews together!

“Forming your worldview by relying on the media would be like forming your view about me by looking only at a picture of my foot!” Hans Rosling.

Ready to dive into part 2 of this series? Check it out here!

Learn more about SOS and how we developed our worldview .

See the impact a healthy cultural worldview can make!

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PMC10370735

Worldviews and the role of social values that underlie them

Rebekah Mifsud

1 Department of Cognitive Science, University of Malta, Msida, Malta

Gordon Sammut

2 Centre for the Study and Practice of Conflict Resolution, University of Malta, Valletta, Malta

Associated Data

All relevant data are within the paper and its Supporting Information files.

In today’s ideologically diverse world, it is pertinent to have a better understanding of how our beliefs of the social world shape our thinking and behaviour. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the key social values that underlie particular sets of beliefs, referred to here as worldviews. Worldviews encompass beliefs that shape one’s outlook on life and are, therefore, instrumental in providing meaning to one’s reality and one’s understanding as to how one fits in it. They can be classified into five unique types, namely, Localised , Orthodox , Pragmatist , Reward , and Survivor . In this paper we start by proposing a theoretical relationship between this five-factor typology and social values. Following this, we present findings that show that worldviews may be mapped onto the two higher order value dimensions of Openness to Change versus Conservation , and Self-transcendence versus Self-Enhancement . We conclude by outlining the implications that these findings have on understanding individual cognition and society in general.

Introduction

Investigating beliefs naturally solicits the question of what purpose they serve. Beliefs exist at varying levels of generalizability and are shaped and reinforced by culture, experience, and theology [ 1 ]. For this reason, they serve multiple purposes drawing upon the need to form “enduring, unquestioned ontological representations of the world” [ 2 ]. When a set of related beliefs combine, they do so in terms of overlapping substantive content or shared functionality. Either way, when they do they form belief systems that, when coherently clustered, are recognisable as generalized worldviews or ideologies. The understanding of belief systems and how different beliefs bind together has been a relatively popular focus of social research [ 3 – 5 ]. From political ideologies to religious beliefs, various studies have suggested that belief systems need not just be contained within the individual but rather may also exist across individuals [ 6 ], facilitating ways of developing alliances with others, maintaining a shared reality, and extending the lifespan of the belief system beyond the believers themselves [ 1 , 3 ]. It follows, therefore, that belief systems have an important role in both personal identity and society, serving the psychological needs of the individual as well as the institutionalised power structures of society. More relevant to our study is the need to understand how elements of belief systems, such as values [ 1 ], play a role in shaping and informing our understanding of ourselves and the world around us, and in what manner they serve to guide our actions. The need to investigate this is evident when considering the highly divided world we live in. For instance, religious beliefs and political ideologies are known to exert a significant influence on social cohesion [ 7 ]. Accordingly, it is not unreasonable to hypothesise that worldviews too may play such a role. Investigating the values that underlie our worldviews is an essential step towards understanding the motives and perspectives of individuals that enable effective communication and collaboration amongst diverse actors.

In this paper, we start by defining worldviews and values and follow with foraging a theoretical linkage between the two. We then proceed by reporting the findings of a study of this theoretical overture before we conclude with a discussion of implications and suggestions for future study. We conclude by asserting that the study of worldviews offers a pathway towards the understanding of coalitional and oppositional projects undertaken by social groups in everyday life.

Beliefs and belief systems share several essential properties and features, namely: they vary in generalizability and strength; they may arise and be reinforced by experience, culture, society, philosophy, and theology; they are instrumental in helping us provide meaning of the world, ourselves and our place in society; and they also share a strong relationship with behaviour [ 1 ]. It is reasonable, therefore, to propose that we are wired for storing beliefs and using them to navigate the world around us. Buhagiar and Sammut [ 8 ] explain how beliefs serve an extended dual purpose of describing elements in our environment for the purpose of guiding action. Similar sentiments have been subsequently proposed by Power et al. [ 9 ] with regards to world-making. This involves worldviews, that is, a particular set of generalized beliefs that we use to describe ourselves and the world around us. Worldviews encompass beliefs that shape our outlook on life and they are pertinent in providing meaning to our reality and our understanding of how we fit within it [ 10 ]. In an extensive review of the literature on worldviews, Koltko-Rivera [ 10 ] has pointed out that the construct of worldviews has oftentimes been defined and named in a multitude of ways, from cultural and value orientations aimed at conceptualizing worldviews at a social level [ 11 – 13 ], to philosophical outlooks aimed at conceptualizing worldviews at an individual level [ 14 ]. More than a decade later, this scenario on worldviews remains largely the same, lacking a unified understanding of the concept. We attempt to remedy this pitfall in the present paper. Similar to Koltko-Rivera [ 10 ], we define worldviews as representations of the structure of how and what people think. We propose that their function lies in how they operate to enable subjects to adapt their responses to present ecological demands [ 15 , 16 ]. As outlined by Sammut et al. [ 16 ], a number of theoretical constructs fall in line with this definition of worldviews that have employed different terms. Sammut et al. (2022) identify four theories that propose remarkably identical five-factor typologies, namely: (i) symbolic universes [ 17 ], (ii) social axioms [ 18 ], (iii) moral foundations [ 19 ], and (iv) deep stories [ 20 ]. It is worth noting that these typologies possess various similar features. Firstly, they do not solely focus on individual disposition but situate individual dispositions within the wider social sphere, tapping into psychological constructs that shape the way individuals interpret their social world. Secondly, they all serve the practical purpose of enabling individuals to adapt suitably to different situational demands. For instance, the symbolic universe, Interpersonal Bond ; the moral foundation, Loyalty/Betrayal ; and the deep story profile, Team Player , emphasize pro-social behaviour. Conversely, the symbolic universe, Others’ World ; the social axiom, Social Cynicism ; the moral foundation, Authority/Respect ; and the deep story profile, Cowboy , emphasize selfish behaviour. With consideration to these commonalities, Sammut et al. [ 16 ] proposed the notion of worldviews, offering a novel five-factor typology aimed at unifying the above-mentioned concepts. The five worldview types include the (i) Localised , (ii) Orthodox , (iii) Pragmatist , (iv) Reward , and (v) Survivor worldviews [ 16 ]. As summarised in Table 1 , each worldview captures a symbolic universe, social axiom, moral foundation, and a deep story profile. The Localised worldview involves the desire to fix problems or address social issues. The Orthodox worldview seeks to preserve the status quo. The Pragmatist worldview is protective and revolves around self-interest. The Reward worldview centres around determination to work hard to obtain a desired goal. Lastly, the Survivor worldview involves fatalism, distrust in others and the need to overcome adversity [ 16 ]. It is worth noting that what differentiates these worldviews from the other similar five-factor typologies is the way in which they are measured, namely through vignettes. Vignettes are better suited for identifying worldviews because they provide a rich holistic formulation that may otherwise not be captured through the sum of a sequence of Likert scales. Specifically, the worldview vignettes offer a flexible approach in which, given a narrative, respondents are allowed to formulate and consider a generalized situational outlook when interpreting them [ 21 ]. For instance, when interpreting a Survivor worldview, a respondent in India might be despairing about food whilst a respondent in the USA might be despairing about mortgages. Ultimately, despite the differences in personal experiences that respondents draw upon, the psychological experience remains similar. Therefore, worldviews can be thought to be the phenomenological filter for engaging the cognitive miser, acting as a lens through which individuals interpret their own personal experiences.

Social values

Belief systems and values are linked to each other because the former allows the manifestation of the latter [ 1 , 22 ]. One could argue that the distinction resembles that between genotype and phenotype in evolution. Values are formulated on the basis of what an individual or social group deems to be important, desirable or favourable, playing a key role in bridging the gap between individual and society [ 13 , 23 ]. One of the most established theories of values is the one outlined by Schwartz [ 13 ]. In his theory Schwartz [ 13 ] defines values as individually held subjective beliefs that (a) are strongly associated with feelings (b) refer to desirable goals that motivate action (c) are ordered in level of relative importance, and (d) set a standard on which judgements and decisions are made. Furthermore, values are also defined as universal because they are thought to satisfy three universal requirements of human existence, namely, the needs of individuals as human beings, of harmonious social interaction, and of survival and welfare of social groups [ 23 ]. Schwartz’s theory of values organizes them in the form of a circumplex consisting of 10 broad value types, namely: (1) self-direction (independent thought and action), (2) stimulation (excitement towards life), (3) hedonism (gratification for oneself), (4) achievement (personal success), (5) power (authority and status), (6) security (safety and stability), (7) conformity (following social norms), (8) tradition (respecting customs), (9) benevolence (well-meaning towards others), and (10) universalism (respecting of all people and nature) [ 13 , 23 ]. Empirical evidence for this model emerged from smallest space analysis that examined the spatial relationships amongst the values [ 13 ]. Notably, Schwartz et al. [ 24 ] have recently developed a more detailed value circumplex consisting of 19 different value types that can, however, be collapsed into the original 10. Additional analysis of the original 10 value circumplex revealed a two-dimensional structure [ 13 , 23 ]. On the one hand, Conservation versus Openness to Change reflects the tension between values relating to preservation or change of the status quo [ 13 ]. On the other hand, Self-Enhancement versus Self-Transcendence reflects the tension between values relating to personal or other-related interests and successes [ 13 ]. Schwartz’s theory has been validated across a wide range of countries and cultures, and the measures of these values (i.e., the Schwartz Values Survey [SVS]), has demonstrated strong psychometric properties [ 24 – 26 ]. In addition, meaningful relationships have been reported between values and beliefs [ 13 , 14 ].

The hypothesized relationship between worldviews and values

Worldviews and values may be thought of as comprising a hierarchical structure with values being the more abstract and worldviews being the less abstract [ 27 ]. Earlier it was noted that values are universal and applicable regardless of context [ 23 ]. Particularly, since values transcend specific situations and contexts, they offer an opportunity to understand the motivational constituents that make up one’s avowed worldview. The values that we refer to in our study are the higher order values identified by Schwartz [ 13 , 23 ]. Though Schwartz’s value theory and the concept of worldviews are distinct frameworks having different foci and applications, we believe there is a degree of correspondence between the two. Particularly, the two higher order values outlined seemingly correspond with Triandis’ dissection of individualism-collectivism dimensions, which have been linked to cultural worldviews [ 28 , 29 ]. Due to this, Schwartz’s higher order value dimensions, that are more individual-oriented, offer an opportunity to link values to our conceptualisation of worldviews. Indeed, with reference to Schwartz’s value theory, empirical evidence has provided support for a meaningful relationship between individually-held beliefs and generalized values [ 30 , 31 ]. For instance, Feldman [ 30 ] reported that despite evidence that values and moral foundations are unique and separate constructs, findings still indicate a telling relationship between the two. In one contrast, the Harm/Care and Fairness/Reciprocity foundations were associated with higher benevolence and universalism values when collapsed under the higher order value of self-transcendence. In the other contrast, the Loyalty/Betrayal , Authority/Respect , and Purity/Sanctity foundations were associated with higher tradition, conformity, and security values when collapsed under the higher order value of conservation [ 30 ]. These findings corroborate an earlier meta-analysis examining the value-attitude relationship based on moral foundation theory [ 32 ], where self-transcendence values were found to be related to the Fairness foundation/pro-environmental attitudes and the Care foundation/pro-social attitudes [ 33 ]. Conversely, conservation values were found to be related to the Purity foundation/religious attitudes and the Authority foundation/political attitudes [ 33 ]. With reference to research on social axioms and values, Social Complexity has been reported to positively correlate with self-direction and benevolence values, Reward for Application has positively correlated with conformity values, and Fate Control and Religiosity have positively correlated with tradition values [ 31 ]. Though such studies do not directly tap into the construct of worldviews being investigated here, they are meaningful in their implications on the construct (see Table 1 ). For this reason, such findings offer a strong basis for predicting a relationship between worldviews and values (see Table 2 for summary of predictions).

The Localised worldview is associated with a generally positive outlook of people and the world, with a strong willingness to contribute towards the wellness of others. Furthermore, it is also associated with flexible and open views. As outlined in Table 1 , this worldview is conceptually linked to the Social Complexity social axiom, amongst others. Social Complexity has been positively linked to values of self-transcendence [ 31 ]. Furthermore, prosocial behaviour, the central underlying characteristic of the Localised worldview, has also been linked to values of self-transcendence. In light of these findings, it is reasonable to expect that the Localised worldview will correlate positively with values of self-transcendence. Findings relating these beliefs to the values of openness to change, or conservation, are not entirely in synch. Specifically, the Loyalty/Betrayal foundation has been linked to values of conservation, however, the Social Complexity social axiom has not been linked to either of the values of conservation or openness to change. These noncomplementary findings may be attributed to slight variation in each belief’s underlying notions, or perhaps even to differing methodological approaches. Nevertheless, considering that the Localised worldview is conceptually linked to open mindedness, it is expected to positively correlate with values of openness to change. These expected linkages emphasize the significance of other-related interests and the resistance of maintaining a status quo for the Localised worldview.

The Orthodox worldview is associated with a generally positive outlook of people and the world, however, without the desire to change the status quo. For this reason, this worldview is characterised by rather rigid and convergent thinking, ready to accept the current state of matters with little challenge. Indeed, in a study on views towards recreational cannabis use, Sammut et al. [ 16 ] reported that the Orthodox worldview stood out from the other worldviews in predicting opposition towards recreational cannabis use. The Orthodox worldview is conceptually linked to the Purity/Sanctity foundation and the Religiosity social axiom, both of which were correlated with values of conservation [ 30 , 31 , 33 ]. Furthermore, Religiosity was also found to be positively linked to values of self-transcendence [ 31 ]. With consideration to these findings, it is expected that the Orthodox worldview correlates positively with values of self-transcendence and conservation.

The Pragmatist worldview is associated with distrust in social institutions and a relatively negative outlook of people and the word. Despite this, individuals who endorse the Pragmatist worldview also believe that one can easily navigate such a world if one is willing to adapt and bend the rules. This worldview is conceptually linked to the Fairness/Reciprocity foundation and Fate Control social axiom, amongst others. It is worth noting that findings on the two belief systems are different, namely, the Fairness/Reciprocity foundation positively correlates with values of self-transcendence whereas Fate Control does not [ 30 , 31 , 33 ]. Another conceptual link to this worldview includes the Niche of Belongingness symbolic universe. Salvatore et al. [ 17 ] claim that this symbolic universe, along with Interpersonal Bond , may be seen as a source of bonding social capital (i.e., prioritizing in-group identity and cohesion). For this reason, it will be expected that, like Fate Control but unlike the Fairness/Reciprocity foundation, this worldview will correlate negatively with values of self-transcendence (and so positively with values of self-enhancement). Additionally, due to the element of distrust in those with power, it is expected that the Pragmatist worldview will correlate positively with values of openness to change. In an early study investigating the relationship between values and trust in institution, Devos et al. [ 34 ] reported that levels of trust correlated positively with values that emphasize security, preservation, and tradition, that is, those values subsumed under the higher order value of conservation. The authors also reported that levels of trust correlated negatively with values that emphasize change and independent action, that is, those values subsumed under the higher order value of openness to change. These findings were later corroborated by Morselli et al. [ 35 ] through a multilevel assessment carried out on cross-cultural datasets.

The Reward worldview is largely associated with hard work and a strong drive for achievement. Importantly, it is also characterised by obedience and respect of social norms. For this reason, an individual endorsing this worldview believes that life’s consequences are generally always fair and deserved, especially if one is unable to exercise restraint over their actions that violate the status quo. The Reward worldview is conceptually linked to the Harm/Care foundation and the Reward for Application social axiom, amongst others. Findings linking the two beliefs to values have shown a positive link between the Harm/Care foundation and values of self-transcendence [ 30 , 33 ], and between the Reward for Application social axiom and values of conservation [ 31 ]. As outlined earlier, the Harm/Care foundation represents the notion of looking after others. Although this aspect is shared with the Reward worldview, it is worth noting that possibly, for the Reward worldview, caring for others may arise as a by-product of the desire to be in a higher position (i.e., a parental/authority figure). Therefore, it is possible that the Harm/Care foundation is rooted in more egalitarian intentions in contrast to the Reward worldview. Due to this conceptual difference, it is expected that unlike the Harm/Care foundation, the Reward worldview positively correlates with values of self-enhancement. Furthermore, due to characteristics relating desire for authority and control to prevent harm, and in line with the findings on the Reward for Application social axiom, the Reward worldview is expected to correlate positively with values of conservation.

Lastly, the Survivor worldview is associated with a fatalistic and cynical view of people and the world. This negative view is also accompanied by significant distrust in society and its institutions. The Survivor worldview is conceptually linked to the Authority/Respect foundation which was found to correlate positively with values relating to conservation [ 30 ]. In addition, it is conceptually linked to the Social Cynicism social axiom which has correlated positively with the value of power but not with other values collapsed under the higher order values of self-transcendence and self-enhancement [ 31 ]. For this reason, it is not theoretically evident how the Survivor worldview correlates with the self-transcendence/self-enhancement value tension. Nevertheless, considering the findings within the domain of moral foundations [ 30 ] and findings linking fatalism to the values of conservation [ 36 ], it can be reasonably expected that the Survivor worldview correlates positively with conservation values.

This study formed part of a larger exercise investigating the cognitive and behavioural correlates of different beliefs, and their influence on self-regulatory processes. For the present purposes, only methods, data analyses, and results pertaining to the component investigating the correlations between worldviews and values will be reported.

Participants and procedure

Participants were recruited through Prolific Academic (ProA). ProA has been reported to produce superior data quality for behavioural research when compared to other online recruitment platforms such as Amazon’s Mechanical Turk (MTurk) [ 37 ]. Since the study was a multi-part study, entailing participation in two different sessions, participants were pre-screened in ProA using the criteria of having already taken part in a minimum of five other studies and possessing an approval rate of 100%. These criteria were selected to ensure that participants had prior experience with using ProA and taking part in online studies.

Participants were provided with an online information letter and consent form outlining the details of the study. Following consent of participation by clicking the “continue to experiment” button, the first session commenced. This session contained the worldviews scale and vignettes, amongst other measures. Once the first session was completed and after a few hours had elapsed, the second session was made available to the same participants. This session contained the PVQ-RR, amongst other sessions. Each session lasted around 20 minutes and participants were rewarded a total of £7.00. This study received self-assessed ethical clearance following the University of Malta’s research code of ethics and ethical clearance procedures.

An initial total of 290 participants were recruited, 33 of which failed the attention checks put in place to ensure good quality of the data, and 6 participants failed to participate in the second session, resulting in 251 participants. Out of the 251 participants ( M age = 25.12, SD age = 3.20), 156 identified as female and 95 identified as male. All participants resided in one of the OECD countries as per ProA’s sign-up criterion. Most participants resided in Europe (66.9%), followed by Africa (17.9%), America and Canada (8.4%), and lastly Australia (6.0%).

A list of 5 vignettes were used, each characterising one of the worldviews (see Table 3 ). The vignettes were created and eventually refined through a preliminary study in which a correlation analysis was carried between items used in the measures of symbolic universes [ 17 ], social axioms [ 18 ], moral foundations [ 19 ], and the initial conceptualisation of the worldview vignettes. For each of these vignettes, participants were asked to rate the extent to which they believed that each vignette applied to themselves using a Likert scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (completely). In addition, participants were also required to select a single vignette that best approximated their own views. This measure of worldviews has reliably been used in a different study that investigated the role of worldviews in predicting support for recreational cannabis use [ 16 ].

The Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ-RR) is an alternative to The Schwartz Value Survey (SVS) that is more suitable for online administration. It comprises 57 short verbal portraits that describe a person’s goals and aspirations, implicitly tapping into a particular value. There are 3 verbal portraits for each of the 19 values. Typically, all portraits are gender-matched with the respondent, however, for the present study, gender neutral pronouns (they/their) were used to facilitate the online administration of the questionnaire. Participants were asked to complete the PVQ-RR by indicating the extent to which they believe they are like the person being described in each of its portraits, using a 5-point Likert scale. A 5-point Likert scale was adopted to match it with other scales being used in the questionnaire. PVQ-RR allowed for the measure of the 10 personal values, originally identified by Schwartz [ 13 ], the refined 19 values [ 24 ], and 4 higher order values [ 24 ]. The questionnaire demonstrates good psychometric properties for measuring personal values in non-clinical groups [ 24 ]. Particularly, the mean Cronbach’s alpha reliabilities for the 4 higher values in the present sample were: .88 self-transcendence, .79 self-enhancement, .84 openness to change, and .80 conservation.

Data analyses

The 19 values, outlined by Schwartz [ 23 ], were calculated by taking the average rating across the 3 verbal portraits that are related to the particular value [ 32 ]. Following this, the 4 higher order values were calculated as follows: self-transcendence was calculated by computing the mean score of the values of universalism and benevolence; self-enhancement was calculated by computing the mean scores of the values of achievement and power; openness to change was calculated by computing the mean score of the values of self-direction and hedonism; and conservation was calculated by computing the mean score of the value of security, tradition, and conformity [ 38 ]. As per the PVQ-RR scoring and analysis instructions recommended by Schwartz [ 38 ], centred value scores were calculated to correct for scale use bias. This was especially recommended since the primary modes of analyses for this study was correlation analyses and linear regression. Scores were centred for all values by calculating the mean rating across all items (MRAT) and subtracting this from each of the value scores [ 38 ].

To examine differences between worldviews, dummy variables for each worldview were created. Separate dummy regression analysis were then carried out including all the dummy worldviews, with the Localised worldview as the reference category and each individual higher order value as the dependent variable. To control for known sex differences and cultural differences in value orientation [ 39 , 40 ], all analyses entailed a two-block hierarchical model. With reference to cultural differences, since participants resided in a disproportionate variety of countries, these were grouped together in terms of continent. In the [ 39 , 40 ]two-block hierarchical model, gender (male, female) and continent (Africa, America, Australia, Europe) were included in the first block and the dummy coded worldviews were included in the second block. No issues of collinearity were detected in any of the analyses.

When asked to select the single worldview that best approximated their own, the majority chose the Localised worldview (45.4%), followed by Pragmatist (24.7%), Reward (13.1%), Orthodox (8.8%), and lastly, Survivor (8.0%). When asked to rate the extent of their agreement with each individual worldview, the Localised worldview received the highest rating ( M = 4.08, SD = .79) whereas the Survivor worldview received the lowest rating ( M = 2.60, SD = 1.17). With reference to value orientations, self-transcendence tended to be scored highest by those preferring the Localised worldview ( M = .54, SD = .38) and lowest by those preferring the Reward worldview. ( M = .27, SD = .31). Furthermore, self-enhancement tended to be scored the highest by those preferring the Reward worldview ( M = -.36, SD = .38) and lowest by those preferring the Orthodox worldview ( M = -.76, SD = .54). As for openness to change, it tended to be scored the highest by those preferring the Pragmatist worldview ( M = .37, SD = .32) and lowest by those preferring the Survivor worldview ( M = .15, SD = .46). Finally, conservation tended to be scored the highest by those preferring the Survivor worldview ( M = -.12, SD = .36) and lowest by those preferring the Localised worldview ( M = 3.27, SD = .54). These findings are illustrated in Fig 1A and 1B .

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is pone.0288451.g001.jpg

A. Mean (centred) score for self-transcendence and self-enhancement grouped by worldview. B. Mean (centred) score for openness to change and conservation grouped by worldview.

Correlations between worldviews and values

An overview of the correlations between the ratings for each individual worldview and the scores for each of the four higher-order values is outlined in Table 4 . The Localised worldview correlated positively with self-transcendence, r = .17, p = .009, and negatively with self-enhancement, r = -.17, p = .008. In contrast, the Reward and Survivor worldviews correlated negatively with self-transcendence, r = -.19, p = .003 and self-enhancement, r = -.21, p < .001 respectively. The Reward worldview also correlated negatively with openness to change, r = -.15, p = .018, and positively with conservation, r = 18, p = .004. Similarly, the Orthodox worldview correlated negatively with openness to change, r = -.15, p = .019, and positively with conservation, r = 19 p = .003. Lastly, the Pragmatist worldview was the only worldview to correlate negatively with conservation r = -.13, p = .040.

a Centred value scores

* p < .05.

** p < .01

Regression analyses

To investigate the influence of worldviews on higher order values (see Fig 1A and 1B ), a series of hierarchical regression models, with each of the four higher order values as the dependent variable, was carried out. As noted earlier, the first block of the model analysed the influence of the demographic variables (gender, continent) whereas the second block analysed the influence of worldviews.

The model predicting self-transcendence was significant, R 2 = .186, F (9, 241) = 3.719, p < .001. In this model, the worldviews alone contributed to 11.5% of the variance. Relative to the Localised worldview, all but the Orthodox worldview resulted in lower self-transcendence: the Reward , β = -.261, t (241) = -4.037, p < .001, Survivor , β = -.181, t (241) = -2.191, p = .029, and Pragmatist worldview, β = -.263, t (241) = -5.072, p < .001, predicted lower self-transcendence scores.

The model predicting self-enhancement was significant, R 2 = .96, F (9, 241) = 2.844, p < .01. In this model, the worldviews alone contributed to 6.7% of the variance. Relative to the Localised worldview, the Reward , β = .302, t (241) = 2.834, p = .005, and Pragmatist worldview, β = .283, t (241) = 3.304, p < .001, predicted higher self-enhancement scores.

The model predicting openness to change was significant, R 2 = .112, F (9, 241) = 3.372, p < .001. In this model, the worldviews alone contributed to 4.6% of the variance. Relative to the Localised worldview, the Reward , β = -.167, t (241) = -2.272, p = .024, and Survivor worldview, β = -.228, t (241) = -2.418, p = .016, predicted lower openness to change scores.

Lastly, the model predicting conservation was also significant, R 2 = .131, F (9, 241) = 4.030, p < .001. In this model, the worldviews alone contributed to 4.3% of the variance. Relative to the Localised worldview, the Reward , β = .160, t (241) = 2.310, p = .022, Survivor worldview, β = .201, t (241) = 2.258, p = .025, and Orthodox worldview β = .191, t (241) = 2.326, p = .021, predicted higher conservation scores.

The present paper examined the relationship between worldviews and values. Correlational analysis and a series of hierarchical linear regressions were carried out to assess this relationship as well as the influence that worldviews exert on specific higher order values. The findings show that, even though some belief systems, referred to herein as worldviews, are evidently different from each other, there are nevertheless unique points of convergence that may notably be attributed to underlying values. Moreover, when compared to the results of the regression analyses, the weaker results from the correlation analyses lend further support to the notion that, in quantitative research, the worldviews construct is best suited for explaining a proportion of variance that may otherwise remain unaccounted for by the predictor variables [ 10 ].

The Localised and Orthodox worldviews both agree on the value of self-transcendence but disagree on the value of conservation. Therefore, an individual who endorses either of these two worldviews is likely to be someone who subscribes to an egalitarian view of the world motivated to go beyond selfish desires to help and connect with others. However, what differentiates these two worldviews is the extent to which one is willing to act autonomously and freely. Those who endorse a Localised worldview are open to independence and are unrestricted by the need to abide by social order, whereas those who endorse an Orthodox worldview are more self-restricting and more comfortable acting within the confines of tradition and society. Though not empirically investigated, this difference between the two might be attributed to the sense of religiosity or belief in higher supremacy that characterises the Orthodox worldview. Earlier, the Orthodox worldview was proposed to be conceptually linked to the Ordered Universe symbolic universe, the Religiosity social axiom, the Purity/Sanctity moral foundation, and the Worshipper deep story profile. Notably, these have all been described as involving an underlying religious notion [ 17 – 20 ]. It could, therefore, be the case that the Orthodox worldview is linked to conservatism due to the tendency to adhere to religious teachings and the security that comes with that, undermining an element of agency and self-direction.

Like the Orthodox worldview, the Reward and Survivor worldviews also value conservation. The Reward worldview has been conceptually linked to the caring society symbolic universe, the Reward for Application social axioms, the Harm/Care moral foundation, and the Cosmopolitan deep story profile. A common feature underlying these beliefs is the importance of forming coalitions, developing trust, and living peacefully with others [ 17 – 20 ]. A reason for the link between the Reward worldview and conservation may arise out of the desire of maintaining peace within one’s group. For this worldview, it is possible that such peace is thought to be best achieved by exercising control and establishing and adhering to group norms. On a different note, the Survivor worldview, that has been conceptually linked to fatalistic and cynical beliefs, may be linked to conservation because of a sense of powerlessness. That is, even though one is distrustful of society, one would rather let matters remain as they are rather than risk having to adapt to something new. Put simply, for the Survivor worldview, “it is better the devil you know than the angel you do not know”. Unlike the Orthodox worldview, the Reward and Survivor worldviews do not value self-transcendence. Rather, the Reward worldview, in particular, has been linked to self-enhancement. Self-enhancement represents personal focus and self-protection. However, for the Reward worldview, the positive link with self-enhancement is not necessarily solely highlighting self-serving motives but could, more fittingly, be highlighting the importance of ingroup unity over outgroup helping. Therefore, for this worldview, ingroup favouritism may also explain a positive link with self-enhancement. The Survivor worldview is associated with cynicism. Early studies found empirical evidence linking cynicism with lower self-esteem and lower levels of interpersonal trust [ 41 ]. Such negative portrayals of the self and others may be a possible cause that explains why the Survivor worldview devalues self-transcendence and is not particularly linked to self-enhancement.

Similar to the Reward worldview, the Pragmatist worldview also has a negative relationship with self-transcendence and a positive relationship with self-enhancement. The Pragmatist worldview was earlier conceptually linked to Niche of Belongingness symbolic universe, the Fate Control social axioms, the Fairness/Reciprocity moral foundation, and the Rebel with a cause deep story profile. An underlying theme of these beliefs is a preference for individual autonomy coupled with reciprocal favouritism [ 17 – 20 ]. Essentially, the Pragmatist worldview utilises the “tit-for-tat” strategy to navigate the world. This strategy, which is synonymous with reciprocal altruism [ 42 ], is based on the principle that one reciprocates the other’s actions, collaborating only with individuals who are willing to return the favour [ 43 ]. The “tit-for-tat” strategy is an essential survival mechanism because it helps to protect self-interest whilst living peacefully with others [ 43 ]. It could be the case that the Pragmatist worldview is linked with self-enhancement because their actions are primarily driven by selfish intentions despite seeming to be altruistic in nature. The Pragmatist worldview potentially presents itself as a good example of how, ultimately, reciprocal altruism is rooted in a self-serving agenda [ 44 ].

The conceptual link between the Pragmatist worldview and openness to change differentiates it from the Reward worldview. A reason for this could be that individuals who endorse the Reward worldview find security in their social group whereas those with a Pragmatist worldview do not. Earlier, the Pragmatist worldview was related to a negative view of people and society, making them less likely to depend on others. This in turn makes individuals who endorse this worldview more likely to think and act independently, offering an explanation as to why one would be less willing to act within societal constraints.

Conclusion and future directions

The objective of this inquiry constitutes a starting point for understanding how worldviews may play a role in the formation of coalitions for action [ 8 ]. Specifically, the empirical relationship between worldviews and values facilitates the understanding of how individuals may come together and agree to support a cause or a course of action despite clear and widespread intra-group differences. In the pursuit of any cause, some stand to agree for one reason whereas others may agree with the cause or ends pursued for quite different reasons. We propose, therefore, that such agreement involves the coalition of worldviews. In other words, a worldview can ally with another worldview in the pursuit of conservative projects. This would be the case, for instance, in an alliance forged between those holding a Reward worldview and others holding an Orthodox worldview. That coalition, however, may well crumble should self-enhancing versus self-transcendent projects rise to the fore, at which point, the Reward worldview will find an ally in Pragmatist worldviews whilst the Orthodox emerge as a common opponent. This simple example illustrates the potential of understanding worldviews in explaining shifting coalitional dynamics in contemporary political landscapes.

A second domain of inquiry that requires empirical effort concerns the endorsement of worldviews and their cognitive correlates. A key question that arises in this theoretical formulation is whether worldviews are marked by individual differences in cognition that result out of inherent dispositions that incline some individuals towards a worldview more strongly than others, or whether, as Sammut [ 15 ] proposed, the worldview repertoire is accessible to all individuals with its utility exclusively contingent on situational circumstances. Sammut [ 15 ] proposes that individuals are able to change worldviews to ensure adaptation should their life conditions change. In this way, an individual pursuing a Reward worldview may, following a series of unfortunate events, emerge with a Survivor worldview that enables that individual to face adversity with grit even though there may be little to no personal gain. In essence, human subjects equipped with more or less similar cognitive power or prowess, as it were, should not be inclined one way or another relative to any particular worldview. Such inclinations should accrue solely as a consequence of life circumstances. Empirical study is required to determine whether this is indeed the case or whether, by contrast, the endorsement of worldviews is underlined by individual differences in cognition that incline people in determined directions.

A third domain of inquiry concerns the influence of educational attainment on one’s worldview. A higher level of education is known to act as a catalyst for expanding knowledge, engaging in critical thinking [ 45 ], increasing tolerance towards diverse others [ 46 ], and facilitating political and civic engagement [ 47 ]. Owing to this, for instance, one might expect that a higher level of education may predispose individuals towards a Localised worldview. Individuals with a higher level of education may be more motivated to address social issues due to the fact that they are exposed to diverse perspectives and are aware of the range of social issues that may accompany them. It would be worth exploring whether this is the case and, if so, to what extent does education play a role in worldviews when compared to other factors such as socioeconomic background.

A final domain of inquiry that emerges from the above concerns is how malleable the endorsement of worldviews might be over time. Developmentally, some people face certain circumstances at birth that may be markedly different from those faced by different others, predisposing them to a particular worldview over another. Consequently, one wonders whether worldviews change in the face of changing life circumstances and what processes govern such adaptation. For instance, one could determine whether adverse life events like divorce or job loss could nudge individuals towards a Survivor worldview. Developmental/longitudinal research is required to potentially inform the helping professions and their ability to prescribe psychological remedies in the form of changing outlooks in line with more adaptive worldviews considering the individual’s own circumstances. In this light, it will be worth looking at the role played by certain demographics in the endorsement of worldviews and the extent to which this endorsement may be a function of grand ecological circumstances that mark generational eras. For instance, the study of worldviews stands to be informative in understanding differences between pre- to post-Covid mentalities that may go on to mark the perceptions and expectations of generations to come.

Supporting information

Funding statement.

The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.

Data Availability

PLoS One. 2023; 18(7): e0288451.

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13 Jun 2023

PONE-D-23-05362Worldviews and the role of social values that underlie themPLOS ONE

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Reviewer #1: This was a very interesting paper that contributes to the theorisation and empirical study of socio-cognitive mechanisms of worldviews/values. It was wonderful to see that you try to advance a more situational understanding of the concept, which is lacking in the field. I have some minor comments that I hope can be helpful to improver your wonderful work.

1. Even though you clarify the similarities between worldviews and the other concepts are, it is not very clear what are the differences between them and how the idea of the worldview is a better choice. Is it possible to explain a bit more?

2. You are highlighting the importance of situational demands in the conceptualisation and operationalisation of worldviews. Yet it is not entirely clear how this is reflected in the operationalisation of the construct i.e. in the vignettes. For example, who are these ‘others’ in the scenarios, who constitutes an in-group/out-group can vary across situations and topics/projects of interest. You introduce this idea towards the conclusion but it is important to clarify what situational aspects (if any) the vignettes are taking into account. Another point is that you are drawing on Schwartz’s values which are quite abstract and do not take into account the importance of situations and contexts. Can you please explain address this?

3. Can you please explain a bit more why you chose for your study Schwartz’s values as opposed to the other constructs you review in your introduction?

4. In the sampling section, can you please provide some more information about the educational background of the participants? Did you also control for that in your analyses? If not, it's ok. Can you just please explain why.

5. In the results section, some of the correlations are quite weak. Can you please comment on that and what implications this has for your theorisations and findings?

6. In the results section, why did you choose to perform the analyses with the higher order values eg self-transcendence and not the individual ones e.g. benevolence, universalism ? There has been some evidence that goes against Schwartz’s value relationships. Can you explain your rationale?

7. In terms of further research and reflections, the vignettes seem to capture rather secular and anthropocentric worldviews. What about relationships to more than human worlds eg nature, spirits, but also orientations to time (role of temporality- how we understand history links to our worldviews maybe Lola Olufemi could be an inspiration?). Another question is: Does a worldview include what is or also what could be different? Perhaps it would be interesting to engage with questions about speculation and world-making e.g. Power, S. A., Zittoun, T., Akkerman, S., Wagoner, B., Cabra, M., Cornish, F., Hawlina, H., Heasman, B., Mahendran, K., Psaltis, C., Rajala, A., Veale, A., & Gillespie, A. (2023). Social Psychology of and for World-Making. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683221145756

8. In your conclusion, you argue about the role of situations and you bring the example of poor versus rich people. You argue ‘poverty may predispose individuals towards a Survivor worldview whilst riches might predispose others towards a Reward worldview’ Actually this is an erroneous belief. There is a lot of evidence to the contrary. You can refer to literature on development eg Robert Chambers, Arturo Escobar

Congratulations on a super interesting paper and for making a case for the importance of situations in the study of worldviews.

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27 Jun 2023

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Decision Letter 1

28 Jun 2023

PONE-D-23-05362R1

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Personal Culture and Worldview: [Essay Example], 646 words
Definition of Personal Culture and Worldview. Personal culture refers to the collection of beliefs, values, and practices that an individual acquires through socialization. It encompasses traditions, customs, language, religion, and everyday behaviors that are passed down from generation to generation. On the other hand, worldview represents ...
Cultural and Worldview Frames
Cultural and Worldview Frames. By. Michelle LeBaron. Originally published August 2003. "Current Implications" added in July, 2017. Current Implications. This article is full of current implications that relate to many conflicts around the world in which different cultures are clashing. In it, Michelle describes how conflicts are about much more ...
Culture and Worldviews
Culture and Worldviews Culture is a way of life. It can be defined as a group of people linked by geographical location, ethnicity, gender or age. Culture can be reflected through language, clothing, food, behavior, spirituality and traditions. The behavioral patterns developed through culture are difficult to change.
(PDF) Worldview: Implications for Culturally Responsive and Ethical
Chapter 3. W orldview: Implications for Culturally. Responsive and Ethical Practice. This chapter focuses on the concept of worldview, the current research and available. information on worldview ...
Personal Culture and Worldview
Culture is an integral part of personal identity and social order. It consists of values, beliefs, and regular activities that make up the lives of people all around the world. Numerous cultures are influencing the world today. Understanding cultural diversity provides a broader look at the surrounding environment and its various issues.
2 Cultural Worldview and Cognition
Abstract. Worldviews are products of the socialization process and passed from generation to generation. While we know that cultural worldviews encourage certain ways of thinking and behaving, relatively little research has been done to understand the impact of cultural worldviews on consumer behavior. This chapter briefly discusses the process ...
Essay On Cultural Worldview
Essay On Cultural Worldview. 1111 Words5 Pages. Generally, our culture appears invisible to us. Our thoughts and behaviors occur natural to us, because we don't know otherwise. Occasionally, we do not appreciate the impact of our own culture have in our mind, until we see it in contrast to other cultures. Cultural norms seem to be natural and ...
Worldview in Intercultural Communication
General Overviews. Worldview in intercultural communication has early roots in linguistics, such as from Wilhelm von Humboldt's 19th-century underpinnings, as thoroughly reviewed in Underhill 2012. Lucy 1997 articulates additional developments in early language and culture research and theory, captured in the well-known Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. . Anthropologists noting worldview were highly ...
Worldview: Implications for Culturally Responsive and ...
Grieger and Ponterotto note that worldview is one of the most popular constructs in the multicultural counseling literature.Understanding core values and beliefs in the counseling process reduces the chance of oppressing the client by imposing therapist values and assumptions, which is considered cultural malpractice (Dana, 1998).Ibrahim and Arredondo note clarifying client and counselor core ...
Cultural Identity Essay Writing Guide with Examples
Сultural Identity Essay Examples. First and foremost, a cultural identity essay is the one where you share your vision of the world and personality. Below is an example that you might consider when writing your next cultural identity essay. I was born in Italy to a German family. My mother comes from the capital of Germany - Berlin, while my ...
SOS International
How Culture Impacts Your Worldview. Written By: Christie A. Culture is a diverse and beautiful thing where people, systems, beliefs, traditions, language, food, politics, and education meld together. Working cross-culturally we see the strengths and weaknesses of culture, and we experience the joy of walking with people from different cultures ...
Worldview: Culture and Learning Essay
1054 Words. 5 Pages. Open Document. In this essay I hope to explain my understanding of what a worldview is and how specific beliefs that I have, have been shaped in regards to my education and learning. I strongly believe that the majority of the views and beliefs that I have developed, to do with education and learning and even beyond that ...
Worldviews and the role of social values that underlie them
The five worldview types include the (i) Localised, (ii) Orthodox, (iii) ... With reference to cultural differences, since participants resided in a disproportionate variety of countries, these were grouped together in terms of continent. ... If you have cited papers that have been retracted, please include the rationale for doing so in the ...
Culture Worldview Essay
Class, The relationship that exists between culture, worldview, and language are all related to the environment that a person grows up in. Culture is a set of learned behaviors, attitudes, beliefs, and language patterns shared by a group of people (GCU, 2016). A worldview is a belief on what the world should be like that is based on the culture ...
Cultural worldview and cultural experience in natural tourism sites
Abstract. Cultural worldview (CW) refers to people's underlying general attitudes such as basic beliefs and perceptions of a culture. The cultural experience (CE) in tourism is multi-dimensional, but little research has paid attention to the relationship between CW and CE in cultural tourism, especially with regard to nature sites.
Essay On Culture Worldview And Biases
Decent Essays. 458 Words. 2 Pages. Open Document. Culture, Worldview, and Biases. It is very difficult to serve others and open up to leadership positions if one is not aware of others views and how they came to hold them (Ahmed, et al., 2011). I struggle with my world view but I can't expect to understand others until I understand my own.
Essay On Cultural Worldview
Essay On Cultural Worldview; Essay On Cultural Worldview. Decent Essays. 491 Words; 2 Pages; Open Document. Essay Sample Check Writing Quality. Show More. Anthropologists see culture basically as a way of life. It comes naturally from the way you are raised and your surroundings. This isn't something that must be taught, people learn it on ...
Personal Worldview Essay With an Example
A worldview is a basic series of expectations to which one submits that fills in as a system for comprehension and deciphering reality and profoundly shapes one's conduct. The worldview of an individual is typically affected by the individual's social foundation, educational encounters, and childhood. You can read more Essay Writing about ...
Cultural worldview and cultural experience in natural tourism sites
Abstract. Cultural worldview (CW) refers to people's underlying general attitudes such as basic beliefs and perceptions of a culture. The cultural experience (CE) in tourism is multi-dimensional, but little research has paid attention to the relationship between CW and CE in cultural tourism, especially with regard to nature sites.
Cultural Worldview Essay
Cultural Worldview Essay: 1(888)814-4206 1(888)499-5521. 4.7/5. Level: College, University, High School, Master's, PHD, Undergraduate. What is a good essay writing service? Oddly enough, but many people still have not come across a quality service. A large number of users fall for deceivers who take their money without doing their job.
Cultural Worldview Essay
The best essay writer should convey the idea easily and smoothly, without overloading the text or making it messy. Extensive work experience. To start making interesting writing, you need to write a lot every day. This practice is used by all popular authors for books, magazines and forum articles. When you read an essay, you immediately ...

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Worldview in Intercultural Communication by Carley Dodd LAST MODIFIED: 26 May 2021 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756841-0256

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Cultural Identity Essay

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Introduction

Social values

The hypothesized relationship between worldviews and values

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