how to improve self esteem essay

Self-Esteem

8 steps to improving your self-esteem, what is the story you tell yourself.

Posted March 27, 2017 | Reviewed by Lybi Ma

• What Is Self-Esteem?
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• Healthy self-esteem can be defined as a realistic, appreciative opinion of oneself.
• Some navigate the world—and relationships—searching for any evidence to validate their self-limiting beliefs.
• Ways to increase feelings of self-worth include the use of affirmations and avoiding comparison with others.

When it comes to your self-worth, only one opinion truly matters—your own. And even that one should be carefully evaluated; we tend to be our own harshest critics.

Glenn R. Schiraldi, Ph.D. , author of The Self-Esteem Workbook , describes healthy self-esteem as a realistic, appreciative opinion of oneself. He writes, “Unconditional human worth assumes that each of us is born with all the capacities needed to live fruitfully, although everyone has a different mix of skills, which are at different levels of development.” He emphasizes that core worth is independent of externals that the marketplace values, such as wealth, education , health, status—or the way one has been treated.

Some navigate the world—and relationships—searching for any bit of evidence to validate their self-limiting beliefs. Much like judge and jury, they constantly put themselves on trial and sometimes sentence themselves to a lifetime of self-criticism.

Following are eight steps you can take to increase your feelings of self-worth.

1. Be mindful .

We can’t change something if we don’t recognize that there is something to change. By simply becoming aware of our negative self-talk , we begin to distance ourselves from the feelings it brings up. This enables us to identify with them less. Without this awareness, we can easily fall into the trap of believing our self-limiting talk, and as meditation teacher Allan Lokos says, “Don’t believe everything you think. Thoughts are just that—thoughts.”

As soon as you find yourself going down the path of self-criticism, gently note what is happening, be curious about it, and remind yourself, “These are thoughts, not facts.”

2. Change the story.

We all have a narrative or a story we’ve created about ourselves that shapes our self-perceptions, upon which our core self-image is based. If we want to change that story, we have to understand where it came from and where we received the messages we tell ourselves. Whose voices are we internalizing?

“Sometimes automatic negative thoughts like ‘you’re fat’ or ‘you’re lazy’ can be repeated in your mind so often that you start to believe they are true,” says Jessica Koblenz, Psy.D . “These thoughts are learned, which means they can be unlearned . You can start with affirmations . What do you wish you believed about yourself? Repeat these phrases to yourself every day."

Thomas Boyce, Ph.D ., supports the use of affirmations. Research conducted by Boyce and his colleagues has demonstrated that “fluency training” in positive affirmations (for example, writing down as many different positive things you can about yourself in a minute) can lessen symptoms of depression as measured by self-report using the Beck Depression Inventory . Larger numbers of written positive statements are correlated with greater improvement. “While they have a bad reputation because of late-night TV,” Boyce says, “positive affirmations can help.”

3. Avoid falling into the compare-and-despair rabbit hole.

“Two key things I emphasize are to practice acceptance and stop comparing yourself to others,” says psychotherapist Kimberly Hershenson, LMSW . “I emphasize that just because someone else appears happy on social media or even in person doesn’t mean they are happy. Comparisons only lead to negative self-talk, which leads to anxiety and stress .” Feelings of low self-worth can negatively affect your mental health as well as other areas in your life, such as work, relationships, and physical health.

4. Channel your inner rock star.

Albert Einstein said, “Everybody is a genius. But if you judge a fish by its ability to climb a tree, it will live its whole life believing that it is stupid.” We all have our strengths and weaknesses. Someone may be a brilliant musician, but a dreadful cook. Neither quality defines their core worth. Recognize what your strengths are and the feelings of confidence they engender, especially in times of doubt. It’s easy to make generalizations when you “mess up” or “fail” at something, but reminding yourself of the ways you rock offers a more realistic perspective of yourself.

Psychotherapist and certified sex therapist Kristie Overstreet, LPCC, CST, CAP , suggests asking yourself, “Was there a time in your life where you had better self-esteem? What were you doing at that stage of your life?” If it’s difficult for you to identify your unique gifts, ask a friend to point them out to you. Sometimes it’s easier for others to see the best in us than it is for us to see it in ourselves.

5. Exercise.

Many studies have shown a correlation between exercise and higher self-esteem, as well as improved mental health. “Exercising creates empowerment both physical and mental,” says Debbie Mandel, author of Addicted to Stress , “especially weight lifting where you can calibrate the accomplishments. Exercise organizes your day around self-care.” She suggests dropping a task daily from your endless to-do list for the sole purpose of relaxation or doing something fun, and seeing how that feels. Other forms of self-care, such as proper nutrition and sufficient sleep , have also been shown to have positive effects on one’s self-perception.

6. Do unto others.

Hershenson suggests volunteering to help those who may be less fortunate. “Being of service to others helps take you out of your head. When you are able to help someone else, it makes you less focused on your own issues.”

David Simonsen, Ph.D., LMFT , agrees:

“What I find is that the more someone does something in their life that they can be proud of, the easier it is for them to recognize their worth. Doing things that one can respect about themselves is the one key that I have found that works to raise one’s worth. It is something tangible. Helping at a homeless shelter, animal shelter, giving of time at a big brother or sister organization. These are things that mean something and give value to not only oneself, but to someone else as well.”

There is much truth to the fact that what we put out there into the world tends to boomerang back to us. To test this out, spend a day intentionally putting out positive thoughts and behaviors toward those with whom you come into contact. As you go about your day, be mindful of what comes back to you, and also notice if your mood improves.

7. Forgive.

Is there someone in your life you haven’t forgiven? An ex-partner? A family member? Yourself? By holding on to feelings of bitterness or resentment, we keep ourselves stuck in a cycle of negativity. If we haven’t forgiven ourselves, shame will keep us in this same loop.

“Forgiving self and others has been found to improve self-esteem,” says Schiraldi, “perhaps because it connects us with our innately loving nature and promotes an acceptance of people, despite our flaws.” He refers to the Buddhist meditation on forgiveness , which can be practiced at any time: " If I have hurt or harmed anyone, knowingly or unknowingly, I ask forgiveness. If anyone has hurt or harmed me, knowingly or unknowingly, I forgive them. For the ways I have hurt myself, knowingly or unknowingly, I offer forgiveness."

8. Remember that you are not your circumstances.

Finally, learning to differentiate between your circumstances and who you are is key to self-worth. “Recognizing inner worth, and loving one’s imperfect self, provide the secure foundation for growth,” says Schiraldi. “With that security, one is free to grow with enjoyment, not fear of failure—because failure doesn’t change core worth.”

We are all born with infinite potential and equal worth as human beings. That we are anything less is a false belief that we have learned over time. Therefore, with hard work and self-compassion, self-destructive thoughts and beliefs can be unlearned. Taking the steps outlined above is a start in the effort to increase self-worth, or as Schiraldi says, to “ recognize self-worth. It already exists in each person.”

LinkedIn image: BearFotos/Shutterstock

Allison Abrams, LCSW-R , is a licensed psychotherapist in NYC, as well as a writer and advocate for mental health awareness and destigmatization.

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Everyone is in favor of high self-esteem — but cultivating it can be surprisingly tough. Psychologist Guy Winch explains why — and describes smart ways we can help build ourselves up.

Many of us recognize the value of improving our feelings of self-worth. When our self-esteem is higher, we not only feel better about ourselves, we are more resilient as well. Brain scan studies demonstrate that when our self-esteem is higher, we are likely to experience common emotional wounds such as rejection  and failure  as less painful, and bounce back from them more quickly. When our self-esteem is higher, we are also less vulnerable to anxiety ; we release less cortisol into our bloodstream when under stress, and it is  less likely to linger in our system.

But as wonderful as it is to have higher self-esteem, it turns out that improving it is no easy task. Despite the endless array of articles, programs and products promising to enhance our self-esteem, the reality is that many of them do not work and some are even likely to make us feel worse .

Part of the problem is that our self-esteem is rather unstable to begin with, as it can fluctuate daily, if not hourly. Further complicating matters, our self-esteem comprises both our global feelings about ourselves as well as how we feel about ourselves in the specific domains of our lives (e.g., as a father, a nurse, an athlete, etc.).  The more meaningful a specific domain of self-esteem, the greater the impact it has on our global self-esteem. Having someone wince when they taste the not-so-delicious dinner you prepared will hurt a chef’s self-esteem much more than someone for whom cooking is not a significant aspect of their identity.

Lastly, having high self-esteem is indeed a good thing, but only in moderation. Very high self-esteem — like that of narcissists — is often quite brittle. Such people might feel great about themselves much of the time but they also tend to be extremely vulnerable to criticism and negative feedback and respond to it in ways that stunts their psychological self-growth .

That said, it is certainly possible to improve our self-esteem if we go about it the right way. Here are five ways to nourish your self-esteem when it is low:

1. Use positive affirmations correctly

Positive affirmations such as “I am going to be a great success!” are extremely popular, but they have one critical problem — they tend to make people with low self-worth feel worse about themselves. Why? Because when our self-esteem is low, such declarations are simply too contrary to our existing beliefs . Ironically, positive affirmations do work for one subset of people — those whose self-esteem is already high. For affirmations to work when your self-esteem is lagging, tweak them to make them more believable. For example, change “I’m going to be a great success!” to “I’m going to persevere until I succeed!”

2. Identify your competencies and develop them

Self-esteem is built by demonstrating real ability and achievement in areas of our lives that matter to us. If you pride yourself on being a good cook, throw more dinner parties. If you’re a good runner, sign up for races and train for them. In short, figure out your core competencies and find opportunities and careers that accentuate them.  

3. Learn to accept compliments

One of the trickiest aspects of improving self-esteem is that when we feel bad about ourselves we tend to be more resistant to compliments  — even though that is when we most need them. So, set yourself the goal to tolerate compliments when you receive them, even if they make you uncomfortable (and they will). The best way to avoid the reflexive reactions of batting away compliments is to prepare simple set responses and train yourself to use them automatically whenever you get good feedback (e.g., “Thank you” or “How kind of you to say”). In time, the impulse to deny or rebuff compliments will fade — which will also be a nice indication your self-esteem is getting stronger.

4. Eliminate self-criticism and introduce self-compassion 

Unfortunately, when our self-esteem is low, we are likely to damage it even further by being self-critical. Since our goal is to enhance our self-esteem, we need to substitute self-criticism (which is almost always entirely useless, even if it feels compelling) with self-compassion . Specifically, whenever your self-critical inner monologue kicks in, ask yourself what you would say to a dear friend if they were in your situation (we tend to be much more compassionate to friends than we are to ourselves) and direct those comments to yourself. Doing so will avoid damaging your self-esteem further with critical thoughts, and help build it up instead.

5. Affirm your real worth

The following exercise has been demonstrated to help revive your self-esteem after it sustained a blow:  Make a list of qualities you have that are meaningful in the specific context. For example, if you got rejected by your date, list qualities that make you a good relationship prospect (for example, being loyal or emotionally available); if you failed to get a work promotion, list qualities that make you a valuable employee (you have a strong work ethic or are responsible). Then choose one of the items on your list and write a brief essay (one to two paragraphs) about why the quality is valuable and likely to be appreciated by other people in the future. Do the exercise every day for a week or whenever you need a self-esteem boost.

The bottom line is improving self-esteem requires a bit of work, as it involves developing and maintaining healthier emotional habits but doing so, and especially doing so correctly, will provide a great emotional and psychological return on your investment.

About the author

Guy Winch is a licensed psychologist who is a leading advocate for integrating the science of emotional health into our daily lives. His three TED Talks have been viewed over 20 million times, and his science-based self-help books have been translated into 26 languages. He also writes the Squeaky Wheel blog for PsychologyToday.com and has a private practice in New York City.

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Self-esteem: Take steps to feel better about yourself

Harness the power of your thoughts and beliefs to raise your self-esteem. Start with these steps.

Low self-esteem can affect nearly every aspect of life. It can impact your relationships, job and health. But you can boost your self-esteem by taking cues from mental health counseling.

Consider these steps, based on cognitive behavioral therapy.

1. Recognize situations that affect self-esteem

Think about the situations that seem to deflate your self-esteem. Common triggers might include:

• A work or school presentation
• A crisis at work or home
• A challenge with a spouse, loved one, co-worker or other close contact
• A change in roles or life events, such as a job loss or a child leaving home

2. Become aware of thoughts and beliefs

Once you've learned which situations affect your self-esteem, notice your thoughts about them. This includes what you tell yourself (self-talk) and how you view the situations.

Your thoughts and beliefs might be positive, negative or neutral. They might be rational, based on reason or facts. Or they may be irrational, based on false ideas.

Ask yourself if these beliefs are true. Would you say them to a friend? If you wouldn't say them to someone else, don't say them to yourself.

3. Challenge negative thinking

Your initial thoughts might not be the only way to view a situation. Ask yourself whether your view is in line with facts and logic. Or is there another explanation?

Be aware that it can be hard to see flaws in your logic. Long-held thoughts and beliefs can feel factual even if they're opinions.

Also notice if you're having these thought patterns that erode self-esteem:

• All-or-nothing thinking. This involves seeing things as either all good or all bad. For example, you may think, "If I don't succeed in this task, I'm a total failure."
• Mental filtering. This means you focus and dwell on the negatives. It can distort your view of a person or situation. For example, "I made a mistake on that report and now everyone will realize I'm not up to the job."
• Converting positives into negatives. This may involve rejecting your achievements and other positive experiences by insisting that they don't count. For example, "I only did well on that test because it was so easy."
• Jumping to negative conclusions. You may tend to reach a negative conclusion with little or no evidence. For example, "My friend hasn't replied to my text, so I must have done something to make her angry."
• Mistaking feelings for facts. You may confuse feelings or beliefs with facts. For example, "I feel like a failure, so I must be a failure."
• Negative self-talk. You undervalue yourself. You may put yourself down or joke about your faults. For example, you may say, "I don't deserve anything better."

4. Adjust your thoughts and beliefs

Now replace negative or untrue thoughts with positive, accurate thoughts. Try these strategies:

• Use hopeful statements. Be kind and encouraging to yourself. Instead of thinking a situation won't go well, focus on the positive. Tell yourself, "Even though it's tough, I can handle this."
• Forgive yourself. Everyone makes mistakes. But mistakes aren't permanent reflections on you as a person. They're moments in time. Tell yourself, "I made a mistake, but that doesn't make me a bad person."
• Avoid 'should' and 'must' statements. If you find that your thoughts are full of these words, you might be putting too many demands on yourself. Try to remove these words from your thoughts. It may lead to a healthier view of what to expect from yourself.
• Focus on the positive. Think about the parts of your life that work well. Remember the skills you've used to cope with challenges.
• Consider what you've learned. If it was a negative experience, what changes can you make next time to create a more positive outcome?
• Relabel upsetting thoughts. Think of negative thoughts as signals to try new, healthy patterns. Ask yourself, "What can I think and do to make this less stressful?"
• Encourage yourself. Give yourself credit for making positive changes. For example, "My presentation might not have been perfect, but my colleagues asked questions and remained engaged. That means I met my goal."

You might also try these steps, based on acceptance and commitment therapy.

1. Spot troubling conditions or situations

Again, think about the conditions or situations that seem to deflate your self-esteem. Then pay attention to your thoughts about them.

2. Step back from your thoughts

Repeat your negative thoughts many times. The goal is to take a step back from automatic thoughts and beliefs and observe them. Instead of trying to change your thoughts, distance yourself from them. Realize that they are nothing more than words.

3. Accept your thoughts

Instead of resisting or being overwhelmed by negative thoughts or feelings, accept them. You don't have to like them. Just allow yourself to feel them.

Negative thoughts don't need to be controlled, changed or acted upon. Aim to lessen their power on your behavior.

These steps might seem awkward at first. But they'll get easier with practice. Recognizing the thoughts and beliefs that affect low self-esteem allows you to change the way you think about them. This will help you accept your value as a person. As your self-esteem increases, your confidence and sense of well-being are likely to soar.

In addition to these suggestions, remember that you're worth special care. Be sure to:

• Take care of yourself. Follow good health guidelines. Try to exercise at least 30 minutes a day most days of the week. Eat lots of fruits and vegetables. Limit sweets, junk food and saturated fats.
• Do things you enjoy. Start by making a list of things you like to do. Try to do something from that list every day.
• Spend time with people who make you happy. Don't waste time on people who don't treat you well.

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• Orth U, et al. Is high self-esteem beneficial? Revisiting a classic question. American Psychologist. 2022; doi:10.1037/amp0000922.
• Levenson JL, ed. Psychotherapy. In: The American Psychiatric Association Publishing Textbook of Psychosomatic Medicine and Consultation-Liaison Psychiatry. 3rd ed. American Psychiatric Association Publishing; 2019. https://psychiatryonline.org. Accessed April 27, 2022.
• Kliegman RM, et al. Psychotherapy and psychiatric hospitalization. In: Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics. 21st ed. Elsevier; 2020. https://www.clinicalkey.com. Accessed April 27, 2022.
• Fusar-Poli P, et al. What is good mental health? A scoping review. European Neuropsychopharmacology. 202; doi:10.1016/j.euroneuro.2019.12.105.
• Van de Graaf DL, et al. Online acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) interventions for chronic pain: A systematic literature review. Internet Interventions. 2021; doi:10.1016/j.invent.2021.100465.
• Bourne EJ. The Anxiety and Phobia Workbook. 7th ed. New Harbinger Publications; 2020.
• Ebert MH, et al., eds. Behavioral and cognitive-behavioral interventions. In: Current Diagnosis & Treatment: Psychiatry. 3rd ed. McGraw Hill; 2019. https://www.accessmedicine.mhmedical.com. Accessed May 4, 2022.
• Self-esteem self-help guide. NHS inform. https://www.nhsinform.scot/illnesses-and-conditions/mental-health/mental-health-self-help-guides/self-esteem-self-help-guide. Accessed May 4, 2022.
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Essay on Self Esteem

Students are often asked to write an essay on Self Esteem in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Self Esteem

Understanding self-esteem.

Self-esteem is the opinion we have about ourselves. It’s about how much we value and respect ourselves. High self-esteem means you think highly of yourself, while low self-esteem means you don’t.

Importance of Self-Esteem

Self-esteem is important because it heavily influences our choices and decisions. It allows us to live life to our potential. High self-esteem leads to confidence, happiness, fulfillment, and achievement.

Building Self-Esteem

Building self-esteem requires positive self-talk, self-acceptance, and self-love. It’s about focusing on your strengths, forgiving your mistakes, and celebrating your achievements.

250 Words Essay on Self Esteem

Introduction.

Self-esteem, a fundamental concept in psychology, refers to an individual’s overall subjective emotional evaluation of their own worth. It encompasses beliefs about oneself and emotional states, such as triumph, despair, pride, and shame. It is a critical aspect of personal identity, shaping our perception of the world and our place within it.

The Dual Facet of Self-Esteem

Self-esteem can be divided into two types: high and low. High self-esteem is characterized by a positive self-image and confidence, while low self-esteem is marked by self-doubt and criticism. Both types significantly influence our mental health, relationships, and life outcomes.

Impact of Self-Esteem

High self-esteem can lead to positive outcomes. It encourages risk-taking, resilience, and optimism, fostering success in various life domains. Conversely, low self-esteem can result in fear of failure, social anxiety, and susceptibility to mental health issues like depression. Thus, it’s crucial to nurture self-esteem for psychological well-being.

Building self-esteem involves recognizing one’s strengths and weaknesses and accepting them. It requires self-compassion and challenging negative self-perceptions. Positive affirmations, setting and achieving goals, and maintaining healthy relationships can all contribute to enhancing self-esteem.

In conclusion, self-esteem is a complex, multifaceted construct that significantly influences our lives. It is not static and can be improved with conscious effort. Understanding and nurturing our self-esteem is vital for achieving personal growth and leading a fulfilling life.

500 Words Essay on Self Esteem

Self-esteem, a fundamental aspect of psychological health, is the overall subjective emotional evaluation of one’s self-worth. It is a judgment of oneself as well as an attitude toward the self. The importance of self-esteem lies in the fact that it concerns our perceptions and beliefs about ourselves, which can shape our experiences and actions.

The Two Types of Self-esteem

Self-esteem can be classified into two types: high and low. High self-esteem indicates a highly favorable impression of oneself, whereas low self-esteem reflects a negative view. People with high self-esteem generally feel good about themselves and value their worth, while those with low self-esteem usually harbor negative feelings about themselves, often leading to feelings of inadequacy, incompetence, and unlovability.

Factors Influencing Self-esteem

Self-esteem is shaped by various factors throughout our lives, such as the environment, experiences, relationships, and achievements. Positive reinforcement, success, and supportive relationships often help to foster high self-esteem, while negative feedback, failure, and toxic relationships can contribute to low self-esteem. However, it’s important to note that self-esteem is not a fixed attribute; it can change over time and can be improved through cognitive and behavioral interventions.

Impact of Self-esteem on Life

Self-esteem significantly impacts individuals’ mental health, relationships, and overall well-being. High self-esteem can lead to positive outcomes, such as better stress management, resilience, and life satisfaction. On the other hand, low self-esteem is associated with mental health issues like depression and anxiety. It can also lead to poor academic and job performance, problematic relationships, and increased vulnerability to drug and alcohol abuse.

Improving Self-esteem

Improving self-esteem requires a multifaceted approach. Cognitive-behavioral therapies can help individuals challenge their negative beliefs about themselves and develop healthier thought patterns. Regular physical activity, healthy eating, and adequate sleep can also boost self-esteem by improving physical health. Furthermore, positive social interactions and relationships can enhance self-esteem by providing emotional support and validation. Lastly, self-compassion and self-care practices can foster a more positive self-image and promote higher self-esteem.

In conclusion, self-esteem is a critical component of our psychological well-being, influencing our thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. It is shaped by various factors and can significantly impact our lives. However, it’s not a fixed attribute, and with the right strategies and support, individuals can improve their self-esteem, leading to better mental health, relationships, and overall quality of life. Therefore, understanding and fostering self-esteem is essential for personal growth and development.

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What is Self-Worth & How Do We Build it? (Incl. Worksheets)

There’s self-esteem, self-compassion, self-acceptance, self-respect, self-confidence, self-love, self-care, and so on.

There are so many words to describe how we feel about ourselves, how we think about ourselves, and how we act toward ourselves. It’s understandable if they all start to blend together for you; however, they are indeed different concepts with unique meanings, findings, and purposes.

Read on to learn more about what may be the most vital “self-” concept of them all: self-worth.

Before you read on, we thought you might like to download our three Self-Compassion Exercises for free . These detailed, science-based exercises will not only help you show more compassion and kindness to yourself but will also give you the tools to help your clients, students or employees improve their self-compassion and realize their worth.

This Article Contains:

What is the meaning of self-worth and self-value, the psychology of self-worth.

• What Is Self-Worth Theory?

What Determines Self-Worth?

3 examples of healthy self-worth, how to find self-worth and value yourself more, the importance of self-worth in relationships, the risks of tying your self-worth to your job, the self-worth scale, 5 activities and exercises for developing self-worth, 2 worksheets that help increase self-worth, meditations to boost self-worth, recommended books on self-worth, must-watch ted talks and youtube videos, 12 quotes on self-worth, a take-home message.

Self-worth and self-value are two related terms that are often used interchangeably. Having a sense of self-worth means that you value yourself, and having a sense of self-value means that you are worthy. The differences between the two are minimal enough that both terms can be used to describe the same general concept.

However, we’ll provide both definitions so you can see where they differ.

Self-worth is defined by Merriam-Webster as:

“a feeling that you are a good person who deserves to be treated with respect”.

On the other hand, self-value is “more behavioral than emotional, more about how you act toward what you value, including yourself, than how you feel about yourself compared to others” (Stosny, 2014).

Self-Worth versus Self-Esteem

Similarly, there is not a huge difference between self-worth and self-esteem , especially for those who are not professionals in the field of psychology. In fact, the first definition of self-worth on the Merriam-Webster dictionary website is simply “self-esteem.”

Similarly, the World Book Dictionary definition of self-esteem is “thinking well of oneself; self-respect,” while self-worth is defined as “a favorable estimate or opinion of oneself; self-esteem” (Bogee, Jr., 1998).

Clearly, many of these terms are used to talk about the same ideas, but for those deeply immersed in these concepts, there is a slight difference. Dr. Christina Hibbert explains this:

“Self-esteem is what we think and feel and believe about ourselves. Self-worth is recognizing ‘I am greater than all of those things.’ It is a deep knowing that I am of value, that I am loveable, necessary to this life, and of incomprehensible worth.” (2013).

Self-Worth versus Self-Confidence

In the same vein, there are subtle but significant differences between self-worth and self-confidence.

Self-confidence is not an overall evaluation of yourself, but a feeling of confidence and competence in more specific areas. For example, you could have a high amount of self-worth but low self-confidence when it comes to extreme sports, certain subjects in school, or your ability to speak a new language (Roberts, 2012).

It’s not necessary to have a high sense of self-confidence in every area of your life; there are naturally some things that you will simply not be very good at, and other areas in which you will excel. The important thing is to have self-confidence in the activities in your life that matter to you and a high sense of self-worth overall.

We explore this further in The Science of Self-Acceptance Masterclass© .

Download 3 Free Self-Compassion Exercises (PDF)

These detailed, science-based exercises will equip you to help others create a kinder and more nurturing relationship with themselves.

Download 3 Free Self-Compassion Tools Pack (PDF)

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What Is the Self-Worth Theory?

The self-worth theory posits that an individual’s main priority in life is to find self-acceptance and that self-acceptance is often found through achievement (Covington & Beery, 1976). In turn, achievement is often found through competition with others.

Thus, the logical conclusion is that competing with others can help us feel like we have impressive achievements under our belt, which then makes us feel proud of ourselves and enhances our acceptance of ourselves.

The theory holds that there are four main elements of the self-worth model:

• Performance;
• Self-worth.

The first three interact with each other to determine one’s level of self-worth. One’s ability and effort predictably have a big impact on performance, and all three contribute to one’s feeling of worth and value.

While this theory represents a good understanding of self-worth as we tend to experience it, it is unfortunate that we place so much emphasis on our achievements. Aside from competing and “winning” against others, there are many factors that can contribute to our sense of self-worth.

However, people commonly use other yardsticks to measure their self-worth. Here are five of the top factors that people use to measure and compare their own self-worth to the worth of others:

• Appearance—whether measured by the number on the scale, the size of clothing worn, or the kind of attention received by others;
• Net worth—this can mean income, material possessions, financial assets, or all of the above;
• Who you know/your social circle—some people judge their own value and the value of others by their status and what important and influential people they know;
• What you do/your career—we often judge others by what they do; for example, a stockbroker is often considered more successful and valuable than a janitor or a teacher;
• What you achieve—as noted earlier, we frequently use achievements to determine someone’s worth (whether it’s our own worth or someone else’s), such as success in business, scores on the SATs, or placement in a marathon or other athletic challenge (Morin, 2017).

Author Stephanie Jade Wong (n.d.) is on a mission to correct misunderstandings and misperceptions about self-worth. Instead of listing all the factors that go into self-worth, she outlines what does not determine your self-worth (or, what should not determine your self-worth):

• Your to-do list: Achieving goals is great and it feels wonderful to cross off things on your to-do list, but it doesn’t have a direct relationship with your worth as a human;
• Your job: It doesn’t matter what you do. What matters is that you do it well and that it fulfills you;
• Your social media following: It also doesn’t matter how many people think you are worthy of a follow or a retweet. It can be enlightening and healthy to consider the perspectives of others, but their opinions have no impact on our innate value;
• Your age: You aren’t too young or too old for anything. Your age is simply a number and does not factor into your value as a human being;
• Other people: As noted above, it doesn’t matter what other people think or what other people have done or accomplished. Your personal satisfaction and fulfillment are much more important than what others are thinking, saying, or doing;
• How far you can run: Your mile run time is one of the least important factors for your self-worth (or for anything else, for that matter). If you enjoy running and feel fulfilled by improving your time, good for you! If not, good for you! Your ability to run does not determine your self-worth;
• Your grades: We all have different strengths and weaknesses, and some of us are simply not cut out for class. This has no bearing on our value as people, and a straight-A student is just as valuable and worthy as a straight-F student or a dropout;
• The number of friends you have: Your value as a human has absolutely nothing to do with how many friends or connections you have. The quality of your relationships is what’s really important;
• Your relationship status: Whether flying solo, casually dating, or in a committed relationship, your value is exactly the same—your relationship status doesn’t alter your worth;
•  The money (or lack thereof) in the bank: If you have enough money to physically survive (which can, in fact, be $0), then you have already achieved the maximal amount of “worth” you can get from money (hint: it’s 0!);
• Your likes: It doesn’t matter if you have “good taste” or not, if your friends and acquaintances think you’re sophisticated, or if you have an eye for the finer things. Your worth is the same either way.
• Anything or anyone but yourself: Here we get to the heart of the matter—you are the only one who determines your self-worth. If you believe you are worthy and valuable, you are worthy and valuable. Even if you don’t believe you are worthy and valuable, guess what—you still are worthy and valuable!

“ If I succeed at this, I will feel more valuable as a person. ”

Have you ever had a similar thought? You are certainly not alone. While objectively, your worth is not conditional on anything, most of us constantly evaluate our worth as human beings.

Blascovich and Tomaka (1991) describe self-esteem as the extent to which an individual evaluates themselves favorably. Consequently, the core process underlying self-esteem is self-evaluation, and people use many standards and domains to determine their worthiness (Crocker & Wolfe, 2001).

Domains represent the areas where people believe success means that they are wonderful or worthwhile, and failure means that they are worthless (Crocker & Wolfe, 2001).

For example, the self-worth of person A may be greatly determined by academic performance, while the self-worth of person B may be determined mainly by appearance.

Noticing the domains your use as a frame of reference to determine your self-worth is the first step toward developing more unconditional self-acceptance. The self-reflection questions shared below explore created conditions used to determine ‘worthiness’ and later lead beyond these conditions.

Note that there is a difference between evaluating actions and evaluating personal worth. We can learn from our mistakes and grow as individuals by assessing our efforts. However, by evaluating our personal worth, we can threaten our wellbeing.

You might be thinking, “Okay, I know what does and doesn’t (and shouldn’t) determine self-worth, but what does healthy self-worth really look like?”

Given what we know about the determinants of self-worth, let’s read through a few examples.

Bill is not a great student. He gets mostly Bs and Cs, even when he spends a great deal of time studying. He didn’t get a great score on his SATs, and he’s an average reader, a struggling writer, and nobody’s idea of a mathematician.

Even though Bill wishes he had better grades, he still feels pretty good about himself. He knows that grades aren’t everything and that he’s just as valuable a person as his straight-A friends. Bill has a high sense of self-worth and a realistic view of himself and his abilities.

Next, let’s consider Amy. Amy has a wide variety of interests, including marathons, attending book club, playing weekly trivia with her friends, and meeting new people.

Amy’s not particularly good at running and has never placed in a marathon. She’s a slow reader and frequently misses the symbolism and themes that her fellow book club members pick up on. She only answers about 10% of the trivia questions correctly and leans on her friends’ knowledge quite often. Finally, she loves to talk to new people but sometimes she gets blown off and ignored.

Despite all of this, she still believes that she is worthy and valuable. She knows that her worth as a human is not dependent on her ability to run, read, play trivia, or make new friends. Whether she is great, terrible, or somewhere in between at each of her vast range of chosen activities, she knows she is still worthy of happiness, fulfillment, and love.

Finally, consider the case of Marcus. Marcus is an excellent salesman and frequently outsells most of the other people at his company, but one coworker seems to always be just a bit ahead of him. He is also an avid squash player and frequently competes in tournaments. Sometimes he gets first or second place, but usually he does not place at all.

Even though he is not the best at his job or at his favorite hobby, Marcus still feels that he is valuable. He thinks he is smart, talented, and successful, even though he’s not the smartest, most talented, or most successful, and he’s okay with that.

Bill, Amy, and Marcus all have healthy levels of self-worth. They have varying levels of abilities and talents, and they get a wide range of results from their efforts, but they all understand that what they do is not who they are. No matter whether they win awards or garner accolades for their performance or not, they still have the same high opinion of their value as a person.

There are things you can do to boost your sense of self-worth and ensure that you value yourself like you ought to be valued—as a full, complete, and wonderful human being that is deserving of love and respect, no matter what.

How to build self-worth in adolescents

As with most lifelong traits, it’s best to start early. If you know any adolescents, be sure to encourage them to understand and accept their own self-worth. Reinforce their value as a being rather than a “doing,” as some say—in other words, make sure they know that they are valuable for who they are, not what they do.

If you need some more specific ideas on how to boost an adolescent’s self-worth, check out the suggestions below.

Researchers at Michigan State University recommend two main strategies:

• Provide unconditional love, respect, and positive regard;
• Give adolescents opportunities to experience success (Clark-Jones, 2012).

Showing a teen unconditional love (if you’re a parent, family member, or very close friend) or unconditional respect and positive regard (if you’re a teacher, mentor, etc.) is the best way to teach him self-worth.

If you show a teenager that you love and appreciate her for exactly who and what she is, she will learn that it’s okay to love herself for exactly who and what she is. If you demonstrate that she doesn’t need to achieve anything to earn your love and respect, she’ll be much less likely to put unnecessary parameters on her own self-love and self-respect.

Further, one way in which we gain a healthy sense of self-worth is through early and frequent experiences of success. Successful experiences boost our sense of competency and mastery and make us feel just plain good about ourselves.

Successful experiences also open the door for taking healthy risks and the success that often follows. Don’t just tell a teen that she is worthy and valuable, help her believe it by giving her every opportunity to succeed.

Just be sure that these opportunities are truly opportunities for her to succeed on her own—a helping hand is fine, but we need to figure out how to do some things on our own to build a healthy sense of self-worth (Clark-Jones, 2012).

How to increase self-worth and self-value in adults

It’s a bit trickier to increase self-worth and self-value in adults, but it’s certainly not a lost cause. Check out the two tips below to learn how to go about it.

First, take a look back at the list of what does not determine self-worth. Remind yourself that your bank account, job title, attractiveness, and social media following have nothing to do with how valuable or worthy a person you are.

It’s easy to get caught up in chasing money, status, and popularity—especially when these things are highly valued by those around us and by society in general—but make an effort to take a step back and think about what truly matters when determining people’s worth: their kindness, compassion, empathy, respect for others, and how well they treat those around them.

Second, work on identifying, challenging, and externalizing your critical inner voice. We all have an inner critic that loves to nitpick and point out our flaws (Firestone, 2014). It’s natural to let this inner critic get the best of us sometimes, but if we let her win too often she starts to think that she’s right!

Whenever you notice your inner critic start to fire up with the criticisms, make her pause for a moment. Ask yourself whether she has any basis in fact, whether she’s being kind or not, and whether what she’s telling you is something you need to know. If none of those things are true, feel free to tell her to see herself out!

Challenge her on the things she whispers in your ear and remind her that no matter what you do or don’t do, you are worthy and valuable all the same.

For more specific activities and ideas, see the exercises, activities, and worksheets we cover later in this piece.

It’s an understandable tendency to let someone else’s love for you encourage you to feel better about yourself. However, you should work on feeling good about yourself whether you are in a relationship or not.

The love of another person does not define you, nor does it define your value as a person. Whether you are single, casually seeing people, building a solid relationship with someone, or celebrating your 30th wedding anniversary with your spouse, you are worthy of love and respect, and you should make time to practice self-acceptance and self-compassion.

This is true for people of any relationship status, but it may be especially important for those in long-term relationships.

Don’t make the mistake of thinking that your partner’s love is what makes you worthy of love. If anything ever happens to your partner or to your relationship, you don’t want to be forced to build up your sense of worth from scratch. It can make breakups and grief much harder than they need to be.

Although this facet of the issue might be enough to encourage you to work on your self-worth, there’s another reason it’s important: Having a healthy sense of self-worth will actually make your current relationship better too.

When you learn to love yourself, you become better able to love someone else. People with high self-respect tend to have more satisfying, loving, and stable relationships than those who do not, precisely because they know that they need to first find their worth, esteem, and happiness within themselves.

Two people who are lit with self-worth and happiness from within make are much brighter than two people who are trying to absorb light from each other (Grande, 2018).

Similar to the dangers of anchoring your self-worth to someone else, there are big risks in tying your self-worth to your job. Like a significant other, jobs can come and go—sometimes without warning.

You can be let go, laid off, transitioned, dehired, dismissed, downsized, redirected, released, selectively separated, terminated, replaced, asked to resign, or just plain fired. You could also be transferred, promoted, demoted, or given new duties and responsibilities that no longer mesh with the sense of self-worth your previous duties and responsibilities gave you.

You could also quit, take a new job, take some time off, or retire—all things that can be wonderful life transitions, but that can be unnecessarily difficult if you base too much of your self-worth on your job.

As noted earlier, your job is one of the things that don’t define you or your worth. There’s nothing wrong with being proud of what you do, finding joy or fulfillment in it, or letting it shape who you are; the danger is in letting it define your entire sense of self.

We are all so much more than a job. Believing that we are nothing more than a job is detrimental to our wellbeing and can be disastrous in times of crisis.

If so, you’re in luck. There is a scale that is perfectly suited for this curiosity.

Also known as the Contingencies of Self-Worth Scale, this scale was developed by researchers Crocker, Luhtanen, Cooper, and Bouvrette in 2003. It consists of 35 items that measure self-worth in seven different domains. These seven domains, with an example item from each domain, are:

• Approval from others (i.e., I don’t care if other people have a negative opinion of me);
• Physical appearance (i.e., my self-esteem is influenced by how attractive I think my face or facial features are);
• Outdoing others in competition (i.e., my self-worth is affected by how well I do when I am competing with others);
• Academic competence (i.e., I feel bad about myself whenever my academic performance is lacking);
• Family love and support (i.e., my self-worth is not influenced by the quality of my relationships with my family members);
• Being a virtuous or moral person (i.e., my self-esteem depends on whether or not I follow my moral/ethical principles);
• God’s love (i.e., my self-esteem would suffer if I didn’t have God’s love).

Each item is rated on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Once you have rated each item, sum the answers to the five items for each domain and divide the total by 5 for the sub-scale score.

To learn more about this scale or use it to determine your own self-worth, click here .

According to author and self-growth guru Adam Sicinski, there are five vital exercises for developing and maintaining self-worth. He lays them out in five stages, but there’s no need to keep them in strict order; it’s fine to move back and forth or revisit stages.

1. Increase your self-understanding

An important activity on the road to self-worth is to build self-understanding. You need to learn who you are and what you want before you can decide you are a worthy human being.

Sicinski recommends this simple thought experiment to work on increasing your understanding of yourself:

• Imagine that everything you have is suddenly taken away from you (i.e., possessions, relationships, friendships, status, job/career, accomplishments and achievements, etc.);
• Ask yourself the following questions: a. What if everything I have was suddenly taken away from me? b. What if all I had left was just myself? c. How would that make me feel? d. What would I actually have that would be of value?
•  Think about your answers to these questions and see if you can come to this conclusion: “No matter what happens externally and no matter what’s taken away from me, I’m not affected internally”;
• Next, get to know yourself on a deeper level with these questions: a. Who I am? I am . . . I am not . . . b. How am I? c. How am I in the world? d. How do others see me? e. How do others speak about me? f. What key life moments define who I am today? g. What brings me the most passion, fulfillment, and joy?
• Once you have a good understanding of who you are and what fulfills and satisfies you, it’s time to look at what isn’t so great or easy about being you. Ask yourself these questions: a. Where do I struggle most? b. Where do I need to improve? c. What fears often hold me back? d. What habitual emotions hurt me? e. What mistakes do I tend to make? f. Where do I tend to consistently let myself down?
•  Finally, take a moment to look at the flipside; ask yourself: a. What abilities do I have? b. What am I really good at?

Spend some time on each step, but especially on the steps that remind you of your worth and your value as a person (e.g., the strengths step).

2. Boost your self-acceptance

Once you have a better idea of who you are, the next step is to enhance your acceptance of yourself.

Start by forgiving yourself for anything you noted in item 5 above. Think of any struggles, needs for improvement, mistakes, and bad habits you have, and commit to forgiving yourself and accepting yourself without judgment or excuses.

Think about everything you learned about yourself in the first exercise and repeat these statements:

• I accept the good, the bad and the ugly;
• I fully accept every part of myself including my flaws, fears, behaviors, and qualities I might not be too proud of;
• This is how I am, and I am at peace with that

3. Enhance your self-love

Now that you have worked on accepting yourself for who you are, you can begin to build love and care for yourself. Make it a goal to extend yourself kindness, tolerance, generosity, and compassion .

To boost self-love, start paying attention to the tone you use with yourself. Commit to being more positive and uplifting when talking to yourself.

If you’re not sure how to get started, think (or say aloud) these simple statements:

• I feel valued and special;
• I love myself wholeheartedly;
•  I am a worthy and capable person (Sicinski, n.d.).

4. Recognize your self-worth

Once you understand, accept, and love yourself, you will reach a point where you no longer depend on people, accomplishments, or other external factors for your self-worth.

At this point, the best thing you can do is recognize your worth and appreciate yourself for the work you’ve done to get here, as well as continuing to maintain your self-understanding, self-acceptance, self-love, and self-worth.

To recognize your self-worth, remind yourself that:

• You no longer need to please other people;
• No matter what people do or say, and regardless of what happens outside of you, you alone control how you feel about yourself;
• You have the power to respond to events and circumstances based on your internal sources, resources, and resourcefulness, which are the reflection of your true value;
• Your value comes from inside, from an internal measure that you’ve set for yourself.

5. Take responsibility for yourself

In this stage, you will practice being responsible for yourself, your circumstances, and your problems.

Follow these guidelines to ensure you are working on this exercise in a healthy way:

• Take full responsibility for everything that happens to you without giving your personal power and your agency away;
• Acknowledge that you have the personal power to change and influence the events and circumstances of your life.

Remind yourself of what you have learned through all of these exercises, and know that you hold the power in your own life. Revel in your well-earned sense of self-worth and make sure to maintain it.

Check out the four worksheets below that can help you build your self-worth.

About Me Sentence Completion Worksheet

This worksheet outlines a simple way to build self-worth. It only requires a pen or pencil and a few minutes to complete. Feel free to use it for yourself or for your adult clients, but it was designed for kids and can be especially effective for them.

This worksheet is simply titled “About Me: Sentence Completion” and is exactly what you might expect: it gives kids a chance to write about themselves. If your youngster is too young to write down his own answers, sit with him and help him record his responses.

The sentence stems (or prompts) to complete include:

• I was really happy when . . .
• Something that my friends like about me is . . .
• I’m proud of . . .
• My family was happy when I . . .
• In school, I’m good at . . .
• Something that makes me unique is . . .

By completing these six prompts, your child will take some time to think about who he really is, what he likes, what he’s good at, and what makes him feel happy.

Self-Esteem Sentence Stems worksheet.

Self-Esteem Checkup

This worksheet is good for a wide audience, including children, adolescents, young adults, and older adults. The opening text indicates that it’s a self-esteem worksheet, but in this case, the terms self-esteem and self-worth are used interchangeably.

Completing this worksheet will help you get a handle on your personal sense of understanding, acceptance, respect, and love for yourself.

The worksheet lists 15 statements and instructs you to rate your belief in each one on a scale from 0 (not at all) to 10 (totally or completely). These statements are:

• I believe in myself;
• I am just as valuable as other people;
• I would rather be me than someone else;
• I am proud of my accomplishments;
• I feel good when I get compliments;
• I can handle criticism;
• I am good at solving problems;
• I love trying new things;
• I respect myself;
• I like the way I look;
• I love myself even when others reject me;
• I know my positive qualities;
• I focus on my successes and not my failures;
• I’m not afraid to make mistakes;
• I am happy to be me.

Add up all of the ratings for these 15 statements to get your total score, then rate your overall sense of self-esteem on a scale from 0 (I completely dislike who I am) to 10 (I completely like who I am).

Finally, respond to the prompt “What would need to change in order for you to move up one point on the rating scale? (i.e., for example, if you rated yourself a 6 what would need to happen for you to be at a 7?)”

Click here to preview this worksheet for yourself or click here to view it in a collection of self-esteem-building, small-group counseling lesson plans.

If you’re a fan of meditations , check out the four options below. They’re all aimed at boosting self-worth:

• A Guided Meditation to Help Quiet Self-Doubt and Boost Confidence from Health.com;
• Guided Meditation for Inner Peace and Self-Worth from Linda Hall;
• Guided Meditation: Self-Esteem from The Honest Guys Meditations & Relaxations;

If you’re not fond of any of these four meditations, try searching for other guided meditations intended to improve your self-worth. There are many out there to choose from.

To learn more about self-worth and how to improve it, check out some of the most popular books about this subject on Amazon:

• The Gifts of Imperfection: Let Go of Who You Think You’re Supposed to Be and Embrace Who You Are by Dr. Brené Brown ( Amazon );
• What to Say When You Talk to Your Self by Dr. Shad Helmstetter ( Amazon );
• The 21-Day Self-Love Challenge: Learn How to Love Yourself Unconditionally, Cultivate Confidence, Self-Compassion & Self-Worth   by Sophia Taylor ( Amazon );
• Love Yourself: 31 Ways to Truly Find Your Self Worth & Love Yourself by Randy Young ( Amazon );
• Self-Worth Essentials: A Workbook to Understand Yourself, Accept Yourself, Like Yourself, Respect Yourself, Be Confident, Enjoy Yourself, and Love Yourself by Dr. Liisa Kyle ( Amazon );
• Learning to Love Yourself: Finding Your Self-Worth by Sharon Wegscheider-Cruse ( Amazon ).

If you’re more of a watcher than a reader, there are some great TED Talks and YouTube videos you can check out, including:

TED Talk: Meet Yourself: A User’s Guide to Building Self-Esteem  by Niko Everett

In her talk, Niko Everett, the founder of the organization Girls for Change, discusses inspiring ways to build up your self-esteem.

TED Talk: Claiming Your Identity by Understanding Your Self-Worth by Helen Whitener

Judge Helen Whitener discusses self-worth through the lens of social justice and equality in this talk.

A Clever Lesson in Self Worth from Meir Kay

Sometimes all we need to kickstart or motivate us to work on our self-love and self-worth is a good, insightful quote. If that’s what you’re looking for, read on.

You yourself, as much as anybody in the entire universe, deserve your love and affection.

A man cannot be comfortable without his own approval.

Remember always that you not only have the right to be an individual, you have an obligation to be one.

Eleanor Roosevelt

Loving ourselves works miracles in our lives.

Louise L. Hay

The fact that someone else loves you doesn’t rescue you from the project of loving yourself.

Sahaj Kohli

Why should we worry about what others think of us, do we have more confidence in their opinions than we do our own?

Brigham Young

Don’t rely on someone else for your happiness and self-worth. Only you can be responsible for that. If you can’t love and respect yourself—no on else will be able to make that happen. Accept who you are—completely; the good and the bad—and make changes as YOU see fit—not because you think someone else want you to be different.

Stacey Charter

Your problem is you’re afraid to acknowledge your own beauty. You’re too busy holding onto your unworthiness.

It’s surprising how many persons go through life without ever recognizing that their feelings toward other people are largely determined by their feelings toward themselves, and if you’re not comfortable within yourself, you can’t be comfortable with others.

Sidney J. Harris

Most of the shadows of this life are caused by standing in one’s own sunshine.

Ralph Waldo Emerson

It is never too late to be what you might have been.

George Eliot

Stay true to yourself. An original is worth more than a copy.

Suzy Kassem

17 Exercises To Foster Self-Acceptance and Compassion

Help your clients develop a kinder, more accepting relationship with themselves using these 17 Self-Compassion Exercises [PDF] that promote self-care and self-compassion.

Created by Experts. 100% Science-based.

Self-worth is an important concept for both researchers and laymen to understand, and it’s especially important for us to be able to identify, build, and maintain a normal, healthy sense of self-worth.

Learning about self-worth can teach you how to be more happy and fulfilled in your authentic, loveable self.

What do you think is the most important takeaway from research on this topic? Do you think a lack of self-worth is a problem? Or perhaps you think an excess of self-worth is the bigger problem today? Let us know in the comments section.

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Self Compassion Exercises for free .

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• Roberts, E. (2012). The difference between self-esteem and self-confidence. Healthy Place. Retrieved from https://www.healthyplace.com/blogs/buildingselfesteem/2012/05/the-difference-between-self-esteem-and-self-confidence
• Sicinski, A. (n.d.). How to build self-worth and start believing in yourself again. IQ Matrix. Retrieved from https://blog.iqmatrix.com/self-worth
• Stosny, S. (2014). How much do you value yourself? Psychology Today. Retrieved from https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/anger-in-the-age-entitlement/201406/how-much-do-you-value-yourself
• Wong, S. J. (n.d.). 13 things that don’t determine your self-worth. Shine. Retrieved from https://advice.shinetext.com/articles/12-things-that-dont-determine-your-self-worth/

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Excellent essay writing blog for students seeking help with paper writing. We provide exclusive tips and ideas that can help create the best essay possible.

Brilliant Self Esteem Essay: Writing Guide & Topics

Self-esteem is a personal trait that has proven to withstand both high and low tides. It is a state which carries within itself a wide range of beliefs about oneself. Also referred to as self-respect, self-esteem is the confidence in one’s worth or abilities.

It is a subject of great interest to many people. Having a spiced up and captivating essay about self-esteem can guarantee a considerable readership or high grades for students. Many people, especially college students, have a problem with this, and hence we are here to help.

To start us off, let us look at a self-esteem essay example on the effect of social media on self-esteem:

Effect of Social Media on Self-Esteem Essay

“In the last decade, social media has tremendously gained popularity. Its impact and power have left permanent effects on many people and different facets of life. Many people have, therefore, developed high or low self-esteem concerning social media. More research shows that there exists a strong relationship between self-esteem and social media. Facebook has caused a decrease in self-esteem in many people.

Many teenagers are using social media, especially Facebook, to build relationships. There are a lot of people on Facebook of all ages, races, gender, and ethnicity. It is, therefore, natural for teens to mingle and socialize on this platform. Most of the people on social media purport to live “flashy lifestyles,” while in reality, that is not the case. It, therefore, creates a decreased self-esteem on those who cannot live up to those standards.

Social media, through social networking sites, enables people to make social comparisons. For instance, people may try to copy the lifestyles of celebrities. However, those who cannot meet their celebrity status tend to have low self-esteem. The psychological distress of such individuals is higher, resulting in low levels of self-esteem. Many people have, therefore, become victims of lower self-esteem and, consequently, low self-growth.

In conclusion, social media has a very high impact on the self-esteem of individuals. Usage of social media for social networking, communication, and building and maintaining of relationships has diverse effects. There should be sufficient information to help people not fall victims of these adverse effects.”

From the self-esteem essay conclusion above, it is evident that we have not introduced any new idea. You only need to restate the thesis statement and provide a solution to the problem.

We are now going to explore some exciting self-esteem topics with explanations on what to cover in such essays.

“What is Self-Esteem Essay” Topics

• Self-esteem essay, Low Self-Esteem: An expository essay

Here, you will have clearly and concisely investigate low self-esteem, evaluate pieces of evidence, expound on it, and provide an argument concerning it.

• What is Self-esteem? A critical analysis of theories on the function of self-esteem.

Such an essay requires you to explore the various approaches that show the role of self-esteem in individuals or society at large.

• Understanding the concept of self-esteem

It is a topic that digs deep into the breadth and depth of self-worth and makes readers get a clear picture.

• A descriptive study of self-esteem

It is about describing or summarizing self-esteem using words instead of pictures.

• State self-esteem

Topics on Social Media and Self-Esteem Essay

• The Paradox Effect of social media on self-esteem

Describe how social media is giving off the illusion of different choices while making it harder to find viable options.

• Self-esteem and ‘vanity validation’ effect of social media

Show how the interaction of people with social media for an extended period, inevitably feels compelled to continue to check for updates.

• The Dark Side of Social Media: How It Affects Self-Esteem
• Social Media and Confidence

How is one’s self-worth in terms of confidence boosted by social media?

• Social media and depression

Let readers see how depression can result from the use of social media with real-life experiences.

• Importance of Self-Esteem

Self-Concept and Self-Esteem Essay Topic Ideas

Explain how self-concept underpins self-esteem. Evaluate the different approaches to self-esteem. You can also discuss the application of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs of self-actualization. Giving the usefulness of the motivational theory for boosting self-esteem will add weight to your essay.

Topic Ideas on How to Improve Self-Esteem

• Tips to Improve Self-Esteem

Give detailed and well-researched advice on how people can boost their self-esteem

• Steps to Improving Self Esteem

Here are more topic ideas on how to improve self-esteem: 1. Top 5 tactics to change how to improve how you see yourself 2. Things you can do to boost your self-esteem 3. Understanding and building low self-esteem

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Article Contents

Introduction, identity development and the sources of negative self-esteem, outcomes of poor self-esteem, mechanisms linking self-esteem and health behavior, examples of school health promotion programs that foster self-esteem, self-esteem in a broad-spectrum approach for mental health promotion.

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Michal (Michelle) Mann, Clemens M. H. Hosman, Herman P. Schaalma, Nanne K. de Vries, Self-esteem in a broad-spectrum approach for mental health promotion, Health Education Research , Volume 19, Issue 4, August 2004, Pages 357–372, https://doi.org/10.1093/her/cyg041

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Self-evaluation is crucial to mental and social well-being. It influences aspirations, personal goals and interaction with others. This paper stresses the importance of self-esteem as a protective factor and a non-specific risk factor in physical and mental health. Evidence is presented illustrating that self-esteem can lead to better health and social behavior, and that poor self-esteem is associated with a broad range of mental disorders and social problems, both internalizing problems (e.g. depression, suicidal tendencies, eating disorders and anxiety) and externalizing problems (e.g. violence and substance abuse). We discuss the dynamics of self-esteem in these relations. It is argued that an understanding of the development of self-esteem, its outcomes, and its active protection and promotion are critical to the improvement of both mental and physical health. The consequences for theory development, program development and health education research are addressed. Focusing on self-esteem is considered a core element of mental health promotion and a fruitful basis for a broad-spectrum approach.

The most basic task for one's mental, emotional and social health, which begins in infancy and continues until one dies, is the construction of his/her positive self-esteem. [( Macdonald, 1994 ), p. 19]

Self-concept is defined as the sum of an individual's beliefs and knowledge about his/her personal attributes and qualities. It is classed as a cognitive schema that organizes abstract and concrete views about the self, and controls the processing of self-relevant information ( Markus, 1977 ; Kihlstrom and Cantor, 1983 ). Other concepts, such as self-image and self-perception, are equivalents to self-concept. Self-esteem is the evaluative and affective dimension of the self-concept, and is considered as equivalent to self-regard, self-estimation and self-worth ( Harter, 1999 ). It refers to a person's global appraisal of his/her positive or negative value, based on the scores a person gives him/herself in different roles and domains of life ( Rogers, 1981 ; Markus and Nurius, 1986 ). Positive self-esteem is not only seen as a basic feature of mental health, but also as a protective factor that contributes to better health and positive social behavior through its role as a buffer against the impact of negative influences. It is seen to actively promote healthy functioning as reflected in life aspects such as achievements, success, satisfaction, and the ability to cope with diseases like cancer and heart disease. Conversely, an unstable self-concept and poor self-esteem can play a critical role in the development of an array of mental disorders and social problems, such as depression, anorexia nervosa, bulimia, anxiety, violence, substance abuse and high-risk behaviors. These conditions not only result in a high degree of personal suffering, but also impose a considerable burden on society. As will be shown, prospective studies have highlighted low self-esteem as a risk factor and positive self-esteem as a protective factor. To summarize, self-esteem is considered as an influential factor both in physical and mental health, and therefore should be an important focus in health promotion; in particular, mental health promotion.

Health promotion refers to the process of enabling people to increase control over and improve their own health ( WHO, 1986 ). Subjective control as well as subjective health, each aspects of the self, are considered as significant elements of the health concept. Recognizing the existence of different views on the concept of mental health promotion, Sartorius (Sartorius, 1998), the former WHO Director of Mental Health, preferred to define it as a means by which individuals, groups or large populations can enhance their competence, self-esteem and sense of well-being. This view is supported by Tudor (Tudor, 1996) in his monograph on mental health promotion, where he presents self-concept and self-esteem as two of the core elements of mental health, and therefore as an important focus of mental health promotion.

This article aims to clarify how self-esteem is related to physical and mental health, both empirically and theoretically, and to offer arguments for enhancing self-esteem and self-concept as a major aspect of health promotion, mental health promotion and a ‘Broad-Spectrum Approach’ (BSA) in prevention.

The first section presents a review of the empirical evidence on the consequences of high and low self-esteem in the domains of mental health, health and social outcomes. The section also addresses the bi-directional nature of the relationship between self-esteem and mental health. The second section discusses the role of self-esteem in health promotion from a theoretical perspective. How are differentiations within the self-concept related to self-esteem and mental health? How does self-esteem relate to the currently prevailing theories in the field of health promotion and prevention? What are the mechanisms that link self-esteem to health and social outcomes? Several theories used in health promotion or prevention offer insight into such mechanisms. We discuss the role of positive self-esteem as a protective factor in the context of stressors, the developmental role of negative self-esteem in mental and social problems, and the role of self-esteem in models of health behavior. Finally, implications for designing a health-promotion strategy that could generate broad-spectrum outcomes through addressing common risk factors such as self-esteem are discussed. In this context, schools are considered an ideal setting for such broad-spectrum interventions. Some examples are offered of school programs that have successfully contributed to the enhancement of self-esteem, and the prevention of mental and social problems.

Self-esteem and mental well-being

Empirical studies over the last 15 years indicate that self-esteem is an important psychological factor contributing to health and quality of life ( Evans, 1997 ). Recently, several studies have shown that subjective well-being significantly correlates with high self-esteem, and that self-esteem shares significant variance in both mental well-being and happiness ( Zimmerman, 2000 ). Self-esteem has been found to be the most dominant and powerful predictor of happiness ( Furnham and Cheng, 2000 ). Indeed, while low self-esteem leads to maladjustment, positive self-esteem, internal standards and aspirations actively seem to contribute to ‘well-being’ ( Garmezy, 1984 ; Glick and Zigler, 1992 ). According to Tudor (Tudor, 1996), self-concept, identity and self-esteem are among the key elements of mental health.

Self-esteem, academic achievements and job satisfaction

The relationship between self-esteem and academic achievement is reported in a large number of studies ( Marsh and Yeung, 1997 ; Filozof et al. , 1998 ; Hay et al. , 1998 ). In the critical childhood years, positive feelings of self-esteem have been shown to increase children's confidence and success at school ( Coopersmith, 1967 ), with positive self-esteem being a predicting factor for academic success, e.g. reading ability ( Markus and Nurius, 1986 ). Results of a longitudinal study among elementary school children indicate that children with high self-esteem have higher cognitive aptitudes ( Adams, 1996 ). Furthermore, research has revealed that core self-evaluations measured in childhood and in early adulthood are linked to job satisfaction in middle age ( Judge et al. , 2000 ).

Self-esteem and coping with stress in combination with coping with physical disease

The protective nature of self-esteem is particularly evident in studies examining stress and/or physical disease in which self-esteem is shown to safeguard the individual from fear and uncertainty. This is reflected in observations of chronically ill individuals. It has been found that a greater feeling of mastery, efficacy and high self-esteem, in combination with having a partner and many close relationships, all have direct protective effects on the development of depressive symptoms in the chronically ill ( Penninx et al. , 1998 ). Self-esteem has also been shown to enhance an individual's ability to cope with disease and post-operative survival. Research on pre-transplant psychological variables and survival after bone marrow transplantation ( Broers et al. , 1998 ) indicates that high self-esteem prior to surgery is related to longer survival. Chang and Mackenzie ( Chang and Mackenzie, 1998 ) found that the level of self-esteem was a consistent factor in the prediction of the functional outcome of a patient after a stroke.

To conclude, positive self-esteem is associated with mental well-being, adjustment, happiness, success and satisfaction. It is also associated with recovery after severe diseases.

The evolving nature of self-esteem was conceptualized by Erikson ( Erikson, 1968 ) in his theory on the stages of psychosocial development in children, adolescents and adults. According to Erikson, individuals are occupied with their self-esteem and self-concept as long as the process of crystallization of identity continues. If this process is not negotiated successfully, the individual remains confused, not knowing who (s)he really is. Identity problems, such as unclear identity, diffused identity and foreclosure (an identity status based on whether or not adolescents made firm commitments in life. Persons classified as ‘foreclosed’ have made future commitments without ever experiencing the ‘crises’ of deciding what really suits them best), together with low self-esteem, can be the cause and the core of many mental and social problems ( Marcia et al. , 1993 ).

The development of self-esteem during childhood and adolescence depends on a wide variety of intra-individual and social factors. Approval and support, especially from parents and peers, and self-perceived competence in domains of importance are the main determinants of self-esteem [for a review, see ( Harter, 1999 )]. Attachment and unconditional parental support are critical during the phases of self-development. This is a reciprocal process, as individuals with positive self-esteem can better internalize the positive view of significant others. For instance, in their prospective study among young adolescents, Garber and Flynn ( Garber and Flynn, 2001 ) found that negative self-worth develops as an outcome of low maternal acceptance, a maternal history of depression and exposure to negative interpersonal contexts, such as negative parenting practices, early history of child maltreatment, negative feedback from significant others on one's competence, and family discord and disruption.

Other sources of negative self-esteem are discrepancies between competing aspects of the self, such as between the ideal and the real self, especially in domains of importance. The larger the discrepancy between the value a child assigns to a certain competence area and the perceived self-competence in that area, the lower the feeling of self-esteem ( Harter, 1999 ). Furthermore, discrepancies can exist between the self as seen by oneself and the self as seen by significant others. As implied by Harter ( Harter, 1999 ), this could refer to contrasts that might exist between self-perceived competencies and the lack of approval or support by parents or peers.

Finally, negative and positive feelings of self-worth could be the result of a cognitive, inferential process, in which children observe and evaluate their own behaviors and competencies in specific domains (self-efficacy). The poorer they evaluate their competencies, especially in comparison to those of their peers or to the standards of significant others, the more negative their self-esteem. Such self-monitoring processes can be negatively or positively biased by a learned tendency to negative or positive thinking ( Seligman et al. , 1995 ).

The outcomes of negative self-esteem can be manifold. Poor self-esteem can result in a cascade of diminishing self-appreciation, creating self-defeating attitudes, psychiatric vulnerability, social problems or risk behaviors. The empirical literature highlights the negative outcomes of low self-esteem. However, in several studies there is a lack of clarity regarding causal relations between self-esteem and problems or disorders ( Flay and Ordway, 2001 ). This is an important observation, as there is reason to believe that self-esteem should be examined not only as a cause, but also as a consequence of problem behavior. For example, on the one hand, children could have a negative view about themselves and that might lead to depressive feelings. On the other hand, depression or lack of efficient functioning could lead to feeling bad, which might decrease self-esteem. Although the directionality can work both ways, this article concentrates on the evidence for self-esteem as a potential risk factor for mental and social outcomes. Three clusters of outcomes can be differentiated. The first are mental disorders with internalizing characteristics, such as depression, eating disorders and anxiety. The second are poor social outcomes with externalizing characteristics including aggressive behavior, violence and educational exclusion. The third is risky health behavior such as drug abuse and not using condoms.

Self-esteem and internalizing mental disorders

Self-esteem plays a significant role in the development of a variety of mental disorders. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM IV), negative or unstable self-perceptions are a key component in the diagnostic criteria of major depressive disorders, manic and hypomanic episodes, dysthymic disorders, dissociative disorders, anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and in personality disorders, such as borderline, narcissistic and avoidant behavior. Negative self-esteem is also found to be a risk factor, leading to maladjustment and even escapism. Lacking trust in themselves, individuals become unable to handle daily problems which, in turn, reduces the ability to achieve maximum potential. This could lead to an alarming deterioration in physical and mental well-being. A decline in mental health could result in internalizing problem behavior such as depression, anxiety and eating disorders. The outcomes of low self-esteem for these disorders are elaborated below.

Depressed moods, depression and suicidal tendencies

The clinical literature suggests that low self-esteem is related to depressed moods ( Patterson and Capaldi, 1992 ), depressive disorders ( Rice et al. , 1998 ; Dori and Overholser, 1999 ), hopelessness, suicidal tendencies and attempted suicide ( Overholser et al. , 1995 ). Correlational studies have consistently shown a significant negative relationship between self-esteem and depression ( Beck et al. , 1990 ; Patton, 1991 ). Campbell et al. ( Campbell et al. , 1991 ) found individual appraisal of events to be clearly related to their self-esteem. Low self-esteem subjects rated their daily events as less positive and negative life events as being more personally important than high self-esteem subjects. Individuals with high self-esteem made more stable and global internal attributions for positive events than for negative events, leading to the reinforcement of their positive self-image. Subjects low in self-esteem, however, were more likely to associate negative events to stable and global internal attributions, and positive events to external factors and luck ( Campbell et al. , 1991 ). There is a growing body of evidence that individuals with low self-esteem more often report a depressed state, and that there is a link between dimensions of attributional style, self-esteem and depression ( Abramson et al. , 1989 ; Hammen and Goodman-Brown, 1990 ).

Some indications of the causal role of self-esteem result from prospective studies. In longitudinal studies, low self-esteem during childhood ( Reinherz et al. , 1993 ), adolescence ( Teri, 1982 ) and early adulthood ( Wilhelm et al. , 1999 ) was identified as a crucial predictor of depression later in life. Shin ( Shin, 1993 ) found that when cumulative stress, social support and self-esteem were introduced subsequently in regression analysis, of the latter two, only self-esteem accounted for significant additional variance in depression. In addition, Brown et al. ( Brown et al. , 1990 ) showed that positive self-esteem, although closely associated with inadequate social support, plays a role as a buffer factor. There appears to be a pathway from not living up to personal standards, to low self-esteem and to being depressed ( Harter, 1986 , 1990 ; Higgins, 1987 , 1989 ; Baumeister, 1990 ). Alternatively, another study indicated that when examining the role of life events and difficulties, it was found that total level of stress interacted with low self-esteem in predicting depression, whereas self-esteem alone made no direct contribution ( Miller et al. , 1989 ). To conclude, results of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have shown that low self-esteem is predictive of depression.

The potentially detrimental impact of low self-esteem in depressive disorders stresses the significance of Seligman's recent work on ‘positive psychology’. His research indicates that teaching children to challenge their pessimistic thoughts whilst increasing positive subjective thinking (and bolstering self-esteem) can reduce the risk of pathologies such as depression ( Seligman, 1995 ; Seligman et al. , 1995 ; Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi, 2000 ).

Other internalizing disorders

Although low self-esteem is most frequently associated with depression, a relationship has also been found with other internalizing disorders, such as anxiety and eating disorders. Research results indicate that self-esteem is inversely correlated with anxiety and other signs of psychological and physical distress ( Beck et al. , 2001 ). For example, Ginsburg et al. ( Ginsburg et al. , 1998 ) observed a low level of self-esteem in highly socially anxious children. Self-esteem was shown to serve the fundamental psychological function of buffering anxiety, with the pursuit of self-esteem as a defensive avoidance tool against basic human fears. This mechanism of defense has become evident in research with primary ( Ginsburg et al. , 1998 ) and secondary school children ( Fickova, 1999 ). In addition, empirical studies have shown that bolstering self-esteem in adults reduces anxiety ( Solomon et al. , 2000 ).

The critical role of self-esteem during school years is clearly reflected in studies on eating disorders. At this stage in life, weight, body shape and dieting behavior become intertwined with identity. Researchers have reported low self-esteem as a risk factor in the development of eating disorders in female school children and adolescents ( Fisher et al. , 1994 ; Smolak et al. , 1996 ; Shisslak et al. , 1998 ), as did prospective studies ( Vohs et al. , 2001 ). Low self-esteem also seems predictive of the poor outcome of treatment in such disorders, as has been found in a recent 4-year prospective follow-up study among adolescent in-patients with bulimic characteristics ( van der Ham et al. , 1998 ). The significant influence of self-esteem on body image has led to programs in which the promotion of self-esteem is used as a main preventive tool in eating disorders ( St Jeor, 1993 ; Vickers, 1993 ; Scarano et al. , 1994 ).

To sum up, there is a systematic relation between self-esteem and internalizing problem behavior. Moreover, there is enough prospective evidence to suggest that poor self-esteem might contribute to deterioration of internalizing problem behavior while improvement of self-esteem could prevent such deterioration.

Self-esteem, externalizing problems and other poor social outcomes

For more than two decades, scientists have studied the relationship between self-esteem and externalizing problem behaviors, such as aggression, violence, youth delinquency and dropping out of school. The outcomes of self-esteem for these disorders are described below.

Violence and aggressive behavior

While the causes of such behaviors are multiple and complex, many researchers have identified self-esteem as a critical factor in crime prevention, rehabilitation and behavioral change ( Kressly, 1994 ; Gilbert, 1995 ). In a recent longitudinal questionnaire study among high-school adolescents, low self-esteem was one of the key risk factors for problem behavior ( Jessor et al. , 1998 ).

Recent studies confirm that high self-esteem is significantly associated with less violence ( Fleming et al. , 1999 ; Horowitz, 1999 ), while a lack of self-esteem significantly increases the risk of violence and gang membership ( Schoen, 1999 ). Results of a nationwide study of bullying behavior in Ireland show that children who were involved in bullying as either bullies, victims or both had significantly lower self-esteem than other children ( Schoen, 1999 ). Adolescents with low self-esteem were found to be more vulnerable to delinquent behavior. Interestingly, delinquency was positively associated with inflated self-esteem among these adolescents after performing delinquent behavior ( Schoen, 1999 ). According to Kaplan's self-derogation theory of delinquency (Kaplan, 1975), involvement in delinquent behavior with delinquent peers can increase children's self-esteem and sense of belonging. It was also found that individuals with extremely high levels of self-esteem and narcissism show high tendencies to express anger and aggression ( Baumeister et al. , 2000 ). To conclude, positive self-esteem is associated with less aggressive behavior. Although most studies in the field of aggressive behavior, violence and delinquency are correlational, there is some prospective evidence that low self-esteem is a risk factor in the development of problem behavior. Interestingly, low self-esteem as well as high and inflated self-esteem are both associated with the development of aggressive symptoms.

School dropout

Dropping out from the educational system could also reflect rebellion or antisocial behavior resulting from identity diffusion (an identity status based on whether or not adolescents made firm commitments in life. Adolescents classified as ‘diffuse’ have not yet thought about identity issues or, having thought about them, have failed to make any firm future oriented commitments). For instance, Muha ( Muha, 1991 ) has shown that while self-image and self-esteem contribute to competent functioning in childhood and adolescence, low self-esteem can lead to problems in social functioning and school dropout. The social consequences of such problem behaviors may be considerable for both the individual and the wider community. Several prevention programs have reduced the dropout rate of students at risk ( Alice, 1993 ; Andrews, 1999 ). All these programs emphasize self-esteem as a crucial element in dropout prevention.

Self-esteem and risk behavior

The impact of self-esteem is also evident in risk behavior and physical health. In a longitudinal study, Rouse ( Rouse, 1998 ) observed that resilient adolescents had higher self-esteem than their non-resilient peers and that they were less likely to initiate a variety of risk behaviors. Positive self-esteem is considered as a protective factor against substance abuse. Adolescents with more positive self-concepts are less likely to use alcohol or drugs ( Carvajal et al. , 1998 ), while those suffering with low self-esteem are at a higher risk for drug and alcohol abuse, and tobacco use ( Crump et al. , 1997 ; Jones and Heaven, 1998 ). Carvajal et al. ( Carvajal et al. , 1998 ) showed that optimism, hope and positive self-esteem are determinants of avoiding substance abuse by adolescents, mediated by attitudes, perceived norms and perceived behavioral control. Although many studies support the finding that improving self-esteem is an important component of substance abuse prevention ( Devlin, 1995 ; Rodney et al. , 1996 ), some studies found no support for the association between self-esteem and heavy alcohol use ( Poikolainen et al. , 2001 ).

Empirical evidence suggests that positive self-esteem can also lead to behavior which is protective against contracting AIDS, while low self-esteem contributes to vulnerability to HIV/AIDS ( Rolf and Johnson, 1992 ; Somali et al. , 2001 ). The risk level increases in cases where subjects have low self-esteem and where their behavior reflects efforts to be accepted by others or to gain attention, either positively or negatively ( Reston, 1991 ). Lower self-esteem was also related to sexual risk-taking and needle sharing among homeless ethnic-minority women recovering from drug addiction ( Nyamathi, 1991 ). Abel ( Abel, 1998 ) observed that single females whose partners did not use condoms had lower self-esteem than single females whose partners did use condoms. In a study of gay and/or bisexual men, low self-esteem proved to be one of the factors that made it difficult to reduce sexual risk behavior ( Paul et al. , 1993 ).

To summarize, the literature reveals a number of studies showing beneficial outcomes of positive self-esteem, and conversely, negative outcomes of poor self-esteem, especially in adolescents. Prospective studies and intervention studies have shown that self-esteem can be a causal factor in depression, anxiety, eating disorders, delinquency, school dropout, risk behavior, social functioning, academic success and satisfaction. However, the cross-sectional character of many other studies does not exclude that low self-esteem can also be considered as an important consequence of such disorders and behavioral problems.

To assess the implications of these findings for mental health promotion and preventive interventions, more insight is needed into the antecedents of poor self-esteem, and the mechanisms that link self-esteem to mental, physical and social outcomes.

What are the mechanisms that link self-esteem to health and social outcomes? Several theories used in health promotion or prevention offer insight into such mechanisms. In this section we discuss the role of positive self-esteem as a protective factor in the context of stressors, the developmental role of negative self-esteem in mental and social problems, and the role of self-esteem in models of health behavior.

Positive thinking about oneself as a protective factor in the context of stressors

People have a need to think positively about themselves, to defend and to improve their positive self-esteem, and even to overestimate themselves. Self-esteem represents a motivational force that influences perceptions and coping behavior. In the context of negative messages and stressors, positive self-esteem can have various protective functions.

Research on optimism confirms that a somewhat exaggerated sense of self-worth facilitates mastery, leading to better mental health ( Seligman, 1995 ). Evidence suggests that positive self-evaluations, exaggerated perception of control or mastery and unrealistic optimism are all characteristic of normal human thought, and that certain delusions may contribute to mental health and well-being ( Taylor and Brown, 1988 ). The mentally healthy person appears to have the capacity to distort reality in a direction that protects and enhances self-esteem. Conversely, individuals who are moderately depressed or low in self-esteem consistently display an absence of such enhancing delusions. Self-esteem could thus be said to serve as a defense mechanism that promotes well-being by protecting internal balance. Jahoda ( Jahoda, 1958 ) also included the ‘adequate perception of reality’ as a basic element of mental health. The degree of such a defense, however, has its limitations. The beneficial effect witnessed in reasonably well-balanced individuals becomes invalid in cases of extreme self-esteem and significant distortions of the self-concept. Seligman ( Seligman, 1995 ) claimed that optimism should not be based on unrealistic or heavily biased perceptions.

Viewing yourself positively can also be regarded as a very important psychological resource for coping. We include in this category those general and specific beliefs that serve as a basis for hope and that sustain coping efforts in the face of the most adverse condition… Hope can exist only when such beliefs make a positive outcome seem possible, if not probable. [( Lazarus and Folkman, 1984 ), p. 159]

Incidence = organic causes and stressors/competence, coping skills, self-esteem and social support

Identity, self-esteem, and the development of externalizing and internalizing problems

Erikson's ( Erikson, 1965 , 1968 ) theory on the stages of psychosocial development in children, adolescents, and adults and Herbert's flow chart ( Herbert, 1987 ) focus on the vicissitudes of identity and the development of unhealthy mental and social problems. According to these theories, when a person is enduringly confused about his/her own identity, he/she may possess an inherent lack of self-reassurance which results in either a low level of self-esteem or in unstable self-esteem and feelings of insecurity. However, low self-esteem—likewise inflated self-esteem—can also lead to identity problems. Under circumstances of insecurity and low self-esteem, the individual evolves in one of two ways: he/she takes the active escape route or the passive avoidance route ( Herbert, 1987 ). The escape route is associated with externalizing behaviors: aggressive behavior, violence and school dropout, the seeking of reassurance in others through high-risk behavior, premature relationships, cults or gangs. Reassurance and security may also be sought through drugs, alcohol or food. The passive avoidance route is associated with internalizing factors: feelings of despair and depression. Extreme avoidance may even result in suicidal behavior.

Whether identity and self-esteem problems express themselves following the externalizing active escape route or the internalizing passive avoidance route is dependent on personality characteristics and circumstances, life events and social antecedents (e.g. gender and parental support) ( Hebert, 1987 ). Recent studies consistently show gender differences regarding externalizing and internalizing behaviors among others in a context of low self-esteem ( Block and Gjerde, 1986 ; Rolf et al. , 1990 ; Harter, 1999 ; Benjet and Hernandez-Guzman, 2001 ). Girls are more likely to have internalizing symptoms than boys; boys are more likely to have externalizing symptoms. Moreover, according to Harter ( Harter, 1999 ), in recent studies girls appear to be better than boys in positive self-evaluation in the domain of behavioral conduct. Self-perceived behavioral conduct is assessed as the individual view on how well behaved he/she is and how he/she views his/her behavior in accordance with social expectations ( Harter, 1999 ). Negative self-perceived behavioral conduct is also found to be an important factor in mediating externalizing problems ( Reda-Norton, 1995 ; Hoffman, 1999 ).

The internalization of parental approval or disapproval is critical during childhood and adolescence. Studies have identified parents' and peers' supportive reactions (e.g. involvement, positive reinforcement, and acceptance) as crucial determinants of children's self-esteem and adjustment ( Shadmon, 1998 ). In contrast to secure, harmonious parent–child relationships, poor family relationships are associated with internalizing problems and depression ( Kashubeck and Christensen, 1993 ; Oliver and Paull, 1995 ).

Self-esteem in health behavior models

Self-esteem also plays a role in current cognitive models of health behavior. Health education research based on the Theory of Planned Behavior ( Ajzen, 1991 ) has confirmed the role of self-efficacy as a behavioral determinant ( Godin and Kok, 1996 ). Self-efficacy refers to the subjective evaluation of control over a specific behavior. While self-concepts and their evaluations could be related to specific behavioral domains, self-esteem is usually defined as a more generic attitude towards the self. One can have high self-efficacy for a specific task or behavior, while one has a negative evaluation of self-worth and vice versa. Nevertheless, both concepts are frequently intertwined since people often try to develop self-efficacy in activities that give them self-worth ( Strecher et al. , 1986 ). Self-efficacy and self-esteem are therefore not identical, but nevertheless related. The development of self-efficacy in behavioral domains of importance can contribute to positive self-esteem. On the other hand, the levels of self-esteem and self-confidence can influence self-efficacy, as is assumed in stress and coping theories.

The Attitude–Social influence–self-Efficacy (ASE) model ( De Vries and Mudde, 1998 ; De Vries et al. , 1988a ) and the Theory of Triadic Influence (TTI) ( Flay and Petraitis, 1994 ) are recent theories that provide a broad perspective on health behavior. These theories include distal factors that influence proximal behavioral determinants ( De Vries et al. , 1998b ) and specify more distal streams of influence for each of the three core determinants in the Planned Behavior Model ( Azjen, 1991 ) (attitudes, self-efficacy and social normative beliefs). Each of these behavioral determinants is assumed to be moderated by several distal factors, including self-esteem and mental disorders.

The TTI regards self-esteem in the same sense as the ASE, as a distal factor. According to this theory, self-efficacy is influenced by personality characteristics, especially the ‘sense of self’, which includes self-integration, self-image and self-esteem ( Flay and Petraitis, 1994 ).

The Precede–Proceed model of Green and Kreuter (Green and Kreuter, 1991) for the planning of health education and health promotion also recognizes the role of self-esteem. The model directs health educators to specify characteristics of health problems, and to take multiple determinants of health and health-related behavior into account. It integrates an epidemiological, behavioral and environmental approach. The staged Precede–Proceed framework supports health educators in identifying and influencing the multiple factors that shape health status, and evaluating the changes produced by interventions. Self-esteem plays a role in the first and fourth phase of the Precede–Proceed model, as an outcome variable and as a determinant. The initial phase of social diagnosis, analyses the quality of life of the target population. Green and Kreuter [(Green and Kreuter, 1991), p. 27] present self-esteem as one of the outcomes of health behavior and health status, and as a quality of life indicator. The fourth phase of the model, which concerns the educational and organizational diagnosis, describes three clusters of behavioral determinants: predisposing, enabling and reinforcing factors. Predisposing factors provide the rationale or motivation for behavior, such as knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, values, and perceived needs and abilities [(Green and Kreuter, 1991), p. 154]. Self-knowledge, general self-appraisal and self-efficacy are considered as predisposing factors.

To summarize, self-esteem can function both as a determinant and as an outcome of healthy behavior within health behavior models. Poor self-esteem can trigger poor coping behavior or risk behavior that subsequently increases the likelihood of certain diseases among which are mental disorders. On the other hand, the presence of poor coping behavior and ill-health can generate or reinforce a negative self-image.

Self-esteem in a BSA to mental health promotion and prevention in schools

Given the evidence supporting the role of self-esteem as a core element in physical and mental health, it is recommended that its potential in future health promotion and prevention programs be reconsidered.

The design of future policies for mental health promotion and the prevention of mental disorders is currently an area of active debate ( Hosman, 2000 ). A key question in the discussion is which is more effective: a preventive approach focusing on specific disorders or a more generic preventive approach?

Based on the evidence supporting the role of self-esteem as a non-specific risk factor and protective factor in the development of mental disorders and social problems, we advocate a generic preventive approach built around the ‘self’. In general, changing common risk and protective factors (e.g. self-esteem, coping skills, social support) and adopting a generic preventive approach can reduce the risk of the development of a range of mental disorders and promote individual well-being even before the onset of a specific problem has presented itself. Given its multi-outcome perspective, we have termed this strategy the ‘BSA’ in prevention and promotion.

Self-esteem is considered one of the important elements of the BSA. By fostering self-esteem, and hence treating a common risk factor, it is possible to contribute to the prevention of an array of physical diseases, mental disorders and social problems challenging society today. This may also, at a later date, imply the prevention of a shift to other problem behaviors or symptoms which might occur when only problem-specific risk factors are addressed. For example, an eating disorder could be replaced by another type of symptom, such as alcohol abuse, smoking, social anxiety or depression, when only the eating behavior itself is addressed and not more basic causes, such as poor self-esteem, high stress levels and lack of social support. Although there is, as yet, no published research on such a shift phenomenon, the high level of co-morbidity between such problems might reflect the likelihood of its existence. Numerous studies support the idea of co-morbidity and showed that many mental disorders have overlapping associated risk factors such as self-esteem. There is a significant degree of co-morbidity between and within internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors such as depression, anxiety, substance disorders and delinquency ( Harrington et al. , 1996 ; Angold et al. , 1999 ; Swendsen and Merikangas, 2000 ). By considering the individual as a whole, within the BSA, the risk of such an eventuality could be reduced.

The BSA could have practical implications. Schools are an ideal setting for implementing BSA programs, thereby aiming at preventing an array of problems, since they cover the entire population. They have the means and responsibility for the promotion of healthy behavior for such a common risk and protective factor, since school children are in their formative stage. A mental health promotion curriculum oriented towards emotional and social learning could include a focus on enhancing self-esteem. Weare ( Weare, 2000 ) stressed that schools need to aim at helping children develop a healthy sense of self-esteem as part of the development of their ‘intra-personal intelligence’. According to Gardner (Gardner, 1993) ‘intra-personal intelligence’ is the ability to form an accurate model of oneself and the ability to use it to operate effectively in life. Self-esteem, then, is an important component of this ability. Serious thought should be given to the practical implementation of these ideas.

It is important to clearly define the nature of a BSA program designed to foster self-esteem within the school setting. In our opinion, such a program should include important determinants of self-esteem, i.e. competence and social support.

Harter ( Harter, 1999 ) stated that competence and social support, together provide a powerful explanation of the level of self-esteem. According to Harter's research on self-perceived competence, every child experiences some discrepancy between what he/she would like to be, the ‘ideal self’, and his/her actual perception of him/herself, ‘the real self’. When this discrepancy is large and it deals with a personally relevant domain, this will result in lower self-esteem. Moreover, the overall sense of support of significant others (especially parents, peers and teachers) is also influential for the development of self-esteem. Children who feel that others accept them, and are unconditionally loved and respected, will report a higher sense of self-esteem ( Bee, 2000 ). Thus, children with a high discrepancy and a low sense of social support reported the lowest sense of self-esteem. These results suggest that efforts to improve self-esteem in children require both supportive social surroundings and the formation and acceptance of realistic personal goals in the personally relevant domains ( Harter, 1999 ).

In addition to determinants such as competence and social support, we need to translate the theoretical knowledge on coping with inner self-processes (e.g. inconsistencies between the real and ideal self) into practice, in order to perform a systematic intervention regarding the self. Harter's work offers an important foundation for this. Based on her own and others' research on the development of the self, she suggests the following principles to prevent the development of negative self-esteem and to enhance self-worth ( Harter, 1999 ):

Reduction of the discrepancy between the real self and the ideal self.

Encouragement of relatively realistic self-perceptions.

Encouraging the belief that positive self-evaluations can be achieved.

Appreciation for the individual's views about their self-esteem and individual perceptions on causes and consequences of self-worth.

Increasing awareness of the origins of negative self-perceptions.

Providing a more integrated personal construct while improving understanding of self-contradictions.

Encouraging the individual and his/her significant others to promote the social support they give and receive.

Fostering internalization of positive opinions of others.

Haney and Durlak ( Haney and Durlak, 1998 ) wrote a meta-analytical review of 116 intervention studies for children and adolescents. Most studies indicated significant improvement in children's and adolescents' self-esteem and self-concept, and as a result of this change, significant changes in behavioral, personality, and academic functioning. Haney and Durlak reported on the possible impact improved self-esteem had on the onset of social problems. However, their study did not offer an insight into the potential effect of enhanced self-esteem on mental disorders.

Several mental health-promoting school programs that have addressed self-esteem and the determinants of self-esteem in practice, were effective in the prevention of eating disorders ( O'Dea and Abraham, 2000 ), problem behavior ( Flay and Ordway, 2001 ), and the reduction of substance abuse, antisocial behavior and anxiety ( Short, 1998 ). We shall focus on the first two programs because these are universal programs, which focused on ‘mainstream’ school children. The prevention of eating disorders program ‘Everybody's Different’ ( O'Dea and Abraham, 2000 ) is aimed at female adolescents aged 11–14 years old. It was developed in response to the poor efficacy of conventional body-image education in improving body image and eating behavior. ‘Everybody's Different’ has adopted an alternative methodology built on an interactive, school-based, self-esteem approach and is designed to prevent the development of eating disorders by improving self-esteem. The program has significantly changed aspects of self-esteem, body satisfaction, social acceptance and physical appearance. Female students targeted by the intervention rated their physical appearance, as perceived by others, significantly higher than control-group students, and allowed their body weight to increase appropriately by refraining from weight-loss behavior seen in the control group. These findings were still evident after 12 months. This is one of the first controlled educational interventions that had successfully improved body image and produced long-term changes in the attitudes and self-image of young adolescents.

The ‘Positive Action Program’ ( Flay and Ordway, 2001 ) serves as a unique example of some BSA principles in practice. The program addresses the challenge of increasing self-esteem, reducing problem behavior and improving school performance. The types of problem behavior in question were delinquent behavior, ‘misdemeanors’ and objection to school rules ( Flay and Ordway, 2001 ). This program concentrates on self-concept and self-esteem, but also includes other risk and protective factors, such as positive actions, self-control, social skills and social support that could be considered as determinants of self-esteem. Other important determinants of self-esteem, such as coping with internal self-processes, are not addressed. At present, the literature does not provide many examples of BSA studies that produce general preventive effects among adolescents who do not (yet) display behavioral problems ( Greenberg et al. , 2000 ).

To conclude, research results show beneficial outcomes of positive self-esteem, which is seen to be associated with mental well-being, happiness, adjustment, success, academic achievements and satisfaction. It is also associated with better recovery after severe diseases. However, the evolving nature of self-esteem could also result in negative outcomes. For example, low self-esteem can be a causal factor in depression, anxiety, eating disorders, poor social functioning, school dropout and risk behavior. Interestingly, the cross-sectional characteristic of many studies does not exclude the possibility that low self-esteem can also be considered as an important consequence of such disorders and behavioral problems.

Self-esteem is an important risk and protective factor linked to a diversity of health and social outcomes. Therefore, self-esteem enhancement can serve as a key component in a BSA approach in prevention and health promotion. The design and implementation of mental health programs with self-esteem as one of the core variables is an important and promising development in health promotion.

The authors are grateful to Dr Alastair McElroy for his constructive comments on this paper. The authors wish to thank Rianne Kasander (MA) and Chantal Van Ree (MA) for their assistance in the literature search. Financing for this study was generously provided by the Dutch Health Research and Development Council (Zorg Onderzoek Nederland, ZON/MW).

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Author notes

1Department of Health Education and Promotion, Maastricht University, Maastricht and 2Prevention Research Center on Program Development and Effect Management, The Netherlands

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How to Boost Your Self-Esteem: Effective Tips and Strategies

Last Updated: May 13, 2024 Fact Checked

This article was written by Kim Chronister, PsyD and by wikiHow staff writer, Jennifer Mueller, JD . Dr. Kim Chronister is a Licensed Clinical Psychologist. She specializes in helping people struggling with substance abuse, relationship problems, eating disorders, and personality disorders. Dr. Chronister has contributed to and appeared on Access Hollywood, Investigation Discovery, and NBC News. She is the author of “Peak Mindset” and “FitMentality.” She holds an MA in Clinical Psychology and a Doctor of Psychology (PsyD) from Alliant International University. There are 10 references cited in this article, which can be found at the bottom of the page. This article has been fact-checked, ensuring the accuracy of any cited facts and confirming the authority of its sources. This article has been viewed 424,771 times.

If you're struggling with low self-esteem, you're not alone. Many people have a negative opinion of themselves and the truth is that your self-esteem might be at different levels from day to day or in response to things that happen to you. But it turns out there are actually some pretty simple ways to give yourself a boost. Read on to discover some simple ways to improve your self-esteem and the way you think about yourself. This article is based on an interview with our licensed clinical psychologist, Kim Chronister. Check out the full interview here.

Things You Should Know

• Repeat a positive mantra or affirmation to boost your self-esteem, such as "I am valuable and worthy."
• Make a list of your accomplishments and the things you like about yourself. Refer to that list any time you're feeling down for a quick boost.
• Avoid comparing yourself to others. You're on your own journey and you're moving at your own pace.

Encourage yourself with affirming thoughts.

• For example, if you're about to give a big presentation and you're afraid you'll fail, you might tell yourself, "This presentation gives me an opportunity to share my knowledge and for that I am grateful."
• If you're about to go out on a first date and you're thinking the person won't like you, you might tell yourself, "I'm an interesting and intelligent person with a lot to offer. If that's not enough for this person, that's okay. There are plenty more fish in the sea."
• You could also try something more generic to apply to your whole day, such as "I am valuable and worthy," or "I am still learning so it's okay to make mistakes."

Celebrate the good things about you.

• For example, you might include things like your patience, that you're a good listener, that you work well with kids, and that you're a supportive friend.
• Whenever you're feeling down or bad about yourself, refer to your list. You'll likely find something that will make you smile and see your inner goodness.
• When you accomplish something, no matter how small, take the time to notice it and pat yourself on the back for it. [2] X Research source

Keep your focus on yourself.

• Remember that you're not in a race either. It can be easy to get down on yourself if someone else accomplishes something before you do, but that doesn't mean you won't do it or that they're better than you.

Try something new.

• Remember that nobody is perfect and it's unreasonable to think you'll do something perfectly on your first try. Making mistakes is how you learn.

Challenge unkind thoughts about yourself.

• For example, suppose you think, "I made a bad grade on that test, I'm never going to pass this class." Ask yourself what evidence you have to support that statement. Then look for something positive you can replace it with.
• For example, you might instead think, "I made a bad grade on that test but it's not the end of the world. I'll sign up for tutoring and ask the teacher if there's any extra credit work I can do to get my grade up."

Set boundaries with other people.

• Setting boundaries also shows mutual respect. If there are people in your life who aren't willing to respect the boundaries you set, distance yourself from them.
• Problems setting boundaries are often long-standing habits that are difficult to break on your own. Talk to a therapist or counselor if you need help setting boundaries.

Build a support network around you.

• For example, you might ask your friends to list some things that they like about you. That can help you understand what value you bring to their lives.
• You might also ask them to tell you some things you should be proud of, or things they're proud of you for accomplishing. Sometimes, something you didn't even consider an accomplishment is something someone else is really proud of you for!
• Keep in mind that it can be really hard to boost your self-esteem on your own. Talking to a friend who will give you positive feedback can help you challenge and reframe your negative thinking. [7] X Research source

Set challenges for yourself.

• For example, if your goal is to write a novel, you might set a measurable limit for the number of words you want to write each day, with the ultimate intent of finishing your draft by the end of the year. Record the number of words you actually write each day to track your progress.
• Journal about your goals and chart your progress. If you slip up or don't get as far as you originally planned, no worries! It's all part of the process. Growth isn't always linear. Just keep going and you'll get there.

Make time for your hobbies and interests.

• Don't think about these things as things you're only allowed as a reward for doing something else. Carve out a little time every day for the things that help you recharge and feel good about yourself.

Get to know yourself better through journaling.

• Write about things that trigger a blow to your self-esteem specifically. Think about different ways you could handle the situation or different ways you could think about it that wouldn't affect your self-esteem so badly.
• For example, you might write about a situation in which you got criticism at work and it made you feel like you were a terrible employee and they were going to fire you. Reflecting on that thought, you could write a list of all the ways in which you're valuable in your job.

Volunteer in your community.

• For example, if you love animals, you might volunteer to walk dogs or play with cats at your local animal shelter.
• You can also volunteer at food banks or homeless shelters. Your local community center might have other opportunities as well, such as tutoring or volunteering for an after-school program.

Look after your body and your health.

• Yoga or progressive muscle relaxation techniques can help you better accept your body and feel better about yourself, which could also boost your self-esteem.

Identify triggers that lower your self-esteem.

• For example, you may have struggled in math class and now believe that you're terrible at math and not very smart. But you can tell yourself that your performance in a single class doesn't have anything to do with your overall intelligence.
• Often your triggers come from childhood. For example, people who suffered abuse as a child may have developed low self-esteem as a defense mechanism because they would be potentially targeted for abuse if they displayed confidence in themselves.

Practice mindfulness to improve your outlook.

• When it comes to practicing mindfulness , you might want to try several different techniques to find what works best for you.
• Yoga helps many people increase their mindfulness. For others, a meditative walk in nature helps their mental outlook considerably.

Talk to a therapist.

• Group therapy can also help. If you're able to connect with other people who have similar self-esteem issues or similar triggers, it can help you feel more understood and less alone.

Expert Q&A

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• ↑ https://health.clevelandclinic.org/how-to-improve-self-esteem/
• ↑ https://www.healthdirect.gov.au/self-esteem
• ↑ https://www.weber.edu/CounselingCenter/self-esteem.html
• ↑ https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/stress-management/in-depth/assertive/art-20044644
• ↑ https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/off-the-couch/202301/how-do-you-recover-from-a-blow-to-your-self-esteem
• ↑ https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/fixing-families/202208/5-steps-increasing-your-self-esteem-and-confidence
• ↑ https://www.betterhealth.vic.gov.au/health/healthyliving/self-esteem
• ↑ https://kidshealth.org/en/parents/boost-self-esteem.html
• ↑ https://www.dhs.gov/employee-resources/news/2022/07/05/improve-your-self-esteem
• ↑ https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8808471/

About This Article

To improve your self-esteem, use hopeful statements, like “Even though this is a challenge, I can handle it.” Additionally, set realistic goals and expectations for yourself so you can feel a sense of accomplishment. You should also take care of yourself by eating well and exercising, which can boost your self-esteem by releasing the "happy chemicals" known as endorphins. As you work on building your confidence, try to avoid comparing yourself to others. Instead, focus on your own accomplishments and how you can better yourself. To learn how to increase your self-esteem by being your own best cheerleader, keep reading! Did this summary help you? Yes No

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Building Self-Esteem

13 February, 2020

8 minutes read

Author:  Donna Moores

Evidently, self-esteem is seen as a personal trait which tends to be enduring and stable, the one that encompasses within itself a host of beliefs about oneself. In reality, self-esteem means different things to diverse people. To some it means feeling good and loving yourself unconditionally. To others it is a feeling which is at the center of one's being of self-confidence, self-worth and respect. Therefore, it is vital for one to have high self-esteem since it paves the way for love and success in life (Bruceeisner, 2012).

Certainly, people often overlook the importance for individuals to have a healthy or positive self-esteem. On the very basic level, a positive self-esteem is delineated by various qualities. They include being able to accept responsibilities for one’s own actions, respect and tolerance for others, being able to handle criticisms, and of course, being able to take charge of one’s own life. Also, it’s about taking a great pride in your own achievements, possessing a great level of integrity and loving others while being loved. The majority of people in the community, especially those in the business and entrepreneurial sectors, believe that possessing a healthy or positive self-esteem will aid in being a successful professional in your field of work.

In the medical field of the economy, for example, doctors, nurses and other people working in the medical community have a belief that possessing a positive self-esteem is very crucial in the maintenance of a healthy life by individuals. In contrast to the thought that a positive or healthy self-esteem is vital in an individual’s professional life, it also plays a very important role in alleviating psychological disorders.

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What Are the Effects of Underappreciation?

When an individual possesses a low self-esteem, he or she tries to impress others or prove others a focal point in their lives. However, this is deemed to be a total waste of one’s time and energy and can even result in psychological issues. In particular, a person without a healthy or positive self-esteem tends to have contempt towards people and usually acts arrogantly. They usually blame themselves for their actions and failures, lack confidence in themselves and mostly doubt their acceptability and self-worth (Reasoner, 2012).

These elements do not only show the negative part of an individual’s life. They are also quite unhealthy to the emotional well-being of an individual. This is because an unhealthy or negative self-esteem is damaging to an individual’s emotional health. This backs the fact that a healthy or positive self-esteem indeed can aid in alleviating psychological disorders.

The Relation of Self-Esteem to Science

One of the peculiar psychological disorders that are mostly stroked by self-esteem is known as Borderline Personality Disorder. Individuals are not willing to validate their feelings for other people or trust others when they usually do not feel well about themselves. People who suffer from borderline personality disorder coupled with a poor self-esteem can exasperate the anger which is mostly present in this type of psychological issue. More often than not, a burst of angry tirade is as a result of a lot of unresolved matters which have been posponed for later. Hence, the only way a person with borderline personality can assert his or her feelings or thoughts is through anger. In addition, having a healthy or positive self-esteem can help alleviate this issue and curtail the feeling of anger associated with borderline personality.

In particular, an individual who experiences borderline personality psychological disorder most often associates some form of suspicion to people who want to be their friends. A person with this kind of issue has a feeling that their friendship with others will end as the time goes on. This is because they think they have nothing to offer in the new friendship, which is actually wrong. Therefore, possessing a healthy or positive self-esteem can aid an individual who has a psychological disorder like the borderline personality to comprehend the fact that they deserve to be happy and achieve success in everything they do. Specifically, this is linked to their professional life or personal life, and also to the sense of self-worth.

A typical example of it is when an individual gets a job that he or she has always wanted, let say a dream job. A person possessing a psychological disorder like borderline personality will position himself or herself for failure. Meanwhile, the staff may use the opportunity given a mistake and can even flare up at the employer for placing them in a position to fail. On the other hand, an individual with a healthy or positive self-esteem will realize that he or she indeed deserves the job. In addition, they’ll recognize and appreciate the opportunity given to him or her to achieve success. A person with a healthy self-esteem will thank and respect the one who gave him that opportunity.

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The Importance of Rational Self-Esteem

Self-esteem is significant to an individual’s well-being and mental health since it has the capability of leading him or her to a more deserving social behavior and better health. Obviously, low self-esteem is often characterized with a range of broad social problems and mental disorders like eating disorders, depression, suicidal tendencies and anxiety. Notably, some schools of thought in the field of medicine, most often in the field of psychological disorders, believe that healthy physical and mental health are a result of comprehending the development of self-esteem and its outcomes.

Self-esteem can, therefore, be explained as the sum of a person’s knowledge and beliefs about his or her personal qualities and attributes. It is a cognitive composition that combines the concrete and abstract views about oneself and also controls the possession of information of self-relevance. Moreover, an individual who possesses suicidal tendencies has the urge or feeling of hurting himself or herself as he/she is feeling unhappy and unworthy.

Consequently, having a healthy or positive self-esteem alleviates any negative emotions and feelings an individual with any form of suicidal tendencies might go through. In addition, research has proven that self-esteem is a crucial psychological factor which contributes to quality and healthy life. It has also been proven with research that subjective well-being extremely corresponds with high self-esteem (Zimmerman, 2000). Therefore, it plays a major role in the mental well-being and happiness of individuals.

Overall, self-esteem and mental well-being of an individual are directly related. Any alteration in a person’s self-esteem, be it high self-esteem or low self-esteem, will affect the psychology of that person. Likewise, a healthy or positive self-esteem definitely helps in alleviating psychological disorders and puts an individual on the pedestal of high belief and confidence in him or herself.

• Bruceeisner, D. (2012). Meaning of Self-Esteem. Squidoo Journal Website Retrieved from: http://www.squidoo.com/self_esteem
• Reasoner, R. (2012). The True Meaning of Self-Esteem. National Association for Self-Esteem Website Retrieved from:http://www.self-esteem-nase.org/what.php
• Zimmerman, S.L. (2000). Self-Esteem, Personal Control and Optimism. Midwestern University. Dissertation Abstract. Retrieved from:http://her.oxfordjournals.org/content/19/4/357.full#ref-123

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How to Improve Your Self-Worth and Why It's Important

Sanjana is a health writer and editor. Her work spans various health-related topics, including mental health, fitness, nutrition, and wellness.

Yolanda Renteria, LPC, is a licensed therapist, somatic practitioner, national certified counselor, adjunct faculty professor, speaker specializing in the treatment of trauma and intergenerational trauma.

Delmaine Donson / Getty Images

Factors That Influence Self-Worth

Gauging your self-worth, importance of self-worth.

• How to Improve Self-Worth

If you’ve heard the term “self-worth,” you’re probably wondering what exactly it means and why it’s important.

According to the American Psychological Association (APA), your self-worth is your evaluation of yourself as a capable and valuable human being deserving of consideration and respect. It is an internal sense of being worthy of love .

We often think about terms like “respect,” “love,” and “consideration” with regard to our relationships with others, such as our friends, family members, colleagues, and neighbors. However, the term “self-worth” is a gauge of how much we respect, love, and value ourselves. 

People with positive self-worth tend to have greater self-confidence and self-esteem. Having low self-worth, on the other hand, means judging oneself harshly, having a low opinion of oneself, and tending to focus on one's mistakes and shortcomings, rather than one's abilities and strengths.

Sabrina Romanoff, PsyD

It’s important to have self-worth because it impacts everything you do from your relationships, to how you work, how you feel about yourself, and how others view you.

This article explores the importance of self-worth and suggests some strategies to help you improve your self-worth. 

Self-worth is a subjective concept that can fluctuate based on many variables, says Sabrina Romanoff , PsyD, a clinical psychologist and professor at Yeshiva University. 

According to Dr. Romanoff, these are some of the factors that may influence self-worth:

• Core beliefs and values
• Thoughts and feelings
• Emotions and mental well-being
• Experiences and interactions with others
• Relationships , both past and present
• Health and physical fitness 
• Career and profession 
• Activities and hobbies
• Community and social status 
• Financial position
• Physical appearance
• Childhood experiences

If you’re trying to gauge your self-worth , Dr. Romanoff says it may be helpful to ask yourself the following questions:

• How much do you like, respect, and value yourself?
• Which words would you use to describe yourself to a stranger?
• When you self-reflect and think about yourself, are your thoughts generally positive, negative, or somewhere in between?
• Do you believe you are worthy of others’ love, respect, and consideration?

Asking yourself these questions can help you introspect and get a sense of your own self-worth. 

As you explore these thoughts, it can also be helpful to think about where your thoughts and beliefs around your self-worth originated from.

Below, Dr. Romanoff explains the benefits of having a healthy sense of self-worth and the potential pitfalls of having low self-worth.

Benefits of Positive Self-Worth

Folks with high self-worth carry with them a sense of confidence that they will be all right and manage whatever comes their way. While they are aware of areas in which they can improve, they don’t let their shortcomings define their identity. They are not afraid to pursue opportunities and have reasonable faith in their ability to deliver.

Self-worth also plays an important role in relationship dynamics. For example, if someone is treated poorly, their self-worth will likely have a large impact on their interpretation of the event—someone with low self-worth may blame themselves, whereas a person with healthy self-worth may not consider themselves deserving of mistreatment .

Therefore, having positive self-worth can help people set boundaries around how they are treated by others. Learning to ask for respect is what pushes others to be respectful.

According to a 2017 study, positive self-worth is associated with a greater sense of well-being and life satisfaction.

Potential Pitfalls of Low Self-Worth

Low self-worth is characterized by a negative view of oneself and a lack of trust in one’s abilities. As a result, there is a perpetual fear of failure, difficulty accepting positive comments, and a disproportionate focus on weaknesses.

Because there is a strong tendency to view oneself as unworthy, there is also a tendency to elevate others, in an effort to compensate. Someone with low self-worth may therefore minimize their needs, allow their boundaries to be infringed, go out of their way to please others, and be unable to stand up for themselves.

Low self-worth is highly correlated with depression and anxiety . As a result, people may experience symptoms like low mood, irritability, anxiety, fatigue, changes in weight, sleep difficulties, and inability to concentrate.

Strategies to Improve Your Self-Worth

Below, Dr. Romanoff shares some strategies that can help you boost your sense of self-worth:

• Do things you enjoy and are good at: Getting good at something—and enjoying it—can provide positive reinforcement and feelings of proficiency and capability. Having regular reminders of your talents, strengths, and abilities can help make you more confident in other areas of your life as well.
• Exercise and challenge yourself: Research shows us that physical activity is linked to a greater sense of self-worth. Inducing moderate strain on your body and striving towards increasingly advanced goals each time gives you tangible proof that you are capable of more than you thought. Exercise also recalibrates your mindset and offers both physical and mental benefits .
• Challenge negative thoughts: Remember that thoughts are not facts. In fact, most of the time, they are distortions caused by internalized critics, stress, and situational demands. Next time you have a negative self-thought, think of an alternative realistic thought to replace it.
• Seek support: You could also see a therapist for self-worth, if you notice that it’s constricting the quality of your functioning in your relationships, work, or emotional well-being. Having low self-worth can be like living life through restricted blinders. Sometimes complacency with this restriction grows, and people believe they are not worthy of more. In these instances, the perspective of a neutral, trained professional can be very effective.
• Build self-worth in your children: The origins of low self-worth can often be traced back to the behaviors of adults in childhood, even if they were well-meaning. If you have children , it’s important to actively work toward building their self-esteem. Rather than rewarding them for external factors such as appearance or winning sports games or prizes, recognize and praise internal factors such as effort and determination. Focus on what your child can control because if their self-esteem is solely based on external factors, their self-esteem will be dependent on the next accomplishment.

A Word From Verywell

Having a healthy sense of self-worth is important and can contribute to better relationships , work, health, and overall mental and emotional well-being. If you think you might have low self-esteem, there are steps you can take to improve it and have a more positive view of yourself. Loving, respecting, and valuing yourself can be the first step toward gaining the love, respect, and consideration of others.

American Psychological Association. Self-worth . APA Dictionary of Psychology .

University of North Carolina Wilmington. Self-worth .

Du H, King RB, Chi P. Self-esteem and subjective well-being revisited: The roles of personal, relational, and collective self-esteem . PLoS One . 2017;12(8):e0183958. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0183958

Sowislo JF, Orth U. Does low self-esteem predict depression and anxiety? A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies . Psychol Bull . 2013;139(1):213-240. doi:10.1037/a0028931

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Mental health conditions: Depression and anxiety .

Reddon H, Meyre D, Cairney J. Physical activity and global self-worth in a longitudinal study . Med Sci Sports Exerc . 2017;49(8):1606-1613. doi:10.1249/MSS.0000000000001275

By Sanjana Gupta Sanjana is a health writer and editor. Her work spans various health-related topics, including mental health, fitness, nutrition, and wellness.

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• v.56(2); 2016

The Pursuit of Self-Esteem and Its Motivational Implications

Jolene van der kaap-deeder.

1 Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, Department of Developmental, Social, and Personality Psychology, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium

Sofie Wouters

2 Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, School Psychology and Child and Adolescent Development, KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium

Karine Verschueren

Veerle briers, bram deeren.

3 VCLB Oostkust, Blankenberge, Belgium

Maarten Vansteenkiste

Although recent studies have found contingent self-esteem (CSE) to be negatively related to individuals’ well-being, research concerning its implications for motivation and engagement is scarce. In two studies, we investigated the relation between CSE, motivation, and engagement in achievement-related situations. A first cross-sectional study among second year high school students ( N = 641; 54.1% female) confirmed the hypothesized motivational ambiguity associated with academic CSE. Beyond the contribution of academic self-esteem, academic CSE was positively related to behavioral and emotional engagement, but also to emotional disaffection and test anxiety. These associations could partially be explained by motivational quality, as CSE was also positively related to both autonomous and controlled types of motivation. In a second experimental study among university students ( N = 72; 70.8% female), who participated in a tangram puzzle task under varying feedback circumstances, global CSE related to more tension, while predicting less behavioral task perseverance. These effects were not moderated by the type of feedback provided (i.e., positive vs. negative). Theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed.

Research on self-esteem has mainly focused on people’s level of self-esteem, which entails the overall positivity or negativity towards the self ( Rosenberg, Schooler, Schoenbach, & Rosenberg, 1995 ). Increasingly, however, other aspects of individuals’ self-esteem, including its contingency, have been found to relate to adjustment ( Heppner & Kernis, 2011 ; Zeigler-Hill, 2013 ). Contingent self-esteem (CSE) denotes the extent to which people base their self-worth on meeting certain internal or external standards ( Deci & Ryan, 1995 ) and has been studied as both a global (e.g., Kernis, 2003 ) and domain-specific (e.g., Crocker, Luhtanen, Cooper, & Bouvrette, 2003 ) characteristic. Although several studies found CSE to relate positively to maladjustment (e.g., Burwell & Shirk, 2006 ; Lakey, Hirsch, Nelson, & Nsamenang, 2014 ; Lawrence & Williams, 2013 ; Neighbors, Larimer, Geisner, & Knee, 2004 ), important gaps remain. For instance, research concerning the motivational correlates of CSE is scarce. Yet, this may be particularly interesting, as students with elevated levels of CSE may be highly motivated to do well, yet at the same time their motivation may be fraught with feelings of inner tension, anxiety, and compulsion. Hence, the present contribution aims to explore in greater detail the hypothesized motivational ambiguity comprised in CSE and whether such ambiguity would also be reflected in individuals’ emotional and behavioral engagement and disaffection in achievement settings. Specifically, Study 1 focused on the motivational, engagement and disaffection correlates of academic CSE in a sample of high school students. Study 2 sought to complement Study 1 by examining the main effect of global CSE and its interaction with type of feedback in the prediction of several motivational and engagement-related outcomes during a specific experimental task in a sample of university students.

Contingent Self-esteem

CSE refers to individuals’ global or domain-specific tendency to hinge their self-esteem upon meeting certain internal or external standards ( Deci & Ryan, 1995 ). Global CSE is only moderately negatively correlated with global self-esteem (e.g., Wouters, Duriez, et al., 2013 ). This negative interrelation suggests that individuals with lower self-esteem levels are more likely to have their self-worth interwoven with the attainment of specific standards. Paralleling this negative relation, self-esteem level and self-esteem contingency were found to yield opposite associations with adjustment, including well-being ( Zeigler-Hill, 2013 ; Zeigler-Hill, Besser, & King, 2011 ), anxiety and eating disorder symptoms ( Bos, Huijding, Muris, Vogel, & Biesheuvel, 2010 ), substance abuse ( Chen, Ye, & Zhou, 2013 ; Tomaka, Morales-Monks, & Shamaley, 2013 ) and suicidal behavior (e.g., Lakey et al., 2014 ).

Although increasing research has indicated the detrimental effects of CSE for individuals’ adjustment, far less is known about the motivational implications of CSE. To perceive themselves as good and worthy, individuals with higher levels of CSE constantly need to reach certain goals ( Zeigler-Hill, Stubbs, & Madson, 2013 ). However, as everyone else, they will sometimes experience failure. Because failure with regard to self-related goals is closely tied to one’s worth as a person among individuals with a high level of CSE, such failure may not be easily dismissed ( Crocker & Wolfe, 2001 ). Hence, individuals high in CSE may be highly motivated (i.e., quantity of motivation) to pursue success (and to avoid failure) in domains in which their self-esteem is invested ( Lawrence & Williams, 2013 ). However, the type of reasons (i.e., quality of motivation) underlying their efforts may not be completely positive as individuals high in CSE may strive to perform well for pressured reasons. In the current contribution, grounded in Self-Determination Theory ( SDT; Deci & Ryan, 2000 ), we sought to shed a nuanced light on the different types of motives underlying the motivational functioning of individuals high in CSE.

The Motivational Ambiguity Associated with Contingent Self-esteem

SDT distinguishes between different types of motives that fall along a continuum of increasing self-endorsement or autonomy ( Deci & Ryan, 2000 ; Vansteenkiste, Lens, & Deci, 2006 ). First, individuals may be motivated out of external pressures, such as meeting demanding expectations, garnering social approval and controlling rewards or avoiding criticism. As the reason for activity engagement is situated completely outside the individual, external regulation is characterized by a complete lack of self-endorsement. For instance, individuals might put effort in their studies merely to please their parents. Yet, the pressure may also come from internal forces, including the avoidance of feelings of shame, guilt, and anxiety, as well as the attainment of esteem. This form of motivation has been labeled introjected regulation and seems especially characteristic of individuals high in CSE. Individuals who strive for an A+ to feel worthy and esteemed display introjected regulation. Although the motive is now internal to the person, the activity engagement goes along with feelings of inner conflict and compulsion as the reason for performing the activity is not fully congruent with the person’s values and convictions. Although CSE and introjected regulation are conceptually related, CSE is considered to be a relatively stable personality characteristic ( Deci & Ryan, 1995 ) and focuses more on the link between self-esteem and performance-outcomes (i.e., success versus failure). In contrast, introjected regulation is a motivational subtype that focuses on the activity itself (i.e., why does a person undertake a certain activity?) and, although introjected regulation can be concerned with self-esteem attainment, it also includes other feelings that are more loosely related to the self (e.g., the avoidance of guilt). As both external as well as introjected regulation are characterized by pressure, these are often combined under the label of controlled motivation (e.g., Vansteenkiste, Lens, Dewitte, De Witte, & Deci, 2004 ).

Controlled motivation is contrasted with autonomous motivation, which also consists of at least two subtypes. Identified motivation denotes the extent to which individuals identify with the self-importance of the behavior and consider it as congruent with their own inner values. Individuals who put effort in their school work as they perceive their studies to contribute to their professional and personal development exhibit identified regulation . While the activity is instrumental to achieve innerly held values in the case of identified regulation, the activity constitutes a source of enjoyment and interest in itself in the case of intrinsic motivation . When students make their homework out of pure interest and curiosity, they are said to be intrinsically motivated. Both identified regulation and intrinsic motivation represent indicators of autonomous motivation as the reasons for engaging in the activity are fully endorsed by the individual’s self.

These different types of motives can be situated and studied at three distinct levels, that is, in relation to a specific activity at a specific moment (i.e., situational level), in a more global life domain, such as school (i.e., contextual level), or towards life in general (i.e., global level) ( Vallerand, 1997 ). In this study, we focused on motivation at the situational and contextual level. Previous research has provided evidence for the beneficial effects of autonomous study motivation and the fairly detrimental effects of controlled study motivation among diverse populations, differing in age, gender, and cultural background ( Deci & Ryan, 2000 ; Lens & Vansteenkiste, 2006 ; Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013 ). Specifically, both intrinsic motivation ( Taylor et al., 2014 ) and identified motivation ( Burton, Lydon, D’Alessandro, & Koestner, 2006 ) have been found to relate positively to school performance and persistence, while relating to less procrastination among (pre-)college students ( Vansteenkiste, Zhou, Lens, & Soenens, 2005 ). In contrast, controlled motivation has been found to relate negatively to persistence and efficacious time planning among high school and college students (e.g., Michou, Vansteenkiste, Mouratidis, & Lens, 2014 ; Ratelle, Guay, Vallerand, Larose, & Senecal, 2007 ), while being positively related to test anxiety among high school students ( Vansteenkiste, Sierens, Soenens, Luyckx, & Lens, 2009 ).

Theoretically, CSE is assumed to relate primarily to introjected regulation ( Crocker & Wolfe, 2001 ; Deci & Ryan, 1995 ; Kernis, 2003 ), although evidence for this claim is scarce and rather indirect. Specifically, previous experimental work on the effect of task- versus ego-involvement on autonomy and intrinsic motivation (e.g., Ryan, 1982 ) is relevant. In these studies, participants’ ego or self-esteem was primed prior to engaging in a specific task by suggesting the task is indicative of their creative or social intelligence. In doing so, participants’ task-specific CSE was temporarily activated. Ryan, Koestner, and Deci ( 1991 ) found that the induction of ego-involvement relative to task-involvement undermined college students’ sense of choice and autonomy. Moving beyond past work, the present study investigated the relation between CSE and the various types of motives as discerned within SDT by directly assessing these constructs. Although individuals high in CSE would regulate their learning behavior primarily on the basis of introjection, the attachment of their self-worth to the outcome of their functioning may also lead them to value the learning more (i.e., identified regulation). At the same time, the tension underlying their function may shift away their focus from the learning itself and preclude them to fully enjoy and get interested in the learning, thus potentially undermining their intrinsic motivation. Finally, Wouters, Doumen, Germeijs, Colpin, and Verschueren ( 2013 ) found that psychologically controlling parenting (i.e., characterized by pressure from parents on children to think, feel, or act in certain ways) related to higher levels of CSE among early adolescents. Therefore, individuals high in CSE may be motivated more out of perceived external pressure.

The Engagement Ambiguity Associated with Contingent Self-esteem

In analogy to the presumed motivational ambiguity characteristic of CSE, we expected a similar mixed pattern for engagement. In line with the multidimensional nature of engagement ( Fredericks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004 ; Skinner, Furrer, Marchand, & Kindermann, 2008 ), this study focused on four important dimensions of classroom engagement: (1) behavioral engagement, (2) emotional engagement, (3) behavioral disaffection, and (4) emotional disaffection. Engagement refers to adaptive motivational states with behavioral engagement referring to effort exertion and persistence during learning, on-task behavior and participation in learning activities and emotional engagement referring to positive and energized emotions during learning (e.g., enthusiasm, interest and enjoyment; Skinner, Kindermann, & Furrer, 2009 ). Disaffection, on the contrary, reflects the presence of maladaptive motivational states and, as such, this concept is broader than the sheer absence of engagement. Analogous with engagement, disaffection also consists of two components: behavioral disaffection (e.g., passive behavior during learning activities) and emotional disaffection (e.g., negative emotions such as anxiety; Skinner et al., 2008 ). Previous research has found engagement and disaffection to yield, respectively, a positive and negative relation to school success ( Skinner et al., 2008 ).

To the best of our knowledge, there are currently no studies directly linking CSE to behavioral or emotional engagement and disaffection. However, there is some research pointing to links between CSE and variables related to engagement. Concerning behavioral engagement, the higher students’ levels of academic CSE the more hours they spent studying and looking at solutions to analytical problems they had to solve ( Crocker, Brook, Niiya, and Villacorta, 2006 ; Crocker, Luhtanen, et al., 2003 ). Yet, the perseverance of individuals high in CSE may be shaky and conditional. Indeed, the experimental induction of ego-involvement (i.e., a momentary state of CSE), only resulted in continued behavioral persistence during a free-choice period if participants received no or non-confirmative feedback, while the persistence faded if they had received positive feedback ( Ryan et al., 1991 ). Presumably, prompting participants’ ego only fosters persistence when participants’ desired outcome (i.e., performing successfully as indicated by positive feedback) is not yet achieved, while their persistence wanes quickly if they do achieve their desired outcome, underscoring its conditional character. Consistent with this interpretation, Van Wijhe, Peeters, and Schaufeli ( 2014 ) showed that individuals whose self-esteem highly depends on work achievements, felt compelled by themselves to work hard, being indicative of persistence, yet of the internally pressuring sort (see also Van den Broeck, Schreurs, De Witte, Vansteenkiste, Germeys, & Schaufeli, 2011 ). Overall then, individuals high in CSE would display a mix of both behavioral engagement and disaffection.

Furthermore, with regard to emotional disaffection, Lawrence and Williams ( 2013 ) demonstrated that, in an evaluative setting, undergraduate students with higher levels of academic CSE reported higher levels of test anxiety. Further, students high on academic CSE were found to suffer more from bad grades in terms of self-esteem and positive affect than they benefitted from good grades, indicating that these students are more sensitive to failure in the academic domain and thus may be more anxious in an achievement setting ( Crocker, Karpinski, Quinn, & Chase, 2003 ).

The Present Research

The primary aim of the present contribution was to examine the motivational and engagement correlates of CSE. Overall, because individuals high in CSE would be highly committed to the activity yet also emotionally more tense and conflicted about their activity engagement, we expected CSE to relate to a mixed pattern of motivational and engagement outcomes. An additional aim was to explore the conditions under which CSE would especially yield a harmful or rather benign effect by examining whether (a) there is an optimal point in CSE (i.e., curvilinear relation), (b) effects of CSE would depend on level of self-esteem (i.e., an interaction effect), and (c) the harmful correlates of CSE would especially become salient under negative feedback circumstances.

To this end, a cross-sectional and an experimental study were conducted among, respectively, high school and university students. Whereas Study 1 focused on the contextual level of CSE, motivation, and engagement (i.e., school) and focused on a variety of engagement and disaffection indicators, Study 2 focused on the situational level (i.e., task-specific) with regard to motivation and engagement, involved an experimental manipulation of feedback type (i.e., positive or negative), and included an objectively recorded indicator of behavioral engagement. Further, while Study 1 focused on academic CSE, Study 2 included a measure of global CSE. We chose to assess global CSE in Study 2, as the task (i.e., puzzle task) did not directly relate to a specific domain (e.g., academic, social).

Study 1 was conducted among a large sample of high school students in their second year. We chose to focus on these students as they need to make important track and subject choices when transitioning from Grade 8 to Grade 9. Apart from including diverse motivational and engagement subtypes, we also included a separate measure for test anxiety, which has been found to yield various negative consequences for students’ learning and performance ( Zeidner & Matthews, 2005 ). The following set of three hypotheses and two research questions was formulated. First, the hypothesized motivational ambiguity of CSE would manifest through its positive relation with introjected, identified regulation and external regulation, and a negative relation with intrinsic motivation (Hypothesis 1). That is, while CSE would relate primarily to an internally pressuring form of regulation (i.e., introjected), it would also relate to identified regulation, as CSE goes together with a high commitment to the activity ( Crocker, Luhtanen, et al., 2003 ; Lawrence & Williams, 2013 ). Further, as CSE is characterized by the feeling that one’s worth is at stake in achievement-settings, we expected that this tension may preclude individuals from fully enjoying learning (i.e., a negative relation between CSE and intrinsic motivation). Finally, as CSE has been found to relate to controlling parenting, individuals high in CSE may pursue academic goals more out of perceived external pressures (i.e., external regulation).

Second, the hypothesized engagement ambiguity of CSE would manifest itself through its positive relation with behavioral engagement and emotional disaffection, and a negative relation with emotional engagement (Hypothesis 2). That is, although individuals high in CSE would be inclined to display a high level of behavioral engagement to preserve or increase their self-worth, their activity engagement would come with feelings of pressure, (test) anxiety, and frustration, thus coming along with emotional disaffection. We further expected that these negative feelings would be so heavily present that individuals high in CSE would fail to display any emotional engagement. It is unclear whether these dynamics would also apply to individuals’ behavioral disaffection. Hence, the relation with behavioral disaffection was examined exploratively.

Third, the simultaneous inclusion of both motivational and engagement variables allowed us to examine whether motivation would account for (i.e., mediate) the relation between CSE and engagement (Hypothesis 3). For instance, the hypothesized positive relation between CSE and emotional disaffection may be carried by introjected regulation, while the hypothesized positive relation with behavioral engagement may be carried by identified regulation. Finally, we explored whether CSE would be less harmful when individuals experienced a moderate level of CSE (as opposed to a low or high level) (Research Question 1). More specifically, a low level of CSE could be regarded as an indicator of a careless attitude, whereas a high level of CSE might cause an overdose of internal pressure. In other words, a moderate level of CSE would represent the ideal point. Further, we explored whether the link between CSE and motivation/engagement was moderated by the level of self-esteem (Research Question 2). Some previous studies found evidence for this notion with the detrimental effects of CSE being especially pronounced when combined with low levels of self-esteem (e.g., Bos et al., 2010 ), whereas others did not (e.g., Wouters, Duriez, et al., 2013 ). To investigate the unique effects of CSE above and beyond the level of self-esteem, we always controlled for level of self-esteem in both studies.

Participants and Procedure

Several high schools in the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium were invited to participate in a study examining students’ transition from Grade 8 to Grade 9. Seventy schools were chosen to ensure representativeness with regard to educational network (private (mainly Catholic) versus public education), geographical location and educational level; 35 schools eventually agreed to participate. From each school, one class was randomly selected to participate. Before students filled out the questionnaire, they signed a standard consent form which informed them that they could refuse or discontinue participation at any time. A total of 641 students agreed to participate; passive parental consent for all these students was obtained a few weeks prior to the study. Students completed online questionnaires in the computer room of their school during a collective session supervised by Psychology bachelor students. The survey was divided into two parts, which were presented in random order to students belonging to the same class as to avoid order effects. The mean age in this sample was 14.06 years ( SD = 0.64; range 10 to 17 years; 11.1% missing values), with most participants being female (54.1% female and 2.3% missing values).

All items were answered in Dutch on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 ( Does not apply to me at all ) to 5 ( Completely applies to me ), unless indicated otherwise.

Academic Contingent Self-Esteem. Academic CSE was measured with four items from the academic subscale of the Self-Worth Contingency Questionnaire ( Burwell & Shirk, 2003 ; Wouters, Doumen, et al., 2013 ). We selected these four items from the total 8-item subscale because they had the highest loadings on the factor academic CSE in another dataset consisting of adolescents ( Wouters, Doumen, et al., 2013 ). A sample item is: “Whether or not I reach my goals in school strongly affects my feelings of worth”. Internal consistency of the scores was good (α = .87).

Academic Self-Esteem. To measure academic self-concept, students filled out three items from an adapted subscale of the Self-Description Questionnaire (SDQ) II ( Marsh, 1992 ). A sample item is: “Most school subjects are just too hard for me”. Internal consistency was sufficient (α = .66).

Motivation. The quality of students’ motivation in the academic domain (i.e., their motives for studying) was assessed with the Dutch adapted version ( Vansteenkiste et al., 2009 ) of the Academic Self-Regulation Questionnaire (SRQ-A) developed by Ryan and Connell ( 1989 ). This questionnaire measures four motivational types with each four items: intrinsic motivation (“I’m studying because I enjoy doing it”; α = .86), identified regulation (“I’m studying because this is an important life goal to me”; α = .79), introjected regulation (“I’m studying because I would feel guilty if I wouldn’t do so”; α = .70), and external regulation (“I’m studying because others (parents, friends, etc.) force me to do this”; α = .68).

Engagement. Students’ levels of behavioral and emotional engagement and disaffection were measured with the Dutch translated version ( Verschueren & Wouters, 2012 ) of the engagement scales developed by Skinner et al. ( 2008 ). Sample items are “I try hard to do well in school” (behavioral engagement; 5 items; α = .83), “I enjoy learning new things in class” (emotional engagement; 5 items; α = .83), “In class, I do just enough to get by” (behavioral disaffection; 5 items; α = .80), and “When I’m doing work in class, I feel bored” (emotional disaffection; 12 items; α = .82). Items were rated on a scale ranging from 1 ( Not true at all ) to 4 ( Completely true ). All subscales were internally consistent.

Test anxiety. Test anxiety was assessed with a subscale consisting of eight items from a Dutch questionnaire concerning study management abilities ( Depreeuw & Lens, 1998 ). A sample item is “During the school year, I feel very tense when I study”. This scale was internally consistent (α = .81).

Plan of Analyses

For the present set of main variables, only 2.79% of the data at the scale level were missing. Participants with and without complete data were compared using Little’s ( 1988 ) Missing Completely At Random (MCAR) test. This resulted in a normed chi square (i.e., χ²/ df ) of 1.69, which suggests that values were missing at random. Hence, we used the Full Information Maximum Likelihood (FIML) procedure ( Schafer & Graham, 2002 ) in Mplus 6.1 ( Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2010 ). Standard fit indices were used to evaluate all models. For adequate fit, the Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) and the Standardized Root Mean square Residual (SRMR) less than or equal to .08, the Comparative Fit Index (CFI) equal to or larger than .90; acceptable fit was also indicated by a χ²/ df ratio of 2 or below ( Hu & Bentler, 1999 ; Kline, 2005 ). To test the significance of indirect effects, we used bootstrapping (using 1,000 draws), a nonparametric resampling procedure that is highly recommended ( Preacher & Hayes, 2008 ). We did not consider multilevel modeling or controlling for clustering in schools for several reasons: (1) the average ICC was very small .03 (ICC’s ranged from .00 to .06) 1 , (2) all design effects were below 2, and (3) we had no variables available at the school level ( Peugh, 2010 ).

Descriptive Statistics and Preliminary Analyses

Table ​ Table1 1 presents all means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations. The level and the contingency of self-esteem were slightly positively correlated and they were positively related to all types of motivation, except for the negative correlation between academic self-esteem and external regulation. Further, contingency and level of SE were both positively related to behavioral and emotional engagement, while being negatively related to behavioral disaffection. Additionally, academic CSE was positively related to emotional disaffection and test anxiety, whereas academic self-esteem was negatively related to these outcomes. As for the motivational variables, their intercorrelations followed a simplex pattern, with motivational subtypes being closer to each other on the continuum of increasing autonomy (e.g., intrinsic and identified) being more strongly correlated than subtypes being positioned further away (e.g., intrinsic and external). This simplex pattern was also evident in the pattern of correlations between the motivational subtypes and the various engagement indicators and text anxiety: The two autonomous forms of regulation were similarly related to engagement (positively) and disaffection (negatively), whereas external regulation was only positively related to disaffection. The correlates of introjection, the subtype situated between identified and external regulation, sometimes mirrored those of autonomous regulations and sometimes those of external regulation. Although all motivational subtypes related positively to test anxiety, this relation was stronger for the two controlled forms of regulation.

Descriptives of and Correlations between the Variables (Study 1).

Note. CSE = Contingent self-esteem, SE = Self-esteem.

* p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Finally, significant sex differences were found with an independent samples t -test (with Levene’s test for testing the equality of the variances) for academic CSE, t (616.72) = –2.47, p < .05, identified regulation, t (624) = –2.47, p < .05, behavioral disaffection, t (602) = 2.91, p < .01, and test anxiety, t (620) = –2.67, p < .01. More specifically, girls reported more academic CSE ( M = 3.06, SD = 1.09), more identified regulation ( M = 3.48, SD = 0.94), more test anxiety ( M = 2.84, SD = 0.81), and less behavioral disaffection ( M = 2.10, SD = 0.60) than boys ( M = 2.86, SD = 0.98, M = 3.30, SD = 0.93, M = 2.67, SD = 0.83, and M = 2.25, SD = 0.67 respectively). In light of these gender effects, gender was controlled for in all models (only significant gender effects were retained).

Primary Analyses

In a first model 2 , we looked at the unique contribution of academic CSE and academic self-esteem in the prediction of all four motivation types (all motivation types were allowed to correlate). The fit of this model was excellent (χ²/ df = 6.23/5 = 1.25, p = .28, RMSEA = .02, 90% CI RMSEA [.00–.06], CFI = 1.00, SRMR = .01, N = 626). Controlling for academic self-esteem level, results showed that academic CSE was positively related to all types of motivation (β intrinsic = .33, p < .001; β identified = .37, p < .001; β introjected = .40, p < .001; β external = .20, p < .001).

In two following models, we investigated the unique contribution of academic CSE and academic self-esteem to indicators of, respectively, engagement and disaffection (all outcomes were allowed to correlate in each model). Model fit was good in both models (engagement model: χ²/ df = 2.49/3 = 0.83, p = .48, RMSEA = .00, 90% CI RMSEA [.00–.06], CFI = 1.00, SRMR = .01, N = 626; disaffection model: χ²/ df = 3.72/2 = 1.86, p = .16, RMSEA = .04, 90% CI RMSEA [.00–.10], CFI = 1.00, SRMR = .01, N = 626). Controlling for self-esteem level, CSE was positively related to behavioral (β = .28, p < .001) and emotional engagement (β = .19, p < .001). Further, CSE was unrelated to behavioral disaffection (β = –.07, p = .06), but positively related to emotional disaffection (β = .22, p < .001) and test anxiety (β = .44, p < .001).

In a third step, we estimated two mediational models with the four types of motivation mediating the effect of both self-esteem aspects on engagement and disaffection respectively; direct paths from the self-esteem aspects on engagement and disaffection were added in block and only retained if they were significant. This resulted in the two final models as shown in Figures ​ Figures1 1 and ​ and2. 2 . The fit of these models was excellent (engagement model: χ²/ df = 9.95/8 = 1.24, p = .27, RMSEA = .02, 90% CI RMSEA [.00–.05], CFI = 1.00, SRMR = .02, N = 626; disaffection model: χ²/ df = 12.95/8 = 1.62, p = .11, RMSEA = .03, 90% CI RMSEA [.00–.06], CFI = 1.00, SRMR = .02, N = 626). The associations between CSE and motivation were similar to those in Model 1: All relations were significantly positive. The direct relations between CSE and engagement and disaffection were also similar to those in Models 2 and 3, except for the direct association between academic CSE and emotional engagement which was no longer significant when the mediators were added. 3

Structural Model Depicting the Relation between Contingent Self-esteem, Motivation, and Engagement (Study 1).

Note. Standardized path coefficients are shown. Only significant paths are shown. Direct relations of self-esteem level with mediators and outcomes, covariances between self-esteem level and contingency, covariances between our 4 mediators, covariances between our outcomes and significant gender effects were estimated, but not shown for clarity purposes. * p < .05.** p < .01.*** p < .001.

Structural Model Depicting the Relation between Contingent Self-esteem, Motivation, and Disaffection (Study 1).

Next, we performed bias corrected bootstrapping in Mplus with 1,000 draws and controlling for self-esteem level, we found several significant indirect relations between CSE and engagement and disaffection in the final models. These indirect relations are summarized in Table ​ Table2. 2 . Results yielded a positive indirect relation between academic CSE and engagement through its positive association with identified regulation and/or intrinsic motivation. Indirect relations with disaffection were more inconsistent in that negative relations were found through identified regulation, positive relations via external regulation, and both positive and negative relations through introjected regulation.

Overview of all Significant Indirect Effects from Academic Contingent Self-Esteem to all Outcomes in Models 4 and 5 (Study 1).

Note. ACSE = Academic contingent self-esteem.

Supplementary Analyses

Finally, in a set of supplementary analyses (in which both self-esteem aspects were standardized), we tested for quadratic effects of academic CSE in Models 1 to 3. Results showed that only 2 out of 9 quadratic terms related significantly to the outcomes (βs ranged from –.16 to .00). Additionally, we tested for significant interaction effects between academic CSE and academic self-esteem in Models 1 to 3. Results showed that only 1 out of 9 interactions was significant (βs ranged from –.10 to .07) 4 . Hence, we did not include any of these effects in our final models.

Brief Discussion

In Study 1, we found that CSE related to all types of motivation, indicating that individuals with CSE are strongly motivated to put effort in their studies. Yet, this undifferentiated pattern of correlates equally points to the ambiguous character of CSE. Although academic CSE was positively related to both intrinsic motivation and identified regulation, it was also positively related to introjected and external regulation, beyond any effects of academic self-esteem. Similarly, results showed that academic CSE related to more behavioral and emotional engagement, but also to more emotional disaffection and test anxiety. Furthermore, the significant direct contribution of CSE to emotional engagement was fully explained by the quality of students’ motivation, whereas motivational processes could only partially explain the contribution of CSE to the other engagement indicators. Specifically, academic CSE yielded an indirect positive contribution to engagement via identified regulation and/or intrinsic motivation, but was also characterized by a mixed set of positive and negative indirect effects on disaffection via a combination of different motivational types. Finally, no systematic evidence was obtained for quadratic effects or moderation by level of self-esteem.

Study 2 aimed to extend Study 1 in three significant ways. First, instead of investigating the role of CSE at the contextual level, we examined its role in a specific achievement-related situation, that is, when university students were working on a puzzle task during which their ego-involvement was primed. We aimed to explore whether the hypothesized motivational and engagement ambiguity, for which we found evidence in Study 1, would also manifest itself when participants completed a specific activity. Second, while Study 1 was limited to self-reports, Study 2 included an unobtrusive measure of behavioral engagement. That is, participants were given the choice to (dis)continue their participation during a free-choice period ( Deci, 1971 ). In addition, we tapped their reasons for continuing to spent time on the target activity during this period. Third, Study 2 was experimental in nature as type of feedback (i.e., positive or negative) was varied. This allowed us to explore whether the hypothesized ambiguity of CSE would be limited to a circumstance of negative feedback or would appear across types of feedback. Apart from behavioral engagement, Study 2 also included an assessment of tension, reflecting emotional disaffection, and enjoyment, constituting emotional engagement.

We formulated the same set of hypotheses and research questions as in Study 1. During the experimental phase, we expected that higher levels of CSE would relate to more felt tension (as an indicator of emotional disaffection) as experienced during a puzzle task. Although we found a positive relation between CSE and emotional engagement in Study 1, we anticipated that CSE would relate negatively to enjoyment when individuals’ ego would be prompted (which was the case in this study) as this would foster a focus on gaining self-approval instead of enjoying the task. Further, although CSE was found to relate to greater behavioral engagement in Study 1, it remains to be seen whether this effect would get replicated when using an objective parameter, which was gathered when the experimental task was completed. That is, there was no obligation to continue with the target activity. To the extent that CSE would relate to more time spent on puzzling during a free-choice period, we expected that their persistence would be driven mainly by introjection and, in line with the results of Study 1, identification. Finally, in analogy with Study 1, in an explorative way we examined whether the proposed relations between CSE and the outcomes was moderated by the level of self-esteem and whether these relations were purely linear or rather quadratic in nature. Moreover, the experimental variation of type of feedback allowed us to examine whether the effects of CSE would be feedback-dependent or not.

Individuals were invited via an online participant panel system to participate in this study in return for course credits. In total, 72 individuals (of which 51 were female) participated. Participants were aged between 17 and 50 years ( M age = 19.54; SD = 3.92) and were mostly first year bachelor students in psychology ( N = 59). Furthermore, participation was voluntary and all data were processed confidentially. At the start of the study, participants gave their written consent. The study consisted of five consecutive parts: (1) filling out questionnaires concerning demographics, global CSE, and global self-esteem; (2) performing a puzzle task in either a success or failure condition; (3) filling out puzzle task-related questionnaires (i.e., felt tension, competence, and enjoyment during the puzzle task); (4) a free-choice period; and (5) filling out questionnaires concerning the motives underlying their persistence in the free-choice period. With respect to the puzzle task, participants were randomly assigned to either the success condition or the failure condition. In both conditions, ego-involvement was induced at the beginning of the activity by describing the puzzle task as a test of competence with regard to visual information processing (which resembles the ego-involvement induction as used by Ryan et al., 1991 ). In doing so, participants’ task-specific CSE was temporarily activated. Next, the Tangram Puzzle Task (TPT) was introduced.

The Tangram Puzzle Task. The TPT consists of seven geometrically different pieces that need to be correctly assembled to form specific homogeneous black figures. First, the experimenter informed participants about the puzzle task and demonstrated how to assemble the pieces to form a specific figure. Then, all participants started with the practice phase in which they were given four minutes to assemble two figures (one easy and one fairly difficult figure). This was followed by the test phase, during which participants needed to solve five puzzles. A success and failure condition were created by varying the standard of success and the level of difficulty of the figures. Specifically, in the success and failure condition, individuals were informed that 50% of their peers could, respectively, correctly assemble two and four figures. Additionally, the figures of individuals in the failure condition were more difficult, further increasing the likelihood of failing to attain the provided standard. During both the practice and test phase, participants were instructed to write down whether they had successfully assembled the puzzle before continuing with the next puzzle. After the practice phase, but before the test phase, the experimenter left the room to go to the adjacent room to observe participants through a one-way mirror. After the test phase, the experimenter reentered the room and provided the participants with the condition-specific feedback. After completing a set of questionnaires, the experimenter informed the participants that the next participant was waiting for her in the adjacent room. She asked the participants to wait a few minutes till she got back. The experimenter also explained that during this free-choice period the participants were free to do whatever they wanted, including solving some of the unresolved puzzle tasks of the experimental phase (to which we will refer as ‘old puzzles’), reading a magazine (which the experimenter was previously reading while the participant filled out questionnaires), or doing some new puzzle tasks (to which we will refer as ‘new puzzles’), which were already on the table and were said to be from another study. Subsequently, the experimenter went to the adjacent room to observe (through the one-way mirror) whether the participants continued to spent time on the puzzles or on another activity. After seven minutes, the experimenter returned to the room. If participants worked on puzzles during the free-choice period, they were provided with a questionnaire assessing the motivation for doing so. Finally, participants were debriefed and asked not to discuss the content of the study with fellow students.

Global Contingent Self-Esteem. Global CSE was assessed with the Dutch version ( Soenens & Duriez, 2012 ) of the Contingent Self-esteem Scale ( CSS; Paradise & Kernis, 1999 ). We chose to assess global CSE (as opposed to academic CSE) as the experimental task related to achievement in a broad sense (broader than the academic domain). The CSS consists of 15 items (e.g., “I consider performing well as important for my self-esteem”) which were rated on a scale from 1 ( Not at all true ) to 5 ( Completely true ). The scores for this scale were internally consistent (α = .87).

Global Self-Esteem. The Dutch version ( Franck, De Raedt, Barbez, & Rosseel, 2008 ) of the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1979 ) was used to assess global self-esteem. This scale consists of 10 items (e.g., “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself”) that were rated on a scale ranging from 0 ( strongly disagree ) to 3 ( strongly agree ). The internal consistency of the scores was good (α = .83).

Puzzle Task-related Outcomes. Three subscales of the Intrinsic Motivation Inventory ( Ryan, 1982 ; Ryan et al., 1991 ) were employed, that is, (a) felt tension (2 items; e.g., “I felt very tense when making the puzzles”; α = .79), which served as an indicator of emotional disaffection, (b) perceived competence (2 items; e.g., “I think I knew well how I could make the puzzles” α = .84), which was used as a manipulation check, and (c) experienced enjoyment (5 items; e.g., “Making the puzzles was fun” α = .83) while performing the puzzle task, which served as an indicator of emotional engagement. All items were rated on a scale from 1 ( Not at all true ) to 7 ( Completely true ).

Persistence during the Free-choice Period. Persistence was conceptualized as the time participants spent on puzzling during the free-choice period which was recorded and expressed in seconds.

Motivation during the Free-choice Period. Because participants could have various motives to continue working on the puzzles during the free-choice period, their reasons for continued perseverance at both the old puzzles (i.e., those being provided during the experimental phase) and new (i.e., newly offered at the beginning of the free-choice period) were assessed. Specifically, adapting a previously used questionnaire ( Vansteenkiste, Simons, Lens, Sheldon, & Deci, 2004 ) to assess motivation for reading a text, participants rated reasons for puzzling with 4 items assessing each type of motivation: intrinsic motivation (e.g., “Because I found this activity enjoyable”), identified regulation (e.g., “Because I found this useful”), introjected regulation (e.g., “Because I had to prove to myself that I am a good puzzler”) and external regulation (e.g., “Because I felt that others obliged me to do so”). All items were rated on a scale from 1 ( strongly disagree ) to 5 ( strongly agree ). As the subscales of the questionnaire referring to the old puzzles were highly correlated with the corresponding subscales of the questionnaire referring to the new puzzles ( r ranging between .85 and 1.00), responses across the two questionnaires were averaged. All subscales were found to be internally consistent (intrinsic motivation: α = .86; identified regulation: α = .79; introjected regulation: α = .78; external regulation: α = .86).

Descriptives of and bivariate correlations among the study variables are displayed in Table ​ Table3. 3 . CSE was negatively related to self-esteem. Whereas CSE related positively to tension, self-esteem was negatively related to this construct. Both were unrelated to felt competence and enjoyment during task execution and did not correlate with the time spent puzzling during the free-choice period. To the extent individuals high in CSE were persistent, they did so for a combination of introjected and identified reasons. In contrast, self-esteem related negatively to both introjected and identified regulation. As for the background variables, age was not related to any of the study variables, whereas gender was significantly related to CSE and time spent on puzzling during the free-choice period: men ( M = 3.40; SD = .45) reported less CSE than women ( M = 3.68; SD = .52); t (70) = 2.29; p < .05, while they ( M = 301.86; SD = 154.98) persisted longer than women ( M = 166.82; SD = 187.90); t (44.95) = –3.15; p < .01 (the df were adapted as Levene’s test indicated unequal variances between the conditions). Therefore, when predicting persistence we controlled for gender in all subsequent analyses.

Descriptives of and Correlations between the Variables (Study 2).

Note. CSE = Contingent self-esteem, SE = Self-esteem. Correlational analyses pertaining to the free-choice period variables are based on a subset of the data, as only a limited number of participants persevered (i.e., 45/72).

Subsequently, we employed the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test, which is mainly suitable for small samples, to investigate whether the scores on the study variables were not significantly different from a normal distribution (i.e., the null hypothesis). The results indicated that the distribution of the scores on self-esteem ( D (72) = .13), competence (success condition: D (36) = .16; failure condition: D (36) = .25), persistence (success condition: D (36) = .19; failure condition: D (36) = .32), and external regulation (success condition: D (27) = .22; failure condition: D (18) = .25) were significantly non-normal (all p s < .05). Scores on other variables were normally distributed.

To examine the condition-effects we performed two sets of MANOVAs (see Table ​ Table4), 4 ), one involving the task-related outcomes and another involving participants’ reasons for persisting during the free-choice period as only a limited number persevered (i.e., 45/72). As MANOVAs are rather robust with respect to non-normality, we employed parametric MANOVAs. Individuals in the failure condition solved fewer test puzzles, reported less competence (which indicates that the manipulation was effective) as well as less enjoyment, and felt more tense than individuals in the success condition. Although condition did not affect participants’ degree of persistence, it did impact the number of individuals engaging in the puzzle activity, with fewer participants in the failure condition (50% vs. 75% in the success condition) getting engaged in the puzzling at all; c 2 (1, N = 72) = 4.80, p = .05. The second MANOVA indicated that the success-failure manipulation did not relate to participants’ motives for persisting during the free-choice period.

Comparison of the Means between the Success Condition and the Failure Condition (Study 2).

Note. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

We examined whether CSE and condition would predict enjoyment of and tension during the puzzle task and degree of persistence in a structural model. To do so, we allowed paths from CSE and condition to these three outcomes, while controlling for the level of self-esteem. This model was tested using MPlus 7 ( Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2012 ). We corrected for the non-normality observed in some of the variables through robust maximum likelihood estimation (MLR). The model showed an excellent fit (χ²/ df = .91/ 2 = .46; CFI = 1.00; SRMR = .02; RMSEA = .00, 90% CI RMSEA = [.00, .19]). More specifically, as can be noticed in Figure ​ Figure3, 3 , CSE related positively to tension during task execution, yet it related negatively to behavioral persistence during the free choice period. Additionally, condition related positively to both enjoyment and persistence, while being negatively related to tension.

Structural Model Depicting the Relation between Contingent Self-esteem, Condition, Engagement and Disaffection (Study 2).

Note. Standardized path coefficients are shown. Direct effects of self-esteem level on outcomes were estimated, but not shown for clarity purposes. Condition was coded as ‘0’ for the failure condition and as ‘1’ for the success condition. PT = Puzzle task; FCP = Free-choice period. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

To gain insight into the relation between CSE and the reasons for continued persistence we ran a second structural model with CSE predicting the different motives, while controlling for the level of self-esteem. This model had a perfect fit because it was fully saturated. Results showed that CSE related to introjection (β = .32, p < .01) and identified regulation (β = .29, p < .05), but was unrelated to intrinsic motivation (β = .12, p > .05) and external regulation (β = –.06, p > .05).

To explore whether CSE related in a quadratic way to all outcomes, regression analyses were run wherein we controlled for a linear effect of CSE. Results showed that none of the quadratic terms related significantly to the outcomes (βs ranged from –.13 to .18; all p s > .05). We also examined whether the interactions between CSE and self-esteem and between CSE and condition were significant predictors of all outcomes in our main analyses. Results showed that none of the interactions were significant (βs ranged from –.06 to .23; all p s > .05), indicating that the effects of CSE on the outcomes were not moderated by condition and level of self-esteem.

Brief discussion

The findings of Study 2 are partially consistent with those of Study 1, in spite of the use of an experimental rather than a correlation design and the study of the motivation and engagement dynamics at the situation instead of the domain level. Specifically, consistent with Study 1, individuals high in CSE reported more emotional disaffection during task execution, as reflected in their elevated tension. Different from Study 1, once the task was completed and participants were left by themselves, those high in CSE spent significantly less time on the puzzles, reflecting reduced behavioral engagement. Interestingly, to the extent individuals high in CSE did persist, they did so mostly for introjected (but also identified) rather than intrinsic reasons. So, in general, the pattern of findings associated with CSE was more pronounced negative and less ambiguous in Study 2, a pattern that was not altered depending on individuals’ level of self-esteem or the type of feedback they received (i.e., lack of interaction). Also, similar to Study 1, the effects of CSE on all outcomes were linear (instead of quadratic).

General Discussion

Although an increasing number of studies has indicated the detrimental effects of CSE for individuals’ well-being (e.g., Lakey et al., 2014 ), less is known about the motivational correlates of CSE. Therefore, the general aim of this study was to examine the motivational and engagement correlates of CSE in achievement-related situations. Based on theoretical and limited empirical evidence, we hypothesized that individuals high in CSE would be highly committed to activities that signal high importance for their self-worth; yet, at the same time they may also feel emotionally more tense and conflicted about this activity which could hinder them in developing interest in the activity at hand. Therefore, we expected CSE to relate to a mixed pattern of motivational and engagement outcomes. Additionally, we explored whether CSE would be less harmful under certain conditions. To investigate these aims, we used data from both a cross-sectional and an experimental study.

Contingent Self-esteem and Motivation

We first investigated the relation between CSE and a diversity of motivational subtypes. Although CSE related to all types of motives, the association with introjected regulation was most pronounced. This is consistent with previous theorizing (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 1995 ) asserting that individuals who hinge their self-esteem on achieving particular standards (e.g., achieving academically) are mainly carrying out the activity to comply with internal pressures. This effect emerged in Study 1, in which students’ “naturally occurring” motives for their school work were assessed as well as in Study 2 in which students engaged in a specific activity that was portrayed as carrying high diagnostic value for their competencies. Besides a link with introjection, we also found – at least in Study 1 – that students with higher academic CSE studied more out of external pressure. This is not surprising in light of the finding that CSE relates to psychologically controlling parenting ( Wouters, Doumen, et al., 2013 ): Parents who are perceived to exert psychological control are assumed to make their children’s self-esteem and motivation more vulnerable for external and controlling influences.

Further, emphasizing the hypothesized motivational ambiguity of CSE, we also found that students who reported higher levels of academic CSE studied more because they found the study material to be personally relevant and even interesting and fun. Yet, the latter finding with respect to intrinsic motivation was not replicated in Study 2, as students with higher levels of global CSE did not persevere at the activity during the free-choice period out of sheer interest, but because they felt internally pressured or experienced the activity as personally relevant.

Contingent Self-esteem and Engagement

As individuals high in CSE hinge their self-esteem on obtaining certain standards, it is reasonable to assume that they are highly committed and engaged to obtain these standards (Crocker, Luhtanen, et al., 2013; Lawrence & Williams, 2013 ). Nevertheless, we also hypothesized that these high levels of behavioral engagement would be accompanied by feelings of tension and reduced enjoyment. The relation between CSE and behavioral disaffection was examined in an explorative fashion, as it was unclear whether these feelings of tension would foster disaffection from activities at some moments. Results partially confirmed our hypotheses.

First, in both studies, CSE related positively to emotional disaffection, as indexed by a general measure of emotional disaffection and test anxiety in Study 1 and more felt tension during the puzzle task in Study 2. So, both studies clearly indicate that CSE is associated with maladaptive emotional states in achievement situations. This is important considering that maladaptive emotions in an achievement context, such as test anxiety, may have debilitating effects on students’ performance and learning, resulting in poor achievement or underachievement ( Zeidner & Matthews, 2005 ).

Second, such a pattern did not occur for emotional engagement. Whereas individuals high in CSE did not report greater emotional engagement (as reflected by their enjoyment) during the execution of the puzzle task, in Study 1, CSE related positively to emotional engagement. This discrepancy may be explained by the context. In Study 1, students were asked about their emotional engagement with regard to learning, whereas in Study 2 emotional engagement pertained to the enjoyment of a task under pressuring circumstances. Possibly, individuals high in CSE enjoy learning in general, but this enjoyment may wane when learning is not the end-goal but achieving is. Future studies could further investigate the link between CSE and emotional engagement under diverse conditions, such as an evaluative (e.g., test) and non-evaluative environment. At least, the overall pattern with respect to emotional engagement and disaffection is an ambiguous one, as CSE related positively to emotional disaffection and, if anything, also positively to emotional engagement.

Third, with respect to behavioral indicators of engagement, whereas CSE related to more self-reported behavioral engagement in Study 1, it led to less observed behavioral engagement in Study 2. Future studies could further investigate this discrepant finding. We speculate on two possible explanations. First, it may be the case that persistence is inhibited for individuals high in CSE when they are confronted with a challenging task (such as the Tangram puzzle task) in an ego-involving situation, which may also trigger feelings of failure. Indeed, in both conditions participants were generally unable to perform the task successfully (average was about 3 and 1 for the success and failure condition, respectively). Thus, although individuals high in CSE may persist when they expect success, they may persist less when failure seems likely ( Crocker & Park, 2003 ). Indeed, students who hinge their self-esteem on their academic achievements are more inclined to avoid challenges, especially if failure would come with a blow for their self-worth ( Covington, 1984 ). Second, we should note that persistence in Study 2 was assessed during a free-choice period, while behavioral engagement in Study 1 pertained to the effort invested in school-related tasks. Perhaps, individuals high in CSE might especially disengage from the activity if they have the free choice to do so, that is, when nothing can be gained anymore.

Furthermore, Study 1 showed that the ambiguous effect of academic CSE on engagement runs at least partially through motivation. For instance, our results indicate that students who hinge their self-worth on their academic performance are more likely to study because they find it personally relevant which, in turn, makes them more likely to be academically engaged as well as less likely to be academically disaffected. However, we also found that students whose self-esteem is more dependent on how they perform academically were more likely to study because they felt pressured to study by their parents or other significant others which, in turn, was related to higher levels of behavioral and emotional disaffection.

Additional Findings

Two additional findings deserve being highlighted. First, with regard to our explorative research question, results across both studies showed that the effect from CSE to the outcomes is linear and is not moderated by the level of self-esteem or the type of experience (i.e., success or fail experience). Taken together, this indicates that CSE relates to individuals’ functioning in an achievement-related situation independent of the general level of self-esteem or the valence of the situation (success or failure).

Second, at least in Study 1, identified regulation was more strongly related to engagement than intrinsic motivation. This finding is in line with previous studies showing a more pronounced role of identification for certain outcomes. Burton et al. ( 2006 ), for instance, examined the relation between intrinsic motivation, identified regulation, well-being, and academic performance among elementary school children. They found that intrinsic motivation for learning was the stronger correlate of well-being, whereas identified regulation was the stronger correlate of better grades. These and the current findings may be specifically due to the school context. Because many aspects and tasks in an educational context are not inherently interesting or enjoyable (Ryan & Deci, 2000), it would be more critical for children to come to fully endorse these non-interesting tasks, that is, to identify with its self-importance, which would then carry greater explanatory power for children’s school functioning.

Limitations and Directions for Future Studies

This study had several limitations. First, although the sample size of Study 1 was sufficient, the sample size was relatively small in Study 2 which may have reduced the power of especially our interaction analyses. Second, although Study 2 employed a behavioral measure to assess persistence, all other constructs were assessed via self-reports. Future studies could assess the study variables in a broader sense, for example through assessing engagement in class as observed by the teacher. It would also be important to assess the relations between CSE, engagement, and motivation more dynamically with a longitudinal design as these relations could be reciprocal. Additionally, as we found some inconsistencies between the results of Study 1 and 2, more research is needed to determine why this was the case, for example by investigating both objective indicators and self-reports of behavioral engagement measured at the same level in one single study, or by assessing CSE at both the general and domain-specific level.

Second, especially with regard to Study 1, it seems that we are dealing with rather proximal mediators (Kenny & Judd, 2013): Our mediators are more closely related to CSE than to engagement outcomes. Hence, it may be interesting to identify other psychological mechanisms, such as the experience of psychological need satisfaction and need frustration ( Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, Ryan, Bosch, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2011 ), in future studies. Additionally, in Study 2, we only focused on motivation for persevering, thereby neglecting the diversity of reasons for not persevering ( Green-Demers, Legault, Pelletier, & Pelletier, 2008 ). For example, participants could have stopped working on the puzzles to avoid failure and associated feelings of shame or because they found the puzzle task to be boring or not personally relevant.

Third, future studies could examine the generalizability of the current findings. For instance, the question can be raised whether a different experimental method to induce feelings of failure and success or threat versus non-threat, or the use of a different experimental task than the one used in Study 2 (i.e., Tangram Puzzle Task) may interact with CSE in the prediction of motivational and engagement dynamics. Further, the question can be raised whether observed correlates of CSE hold across different cultures. In this regard, Chen, Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Van Petegem, and Beyers ( this issue ) showed that parental guilt-induction (a facet of controlling parenting) was associated with less detrimental effects among Chinese adolescents compared to Belgian adolescents, although guilt-induction carried less desirable effects when compared to autonomy support among both groups of adolescents. As controlling parenting is positively related to CSE ( Wouters, Doumen, et al., 2013 ), it might be the case that individuals from a collectivistic culture may be less negatively affected by higher levels of CSE.

A final issue that deserves further attention is the relation between CSE and level of self-esteem. Whereas level of self-esteem and CSE in the academic domain were slightly positively correlated in Study 1, level of self-esteem and CSE at the global level were moderately negatively associated in Study 2, with the latter finding being in line with previous studies (e.g., Wouters, Duriez, et al., 2013 ). Indeed, children or adolescents with lower global self-esteem may be more vulnerable to develop a fragile self-esteem which depends heavily on success and failure in general. However, our results also suggest that students who perceive themselves as less academically competent, are less likely to let their self-esteem depend on their achievements in the academic domain, as compared to students who feel more competent in this domain. Perhaps, when students feel less competent in a specific domain, they gradually devalue the domain or shift their attention to another domain to protect their self-esteem from failure in that domain ( Crocker & Wolfe, 2001 ). Such strategies, however, may not apply when feeling unworthy in general. Future research is needed to explore these discrepant associations between level of self-esteem and CSE, depending on the level of assessment.

Across two studies, CSE related to an ambiguous pattern of motivation and engagement. Although individuals high in CSE displayed higher levels of motivation in general, they were especially motivated because of introjected reasons. Further, CSE related positively to behavioral and emotional engagement in the domain of schooling in general, but to less behaviorally recorded persistence during a specific challenging situation. Across both studies, CSE was also associated with feelings of tension and anxiety. Overall, these findings highlight the ambiguity that characterizes the functioning of individuals high in CSE, both in terms of their engagement and motivational functioning.

Twenty-nine students did not provide the name of their school or provided an incomplete name. Consequently, ICCs could only be calculated for maximum 612 students from 34 schools.

Testifying to the distinctiveness of the measures for academic CSE and introjection, the two-factor model ( N = 626, χ² (19) = 152.88, RMSEA = .11, CFI = .93, SRMR = .07) showed a better fit than the one-factor model ( N = 626, χ² (20) = 444.21, RMSEA = .18, CFI = .78, SRMR = .11; Δχ² (1) = 291.33, p < .001).

Based on the suggestion of a reviewer, we also analyzed a more general model by averaging across intrinsic motivation and identified regulation and across introjected and external regulation to generate two composite scores of, respectively, autonomous and controlled motivation. Additionally, we only focused on indicators of engagement and test anxiety in this model, thus omitting behavioral and emotional disaffection. In line with the results from our more specific models, academic CSE related positively to both autonomous and controlled motivation and, in turn, autonomous motivation related positively to both engagement indicators whereas controlled motivation related positively to test anxiety. Significant positive direct effects were found from academic CSE to behavioral and emotional engagement and test anxiety, but the direct effect on emotional engagement became non-significant when including both motivation types.

More specifically, in a parallel version of Model 1 with standardized continuous predictors, the interaction between academic CSE and academic SE on external regulation was significant. The interaction showed that the significant positive effect of academic CSE on external regulation was more pronounced for individuals scoring low on academic SE.

Competing Interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors Contribution

Jolene van der Laap-Deeder and Sofie Wouters are considered joint first author and contributed equally to this paper.

Author Information

Sofie Wouters is a Postdoctoral Fellow of the Research Foundation – Flanders.

Essay On Self Confidence

500 words essay on self confidence.

Self-confidence refers to the state of mind where a person pushes their boundaries and encourages belief within oneself. It is something which comes from self-love. In order to have confidence in yourself, one must love oneself to get freedom from constant doubt. This essay on self confidence will help you learn more about it in detail.

The Key to Success

It won’t be far-fetched to say that self-confidence is the key to success. If not, it is definitely the first step towards success. When a person has self-confidence, they are halfway through their battle.

People in school and workplaces achieve success by taking more initiatives and being more forward and active in life. Moreover, they tend to make better decisions because of having confidence in oneself.

Thus, it makes them stand out of the crowd. When you stand apart, people will definitely notice you. Thus, it increases your chances of attaining success in life. Alternatively, if there is a person who does not trust or believe in himself, it will be tough.

They will find it hard to achieve success because they will be exposed to failure as well as criticism. Thus, without self-confidence, they may not get back on their feet as fast as someone who possesses self-confidence.

In addition to gaining success, one also enjoys a variety of perks as well. For instance, you can find a job more easily. Similarly, you may find the magnitude of a difficult job lesser than it is.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Importance of Self Confidence

Self-confidence allows us to face our failure and own up to it in a positive light. Moreover, it helps us to raise many times. This helps instil a quality in use which ensures we do not give up till we succeed.

Similarly, self-confidence instils optimism in us. People who have self-confidence are not lucky, they are smart. They do not rely on others to achieve success , they rely on their own abilities to do that.

While self-confidence is important, it is also important to not become overconfident. As we know, anything in excess can be bad for us. Similarly, overconfidence is also no exception.

When you become overconfident, you do not acknowledge the criticism. When you don’t do that, you do not work on yourself. Thus, it stops your growth. Overlooking all this will prove to be harmful.

So it is essential to have moderation which can let you attain just the right amount of self-confidence and self-love which will assure you success and happiness in life.

Conclusion of the Essay on Self Confidence

All in all, a person will gain self-confidence from their own personal experience and decision. No one speech or conversation can bring an overnight change. It is a gradual but constant process we must all participate in. It will take time but once you achieve it, nothing can stop you from conquering every height in life.

FAQ on Essay on Self Confidence

Question 1: What is the importance of self-confidence?

Answer 1: Self-confidence allows a person to free themselves from self-doubt and negative thoughts about oneself. When you are more fearless, you will have less  anxiety . This is what self-confidence can offer you. It will also help you take smart risks and get rid of social anxiety.

Question 2: How do you develop self-confidence paragraph?

Answer 2: To develop self-confidence, one must first look at what they have achieved so far. Then, never forget the things you are good at. Everyone has strengths and weaknesses, so focus on your strengths. Set up some goals and get a hobby as well. Give yourself the pep talk to hype up your confidence.

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