Human Trafficking Applying Research, Theory, and Case Studies 1St Edition Pdf

Human Trafficking Applying Research, Theory, and Case Studies 1St Edition Pdf

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Noel B Busch-Armendariz | 9781506305721 | | | | | Radical feminism - Wikipedia

Radical feminism is a perspective within feminism that calls for a radical reordering of society in which male supremacy is eliminated in all and Case Studies 1st edition and economic contexts, while recognizing that women's experiences are also affected by other social divisions such as in race, class, and sexual orientation. Radical feminists view society as fundamentally a patriarchy in which men dominate and oppress women. Radical feminists seek to abolish the patriarchy as one front in a struggle to "liberate everyone from an unjust society by challenging existing social norms and institutions. According to Shulamith Firestone in The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution : "[T]he end goal of feminist revolution must be, unlike that of the first feminist movement, not just the elimination Theory male privilege but of the sex distinction itself: genital differences between human beings would no longer matter culturally. Early radical feminism, arising within second-wave feminism in the s, [6] typically viewed patriarchy as a "transhistorical phenomenon" [7] prior to or deeper than other sources of oppression"not only the oldest and most universal form of domination but the primary form" and the model for all others. Radical feminists locate the root cause of women's oppression in patriarchal gender relations, as opposed to legal systems as in liberal feminism or class conflict as in anarchist feminismsocialist feminismand Marxist feminism. Radical feminists assert that society is a patriarchy in which the class of men are the oppressors of the class of women. The first dichotomous division of this mass [mankind] is said to have been on the grounds of sex: male and female Radical feminists argue that, because of patriarchy, Human Trafficking Applying Research have come to be viewed as the "other [13] " to the male norm, and as such have been Theory oppressed and marginalized. They further assert that men as a class benefit from the oppression of women. Patriarchal theory is not generally defined as a belief that all men always benefit from the oppression of all women. Rather, it maintains that the primary element of patriarchy is a relationship of dominance, where one party is dominant and exploits the other for the benefit of the former. Radical feminists believe that men as a class use social systems and other methods of control to keep women as well as non- dominant men suppressed. Radical feminists seek to abolish patriarchy by challenging existing social norms and institutions, and believe that eliminating patriarchy will liberate Theory from an unjust society. Ti-Grace Atkinson maintained that the need for power fuels the male class to continue oppressing the female class, arguing that "the Human Trafficking Applying Research men have for the role of and Case Studies 1st edition is the source and foundation of all human oppression". The influence of radical-feminist politics on the women's liberation movement was considerable. Redstockings [15] co-founder Ellen Willis wrote in that radical feminists "got sexual politics recognized Theory a public issue", created second- wave feminism 's vocabulary, helped to legalize abortion in the USA, "were the first to demand total equality in the so-called private sphere" Theory and child care The WLM grew largely due to the influence of the civil rights movementthat had gained momentum in the s, and many of the women who took up the cause of radical feminism had previous experience with radical protest in the struggle against racism. Chronologically, it can be seen within the context of second wave feminism that started in the early s. In the late sixties various women's groups describing Human Trafficking Applying Research as "radical feminist", such as the UCLA Women's Liberation Front WLFoffered differing views of radical feminist Theory. In our group at least, they opposed so-called male dominated national liberation struggles". Radical feminists helped to translate the radical protest for racial equality, in which many had experience, over to the struggle for women's rights. They took up the cause and advocated for a Theory of women's issues, including abortion rightsthe Equal Rights Amendmentaccess to credit, and equal pay. In the s, radical feminism emerged within liberal feminist and working-class feminist discussions, first in the United States, then in the United Kingdom and Australia. Those involved had gradually come to believe that it was not only the middle-class nuclear family that oppressed women, but that it was also social movements and organizations that claimed to stand for human liberation, notably the counterculturethe New Leftand Marxist political parties, all of which were male-dominated and male-oriented. Their Yearbook essay on behalf of the autonomous feminist movement argued that patriarchy was the oldest and Case Studies 1st edition most fundamental relationship of exploitation. Hence the necessity of feminists' separating from men's organizations on the Left, since they would just use women's efforts to support their own goals, in which women's liberation did not count. The editors of Frauenjahrbuch 76 also explicitly distanced themselves from the language of liberalism, arguing that "equal rights define women's oppression as women's disadvantage. More women in politics! More women in the sciences, etc. Women should be able to do everything that men do. Its content is conformity to men. Because in this society male characteristics fundamentally have more prestige, Theory and above all more power, we easily fall into the trap of rejecting and devaluing all that is female and admiring and emulating all that is considered male. The battle against the female role must not become the battle for the male role. The feminist demand, which transcends the claim for equal rights, is the claim for self-determination. Radical feminists introduced the use of consciousness raising CR groups. These groups brought together intellectuals, workers, and middle-class women in developed Western countries to discuss their experiences. During these discussions, women noted a shared and repressive system regardless of their political affiliation or social class. Consciousness raising was extensively used in chapter sub-units of the National Organization for Women NOW during the s. Radical feminism claimed that a totalizing ideology and social formation— patriarchy government or rule by fathers —dominated women in the interests of men. Within groups such as New York Radical Women —; not connected to the present-day socialist feminist organization Radical Womenwhich Ellen Theory characterized as "the first women's liberation group in New York City", [24] a radical feminist ideology began to emerge. It declared that "the personal is political" and the "sisterhood is powerful"; [6] calls to women's activism coined by Kathie Sarachild and others in Human Trafficking Applying Research group. The feminist side of the split, whose members referred to themselves as "radical feminists", [24] soon constituted the basis of a new organization, Redstockings. During this period, the movement produced "a prodigious output of leaflets, pamphlets, journals, magazine articles, Human Trafficking Applying Research and radio and TV interviews". At the beginning of this period, " heterosexuality was more or less an unchallenged assumption". Among radical feminists, it was widely held that, thus far, the sexual freedoms gained in the sexual revolution of the s, in particular, the decreasing emphasis on monogamyhad been Theory gained by men at women's expense. Redstockings and The Feminists were both radical feminist organizations, but held rather distinct views. Most members of Redstockings held to a materialist and anti- psychologistic view. They viewed men's oppression of women as ongoing and deliberate, holding individual men responsible for this oppression, viewing institutions and Case Studies 1st edition systems including the family as mere vehicles of conscious male intent, and Human Trafficking Applying Research psychologistic explanations of female submissiveness as blaming women for collaboration in their own oppression. They held to a view—which Willis would later describe as "neo- Maoist "—that it would be possible to unite all or virtually all women, as a class, to confront this oppression by personally confronting men. The Feminists held a more idealisticpsychologistic, and utopian philosophy, with a greater emphasis on " sex roles ", seeing sexism as rooted in "complementary patterns of male and female behavior". They placed more emphasis on institutions, seeing marriage, family, prostitution, and heterosexuality as all existing to perpetuate the "sex-role system". They saw all of these as institutions to be destroyed. Within the group, there were further disagreements, such as Koedt's viewing the institution of "normal" sexual intercourse as being focused mainly on male sexual or erotic pleasure, while Atkinson viewed it mainly in terms of reproduction. In contrast to the Redstockings, The Feminists generally considered genitally focused sexuality to be inherently male. Ellen Willisthe Redstockings co-founder, would later write that insofar as the Redstockings considered abandoning heterosexual activity, they saw it as a "bitter price" they "might have to pay for [their] militance", whereas The Feminists embraced separatist feminism as a strategy. They argued Human Trafficking Applying Research men dominated women not so much for material benefits as for the ego satisfaction intrinsic in domination. Similarly, they rejected the Redstockings view that Theory submitted only out of necessity or The Feminists' implicit view that they submitted out of cowardice, but instead argued that social conditioning simply led most women to accept a submissive role as "right and natural". The radical feminism of the late 60s was not only a movement of ideology and theory; it helped to inspire direct action. Infeminists protested against the Miss America pageant in order to bring "sexist beauty ideas and social expectations" to the forefront of women's social issues. Even though bras were not burned on that day, the protest led to the phrase "bra-burner". These women demanded that the publication replace its male editor with a female editor, and accused the Ladies Home Journal"with their emphasis on food, family, fashion, and femininity", of being "instruments of women's oppression". One protestor explained the goal of the protest by saying that they "were there to destroy a publication which feeds off of women's anger and frustration, a magazine which destroys women. Human Trafficking Applying Research feminists used a variety of tactics, including demonstrations, speakouts, and community and work related organizing, to gain exposure and adherents. Later inSchwarzer persuaded doctors to publicly admit and Case Studies 1st edition Der Spiegel [38] to having performed abortions. She also found a woman willing to terminate Theory pregnancy on camera with vacuum aspirationthereby promoting this method of abortion by showing it on the German political television program Panorama. Cristina Perincioli described this as " Instead Panorama's producers replaced the time slot with a statement of protest and the display of an empty studio. In the s, radical women's centers without a formal hierarchy sprang up in West Berlin . The bus trips continued without police interference. This victory was politically significant in two respects The feminist claim to speak for women was thus affirmed by both women and the state. In West Germany , saw the start of a radical feminist group campaign to withdraw from membership in the Catholic Church as a protest against its anti-abortion position and activities. In And Case Studies 1st edition of two women in a sexual relationship, Marion Ihns and Judy Andersen, were arrested and charged with hiring a man Human Trafficking Applying Research kill Ihns's abusive husband. Pretrial publicity, particularly that by BildGermany's largest tabloid, was marked by anti-lesbian sensationalism. In response, lesbian groups and women's centers in Germany joined in fervent protest. The cultural clash continued Theory the trial which eventually resulted in the conviction of the women in October of and life sentences for both. However, a petition brought by female journalists and 41 male colleagues to the German Press Council resulted Theory its censure of and Case Studies 1st edition Axel Springer CompanyBild's publisher. At one point in the lead up to the trial Bild had run a seventeen consecutive day series on "The Crimes of Lesbian Women". Helped women to gain knowledge about how Theory own bodies functioned so they would no longer need to rely solely on the medical profession. Radical feminists have generally formed small activist or community associations around either consciousness raising or concrete aims. Many radical feminists in Australia participated in a series of squats to establish various women's centers, and this form of action was common in the late s and early s. By the mids many of the original consciousness raising groups had dissolved, and radical feminism was more and more associated with loosely organized university collectives. Radical feminism can still be seen, particularly within student activism and among working-class women. In Australia, many feminist social organizations had accepted government funding during the s, and the election of a conservative government in crippled these organizations. A radical feminist movement also emerged among Jewish women in Israel beginning in the early s. Common demands include:. Radical feminists have written about a wide range Theory issues regarding the sex industry—which they tend to oppose—including but not limited to what many see as: the harm done to women during the production of pornography, the social harm from consumption of pornography, the coercion and poverty Human Trafficking Applying Research leads women to become prostitutes, the long-term detrimental effects of prostitution, the raced and classed nature of prostitution, and male dominance over women in prostitution and pornography. Radical feminists argue that most women who become prostitutes are forced into it by a pimp, human traffickingpoverty, drug addictionor Human Trafficking Applying Research such as child sexual abuse. Women from the lowest socioeconomic classes—impoverished women, women with a low level of education, women from the most disadvantaged racial and ethnic minorities—are over-represented in prostitution all over the world. Catharine MacKinnon asked: "If prostitution is a free choice, Theory are the women with the fewest choices the ones most often found doing it? MacKinnon argues that "In prostitution, women have sex with men they would never otherwise have sex with. The money thus acts as a form of force, not as a measure of consent. It acts like physical force does in rape. In the words of Kathleen Barryconsent is not a "good divining rod as to the existence of oppression, and consent to violation is a fact of oppression". Prostitution in and of itself is an abuse of a woman's body. Those of us who say this are accused of being simple-minded. But prostitution is very simple. In prostitution, no woman stays whole. Human Trafficking 1st edition | , | VitalSource

This practical, interdisciplinary text draws from empirically grounded scholarship, survivor-centered practices, and an ecological perspective to help readers develop an understanding of the meaning and scope of human trafficking. Throughout the book, the authors address the specific vulnerabilities of human trafficking victims, their medical-psycho-social needs, and issues related to direct service delivery. They also address the identification of human trafficking crimes, traffickers, and the impact of this crime on the global economy. Using detailed case studies to illuminate real situations, the and Case Studies 1st edition covers national and international anti-trafficking policies, prevention and intervention strategies, promising practices to combat human trafficking, responses of law enforcement and service providers, organizational challenges, and the cost of trafficking to human wellbeing. Should and Case Studies 1st edition need additional information or have questions regarding the HEOA information provided for this title, including what is new to this edition, please email sageheoa sagepub. Please include your name, contact information, and the name of the title for which Human Trafficking Applying Research would like more information. For assistance with your order: Please email us at textsales sagepub. It delivers most confidently the information centered on victim experiences and service delivery which feels very useful for those working in social work or other professions that lead to encounters with victims. The emphasis on intersectionality shows the need for coordination among a diversity Theory actors and shows how this is a problem that connects to a number of societal issues and micro-level experiences. This is useful from a problem-solution definition perspective. I have yet to see a book that effectively breaks apart the and Case Studies 1st edition factors that perpetuate Human Trafficking Applying Research trafficking—the authors of this book appear to do that, and they introduce some of the more Theory struggles faced by this movement as it grows. I still see it as mostly for social work students, but I think the authors have achieved high degree of an interdisciplinary approach in this text. I will use it for my Human Trafficking and Sex Slavery course. This is an elective course. I would like to develop a course that can be offered during normal semesters along with summer and winter session online. I need supplementary materials for the book like tests and real and Case Studies 1st edition scenarios. Chapter 1. Human Trafficking Applying Research to main content. Download flyer. Description Contents Reviews Features Preview This practical, interdisciplinary text draws from empirically grounded scholarship, survivor-centered practices, and an ecological perspective to help readers develop an Human Trafficking Applying Research of the meaning and scope of human trafficking. Learning Objectives. Key Ideas. Decision Case. Scientific Knowledge. Chapter Summary. Key Terms. Additional Reading. Web Resources. Project Assignments and Homework Suggestions. Factors Complicating Definitions. Complex Issues and Critical Discourse. Suggestions for Further Learning. Selected Theories. Scientific Knowledge at the Mezzo Level. Active Learning Exercises and Discussion Questions. Assignments or Homework. In-Class Discussion Questions. Emile Hafner-Burton. Westminster College. Wendy Stickle. University of Maryland. Nadia Shapkina. Kansas State University. Dr Hasan T Arslan. April 30, Report this review. Key features. An ecological and intersectionality perspective ties poverty, gender, prostitution, undocumented workers, and unpaid immigrant labor to the issue of human trafficking to help students understand the scope of the problem and its overlap with human rights issues. Case studies based on real trafficking cases worked by social workers and law enforcement elicit debate and Case Studies 1st edition potential challenges and ethical dilemmas common in human trafficking responses. Discussion questions and interactive classroom exercises and projects help students understand issues and apply key concepts. For instructors. Select your digital copy Human Trafficking Applying Research. Select a Purchasing Option Electronic version. ISBN: Related Products. Human Rights and Social Justice. Find out more. Human Trafficking | SAGE Publications Inc

Marianna was very poor with very few, if any, options in her home country. She was raising two young children by herself in Mexico and trying to pay off her father's medical bills when she saw a newspaper ad for an agency that arranged jobs in Canada. When Marianna arrived in Vancouver, a man picked her up at Human Trafficking Applying Research airport and brought her to a house in the suburbs, where a woman took her passport for "safekeeping". The woman then told her that the factory job had not come through, and instead she would be working in the lab downstairs, which, Marianna discovered, produced crystal methamphetamine and other illegal drugs. Everyone but Marianna and Case Studies 1st edition that she had been tricked to come to Canada to work at the illegal drug lab, not a factory. Everyone also knew what would happen to her if she Human Trafficking Applying Research to do the work. Marianna refused at first, but had no other options to pay her bills or support her Theory. She felt scared and trapped. Marianna did get paid and fed, but had to work very long hours and sleep in a room next to the lab with 10 other men and women. Marianna grew very concerned that she would be seen as a criminal for working in an illegal drug lab. When Marianna asked Human Trafficking Applying Research her passport back because she wanted to leave, the woman told her no, she knew too much, and if she tried to leave, they would kill her. Comments will be sent to 'servicebc gov. Enter your email address if you would like a reply:. The information on this form is collected under the authority of Sections 26 c and 27 1 c of the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act to help us assess and respond to your enquiry. Questions about the collection of information can be directed to the Manager of Corporate WebGovernment Digital Experience Division. I consent. Skip to main content Skip to main navigation Skip to side navigation Accessibility Statement. Human Trafficking Training Module 1. Section Navigation. Human Trafficking in B. What is Human Trafficking? Signs that a Person Might be Trafficked. Human Trafficking Training. Course Overview. Module 1. Case Study 1: Marianna. This Module. Trafficking Protocol. International vs. Human Trafficking vs. Human Smuggling. Emphasis on Human Rights. Three Elements of Human Trafficking Applying Research Trafficking. Element 1: And Case Studies 1st edition. Element 2: Means. Element 3: Purpose. Case Study 2: Dishwasher. How Traffickers Take Advantage. Why They Stay: Dynamics. Test Your Knowledge: Module 1. Module 2. Module 3. Module 4. Publications and Resources. About Us. Contact Us. Victim Services Information for Service Providers. Human Trafficking Case Study 1: Marianna. Read the case study Human Trafficking Applying Research follows. Then, click on the image to take the quiz about Marianna. Copy Cancel. Did you find what you were looking for? Thank Theory for your response. Help us improve gov. Organizations Human Trafficking Applying Research. Forms A-Z. Services and Information Topics Employment, business and economic development Birth, adoption, death, marriage and divorce Data British Columbians and our governments Education and training Driving and transportation. Health Farming, natural resources and industry Family and social supports Environmental protection and sustainability Housing and tenancy Law, crime and justice. Public safety and emergency services Sports, recreation, arts and culture Taxes and tax credits Tourism and immigration. Home About gov.

Innovations in empirical research into human trafficking: introduction to the special edition

  • Published: 25 July 2019
  • Volume 72 , pages 1–7, ( 2019 )

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human trafficking applying research theory and case studies pdf

  • Ella Cockbain 1 &
  • Edward R. Kleemans 2  

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When it comes to human trafficking, hype often outweighs evidence. All too often, the discourse on trafficking – increasingly absorbed under discussions of so-called ‘modern slavery’ too – is dominated by simplistic treatments of a complex problem, sweeping claims and dubious statistics [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Such an approach might help to win attention, investment and support for an anti-trafficking agenda in the short term, but ultimately risks causing credibility problems for the entire field and contributing to ineffective, even harmful, interventions [see, e.g., 2 , 4 – 6 ]. From the 1990s onwards, levels of interest and investment in counter-trafficking expanded rapidly [ 3 , 7 , 8 ]. In tandem, the literature on trafficking has proliferated [ 9 , 10 ]. Yet, actual empirical (data-driven) research remains relatively rare [ 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 ]. Of course, non-empirical approaches have value too – for example in challenging how we conceptualise trafficking or highlighting tensions in governments’ or businesses’ commitments to anti-trafficking measures. Nevertheless, empirical research is clearly crucial to advance understanding of the trafficking phenomenon and shape nuanced, evidence-informed policy and practice. Even where empirical research exists, its quality can be highly variable, with many publications (even peer-reviewed ones) found to fall short of even rudimentary scientific standards [ 13 , 15 ]. Additionally, there is a particular dearth of rigorous, independent evaluations of interventions [ 7 , 13 ] – despite the many millions of dollars spent thus far on anti-trafficking efforts worldwide [ 12 , 16 ].

Before proceeding, it is worth acknowledging some fundamental tensions in researching human trafficking. First, trafficking is not a neatly delineated phenomenon that can be consistently identified and readily counted [ 1 , 2 ]. Instead, it is a relatively fuzzy social construct that exists upon what is increasingly recognised as a ‘continuum  of exploitation’ running from decent conditions through to severe abuses [ 17 ]. Second, trafficking is not – and has never been – ‘discursively neutral terrain’ [ 18 ]. Instead it is contested territory that has long been tied up with broader political, economic and ideological agendas [ 3 , 19 ]. Third, trafficking is a sensitive topic involving hidden populations [ 20 ]. Whether those involved are identified at all – let alone assigned the trafficking label – is heavily contingent on other factors, ranging from victims’ willingness to disclose abuses to funding and prioritisation of counter-trafficking efforts [for further discussion, see 21 , 22 ].

Despite these issues, it would be hard to argue that the extremes of exploitation that are – or could be – conceptualised as trafficking do not merit attention and intervention. If the trafficking field is to evolve and maintain credibility, therefore, more high-quality empirical research is needed. With so many gaps, there are many directions its expansion could take. Here, we highlight some of the gaps and limitations that are particularly pronounced and well-documented. Traditionally, research has focused overwhelmingly on sex trafficking and other trafficking types have been relatively overlooked [ 12 , 13 ]. Victim-focused research dominates the literature, leaving offenders comparatively neglected [ 23 , 24 , 25 ]. Most trafficking research is qualitative in nature and quantitative studies are far rarer, particularly those that go beyond descriptive statistics alone [ 9 , 13 ]. Accessing research data and participants is notoriously challenging and remains a key barrier to the development of the field [ 11 , 21 , 26 ]. On the one hand, existing datasets (e.g. police or other administrative data) have obvious under-tapped potential for academic research and could be used far more extensively and effectively [ 21 , 27 , 28 ]. On the other, increased investment in primary data collection – such as via survey methods – is also necessary to address questions that existing data cannot answer. Perhaps linked to difficulties accessing data, trafficking studies typically focus on a single country and robust comparative analyses across multiple jurisdictions are rare [see, e.g., 29 ]. Although researchers have often approached human trafficking through a criminological or sociological lens, trafficking is clearly not just a crime problem. Other disciplines, such as geography, public health, management and computer science (to name but a few), also clearly have much to contribute [see, e.g., 30 – 32 ]. Linked to this disciplinary expansion, pushback continues against exceptionalising trafficking: rather than treating it as the product of a few isolated criminals (i.e. ‘bad apples’), there is a need to examine more closely how exploitation can be enabled or exacerbated by broader systems (i.e. ‘bad barrels’) such as those involved in the neoliberal labour market and its regulation as well as migration policies [see, e.g., 33 – 36 ]. Finally, it is not enough just to do more research on trafficking: the research itself needs to consistently meet high standards, for example in terms of methodological transparency and rigour, solid research designs and robust ethical conduct [ 13 , 37 ].

Given this context, we are delighted this special edition begins to address many of these key gaps. The papers in it have been written by some of the world’s leading academic experts on trafficking and span a range of countries, topics and approaches. What unites the contents is a shared grounding in original, empirical research and innovative contributions to the literature, be it in thematic, methodological and/or conceptual terms. Thanks to funding from the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the process included a symposium in London in July 2018. Lead authors came together to present their first drafts and share their feedback on one another’s work; the resultant papers are all the stronger for the constructive criticism and vigorous debate that ensued. Overall, we are confident that this volume has much to offer for academics, policy-makers and practitioners interested in new perspectives on human trafficking. Below, we provide a short summary of each paper, followed by some brief concluding observations.

The special edition starts with a rare quantitative analysis of individual-level data on human trafficking, using data from the United Kingdom’s central system for identifying trafficking victims. For a sample of 2,630 confirmed victims, Cockbain and Bowers [ 38 ] systematically compare those trafficked for sexual exploitation, domestic servitude and (other) labour exploitation. They examine similarities and differences in terms of victim demographics, the trafficking process and official responses. They find both substantial and significant differences between types, demonstrating that human trafficking is a complex and diverse phenomenon. Although different forms of trafficking are routinely conflated in research, policy and interventions, this study highlights the value of a more nuanced approach that takes into account differences between – and indeed within – trafficking types.

Qiu, Zhang and Liu [ 39 ] provide a new perspective by focusing on trafficking for forced marriage – a particularly understudied issue – in the Chinese context. Women from poor neighbouring countries, such as Myanmar, frequently look for employment opportunities in China. Due to a severe imbalance in China’s sex ratio, a trafficking market has emerged to meet the demand for brides. The authors analyse 73 court cases involving 184 Myanmar women who were trafficked into China in the period 2003–2016. They find that most traffickers had limited education and were either unemployed or underemployed. The vast majority were Chinese nationals with good connections in both the cross-border trade and traditional matchmaking business. Most trafficking turned out to involve few formal organisational structures and occurred primarily under the guise of employment opportunities: it appeared that most victims were recruited within Myanmar in response to the offers of a job in interior China.

Wijkman and Kleemans [ 40 ] shed new light on female offenders involved in human trafficking, in particular trafficking for sexual exploitation. Analysing the court files of 150 women convicted for trafficking offences in the Netherlands, they conclude that popular conceptions of the role of women in trafficking are inaccurate and simplistic. Contrary to stereotypes of passive female victims/predatory male offenders, their analysis shows that female traffickers are neither rare nor unimportant. The roles they performed were not limited to low-ranking activities, nor were they exceptional: instead they could be similar to those of male offenders. Specific prior experiences of victimisation, such as a history of being sexually exploited, inadequately explained women’s involvement in the offending. Finally, the frequent presence of male co-offenders clearly shows that offending is embedded in social relationships, including intimate (romantic) relationships.

Brunovskis and Surtees [ 41 ] offer timely insights into the complexities of identifying trafficking victims in situations of massive and rapid transit movements. Their focus is on Europe’s so-called “refugee crisis” of 2015 and 2016. They draw on fieldwork in Serbia, where an extraordinarily high number of vulnerable migrants/refugees from different countries and cultural backgrounds passed through along the Balkan route over a short period of time. Opportunities to interact with these migrants/refugees in ways that would lead to victim identification and support proved heavily constrained. In such situations, the authors found it was difficult to set up appropriate and effective human trafficking screening mechanisms and to identify particular vulnerabilities. They conclude that the anti-trafficking framework can be difficult to apply in mass migration settings and does not always fit well with peoples’ experiences. Moreover, the protections on offer may not be suitable for or wanted by those who would be eligible.

Davies and Ollus [ 42 ] situate labour exploitation – including but not limited to trafficking at the extreme end of the spectrum – firmly within the context of developments in the economy, labour markets, and society at large. Breaking with dominant approaches to anti-trafficking that tend to centre individual offenders, they focus instead on how supply chains and business practices can enable and exacerbate the exploitation of vulnerable workers. Their analysis is based on qualitative, semi-structured interviews with both workers and supply chain stakeholders (e.g. employers, intermediaries and regulators) in the UK agri-food industry ( n  = 27) and the Finnish cleaning industry ( n  = 38). They identify industry dynamics, labour subcontracting and insufficient regulatory oversight as key factors in enabling exploitation in otherwise legitimate businesses. Given the significant role of corporate practices in facilitating exploitation, the authors argue in favour of framing labour exploitation as a form of corporate crime.

Van Meeteren and Wiering [ 43 ] take a fairly unusual approach in examining labour trafficking in the context of regular rather than irregular migration, specifically a labour migration scheme for the Chinese catering industry in the Netherlands. Through an in-depth qualitative analysis of investigative files from eight such cases identified as constituting labour trafficking, the authors explore various mechanisms through which exploitation is facilitated and sustained. They focus in particular on the impact of restrictions connected to regular migrant workers’ immigration status. The authors conclude that while employers and victims alike can manoeuvre within the space provided by immigration policies, these policies clearly shape relationships and dependencies in the labour market. They find, for example, that migrants’ reliance on their employers for work and residence permits makes them hesitant to disobey, run away and risk the large sums they have already invested in their migration ambitions. Tied residence and work permits emerge in this way as a particularly important contributor to vulnerability to labour exploitation.

De Vries, Nickerson, Farrell, Wittmer-Wolfe, and Bouché [ 44 ] extend research on the relationship between anti-immigration sentiment and criminal justice problems and solutions, by focusing on public support for anti-trafficking efforts in the United States. Using public opinion data from a nationally representative survey with 2,000 respondents, the authors find that anti-immigration sentiment is related to greater recognition that immigrants are vulnerable to human trafficking victimisation. While anti-immigration sentiment does not impact views on general governmental prioritization of counter-trafficking policies, it is associated with less public support for services for immigrant trafficking victims. These findings might explain why, according to the authors, public policies safeguarding migrant trafficked persons have been among the most difficult to pass in the United States, despite strong overall support for government prioritisation of anti-trafficking efforts.

Overall, this special edition covered a wide range of topics, geographies, datasets and methods. Despite the variety in the approaches, some common themes can be identified, which have important implications for research, policy and practice. First, many contributions underscore the complexity and diversity of both trafficking and counter-trafficking activity, including in terms of attributes and attitudes of victims, offenders and the general publics. Moving away from one-size-fits-all approaches is vital to become more effective at explaining and tackling this issue. Second, many papers highlight the importance of contextual factors in understanding how trafficking and exploitation are produced, sustained and exacerbated. Greater recognition of contextual factors - both at the individual- and systems-level - is crucial in supporting more nuanced responses and identifying a wider range of avenues for intervention. Third, the articles often challenge stereotypes, debunk myths and/or question assumptions about how trafficking and counter-trafficking function. With trafficking such a ‘hot’ topic, it is vital that rigorous empirical research continues to provide a measured and informed counter-balance to media and political treatments that are all too often simplistic and sensationalised.

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Acknowledgements

We are very grateful to the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK for funding the symposium in London via Dr. Ella Cockbain’s Future Research Leaders Fellowship (grant reference: ES/K008463/1). We thank the Department of Security and Crime Science at University College London for hosting the event and all who attended for their valuable contributions and feedback on others’ work. We thank all the anonymous reviewers for their generosity with their time and insightful comments. Our final thanks goes to the journal’s general editors, Professors Mary Dodge and Wim Huisman, for their support for this special edition and assistance throughout.

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Cockbain, E., Kleemans, E.R. Innovations in empirical research into human trafficking: introduction to the special edition. Crime Law Soc Change 72 , 1–7 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-019-09852-7

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-019-09852-7

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This practical, interdisciplinary text draws from empirically grounded scholarship, survivor-centered practices, and an ecological perspective to help readers develop an understanding of the meaning and scope of human trafficking. Throughout the book, the authors address the specific vulnerabilities of human trafficking victims, their medical-psycho-social needs, and issues related to direct service delivery. They also address the identification of human trafficking crimes, traffickers, and the impact of this crime on the global economy. Using detailed case studies to illuminate real situations, the book covers national and international anti-trafficking policies, prevention and intervention strategies, promising practices to combat human trafficking, responses of law enforcement and service providers, organizational challenges, and the cost of trafficking to human wellbeing. 

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Editorial Reviews

"I like the organization of micro/mezzo/macro levels. I have yet to see a book that effectively breaks apart the complex factors that perpetuate human trafficking―the authors of this book appear to do that, and they introduce some of the more recent struggles faced by this movement as it grows."

"This book offers broad coverage of the topic which is good for a number of audiences. It delivers most confidently the information centered on victim experiences and service delivery which feels very useful for those working in social work or other professions that lead to encounters with victims. The emphasis on intersectionality shows the need for coordination among a diversity of actors and shows how this is a problem that connects to a number of societal issues and micro-level experiences. This is useful from a problem-solution definition perspective."

About the Author

Dr. Cook Heffron is an Assistant Professor of Social Work in the School of Behavioral and Social Sciences at St. Edward’s University in Austin, Texas. She has interest and expertise in the areas of forced migration, domestic and sexual violence, and human trafficking. Laurie has both direct social work practice and research experience with a variety of communities, including refugees, asylum-seekers, trafficked persons, and other immigrants. Her recent research explores the experiences of, and relationships between, violence against women and migration, with a focus on migration from Central America to the United States. Laurie studied Linguistics at Georgetown University and earned a Master of Social Work (MSW) and Doctorate in Social Work from The University of Texas at Austin. Laurie is, above all, a mother of two energetic and creative children.

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