jrotc capstone project

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Welcome to the JROTC-CS Demonstration Project

About The Project

There are approximately 545K Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps (JROTC) cadets attending 3,400 high schools across the US. This group of students represents a significant pool of untapped tech talent, and is comprised of a highly diverse population–with a majority-minority student population and 40% of JROTC cadets being female, and JROTC is strongly represented in schools serving economically disadvantaged populations (over 50% Title 1 schools). Yet today, 68% of these students do not have access to AP computer science in their school.

To address this gap, CSforALL is collaborating with the US Air Force JROTC HQ and an Advisory Consortium of industry and non-profit partners on a demonstration project to design and test implementation models for the long-term scale up of evidence-based computer science (CS) and cybersecurity education at schools serving Junior Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (JROTC) youth.

This project is authorized by the PROMOTES Act of 2020, which became law in December of 2020 as part of the National Defense Authorization Act Section 512 of the 2020 National Defense Authorization Act. This act authorized a grant program to bring high-quality STEM training and education to JROTC cadets and their schools. At scale, the JROTC-CS Demonstration Project has the potential to engage as many as 545,000 JROTC cadets in computer science and cybersecurity education pathways, as well as build CS and cybersecurity education capacity at over 3,400 high schools, serving 4 million students overall.

The JROTC-CS Demonstration Project includes 30 Air Force JROTC host high schools from 16 states, collectively serving 60,000 students overall. The participating schools have received school-wide capacity building training and professional development for teachers, counselors and JROTC instructors. See the full list of participating schools here .

An interactive map of the schools is found here at this link .

JROTC Demonstration Project Participants include:

• 30 schools and their districts will participate in capacity building training
• 30 high school teachers will receive professional development in CS and cyber
• 200+ JROTC instructors will be trained as tech career advisors
• 400 JROTC Cadets will directly participate and 4000 will benefit.
• 60K additional high school students will benefit from this project, as the capacity for CS and cybersecurity is increased at their schools.

Visit the interactive 2020 JROTC-CS Demonstration Project Schools map here

Preliminary Project Outcomes

• Despite academic disruptions disruptions over the past year due to COVID-19, several schools have added an Advanced Placement Computer Science Principles (AP CSP) course, including Aberdeen High School in Mississippi, highlighted in this EdTech Article . This increased enrollment in AP CSP in schools aligns with a key goal of the JROTC-CS program.
• In 2020, 24 cadets from various JROTC-CS partner schools graduated from the pilot offering of the Air Force JROTC Cyber Academy. This prestigious program will expand to five locations serving 100 cadets in summer 2021, in partnership with multiple institutions of higher education, funded through the National Science Foundation.
• There has been an increase in the number of cadets taking CS and Cybersecurity courses, thanks to the advising efforts of JROTC instructors in the participating schools.
• Throughout this past school year, students have gained an understanding of the relevance of CS and have become more fluent with technology. Overall, they have also indicated an increased interest in taking additional CS courses. Two female cadets expressed how their participation in a cyber experience and course has increased their virtual skills and technical skills as a result of participating in this project.

JROTC-CS Advisory Consortium Members

Member representatives.

Greg Bianchi

Senior Program Officer for Microsoft Philanthropies

Greg Bianchi is a Senior Program Officer for Microsoft Philanthropies, where the mission is to empower communities and nonprofits to realize the promise and potential of technology. This includes increasing equitable participation in high-quality computer science education so that all youth are future ready. Prior to joining Microsoft, Greg worked in the K-12 system and with nonprofit organizations on both district and statewide Computer Science and STEM initiatives.

Tina Boyle Whyte

Project Director, JROTC-CS CSforALL

I am Tina Boyle Whyte, the Project Director. I am excited to bring my knowledge and insight to this project, from 30 years experience in the United States Air Force, 20 years as a business/technology teacher and 5 years as a Computer Science Teacher in an urban classroom. For more questions, reach out to me at [email protected] .

DoD oversight Representative

Mr. John Paul Cook is the Director for Outreach, Policy & Programs for the Department of Defense’s (DoD) Civil-Military Programs (CMP). CMP is comprised of: the Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps (JROTC) programs; STARBASE a K-12 Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) program; Youth ChalleNGe helping secondary shool students not been attending school regularly develop responsible habits and graduate high school; and Innovative Readiness Training (IRT) that supports using community improvement projects as military training experiences. Prior to becoming a DoD Civilian, Mr. Cook was an Army Reserve Officer and a contracted policy advisor and program manager.

In 1988, Mr. John Paul Cook was commissioned as an Army Reserve Transportation Corps Officer specializing in movements planning, coordination, and oversight. Although always “a traditional reservist”, he spent a lot of time on Active Duty. During the 1990s he was repeatedly sent to Europe to realign Army Prepositioned Stocks (APS) and retrograde excess “Cold-War” materiel to the US. Mr. Cook also helped plan and execute transportation missions supporting the Balkan peace keeping operations, and, as a Captain, had the distinction of being the first foreign officer embedded in the Austrian Ministry of Defense. After the attacks on 9/11 2001, Mr. Cook was again mobilized, this time to the Pentagon. Initially to the Logistic Operations Center’s “Crisis Action Team”, and then as Project Manager for two APS equipment sets. His skillful management of these critical APS sets under war-time conditions enabled them to support the pivotal “Surge” operations in Iraq. Mr. Cook left the Logistics field to become the Chief, Active/Reserve Component (AC/RC) Integration for the Assistant Secretary of the Army, Manpower & Reserve Affairs (ASA (M&RA)). In this position, he facilitated codification of the Operational Reserve within Army’s Total Force. He also championedseveral other initiatives to support RC members, families (especially the geographically remote), and civilian employers. Most notable were his efforts to align military occupational specialty (MOS) schools credentialing with their civilian vocational counterparts. In coordination with the Department of Transportation, his reciprocal Commercial Driver’s License (CDL) effort has been recognized as a “Gold Standard” with over 38,000 Veterans obtaining CDLs. During this time, Mr. Cook performed several temporary assignments within the office of ASA (M&RA) including a Congressional Fellowship (Rayhall, WV-3), Special Advisor to the Reserve Forces Policy Board, and Military Executive to the Army Reserve Forces Policy Committee.

After leaving full-time active duty in 2013, Mr. Cook became an independent consultant working with several companies and clients. While supporting the Air Force Community Partnership Program, he championed a reform of the Air Forces Primary/Secondary Education Policy. Next he provided work force reform recommendations to Veteran Affairs, followed by supporting the Suitability, Security & Credentialing Line of Business’ (SSCLOB) holistic reform of how the Federal Government assesses and vets employee suitability, continuous evaluation, and adjudicates insider threats. Mr. Cook’s final contracted position was as the Senior Analyst for the Army Protection Program’s (G34) Critical Infrastructure Risk Management (CIRM) team where he oversaw implementation of strategic level Mission Assurance and pioneered counter unmanned aerial systems (cUAS) in the Homeland.

His military awards and decorations include the Legion of Merit, the Meritorious Service Medal (4 oak leaf clusters), the Army Commendation Medal, the Joint Service Achievement Medal, the Army Achievement Medal (4 oak leaf clusters), the Army Staff Identification Badge, and the German Armed Forces Proficiency Badge (Gold),

Mr. Cook is married to the former Ms. Shelly A. Good of Edinburg, Virginia. They have two children; Anna Christa (17) and Alexandra (16).

Rebecca Dalton

Director of Program Engagement, CyberPatriot (AFA)

Rebecca has been with CyberPatriot since 2013. In her current role as Director of Program Engagement, she oversees the outreach efforts for increasing participation in CyberPatriot’s various programs.

Ruthe Farmer

Founding Member, Chief Evangelist, CSforALL

Ruthe Farmer is a national advocate for gender equity and diversity in technology, and has focused her efforts on diversity in technology and engineering since 2001. At CSforALL, she serves as Chief Evangelist, working to invite new stakeholders to the CSforALL table - and make the table bigger. Prior to joining CSforALL, Ruthe served as Senior Policy Advisor for Tech Inclusion at the White House Office of Science & Technology Policy focusing on President Obama’s call to action for Computer Science for All, led strategy and K-12 programs at the National Center for Women & Information Technology (NCWIT) , and implemented national tech and engineering programs at Girl Scouts of the USA. She has launched multiple national inclusion programs including Aspirations in Computing , TECHNOLOchicas , the AspireIT outreach program, Lego Robotics for Girl Scouts, Intel Design & Discovery and more. She served as 2012 Chair of CSEDWeek , was named a White House Champion of Change for Technology Inclusion in 2013, received the Anita Borg Institute Award for Social Impact in 2014, and the UK Alumni Award for Social Impact in 2015. Ruthe holds a BA from Lewis & Clark College and an MBA in Social Entrepreneurship from the University of Oxford.

Brian Gonzalez

Senior Director, Public Sector Policy, Intel Corporation

Brian Gonzalez is the Senior Director for Public Sector Policy within Intel’s Government Affairs team based in Washington, DC. Brian started at Intel headquarters in Santa Clara, California in 2000 and has taken on a range of senior leadership global roles. Most recently he was General Manager for Intel’s Global Education Sector; where he led a global business development team driving large scale national programs with partners to accelerate educational outcomes through technology adoption that covers the full spectrum of learning scenarios, including: university student innovation, teacher professional development, K-12 student learning technologies and personalized learning infrastructure.

Brian has traveled to over 100 countries; he is a frequent speaker on technology infrastructure for improved outcomes and global collaboration as a core competency of high performance teams. He was awarded Intel’s highest recognition: Intel Achievement Award in 2011 for his contributions to global education transformation.

VP of Diversity, Equity & Inclusion, Snap Inc.

Allyson Knox

Senior Director of Education Policy, Microsoft

I am the DC education policy lead for the Microsoft Philanthropies team. I manage STEM education (particularly computer science), technology in education, and student privacy policy issues at state and federal levels. Testified before the U.S. House Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Elementary and Secondary Education during a hearing, “How Emerging Technology Affects Student Privacy” in 2015 and the U.S. Subcommittee on Commerce, Manufacturing, and Trade during a hearing “Our Nation of Builders: Training the Builders of the Future” in 2013. At the state level - testified or engaged in public meetings in New York, Florida, Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Maine, Michigan, Oregon, Ohio, and Alabama state capitols.

Karen Lanning

Executive Director of Federal Relations and Advocacy, The College Board

Director of School of Computing Sciences & Computer Engineering, The University of Southern Mississippi

Sara Lee is the Director of the School of Computing Sciences and Computer Engineering at the University of Southern Mississippi. Previously, Sara was the assistant department head and an associate clinical professor in the department of Computer and Information Science in the Bagley College of Engineering at Mississippi State University. She was also, Co-Director and Co-Founder of Bulldog Bytes, a K-12 teacher education and student outreach program for CS and cybersecurity learning.

While at MSU, she launched multiple programs to increase the participation of females in computing. In 2013, she initiated the Mississippi Affiliate Aspirations in Computing award program, in collaboration with the National Center for Women and Information Technology (NCWIT), for girls in grades 9 -12 in the state. Since then, multiple young women have been recognized and awarded scholarships through this program both at the state and national level.

Sarah was recognized by the Mississippi Business Journal ’s Top in Tech award program in 2019. In 2016, she received the President’s Commission on the Status of Women Outstanding Faculty Woman award at MSU. Her contributions were also recognized by her induction into the BCoE Academy of Distinguished Teachers in 2016 and with the BCoE Service Award in 2014. She was selected as an Inspiring Women in Stem by Insight into Diversity Magazine , in 2015.

Sarah holds a BS in Business Administration and Computer Information Systems from the Mississippi University for Women and a master’s degree in computer science from MSU. She earned her PhD in computer science from the University of Memphis. She is married to David M. Lee Sr. and has two children.

Erin Madden

Community Affairs Consultant, Capital One

Erin Madden leads Community Affairs for Capital One’s Design, Digital, Technology, Legal, and Staff Groups teams building community programming for over 12,000 Associates. Her team leads both philanthropy and volunteerism with a distinct focus in skills based volunteerism. Capital One’s giving strategy, Future Edge, helps communities prepare for the jobs of today tomorrow, with a philanthropic focus on 21st century skill development, small business development, financial well-being, and affordable housing. Erin supports key volunteer programs including the Capital One Coders program as well as Capital One’s HR Employment Readiness Program “HEART.” To date, Capital One Coders spans 10 cities and mobilizes Capital One Associates to inspire Future Software engineers through a 10-week coding program delivered to Middle Schools. Prior to Capital One, Erin spent 8 years leading Corporate Partnerships for Year Up, a leading workforce development organization focused on closing the Opportunity Divide. Erin graduated from Boston College’s Lynch School of Education with a BA in Human Development/Human Resources with a minor in Faith, Peace, and Justice. In addition, she holds her SHRM-SCP certification.

Kevin Nolten

Director of Academic Outreach, Cyber Innovation Center; Director (Outreach), CYBER.ORG

Kevin Nolten serves as Director of Academic Outreach for the Cyber Innovation Center and CYBER.ORG. With 13+ years of education management experience, six of which in K-12 education, Kevin is responsible for the operations of CYBER.ORG, an organization funded by a multi-million-dollar federal grant, charged with developing STEM, cyber, and computer science curricula, professional development, and other resources for K-12 educators, school districts, and state departments of education across the country. Kevin’s visionary passion and philosophy has led to the expansion of Cyber Innovation Center’s workforce programs to communities across the county – all with the goal of developing the next-generation cyber-literate workforce through community engagement. Kevin has been appointed to the Education and Workforce Development Committee of the Louisiana Cyber Commission, as well as the Louisiana Education and Technology Strategy Task Force. Outside of Louisiana, Kevin has been a pivotal part of state level Computer Science and Cybersecurity initiatives. Prior to joining the Cyber Innovation Center, Kevin served as an Assistant Principal of a K-8 school in Louisiana. Kevin is a graduate of Louisiana State University with a Bachelor of Science degree and a Master’s in Business Administration.

Alan Paller

Founder and Research Director, SANS Institute

Alan Paller founded SANS, a professional cybersecurity training school that trains more than 52,000 advanced cybersecurity technologists each year. He is also president of SANS Technology Institute, the nation’s first regionally accredited cybersecurity-only college and graduate school. Alan created the US Cyber Challenge and the U.S. CyberStart programs that enable high school and college students to discover whether they have an aptitude for successful cybersecurity careers and inspires and supports those who do as they develop their talent. He oversees a global program that identifies and celebrates people responsible for remarkable improvement in cyber risk reduction and chairs the annual RSA keynote panel on the “Five Most Dangerous New Attacks.” He has testified before the US Senate and House of Representatives and was an initial member of the U.S. President’s National Infrastructure Assurance Council. He was chosen by OMB and the Federal CIO Council as the 2005 Azimuth Award winner, a lifetime achievement award recognizing outstanding service of a single, non-government person to improving federal information technology. In 2010, the Washington Post named him one of seven people “worth knowing in cyber security.” Alan co-chaired the DHS Homeland Security Advisory Committee’s 2012 Task Force on Cyber Skills and headed the Task Force on Best Practices in Cybersecurity for the FCC Communications Security, Reliability and Interoperability Council. Earlier in his career Alan helped build one of the first large software companies, took it public, and merged it into a larger company listed on the New York Stock Exchange. He earned degrees in Engineering and Computer Science from Cornell University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Sean Perryman

Director of Diversity and Inclusion Policy and Counsel, Internet Association

Sean Perryman is the Director of Diversity and Inclusion Policy and Counsel at Internet Association. He is responsible for leading IA’s policy efforts around artificial intelligence (AI), diversity, inclusion, and immigration-related policies at the local, state, and federal level.

Prior to joining IA, Sean served as Counsel on the House Oversight Committee, Democratic staff where he conducted investigations and advised on technology policy including AI, cybersecurity, and privacy issues. Before working on the Oversight Committee, Sean practiced civil litigation both in Texas and D.C.

Sean earned his B.A. from City University of New York- Baruch College. He received his J.D. from Vanderbilt University Law School.

Dr. Davina Pruitt-Mentle

Lead for Academic Engagement of the National Initiative for Cybersecurity Education (NICE) at the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST)

Dr. Davina Pruitt-Mentle serves as Lead for Academic Engagement of the National Initiative for Cybersecurity Education (NICE) at the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST). Prior to joining NICE, she was a senior researcher and policy analyst for Educational Technology Policy, Research and Outreach (ETPRO) and served as the Co-PI for the National Science Foundation (NSF) supported National Cyberwatch Center (NCC). Previous to NCC leadership, she served as faculty within the College of Education at the University of Maryland, College Park, and served as Director of Educational Technology Outreach within the College of Education at UMCP from 2001-2008. She has spent the past 20 years conducting research on student and educator cyberawareness, and developing programs to help increase the cybersecurity workforce pipeline. She received her Ph.D. in Educational Technology Policy from the University of Maryland, her M.Ed from Lynchburg College, and her B.S. from Virginia Tech.

Maureen Reyes

Executive Director of AP Program Management, The College Board

Maureen Reyes is the Executive Director of AP Program Management at the College Board where she led the largest course launch in AP’s 60-year history, AP Computer Science Principles. She is committed to giving all students the opportunity to develop a passion for computer science. Under her leadership, there has been a 300% increase in Black and Latinx students participating in AP CS and a 250% increase in female participation since 2016. Her current responsibilities include leading new program and course development initiatives and managing new AP programs like AP with WE Service Learning and AP Mentoring. Maureen holds an MBA from Fordham University and a BA in Psychology from New York University.

Director of Government Relations, Lockheed Martin Space

Joe Rice is the Director of Government Relations for Lockheed Martin Space. He is a Colonel in the Army Reserve with five combat tours of duty in Iraq and one peacekeeping tour in Bosnia. Joe is on the Board of the Colorado Space Business Roundtable and is active with the Colorado Space Coalition and Citizens for Space Exploration. He also serves as an appointee of Governor Hickenlooper on the Colorado Aeronautical Board. He is a former member of the Colorado State House of Representatives, and a former mayor of the City of Glendale, Colorado.

Dr. Chris Stephenson

Head of Computer Science Education Strategy, Google Inc.

Dr. Chris Stephenson is the Head of Computer Science Education Strategy at Google. In this role she works with internal Google teams and external computer science organizations globally to support rigorous education research and to improve computer science teaching and learning. Prior to joining Google in 2014, she served as the founding Executive Director of the Computer Science Teachers Association, launching the organization in 2004. Stephenson has numerous research publications in computer science education and has written several high school textbooks. Stephenson is the co-chair of the ACM Education Board and serves on the Editorial Advisory Board for Inroads Magazine . She is a Distinguished Member of ACM.

Todd Taylor

Founding Member, Chief, Program Development National Director, Air Force Junior ROTC

Todd Taylor is the National Program Development Director for Air Force Junior ROTC. In this role he oversees Outreach and Engagement, the Air Force Junior ROTC Flight Academy and Cadet Leadership and Development Requirements. Mr. Taylor is responsible for program development at approximately 900 high schools and 125,000 students worldwide. Todd began his military career in the Alabama Air National Guard. He entered Active Duty as a commissioned officer in 1990 as a Distinguished ROTC Graduate from the University of Alabama at Birmingham. He holds a Master’s Degree in International relations from Troy University and a Certificate in Financial Planning from Georgetown University. He is a Senior Pilot with over 2,200 flying hours in rotary and fixed wing aircraft. During his career, he held various operational, training, diplomatic, and command assignments. Mr. Taylor retired from the Air Force in December 2014 in the grade of Colonel. He spent two years in the financial industry before joining Air Force Junior ROTC. He and his wife Shelaine have been married for 23 years and have two children.

Fellow, Schmidt Futures

Tony Woods is a Fellow focused on addressing the National Security risks posed by emerging technologies and building strategic partnerships that enable Schmidt Futures to execute its vital work. Previously, he worked for The Boston Consulting Group and served as a White House Fellow in the Obama Administration.

Monica McGill

President/CEO, CSEdResearch.org

Dr. Monica McGill started her career at the National Computer Security Center, which later became integrated with the National Institute for Standards and Technology (NIST). Since then, she has worked in industry and academia, where she taught computer science and interactive media for 15 years. Currently, she heads the non-profit CSEdResearch.org , continuing in her work researching and evaluating K-12 computer science education and is the ACM-W North America Chair (2019-2021). She serves as the Program Evaluator for the JROTC-CS project.

KEY LEGISLATION IN SUPPORT OF THIS WORK

Jrotc cyber training act h.r. 3266 / s.r. 2154, national defense authorization act h.rept. 116-120 / s.rept. 116-48 / conference report, media coverage, announcements:.

• JROTC-CS Cyber Academy Press Release : 25 Air Force Junior ROTC Cadets Selected for Elite Cyber Academy
• New Initiative Aims to Bring Computer Science & Cyber Education to Half a Million JROTC Youth: Live Stream / Press Release / Photos
• 30 Air Force Junior ROTC Schools Selected to Pilot Initiative to Prepare the Next Generation of Computing and Cybersecurity Workers

12/9/2021 ABC Columbia SC Governor Recognizes Columbia High School Computer Science Program

6/30/2021 Chicago Tribune ‘Our role was to share our story’: Shepard JROTC Program a Role Model in National Effort to Widen Access to Computer Science Education

3/4/2020 ABC 2 Tulsa Muskogee High Selected for Pilot Program in Computer Science

3/3/2020 The Owensboro Times AHS selected for CSforALL workshop

3/1/2020 The Madison Record Bob Jones AFOTC Pioneers, Attends Computer Initiative in Alexandria

2/28/2020 The Owensboro Times AHS participating in JROTC program to increase computer science training

2/27/2020 Monroe Journal Aberdeen High School selected for A.P. computer science pilot program

2/27/2020 Harry S Truman High School Truman JROTC Selected to Pilot New Initiative to Prepare the Next Generation of Computing and Cybersecurity Workers

2/26/2020 The State Midlands school is the only one in SC to get an Air Force cybersecurity pilot program

2/25/2020 Newburgh High School Newburgh Free Academy Selected to Attend Prestigious National Air Force Program

2/24/2020 WSFA 12 News Cyber Security Training Coming to Prattville

10/28/2019 US Air Force Blog Air Force Junior ROTC partners with CSforALL to bring computer science, cyber education to classrooms

10/23/2019 EdSurge Partnership to Bring JROTC Students More Computer Science Courses

Partner and supporter announcements:

• Internet Association
• College Board
• Rep. Lizzie Fletcher

Get Involved

To support, partner or learn more, please contact our Project Director, Tina Boyle Whyte .

If your high school offers a JROTC program and you would like to be considered for future participation, please complete this survey .

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FEIG ELECTRONIC: Moscow-City Skyscrapers Streamline Parking Access and Control with Secure RFID

Feig electronic partners with isbc group to deploy ucode dna rfid security and parking access control solution in moscow business district.

Weilburg, Germany  — December 3,  2019  —  FEIG ELECTRONIC , a leading global supplier of radio frequency identification (RFID) readers and antennas with fifty years of industry experience, announces deployment of the UCODE DNA RFID security and parking contactless identification solution in the Moscow International Business Center, known as Moscow-City, one of the world’s largest business district projects.

The management of Moscow-City not only selected long-range, passive UHF RFID to implement in its controlled parking areas, it also chose to implement UCODE DNA , the highest form of secure RAIN RFID technology, developed by NXP Semiconductors.

Panoramic view of Moscow city and Moskva River at sunset. New modern futuristic skyscrapers of Moscow-City – International Business Center, toned

“Underscoring NXP’s innovation and leadership in developing advanced RAIN RFID technologies, our UCODE DNA was chosen to be incorporated with the FEIG and ISBC implementation of the contactless identification system in the prestigious Moscow-City,” said Mahdi Mekic, marketing director for RAIN RFID with NXP Semiconductors. “This exciting project represents yet another successful deployment of NXP’s contactless portfolio, and showcases our continued ability to meet the high-security requirements of highly demanding applications without compromising user convenience.”

“UCODE DNA is considered the only identification technology to match the physical protection of a barrier with the cybersecurity necessary to truly protect entrances from unauthorized access,” said Manuel Haertlé, senior product manager for FEIG Electronic. “As a respected contactless payment technology company, FEIG applies security know-how from its payment terminals, which are fully certified according to the latest high-class security standards, into our RFID systems. FEIG vehicle access control RFID readers incorporate advanced secure key storage elements, supporting various methods for secure key injection.”

FEIG’s partner ISBC Group provided the knowledge and support for this successful implementation using  FEIG’s long-range UHF RFID . The resulting system enables authorized vehicle entry into areas reserved for private residential use or corporate tenants, while also allowing availability of temporary, fee-based visitor parking. Thanks to the cryptographic authentication of UCODE DNA, both the tag and reader must go through an authentication procedure before the reader will validate the data from the tag, which is transmitted wirelessly. This level of authentication is typically used in the most secure data communication networks.

“The system’s two-step authentication means that only authorized equipment can handle the secure protocol and the data exchange with the UCODE DNA based tag. Without the required cryptographic secrets, other readers would query the tag in vain, because the tag’s response cannot be interpreted or understood,” said Andrey Krasovskiy, director of the RFID department at ISBC Group. “On top of this, each data exchange in the authentication process is unique, so even if a malicious actor were to intercept the communication, the transmission is only good for a single exchange and the tag’s unique identity is protected from cloning.”

Established in 1992 and still growing, Moscow-City is the revitalization and transformation of an industrial riverfront into a new, modern, vibrant and upscale business and residential district. A mix of residential, hotel, office, retail and entertainment facilities, it is located about four kilometers west of Red Square along the Moscow River. Twelve of the twenty-three planned facilities have already been completed, with seven currently under construction. Six skyscrapers in Moscow-City reach a height of at least 300 meters, including Europe’s tallest building, Federation Tower, which rises more than 100 stories.

Partnering with ISBC and deploying FEIG Electronic RFID solutions, the Moscow International Business Center is delivering security and access control to its city center today, as it grows into the city of tomorrow.

About FEIG ELECTRONIC

FEIG ELECTRONIC GmbH, a leading global supplier of RFID readers and antennas is one of the few suppliers worldwide offering RFID readers and antennas for all standard operating frequencies: LF (125 kHz), HF (13.56 MHz), UHF (860-960 MHz). A trusted pioneer in RFID with more than 50 years of industry experience, FEIG ELECTRONIC delivers unrivaled data collection, authentication, and identification solutions, as well as secure contactless payment systems. Readers from FEIG ELECTRONIC, which are available for plug-in, desktop, and handheld applications, support next-generation contactless credit cards, debit cards, smart cards, NFC and access control credentials to enable fast, accurate, reliable and secure transactions. For more information, visit:  www.feig.de/en

Founded in Moscow in 2002, ISBC Group provides knowledge and support to integrators for their successful implementation of RFID and smart card-based solutions. The company specializes in the distribution of smart card equipment, contact and contactless card manufacturing, smart card and RFID personalization services, and information security.  Its Research and Design Center is focused specifically on RFID, primarily HF and UHF solutions with NXP tags, and software development for the smart card industry. For more information visit:  https://isbc-cards.com/

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Oligarchs on the Rise: Everything You Need to Know About the Agalarovs

At a Glance:

• Russian billionaire real-estate and golf-course developer with ties to the Russian government and President Vladimir Putin
• Has undertaken large state-funded projects, including the construction of two stadiums for the 2018 World Cup, through his company the Crocus Group; the two stadiums reportedly cost 36 billion rubles
• After reportedly meeting with the Prosecutor General of Russia, facilitated a meeting between Natalia Veselnitskaya, a Russian government attorney, and Donald Trump Jr., Paul Manafort, and Jared Kushner at Trump Tower­ in New York on June 9, 2016
• After taking on unprofitable Kremlin projects and serving as a key interlocutor to Trump, Aras Agalarov is an oligarch on the rise
• Aras Agalarov’s son, a Russian entrepreneur and pop star who serves as the executive vice president of the Crocus Group and has cultivated a relationship with Donald Trump and the Trump Organization
• Through his publicist, Rob Goldstone, reached out to Donald Trump Jr. and helped set up the June 9 meeting at Trump Tower
• Previously married to Leyla Alieva, the daughter of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev

Who are the Agalarovs:

The June 9, 2016, meeting has become a focal point for Congressional investigators and the Special Counsel’s office as they continue the probes into Russian interference in the 2016 election. Given the above events, the Agalarovs’ involvement is of particular interest to investigators. Aras Agalarov, who was once referred to as “the Donald Trump of Russia,” is a Russian billionaire and real-estate developer whose willingness to take on beleaguered government projects as a display of unwavering loyalty to the state has earned him a spot in President Vladimir Putin’s inner circle.  Agalarov, who was born in Baku, Azerbaijan, founded the Crocus Group in 1989 and began building his business empire in Moscow in the 1990s. According to Forbes , he is currently worth an estimated $1.7 billion, a fortune he has amassed over decades of building commercial and residential real estate in Russia. Many of his undertakings have been government contracts ; others relied on funding from Russian state banks that the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned in 2014, most notably Sberbank . After years of taking on state contracts for challenging projects, such as Vladivostok’s Far East Federal University , Agalarov won a spot at the conference table during Putin’s annual meeting with Russian oligarchs in December 2017. The timing of his ostensible foray into Putin’s good graces also coincides with his reported role in Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when Agalarov helped set up a meeting between the Trump campaign and the Russian government attorney, Natalia Veselnitskaya, promising “dirt” on Trump’s political opponent.

Agalarov’s son, Emin , was educated and partly raised in New Jersey. He is now a Russian entertainer and was formerly married to the prominent daughter of the President of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev. He is the  Executive Vice President  at his father’s real-estate development company. During the 2013 Miss Universe pageant held in Moscow, Donald Trump filmed a cameo in the music video  for Emin’s song “In Another Life.” The music video was set in the Moscow Ritz-Carlton, which has since become infamous due to allegations in the Steele Dossier. Emin once stated that he  considered  Trump to be his friend, and indicated that they saw each other several times a year. In 2015, Trump sent Emin a recorded birthday  message  calling him a “winner” and a “champ.”

Both Emin and his father have relatively close relationships with Trump, dating back to the 2013 Miss Universe pageant the Agalarovs hosted in Moscow. They  paid Trump between $14 million and $20 million to bring the competition to Russia, and both father and son regularly attended  business meetings  and  social events  with Trump throughout the weekend of the pageant. Together with Herman Gref, Putin’s former economy minister from 2000 to 2007 who now heads the Russian bank Sberbank, Agalarov organized a  two-hour dinner  with Trump and a dozen of Russia’s top businessmen. Agalarov also  reportedly  “acted as a liaison between [Trump and Putin], even delivering a gift to Trump from Russian President Vladimir Putin after the latter canceled a planned meeting” prior to the pageant . The Agalarovs’ business dealings with Trump extend far beyond the Miss Universe pageant, however, and the three have remained in close contact since Trump’s trip to Russia.

Through Emin’s publicist, Rob Goldstone , the Agalarovs were instrumental in setting up the pivotal June 9, 2016, Trump Tower meeting. According to communications that have since come to light, following an alleged meeting Agalarov had with the Prosecutor General of Russia (a position equivalent to the United States Attorney General), he and Emin helped arrange a meeting between Donald Trump Jr., Jared Kushner, Paul Manafort, and a Russian government attorney, Natalia Veselnitskaya, who promised damaging information on Hillary Clinton, Trump’s campaign rival (Agalarov has denied the meting with the Prosecutor General). This overture, eagerly received by Trump’s camp, was described as part of the Russian government’s support of Donald Trump’s campaign for the presidency of the United States. Others present at the meeting were Goldstone, Crocus Group executive Irakly “Ike” Kaveladze, Russian lobbyist Rinat Akhmetshin, and a translator. The full significance of the Agalarovs’ involvement in this meeting can be better understood through a closer look at their burgeoning business empire and increasingly close ties to the Russian state.

Russian Government Funding and State Contracts Dispensed to the Agalarovs

One measure of a given oligarch’s or private conglomerate’s standing with the Russian state is the volume of their state contracts . Even though the Crocus Group does not work in the strategic sectors of extractives such as oil and gas, the Agalarovs’ development holding company nevertheless enjoys state patronage in the form of lucrative government contracts and favorable loans from state-owned banks, particularly in recent years. Taken together, these indicators point to the Agalarovs’ ascendancy in Russia’s oligarchic circles and power structures.

Business overview: The Crocus Group was founded in 1989 and, according to the company website , is “responsible for over 4 million total square meters of developed property.” Agalarov serves as the president of the company, with Emin as the executive vice president. The Crocus Group’s work includes both commercial and residential real estate: major commercial projects include Crocus Expo and Crocus City Hall (where the 2013 Miss Universe pageant was held); major residential projects include Agalarov Estate and Sea Breeze, “an elite housing development in Azerbaijan.” The company has numerous subsidiaries, including Crocus Invest, Crocus International, and Crocus Bank .

Sberbank Loans: The Crocus Group has a deep relationship with Sberbank, one of the largest Russian state-owned banks, which is currently under U.S. Treasury sanctions. The Crocus Group and Sberbank have signed numerous funding agreements over the years, including a 53-billion-ruble loan, part of a total 76-billion-ruble investment package in 2013 that, at the time, was reportedly the largest loan Sberbank had ever given for a development project. In a 2015 interview with the Russian business journal Vedomosti , Agalarov said that his company had an outstanding debt to Sberbank in the amount of $1 billion. The Crocus Group holds debt in both rubles and dollars. Some of their most extensive commercial projects are the “Vegas” mega-malls; construction for the fourth Vegas mall, also financed by Sberbank, is currently underway .

The Crocus Group has received many Russian government contracts,  which have traditionally signaled the recipients’ favorability status and proximity to the Russian state.

Eurasion Economic Union: In 2014, the Crocus Group was reportedly included in a “bilateral treaty with the government of Kyrgyzstan to help the Central Asian country integrate into Russia’s regional alliance, the Eurasian Economic Union,” which was founded in 2015 as Russia’s alternative to the European Union, seeking to advance “regional economic integration” between the member states of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan. The deal designated Agalarov’s company as the supplier of services “to integrate the two countries’ bureaucracies and reinforce the new customs common border, by, for example, building new border posts.” The Crocus Group’s contract included plans for developing infrastructure and constructing new customs checkpoints. According to reports, the Crocus Group has received between $127 million and $ 145 million for construction work related to the border posts.  Granting the contract to the Crocus Group was largely seen as an example of favoritism by the Kremlin, as the contract was given to a company deemed close to Putin and there was reportedly no competitive bidding process.

Moscow Central Ring Road: The Crocus Group has continued to receive a steady stream of government tenders in recent years. In 2015, they received a contract for the first section of the highly anticipated Moscow Central Ring Road, an ambitious project that will eventually encircle the entire city. The Central Ring Road is a complex endeavor that has garnered a lot of coverage in the Russian press. It has, however, proven to be more problematic than originally expected. The portion of the road that the Crocus Group is building was initially assigned to StroyGazConsulting, a construction company partially controlled by state-owned Gazprombank, an entity U.S. Treasury sanctioned along with Gazprom in 2014. Reported financial difficulties prompted a reassignment of the contract to the Crocus Group. They reportedly received 42.1 billion rubles of government funding for the road, which is scheduled to be completed by the end of 2018. Agalarov has conceded that the project may not be as profitable as he had initially hoped. Among other things, the Crocus Group’s section of the project has run into issues with pipelines and other transmission lines that run across the land on which the road is being built.

Gazprom Expo: Russian public records yield additional examples of government contracts awarded to the Crocus Group and its subsidiaries. For instance, in 2016, the company received 992 million rubles in contracts from Gazprom Expo, a subsidiary of the state giant Gazprom, apparently to rent out a space for an exhibition. Gazprom has recently come under criticism following a recent report alleging that its “enormous capital expenditures and slow-growing revenues” stem from the company prioritizing benefitting its contractors over its shareholders (one of the authors of the report was fired after publication). According to the report, Gazprom and its contractors “are thought to be better connected to the ultimate node of power in Russia than anyone who might possibly be interested in running Gazprom for shareholders.” The report was issued by Russian state bank Sberbank, whose chief executive said “the report drew conclusions based on ‘unverified, unconfirmed data’ and was ‘unprofessional’” (Gazprom has not commented on the report.)

Far Eastern Federal University: Until this year, perhaps the highest-profile project the Crocus Group executed was the new campus of the Far Eastern Federal University, built on Russkiy Island off the coast of Vladivostok for the 2012 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit. The original state contract awarded to the Crocus Group was in the amount of 42 billion rubles. Agalarov claims he spent an additional 3.6 billion rubles of his own funds to complete the project. The Crocus Group later appealed to recover 1.9 billion rubles in court, and was eventually awarded less than a billion rubles from the various state ministries in total. Although Agalarov has been up front about the fact that the Crocus Group did not profit from the APEC project, the undertaking has arguably endeared him to the Kremlin. His success with this project helped him win their next biggest prize, contracts to build two stadiums for the 2018 World Cup hosted in Russia.

2018 World Cup Construction, the Steele Dossier, and Corruption

In 2014, soon after the Miss Universe pageant the Agalarovs hosted together with Trump, the Kremlin reportedly “handpicked” the Crocus Group to build two stadiums, one in Rostov-on-Don and one in Kaliningrad, for the 2018 World Cup. In a 2016 interview with Kommersant , Agalarov admitted the possibility that the stadiums may not make for a profitable undertaking; however, he noted that it was an honor to be chosen by the Kremlin for what was widely perceived to be a challenging project. Agalarov claims that he considered turning down the commission, in part because of the project’s short timeframe, but in the end he “could not say no.”

The Crocus Group has received all funding for these stadiums from the Russian state. In the aforementioned 2015 interview with Vedomosti , Agalarov said that his company had not taken any bank loans to finance the World Cup construction projects. In a 2018 interview, Agalarov stated that the two stadiums, in Kaliningrad and Rostov-on-Don, yielded contracts worth a total of 36 billion rubles (approximately $580 million in accordance with June 2018 conversion rates).

Kaliningrad stadium

Rostov-on-Don stadium

The Crocus Group’s construction of the World Cup stadiums is especially interesting in light of a portion of the Steele Dossier, compiled by former British intelligence officer Christopher Steele, which alleges that “the Kremlin’s cultivation operation of Trump also had comprised offering him various lucrative real estate development business deals in Russia, especially in relation to the ongoing 2018 World Cup soccer tournament. However, so far, for reasons unknown, Trump had not taken up any of these.” Trump’s existing relationship with the Agalarovs—namely when hosting Miss Universe together as well as negotiating a deal for a Trump tower in Moscow—raises the question of whether they may have served as conduits for the propositions alleged in the dossier. To date, no evidence to support this has come to light, and Trump has denied the allegations in the dossier.

The Crocus Group’s involvement in the World Cup is also interesting in the context of earlier work done by Steele. It was reported that the English Football Association hired Steele to investigate whether other nations competing to host the 2018 World Cup were bribing Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) officials. Steele found considerable evidence that Russia engaged in a widespread influence campaign and reported this to the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), which helped prompt the indictments of of several members of FIFA’s leadership. Given this earlier investigation, it is possible that before working on the Trump dossier, Steele already had a source network in place from the FIFA investigation that may have shed light on any possible World Cup-related offers to Trump.

The World Cup is the second high-profile international sporting event Russia has hosted in recent years. The construction in anticipation of the first, the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics, weathered dramatic allegations of corruption linked to the exorbitant overspending on the infrastructure. At the time, the Sochi Olympics were the most expensive Olympics in history. Russian opposition leaders alleged that Russian officials stole up to $30 billion in funds through “kickbacks and embezzlement.” Critics also alleged “that the most expensive sports facilities built for the Games were commissioned without competition or public tenders.” (Neither Crocus Group nor the Agalarovs have been involved in construction related to the Sochi Olympics.)

Four years later, Russia is facing a new wave of criticism as they prepare to host the World Cup, including   allegations of worker abuse and labor exploitation; although these allegations do not specifically name the Agalarovs or the Crocus Group, several focus on strikes protesting labor violations at the two stadiums built by the Crocus Group. There have also been several corruption and other financial scandals centered around Russian World Cup contractors. In 2017, a former deputy governor in St. Petersburg admitted to fraud related to a subcontractor for the World Cup stadium in his city. On another occasion, a subcontractor for the stadium in Samara reportedly received 2.6 billion rubles in payments, “but only [did] a fraction of the work before declaring bankruptcy.”

Though no corruption-related charges against the Crocus Group have been raised, the broader pattern of corruption in Russia and a reported tendency for the Kremlin to award contracts without proper bidding procedures provides troubling context and warrants scrutiny.

While not all of the government contracts have turned out quite as lucrative for Agalarov’s companies, the projects’ high profile and strategic importance have apparently raised his standing in the eyes of Putin. After the 2012 APEC conference, Putin even awarded Agalarov the Order of Honor. Among other things, Agalarov’s recent ascent into Putin’s inner circle is evidenced by his attendance at Putin’s most recent oligarch dinner, his first time attending the event . Agalarov’s public statements have also fallen strictly in line with the Kremlin talking points; he has, for example, stated that he is not opposed to taking on future projects in Crimea, the Ukrainian territory Russia annexed in 2014.

In addition to his apparent willingness to take on whichever project Putin tosses his way, his standing with the government may have even gotten a boost as a result of his relationship with Trump. As Mother Jones noted, the Crocus Group was granted approval by Moscow’s city-planning and land commission “to begin constructing a sprawling shopping and entertainment complex in the Moscow suburbs” just two days after the Agalarovs’ role in arranging the Trump Tower meeting was revealed. Agalarov has not commented on the timing of this approval.

A New Frontier in Luxury Consumption: the Agalarovs and Golf Courses

Another parallel between Trump and the Agalarovs is their affinity for building opulent golf courses, a concept relatively novel in Russia. This commonality is worth considering in light of questions raised about the possible Russian sources of funding for Trump’s golf courses during the recession.

The Crocus Group’s most well-known residential project and golf course is the Agalarov Estate, an exclusive community for the nouveau riche Russians. The Agalarov Estate has been at the center of some controversy , as the owners of a village adjacent to the development originally refused to sell their land to the Crocus Group, accusing Agalarov of attempting to force them off their property. Despite these issues, Agalarov boasted of the estate’s amenities in a 2007 interview , which include a private school, artificial lakes, waterfalls, a spa resort, and most interestingly, a golf course.

In 2008, Agalarov signed a contract with Troon Golf under which the American company would manage a golf course on the Agalarov Estate for 15 years. Agalarov’s golf course is considered one of Russia’s most luxurious . As The Wall Street Journal reported , “the central idea behind this course wasn’t necessarily to play golf. It was as much to harness the image of the sport—the aura of exclusivity and argyle that Russia’s ultra elite have begun to desire.”

Historically, golf has not been especially popular in Russia, which makes it easy to believe that Agalarov’s interest in the golf course stemmed more from the “aura of exclusivity” than from his interest in the game itself. Other oligarchs have built luxurious golf courses, including Oleg Deripaska, Vladimir Potanin, and Roman Abramovich, whose luxury Skolkovo golf course cost $25 million.The concept of using golf as a symbol of wealth and status has, of course, also been used by Trump, who owns seventeen golf courses around the world. The question of whether Russian money was used to fund these golf courses was raised after a 2014 quote from Eric Trump surfaced. He reportedly  told a golf reporter  that the Trump Organization was able to finance their golf courses during the recession because “We don’t rely on American banks. We have all the funding we need out of Russia.” He reportedly continued, “We’ve got some guys that really, really love golf, and they’re really invested in our programs. We just go there all the time.” Trump has since denied making this statement.

Congressional investigators have also raised questions about the possibility of Russian money in Trump’s golf courses. More recently, this has come up in the Glenn Simpson testimony and the Washington Post article on Trump’s pivot to spending cash on assets, including golf courses, after 2006. In his testimony before the House Intelligence Committee in January 2018, Fusion GPS co-founder Glenn Simpson noted concerns around Trump’s golf courses in Scotland and Ireland. Simpson mentioned the above quote from Eric Trump and observed the lack of public disclosure around the financing of these projects. While financial statements for the Irish and Scottish courses did not show Russian involvement, Simpson claimed they did show “enormous amounts of capital flowing into these projects from unknown sources.” Simpson also noted that the courses have not been profitable, and that he believed it was unlikely that Trump himself had the money to finance these projects. Although Trump once proclaimed himself the “King of Debt,” he began making massive cash purchases in 2006. This streak continued for years, culminating in his $79.7 million payment for the golf courses in Scotland and Ireland, which have since cost Trump another $164 million in cash “to keep them running.”

Corporate and Personal Footprints in the United States

In addition to his Russian real estate empire, Agalarov also has business interests in the United States. Florida state corporate records list Aras Agalarov as an “Authorized Person” at Saffron Property Management LLC and link him to an address in Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Florida property records indicate that, through Saffron Property Management LLC, Agalarov owns a condo at Palazzo Del Sol (as well as one at a neighboring property). Agalarov reportedly paid $10.7 million for this condo, which is located in “one of South Florida’s wealthiest ZIP codes.”

Agalarov’s U.S. business interests are likely handled by Irakly Kaveladze, a U.S.-based Vice President of the Crocus Group. Kaveladze was previously  scrutinized by Congress  for his financial activity. Specifically, in 2000, the New York Times   reported  on the findings of a Congressional inquiry and a Government Accountability Office (GAO) report explaining the ease with which foreigners could hide their identities and use shell companies to launder money through American banks. This inquiry  examined  the activity of Kaveladze, who had created more than 2,000 corporations in Delaware for various Russian individuals and subsequently opened bank accounts for these anonymous corporations. Former Senator Carl Levin, who requested the initial inquiry,  referred  to Kaveladze as a “poster child” for using shell companies to launder money; however, Kaveladze was not charged with any crimes as a  result  of the inquiry and has denied any wrongdoing.

Kaveladze , Agalarov, and Emin are associated with several companies incorporated in the United States, a number of which are linked to the same address in Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Public records link the above address to entities like Corsy International , IBC Group, Inc ., CI Publishing Inc., PB Consulting, Russian Art Mall, and RJI Properties. It is unclear which of these entities remain active, or even what their purposes are or have been; some are listed as banking and investment-consultant companies, while others are listed as business-consulting services.

Miss Universe Pageant in Moscow, November 2013

Both Aras Agalarov and his son Emin have a longstanding relationship with Donald Trump, Donald Trump Jr., and the Trump Organization. Even before their relationship began, Trump had already attempted to do business with one of Agalarov’s close associates. In June 2011, Trump and Ivanka met with  Igor Krutoy , a Russian entertainer and entrepreneur well acquainted with the Agalarovs , to discuss “plans to build a glitzy hotel and entertainment complex” in Riga, Latvia. Krutoy was later questioned by Latvia’s Corruption Prevention and Combating Bureau as part of a criminal investigation, although no charges were filed. The prospective deal ultimately fell through, but Trump would later go on to collaborate with Krutoy’s acquaintances, the Agalarovs, on the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow.

In a 2017 interview, Emin Agalarov recounted how he and his father wanted to bring the pageant to Moscow and hold it at their venue , Crocus City Hall. The two men flew to Las Vegas in June 2013 for the Miss USA pageant, also owned by Trump at the time, “with the ambition to sign a contract [for the pageant].” Trump reportedly took a liking to them, incorrectly identifying Aras Agalarov as “the richest man in Russia.” During that trip, the Agalarovs and Irakly Kaveladze dined with Trump, his personal attorney Michael Cohen, and Emin’s publicist Rob Goldstone. Trump subsequently announced that the next Miss Universe pageant would be held in Russia, signing the contract with the Agalarovs during that Vegas trip.

On November 8 and 9, 2013, Trump  visited  Moscow for the Miss Universe pageant, for which he was  reportedly  paid as much as $20 million. During this trip, Trump acquainted himself with numerous Russian businessmen and politically-connected individuals. He dined at Nobu with Herman Gref, chief executive of Sberbank and former Russian Minister of Economics and Trade from 2000 to 2007, and “a dozen of Russia’s top businessmen.” That weekend, Trump also filmed a scene for one of Emin Agalarov’s upcoming music videos in the Moscow Ritz-Carlton.

While Trump was in Moscow, Agalarov reportedly attempted to facilitate a meeting between Trump and Putin. He delivered a private message “from the Kremlin” stating that Putin wanted to meet Trump, and then delivered a second message stating that Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov would soon be calling Trump. Although Peskov did reportedly call Trump (on Agalarov’s cell phone), the meeting between Trump and Putin never happened, much to Trump’s disappointment. However, after Trump returned to New York, Agalarov’s daughter reportedly brought “a gift for Trump from Putin,” consisting of a box with a sealed letter inside.

During the Miss Universe pageant, Trump and Agalarov began discussions about a Trump Tower Moscow project. While there, Trump and Agalarov reportedly  met with Alex Sapir and Rotem Rosen, Trump’s partners in Trump SoHo, about the possibility of launching a Trump development in Russia. The following year, Ivanka reportedly traveled to Moscow to look for potential development sites with Emin Agalarov. Emin has claimed that he and his father chose land and signed a letter of intent for Trump Tower Moscow (Agalarov has also stated that there was an agreement that the Crocus Group would build a Trump Tower in Moscow), but both men indicated that this deal was  “sidelined”  after Trump launched his presidential campaign. Ivanka has stated that she was unaware of a Trump Tower Moscow project until after the letter of intent was signed and was “minimally involved.”

Trump’s 2013 Moscow trip often comes up in the context of the Steele Dossier, which alleges that Russia obtained kompromat on Trump during his time in Russia. (This allegation has been neither corroborated nor disproven, although the Trump administration denies that it occurred.) Allegations of kompromat aside, it is clear that the trip allowed Trump to deepen his connections to Russia through his friendship and business partnership with the Agalarovs, and that the trip, which would not have been possible without the Agalarovs, solidified Trump’s high opinion of Russia and Putin.

The Relationship with Trump Culminates In a Controversial Campaign Meeting on June 9

It is against this background of Trump’s relationship with the Agalarovs that the meeting—today at the center of the Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s probe into Russia’s attempts to meddle in the 2016—took place. On June 9, 2016, Natalia Veselnitskaya, the Russian government attorney who was described as having “dirt” on Hillary Clinton as part of the Russian government’s effort to support the Trump campaign, met with Donald Trump Jr., Jared Kushner, and Paul Manafort at the Trump Tower in New York.

The idea of another meeting, between Trump and Putin, had been tossed around for over a year prior. Just one month after Trump initially announced his candidacy, Rob Goldstone emailed Trump’s assistant , Rhona Graff, asking whether Trump “would welcome a meeting with President Putin,” although there is no indication anyone from Trump’s team followed up on this offer. Almost one year later, Goldstone emailed Donald Trump Jr. with the subject line “Russia – Clinton – private and confidential” stating that “the Crown prosecutor of Russia” ( reportedly  a reference to the Russian Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, a powerful government official and close Putin ally) “offered to provide the Trump campaign with some official documents and information that would incriminate Hillary and her dealings with Russia and would be very useful to your father.” Goldstone added, “this is obviously very high level and sensitive information but is part of Russia and its government’s support for Mr. Trump.” Trump Jr. responded , “If it’s what you say I love it especially later in the summer.”

On June 7, 2016, Trump Jr. and Goldstone  set up the meeting  for June 9, 2016, in Trump Tower. Trump Jr., Kushner, and Manafort attended, as did Goldstone, Kaveladze, Russian lawyer and Magnitsky Act opponent Natalia Veselnitskaya, and lobbyist and rumored former counterintelligence officer Rinat Akhmetshin, along with a translator. Kaveladze reportedly  attended  this meeting as a representative of the Agalarovs, and  has claimed  he was unaware of the purpose of the meeting. According to the Trump campaign, the group discussed “adoptions,” believed to be code for the discussion of the American sanctions bill known as the Magnitsky Act, to which Putin responded by banning America adoptions of Russian orphans.

Yuri Chaika: One of the strongest links between the participants in this meeting and the Russian government may be Yuri Chaika’s purported involvement, which Trump Jr. has denied . Chaika’s role raises the question of whether the Russian government was directly involved in orchestrating the meeting through convenient intermediaries. In fact, the June 9 meeting would not have been the first time Chaika had allegedly tried to pass Russian materials to U.S. individuals; months before the Trump Tower meeting, Chaika’s office reportedly gave U.S. Congressman Dana Rohrabacher a memo that was similar to the memo that Veselnitskaya reportedly brought with her to the June 9 meeting (Veselnitskaya has reportedly said she and Chaika are acquaintances). This memo contained a narrative suggesting that Clinton had benefited from what Veselnitskaya alleged to be large-scale fraud in Russia and advocating for the repeal of the Magnitsky Act. It is interesting to note that the relationship between Aras Agalarov and Chaika extends beyond this encounter. After Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny published a 2015 investigation into alleged corruption by Chaika and his family (this corruption is unrelated to the individuals linked to the June 9 meeting,) Agalarov penned a lengthy op-ed defending Chaika in the Russian publication Kommersant. In this piece, Agalarov stridently defended Chaika, in some instances using his background in construction to defend the validity of Chaika’s alleged investments. Chaika has denied all wrongdoing.

Agalarov’s Birthday Gift: Trump received another message from Agalarov the day after the meeting. According to a report published by the Minority Members of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence in March 2018, “the very next day, on June 10, 2016, Aras Agalarov delivered to candidate Trump an expensive painting for the candidate’s birthday.”

According to the minority’s report , Trump sent Agalarov a thank you note on June 17, 2016, in which he wrote, “There are few things better than receiving a sensational gift from someone you admire—and that’s what I’ve received from you. You made my birthday a truly special event by your thoughtfulness— not to mention your remarkable talent. I’m rarely at a loss for words, but right now I can only say how much I appreciate your friendship and to thank you for this fantastic gift. This is one birthday that I will always remember.”

December 2016 Business Venture: The Agalarovs continued to keep in touch with Trump associates throughout the campaign and the transition. In December 2016, Emin Agalarov texted Trump Jr. about a potential business venture, saying “Hi Don! Hope all is well, quick question for you. I’ve been in discussion with the Trump furniture producers from Turkey to open a store and a distribution Chanel [ sic ] in Moscow. Just wanted to check with you if you are ok with us partnering up with them and launching the project. Wanted to check with you before committing.”

Conclusion: The Enduring Centrality of the Agalarovs

In order to fully evaluate the significance of Trump’s relationship with the Agalarovs, one must first understand who the Agalarovs are, the depths of their relationship with Trump, and the strength of their ties to the Kremlin. Just like Trump, the Agalarovs have built an extensive real-estate empire, working on both commercial and luxury residential projects as well as golf courses. Many of their projects have been funded by state banks and represent government contracts, both indicators of government patronage and a close relationship with the Kremlin.

The Agalarovs’ relationship with Trump began during the 2013 Miss Universe pageant and deepened in the intervening years, culminating in their assistance in setting up the June 9 Trump Tower meeting. Participants in the meeting have been interviewed by both Congressional investigators and Mueller’s team , and a list of questions Mueller reportedly wants to ask Trump, obtained by The New York Times , contains the the following: “During a 2013 trip to Russia, what communication and relationships did you have with the Agalarovs and Russian government officials?” This meeting linked high-ranking Trump campaign officials to the Russian government and illustrated their eagerness to obtain political “dirt” on their opponent from the Russians, and has since been established as one of the clearest examples of cooperation between the Trump campaign and Russia-linked agents.

Further Reading:

• Washington Post: “Here’s what the businessmen who brokered the Russia meeting with Trump Jr. said in an interview last year”
• The Guardian: “The Trumps of Russia? How billionaire Agalarov family ended up in the spotlight”
• New York Times: “Who Is Emin Agalarov, the Russian Pop Star Behind the Donald Trump Jr. Meeting?”
• Bloomberg: “The Day Trump Came to Moscow: Oligarchs, Miss Universe and Nobu”
• Politico: “Eighth person in Trump Tower meeting was linked to money laundering”
• Mother Jones: “What Happened in Moscow: The Inside Story of How Trump’s Obsession With Putin Began”
• Washington Post: “Music promoter dangled possible Putin meeting for Trump during campaign”
• Forbes: “Exclusive: Powerful Russian Partner Boasts Of Ongoing Access To Trump Family”
• The Guardian: “Trump in Moscow: what happened at Miss Universe in 2013”
• Forbes: “The Full Exclusive Interview: Emin Agalarov, Russian Scion At Center Of Trump Controversy”

Photo Credits: Kaliningrad Stadium: Photo by Vitaly NevarTASS via Getty Images Rostov-on-Don Stadium: Photo by Mladen Antonov/AFP/Getty Images

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