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• What Is Ethnography? | Definition, Guide & Examples

What Is Ethnography? | Definition, Guide & Examples

Published on March 13, 2020 by Jack Caulfield . Revised on June 22, 2023.

Ethnography is a type of qualitative research that involves immersing yourself in a particular community or organization to observe their behavior and interactions up close. The word “ethnography” also refers to the written report of the research that the ethnographer produces afterwards.

Ethnography is a flexible research method that allows you to gain a deep understanding of a group’s shared culture, conventions, and social dynamics. However, it also involves some practical and ethical challenges.

Table of contents

What is ethnography used for, different approaches to ethnographic research, gaining access to a community, working with informants, observing the group and taking field notes, writing up an ethnography, other interesting articles.

Ethnographic research originated in the field of anthropology, and it often involved an anthropologist living with an isolated tribal community for an extended period of time in order to understand their culture.

This type of research could sometimes last for years. For example, Colin M. Turnbull lived with the Mbuti people for three years in order to write the classic ethnography The Forest People .

Today, ethnography is a common approach in various social science fields, not just anthropology. It is used not only to study distant or unfamiliar cultures, but also to study specific communities within the researcher’s own society.

For example, ethnographic research (sometimes called participant observation ) has been used to investigate  football fans , call center workers , and police officers .

Advantages of ethnography

The main advantage of ethnography is that it gives the researcher direct access to the culture and practices of a group. It is a useful approach for learning first-hand about the behavior and interactions of people within a particular context.

By becoming immersed in a social environment, you may have access to more authentic information and spontaneously observe dynamics that you could not have found out about simply by asking.

Ethnography is also an open and flexible method. Rather than aiming to verify a general theory or test a hypothesis , it aims to offer a rich narrative account of a specific culture, allowing you to explore many different aspects of the group and setting.

Disadvantages of ethnography

Ethnography is a time-consuming method. In order to embed yourself in the setting and gather enough observations to build up a representative picture, you can expect to spend at least a few weeks, but more likely several months. This long-term immersion can be challenging, and requires careful planning.

Ethnographic research can run the risk of observer bias . Writing an ethnography involves subjective interpretation, and it can be difficult to maintain the necessary distance to analyze a group that you are embedded in.

There are often also ethical considerations to take into account: for example, about how your role is disclosed to members of the group, or about observing and reporting sensitive information.

Should you use ethnography in your research?

If you’re a student who wants to use ethnographic research in your thesis or dissertation , it’s worth asking yourself whether it’s the right approach:

• Could the information you need be collected in another way (e.g. a survey , interviews)?
• How difficult will it be to gain access to the community you want to study?
• How exactly will you conduct your research, and over what timespan?
• What ethical issues might arise?

If you do decide to do ethnography, it’s generally best to choose a relatively small and easily accessible group, to ensure that the research is feasible within a limited timeframe.

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There are a few key distinctions in ethnography which help to inform the researcher’s approach: open vs. closed settings, overt vs. covert ethnography, and active vs. passive observation. Each approach has its own advantages and disadvantages.

Open vs. closed settings

The setting of your ethnography—the environment in which you will observe your chosen community in action—may be open or closed.

An open or public setting is one with no formal barriers to entry. For example, you might consider a community of people living in a certain neighborhood, or the fans of a particular baseball team.

• Gaining initial access to open groups is not too difficult…
• …but it may be harder to become immersed in a less clearly defined group.

A closed or private setting is harder to access. This may be for example a business, a school, or a cult.

• A closed group’s boundaries are clearly defined and the ethnographer can become fully immersed in the setting…
• …but gaining access is tougher; the ethnographer may have to negotiate their way in or acquire some role in the organization.

Overt vs. covert ethnography

Most ethnography is overt . In an overt approach, the ethnographer openly states their intentions and acknowledges their role as a researcher to the members of the group being studied.

• Overt ethnography is typically preferred for ethical reasons, as participants can provide informed consent…
• …but people may behave differently with the awareness that they are being studied.

Sometimes ethnography can be covert . This means that the researcher does not tell participants about their research, and comes up with some other pretense for being there.

• Covert ethnography allows access to environments where the group would not welcome a researcher…
• …but hiding the researcher’s role can be considered deceptive and thus unethical.

Active vs. passive observation

Different levels of immersion in the community may be appropriate in different contexts. The ethnographer may be a more active or passive participant depending on the demands of their research and the nature of the setting.

An active role involves trying to fully integrate, carrying out tasks and participating in activities like any other member of the community.

• Active participation may encourage the group to feel more comfortable with the ethnographer’s presence…
• …but runs the risk of disrupting the regular functioning of the community.

A passive role is one in which the ethnographer stands back from the activities of others, behaving as a more distant observer and not involving themselves in the community’s activities.

• Passive observation allows more space for careful observation and note-taking…
• …but group members may behave unnaturally due to feeling they are being observed by an outsider.

While ethnographers usually have a preference, they also have to be flexible about their level of participation. For example, access to the community might depend upon engaging in certain activities, or there might be certain practices in which outsiders cannot participate.

An important consideration for ethnographers is the question of access. The difficulty of gaining access to the setting of a particular ethnography varies greatly:

• To gain access to the fans of a particular sports team, you might start by simply attending the team’s games and speaking with the fans.
• To access the employees of a particular business, you might contact the management and ask for permission to perform a study there.
• Alternatively, you might perform a covert ethnography of a community or organization you are already personally involved in or employed by.

Flexibility is important here too: where it’s impossible to access the desired setting, the ethnographer must consider alternatives that could provide comparable information.

For example, if you had the idea of observing the staff within a particular finance company but could not get permission, you might look into other companies of the same kind as alternatives. Ethnography is a sensitive research method, and it may take multiple attempts to find a feasible approach.

All ethnographies involve the use of informants . These are people involved in the group in question who function as the researcher’s primary points of contact, facilitating access and assisting their understanding of the group.

This might be someone in a high position at an organization allowing you access to their employees, or a member of a community sponsoring your entry into that community and giving advice on how to fit in.

However,  i f you come to rely too much on a single informant, you may be influenced by their perspective on the community, which might be unrepresentative of the group as a whole.

In addition, an informant may not provide the kind of spontaneous information which is most useful to ethnographers, instead trying to show what they believe you want to see. For this reason, it’s good to have a variety of contacts within the group.

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The core of ethnography is observation of the group from the inside. Field notes are taken to record these observations while immersed in the setting; they form the basis of the final written ethnography. They are usually written by hand, but other solutions such as voice recordings can be useful alternatives.

Field notes record any and all important data: phenomena observed, conversations had, preliminary analysis. For example, if you’re researching how service staff interact with customers, you should write down anything you notice about these interactions—body language, phrases used repeatedly, differences and similarities between staff, customer reactions.

Don’t be afraid to also note down things you notice that fall outside the pre-formulated scope of your research; anything may prove relevant, and it’s better to have extra notes you might discard later than to end up with missing data.

Field notes should be as detailed and clear as possible. It’s important to take time to go over your notes, expand on them with further detail, and keep them organized (including information such as dates and locations).

After observations are concluded, there’s still the task of writing them up into an ethnography. This entails going through the field notes and formulating a convincing account of the behaviors and dynamics observed.

The structure of an ethnography

An ethnography can take many different forms: It may be an article, a thesis, or an entire book, for example.

Ethnographies often do not follow the standard structure of a scientific paper, though like most academic texts, they should have an introduction and conclusion. For example, this paper begins by describing the historical background of the research, then focuses on various themes in turn before concluding.

An ethnography may still use a more traditional structure, however, especially when used in combination with other research methods. For example, this paper follows the standard structure for empirical research: introduction, methods, results, discussion, and conclusion.

The content of an ethnography

The goal of a written ethnography is to provide a rich, authoritative account of the social setting in which you were embedded—to convince the reader that your observations and interpretations are representative of reality.

Ethnography tends to take a less impersonal approach than other research methods. Due to the embedded nature of the work, an ethnography often necessarily involves discussion of your personal experiences and feelings during the research.

Ethnography is not limited to making observations; it also attempts to explain the phenomena observed in a structured, narrative way. For this, you may draw on theory, but also on your direct experience and intuitions, which may well contradict the assumptions that you brought into the research.

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Normal distribution
• Degrees of freedom
• Null hypothesis
• Discourse analysis
• Control groups
• Mixed methods research
• Non-probability sampling
• Quantitative research
• Ecological validity

Research bias

• Rosenthal effect
• Implicit bias
• Cognitive bias
• Selection bias
• Negativity bias
• Status quo bias

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• Ethnographic Research: Types, Methods + [Question Examples]

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research approach that involves observing variables in their natural environments or habitats in order to arrive at objective research outcomes. As the name suggests, ethnographic research has its roots in ethnography which is the in-depth study of people, cultures, habits and mutual differences. 

This type of systematic investigation interacts continuously with the variables and depends, almost entirely, on the data gathered from the observation of the research variables. Ethnographic research is sometimes referred to as a thick description because of its in-depth observation and description of the subjects.

In recent times, ethnography has been adopted to the internet in the form of netnography. This means that researchers can now study how online communities interact in order to identify social communication patterns. 

What is Netnography?

Simply put, netnography is online ethnography research, that is, it is the conducting of ethnography research via the internet. Netnography adapts the ethnographic research methodology to the study of online communities in order to discover the natural behavioral patterns of internet users. 

As a modern model of ethnographic investigation, netnography uses the data gathered through digital communications in varying online communities to trace and analyze patterns of social interaction. Just like ethnography research, netnography also requires close observation of interactional patterns in order to arrive at the most objective conclusions. 

Types of Ethnographic Research   

There are several types of ethnographic research, namely; business, educational and medical ethnographic research. All based on different fields of human endeavor and each type is defined by specific characteristics. Ethnographic research is a multi-dimensional research design that can be adapted to different fields including business, medicine, education, and psychology. 

Business Ethnographic Research

Business ethnographic research is a research design that involves observing consumer habits and target markets in order to discover true market needs and the overall disposition to your product or service. It is an extremely beneficial research tool that can help your organization identify its customers’ needs and satisfy market demands. 

This research method combines different techniques including fieldwork, physical interviews and online surveys in order to gather useful data on the consumer habits of target markets. Business ethnographers use these techniques to analyze how clients interact with an organization’s services and come up with useful conclusions that can be used to develop effective market strategies. 

In carrying out a business ethnographic research, it is necessary to work with a customer or client-oriented framework that focuses on target markets rather than the business. The aim of this research design is to discover recurring client behavioral patterns that can serve as key market insights.

In order to gather useful data, the researcher must ask the right questions. Some question samples for business ethnographic research include the following:

• What do you enjoy about this product or service?
• Why do you use this product?
• What specific needs does the product meet for you?
• What specific needs does the product fail to meet?
• Does the pricing of the product equate its value?

Educational Ethnographic Research 

Educational ethnographic research is a research design that involves observing teaching and learning methods and how these affect classroom behaviors. This research model pays attention to pedagogy, its effects on learning outcomes and overall engagements by stakeholders within the classroom environment. 

Typically, educational ethnographic research studies students’ attitudes, academic motivations, and dispositions to learning. To do this, the researcher combines non-participant observation methods with direct participant observation techniques in order to gather the most relevant and objective data. 

Question samples for educational ethnography research include:

• Do you enjoy this teaching method?
• Does the teacher allow for feedback in his or her classes?
• Does the teaching method communicate objectives clearly?
• What is the student’s attitude toward learning?

What is Pedagogy: Definition, Principles & Application

Medical Ethnographic Research 

Medical ethnographic research is a type of ethnographic research used for qualitative investigations in healthcare. This research design helps medical practitioners to understand the dispositions of patients ranging from the simplest to the most complex behavioral patterns. 

Medical ethnographic research enables the healthcare provider to have access to a wealth of information that will prove useful for improving a patient’s overall experience. For example, through ethnographic research, a healthcare product manufacturer is able to understand the needs of the target market and this will, in turn, influence the product’s design. 

In addition, medical ethnographic research exposes healthcare professionals to insights on the complex needs of patients, their reaction to prescriptions and treatment methods plus recommendations for improvement. Here are a few questions that can be used for medical ethnographic research:

• For how long have you used this drug?
• For how long have you been on this treatment?
• What positive changes have you noticed so far?
• Have you noticed any side effects so far?
• Does this medication or treatment meet your needs?

Method of Ethnographic Research 

Typically, there are 5 basic methods of ethnographic research which are naturalism, participant observation, interviews, surveys, and archival research. Carrying out ethnographic research will involve one or more research techniques depending on the field, sample size, and purpose of the research

• Live and work

Also known as naturalism, live and work is an ethnography research technique in which the researcher observes the research variables in their natural environment in order to identify and record behavioral patterns. It may involve living in the natural environment of the group or individuals being researched for a period of time in order to record their activities. 

Naturalism is the oldest method of ethnographic research and it may create some degree of rapport between the ethnographer and the research variables . When using this method, the researcher must ensure that he or she limits interference with the subjects to the barest minimum in order to arrive at the most objective research outcomes. 

Naturalistic observation can be disguised or undisguised. Disguised naturalistic observation involves recording the subjects in such a way that they are unaware of being studied while in undisguised naturalistic observation, the research subjects are aware of the fact that they are being understudied. 

The live and work method allows the researcher to gather the most accurate and most relevant data as a result of observing the research subjects in their natural environment. However, this technique is not favored by modern ethnographers, especially in fields like medicine and education, because it is expensive and it takes a lot of time. 

• Participant Observation

Participant observation is a data collection method in ethnography research where the ethnographer gathers information by participating actively and interacting with the research subjects. This method is quite similar to life and work techniques. 

The major difference between participant observation and live and naturalism is that in the former, the ethnographer becomes an active member of the group being observed. This gives the researcher access to information that can only be made available to members of the group. 

There are 2 types of participant observation which are, disguised participant observation and undisguised participant observation. In the former, the ethnographer pretends to be a part of the research subjects while hiding his or her true identity of being a researcher. 

In undisguised participant observation, the ethnographer becomes a part of the group being observed and reveals his or her identity as a researcher to the group. This technique is more prone to reactivity, unlike disguised participant observation. 

The primary advantage of participant observation as a research technique is that the ethnographer is exposed to more information. He or she is better able to understand the experiences and habits of the research subjects from the participant’s point of view. 

There are a number of limitations associated with this research technique. First, the presence of the researcher can affect the behaviors of the research subjects; especially with undisguised participant observation, and this can affect the authenticity of the result. 

In addition, there can be the issue of biased research outcomes. As a result of the relationship between the researcher and the group, the ethnographer may become less objective and this can lead to experimental bias which affects the research outcomes. 

An ethnographic interview is a qualitative research method that merges immersive observation with one-on-one discussions in order to arrive at the most authentic research outcomes. In this research design, the ethnographer converses with members of the research group as they engage in different activities related to the research context. 

During this contextual inquiry, the researcher gathers relevant data related to the goals and behaviors of the members of the research group. As the ethnographer observes the research subject in its natural environment, he or she has the opportunity to ask questions that reveal more information about the research group.

An ethnographic interview is usually informal and spontaneous, and it typically stems from the relationship between the researcher and the subjects. The ethnographic interview often results from the participant observation method where the ethnographer actively engages with the members of the research group in order to find out more about their lives. 

As a two-way research method, an ethnographic interview allows the researcher to gather the most relevant and authentic information from the research group. However, it can also be affected by experimental bias as a result of the relationship between the ethnographer and the subjects. 

 An ethnography survey is an inductive research method that is used to gather information about the research subject. This research design is also referred to as analytic induction and it involves outlining hypotheses in the form of survey questions and administering these questions in the research environment. 

Administering a survey will help the ethnographer gather relevant data, analyze this data and arrive at objective findings. The aim of carrying out an analytic induction is to discover the causative factors of certain habits of the research group and come up with accurate explanations for these behaviors. 

In order to gather the most relevant responses using this, it is best to include different question types in your survey. Likert scale questions , open-ended questions, multiple-choice questions , and close-ended questions are common types of ethnography survey questions. 

To make your ethnography survey even more effective, you can create and administer it online using data-collection tools like Formplus . Formplus allows you to build your ethnography survey form in minutes using the Formplus builder and you can easily share your survey with respondents via available multiple sharing options.

High survey drop-out rates and survey response bias are some of the major limitations of this research method. However, this method is fast and cost-effective especially when carried out online and if done right, it can reveal useful insights about a research group. 

• Archival Research

Archival research is a qualitative approach to ethnographic research in which the researcher analyzes existing research, documents and other sources of information about the research group in order to discover relevant information. This method can also be referred to as understanding.

Archival research adopts ethnography to a collection of related documents from the past which substitute for actual physical presence in the research environment. It pays absolute attention to every piece of information about the research variables. 

As a method of data collection in ethnography, archival research reduces the chances of experimental biases since the researcher does not directly interact with the subjects. Also, it allows the ethnographer to have access to a large repository of research data that results in more accurate findings. 

However, because archival research is often subject to randomization, its findings may not accurately reflect the research group. Also, archival data is not full-proof as there may be biases when the data is recorded and this will affect the research outcomes. 

When to Use Ethnography Research

Ethnographic research should be used in the early stages of user-focused systematic investigations. This is because ethnography research helps you to gather useful information about the dispositions, goals, and habits of the research variables in specific contexts. 

Ethnography research is most suitable for complex research processes especially in markets and customer settings. In market research, ethnography allows organizations to gain insights into consumer habits and receive first-hand feedback on the extent to which their product or service meets the needs of target markets.

This research design is also useful for examining social behaviors and interactions. It is extremely beneficial in the study employees’ disposition to organizational work culture and policies. 

While ethnographic research helps businesses bridge product gaps and improve consumers’ experience, there are certain situations where this research design is counter-productive. Ethnographic research should not be used in processes that require statistically valid analysis, test-runs or group comparisons. 

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research with Online Surveys 

Formplus is a data-gathering tool that allows you to create and administer online surveys for ethnography research easily while saving time and cost, and improving your research sample size. 

Here is a step-by-step guide on how to conduct ethnographic research with online surveys using Formplus: 

Access Formplus Builder

In the Formplus builder, you can easily create your ethnography survey form by dragging and dropping preferred fields into your form. To access the Formplus builder, you will need to create an account on Formplus . 

Once you do this, sign in to your account and click on “Create Form ” to begin. 

Edit Form Title

• Click on the field provided to input your form title, for example, “ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY”.

• Click on the edit button to edit the form.
• Add Fields: Drag and drop preferred form fields into your form in the Formplus builder inputs column. There are several field input options for survey forms in the Formplus builder.
• Edit fields
• Click on “Save”
• Preview form.

Customize Form

Formplus allows you to add unique features to your ethnographic survey form. You can personalize your form using various customization options in the builder. Here, you can add background images, your organization’s logo, and other features. You can also change the display theme of your form. 

Save your ethnographic survey form and share the link with respondents. 

Advantages of ethnographic research .

• Ethnographic research allows you to have access to a wider and more accurate data scope than other research designs. This qualitative research approach collects first-hand information about the research variables and gives the ethnographer a wider range of data to work with thereby resulting in more objective research outcomes.
• Ethnography research enables the researcher to partake in the experiences of the research variables in their natural environment.
• Ethnography research accounts for complex group behavioral patterns and highlights interrelationships among research variables.
• It helps researchers understand the scope, reason(s) and context of the habits of research variables.

Disadvantages of Ethnographic Research

• Ethnographic research requires expertise and it is time-consuming. It takes time to observe research variables in order to arrive at cogent findings.
• Ethnographic research is capital-intensive too.
• It is subject to experimental biases stemming from the relationship between the subjects and the researcher.
• Issues of data sample size can also arise with ethnographic research. This is because small data samples can suggest false assumptions about the disposition of the research group while large quantities of data may not be processed effectively.

Risks Associated with Ethnographic Research

Unlike other research methods, ethnographic research tends to be sporadic and extends for a long period of time. And although respondents can stop participating in the research process at any time, there are still a few risks they are likely to encounter during this research

1. Psychological Risks

During uncomfortable topics, respondents may feel psychological triggers like guilt, fear, sadness, etc This can cause them to lose interest in the research or pull out from participating. In some cases, research participants may need constant reassurance to encourage them.

2. Social Risks

Depending on the research subject, there are social risks that are posed to a respondent during ethnographic research. These risks include stigmatization or condemnation from their community particularly if confidential information is shared and friction in personal relationships. This can further lead to a psychological risk. 

3. Physical and Economical Risks

Although these risks are uncommon in ethnographic research, it is imperative that you prepare for them as a researcher. In politically volatile communities, or research that involves tedious physical activity, physical risks are on the high side.

Economic risks can arise when research participants are removed from their jobs or limited from carrying out profitable ventures.

During your study, ensure that you disclose the possible risks to your research participants and elaborate on how you intend to mitigate these risks. 

FAQ’s on Ethnographic Research

• Does Ethnographic research come before or after a survey?

Most research uses data collected from various studies to validate a hypothesis or seek better clarity. So it is often conducted after a large-scale survey or quantitative segmentation study. However, it all largely depends on what the goal of the research is.

• Is ethnographic research qualitative or quantitative?

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research method where researchers study their respondents in their own environment

• How long does an ethnographic research project take?

The duration of your ethnographic research completely depends on the scope of your study. However, they usually last for a couple of months.

• Do ethnographers use field guides?

Yes. In ethnographic research, there are field guides to help guide the research process. However, it’s just a tool, and most times, it isn’t followed verbatim on the field. 

• How do I create a database for comparative analysis during Ethnographic?

You can compile your data using the Formplus PDF Builder to create PDFs of your analysis or create forms for documentation and save them using the secure Formplus storage.

Conclusion 

Ethnographic research helps individuals and organizations to gain useful insights into users’ behaviors as influenced by their natural environment. This form of systematic investigation bridges the gap between the ethnographer and the research variables because the researcher has the opportunity to be a part of their experiences. 

Administering online surveys for ethnographic research will speed up your data collection process and would allow you to save costs and have more control over your sample size. You can use Formplus to create and administer online ethnographic research surveys easily. 

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• ethnographic research methods
• ethnographic research survey
• ethnography
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12 Ethnography

Anthony Kwame Harrison, Department of Sociology, Virginia Tech

• Published: 02 September 2020
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This chapter introduces ethnography as a distinct research and writing tradition. It opens with a discussion of ethnography’s current fashionability within transdisciplinary academic spaces and some of the associated challenges. The next section provides a historical overview of ethnography’s emergence as a professionalized research practice within the fields of anthropology and sociology. Focusing on ethnography as a research methodology, the chapter outlines several key attributes that distinguish it from other forms of participant observation–oriented research; provides a general overview of the central paradigms that ethnographers claim and/or move between; and spotlights three principal research methods that most ethnographers utilize—namely, participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviewing. The final section of the chapter introduces a research disposition called ethnographic comportment , defined as a politics of positionality that reflects both ethnographers’ awarenesses of and their accountabilities to the research tradition they participate in.

Introduction

In a classic 1929 American Mercury article on racial passing and investigating lynchings, the future executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Walter White, opened with an observation:

In any American village, North or South, East or West, there is no problem which cannot be solved in half an hour by the morons who lounge about the village store. World peace, or the lack of it, the tariff, sex, religion, the settlement of the war debts, short skirts, Prohibition, the carryings-on of the younger generation, the superior moral rectitude of country people over city dwellers (with a wistful eye on urban sins)—all these controversial subjects are disposed of quickly and finally by the bucolic wise men. (White, 1929 , p. 77)

Ethnographers are neither morons nor bucolic wise men. If called on, they may supply truncated answers to difficult questions. But they do this with an understanding that they are merely scratching the surface or offering something along the lines of sweeping tendencies regarding what are typically complicated and often contradictory aspects of human organization and social relations. The closer and deeper one looks, the more one sees. For this reason, ethnography is not particularly well suited for the kinds of business or policy-oriented research that requires statistically verifiable findings or strict evidentiary bases for direct and uncomplicated action plans (Jones, 2010 ). Still, references to ethnography and/or ethnographic thisses-and-thats increasingly appear in these and numerous other settings. To fully appreciate the value of ethnographies, it is important to read them in their entirety. Ethnographies are not built for efficiency in research practice or in communicating research results.

As a reflexive, intersubjective research tradition—that speaks to audiences’ hearts as well as to their minds—ethnography is most at home in spaces where complexity, nuance, and betwixt-and-betweenness are valued. Thus, there is a palpable tension between this research methodology—founded on patience and aspirations for comprehensive understandings—and the increasingly neoliberal academic environments, where the practices of ethnography have historically been nurtured and where a majority of practicing ethnographers continue to reside, settings where, increasingly, time, volume of output, and tangibility of results are key factors determining what is valued. We see this among graduate students of the early 21st century, who are progressively more pressured to have solid publication records upon completing their degrees—a practice that encourages some advisors to discourage students from pursuing ethnographic research. Another consequence of this development is the gradual erosion of ethnographic standards as shorter durations of research and shortened pathways to confirmable findings are accepted, if not heralded, as measures of competency. Under such conditions, the invisible work of ethnography (Forsythe, 1999 ), and the associated belief that anyone can do it, amplifies its current fashionability in problematic ways.

This chapter provides a foundation for understanding ethnography as a research methodology and genre of research reporting. While celebrating ethnography’s flexibility and generative potential—indeed, its refusal to be contained within fixed definitions—I also present it as a distinct research tradition, guided by a series of evolving conventions and commitments. This emphasis on precision is motivated by what I see as a multipronged crisis within the transforming field of ethnographic research. Factors influencing this crisis include but are not limited to: (a) ethnography’s place within neoliberal universities and associated spaces where efforts toward increasing efficiency reign; (b) a “transdisciplinary romance with ethnography” (Kazubowski-Houston & Magnat, 2017 ) that, too often, leads undertrained and underinvested researchers to claim the label—thus, in my view, doing violence to ethnography in both a figurative and a literal sense (Ingold, 2014 ); and (c) increased institutional surveillance and “methodological conservatism,” which creates hostile environments for ethnographers seeking to have their work approved by oversight bodies and agencies (Lincoln, 2005 ). At the same time, ethnography has qualities that make it particularly well suited for grasping and representing complex social phenomena and the contentious bases of knowing during these difficult times. Methodologically, ethnography flourishes in the liminal spaces between research design and improvisation. Through their critical engagements with its sometimes troubled history, trained ethnographers tend to align with marginalized perspectives and the communities they emanate from. Representationally, ethnography refuses to reduce the social world to simplistic binaries or neatly bracketed findings. In the following pages, I elaborate on these and other qualities of the ethnographic enterprise. Specifically, I present ethnography as a distinct methodology—rooted in the professionalization of anthropology and, to a lesser degree, sociology as academic fields—with a particular set of defining attributes, paradigmatic observances, and research conventions.

Defining Ethnography

The term ethnography references both a research and an inscription (i.e., writing process to written product) practice. Ethnography is research in that it describes a methodology (distinguished from a research method in the section Ethnography as Methodology) usually conceptualized as involving participant observations within a community or field of study. 1 Thus, a person can speak of doing ethnographic research among Vermont maple sugarers (Lange, 2017 ) or among people participating in a translocal cultural phenomenon who may not even consciously identify as a group (Amit, 2000 ). At the same time, it is an inscription practice in that the products of ethnographic research—typically books like Edmund Leach’s classic Political Systems of Highland Burma (1954) or Riché J. Daniel Barnes’s Raising the Race (2016)—are referred to as ethnographies. 2

Typically, greater academic attention is given to discussions of ethnography as research. However, to the extent that evaluations of and inferences about research are derived from the resulting written account, this focus on ethnography as research may be overblown. Indeed, since at least its postmodern turn (see Clifford & Marcus, 1986 ; Marcus & Fischer, 1986 ), considerable attention has fallen on ethnography as a literary convention. Scholars have additionally argued that writing practices are integral to ethnographic data collection and analysis and therefore should not be treated separately (Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 2011 ; Richardson & St. Pierre, 2005 ; Sanjeck, 1990 ). 3 Elaborating on a concept that I call ethnographic comportment , toward the close of this chapter, I argue that most researchers are guided by a “textual awareness” (Van Maanen, 2011 , p. 158)—an imagined end product that they are working toward—that influences them variously throughout all stages of an ethnographic project, from conception to publication. Nevertheless, if one is looking for a standard definition of ethnography, a research-oriented definition such as the one offered by Martyn Hammersley and Paul Atkinson (1995) is quite typical:

[Ethnography involves] participating, overtly or covertly in people’s daily lives for an extended period of time, watching what happens, listening to what is said, asking questions … [and] collecting whatever [other] data are available to throw light on the issues that are the focus of the research. (p. 1)

Such a simple, straightforward definition highlights ethnography’s resemblance to “the routine ways in which people make sense of the world everyday” (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995 , p. 2)—thus making it appear to be something anyone can do. But to paraphrase something my colleague Carol A. Bailey once told me, no one would think of doing multiple linear regressions without statistical data analysis training, yet, quite regularly, people with no background in qualitative research claim to be doing ethnography (see also Schwandt, 2000 , p. 206n3). Commenting on the popularity of ethnography in consumer research, Patricia L. Sunderland and Rita M. Denny ( 2007 ) remarked,

A myriad of research techniques … (from the few-minute in-store intercept interview, to the one-hour “depth interview,” to the online focus group) have become redefined as “ethnographic” with barely any change in the underlying assumptions regarding method or analysis. Researchers have transformed themselves into “ethnographers” with few changes in practice beyond the name. (pp. 13–14)

Although these observations are specific to a single nonacademic arena, I argue that, even within the academy, the proliferation of ethnography warrants similar sentiments. In his book The Cosmopolitan Canopy (2011), Elijah Anderson defined folk ethnography as “a form of people watching that allows individuals informally to gather evidence in social interactions that supports their own viewpoints or transforms their commonsense understandings of social life” (p. xv). Although Anderson views this as a positive development, it concerns me that the distinction between folk ethnography and ethnography is blurring. In this chapter, I argue against the notion of ethnography as a qualitative research free-for-all, open for anyone, regardless of background or training, to undertake. As Diana E. Forsythe ( 1999 ) asserted, it is not “just a matter of common sense” (p. 130). Ethnography is a specific approach to research and writing about it, with a rich history and established yet evolving set of guiding principles. For those of us who take ethnography seriously, it involves training (usually through advanced coursework and mentorship), reflection, and accountability.

Historical Foundations of Ethnography

As a research tradition, ethnography’s roots are most firmly planted in the fields of anthropology and qualitative sociology: the former most often credited to the innovations of Polish-born, British-trained Bronislaw Malinowski and the latter usually attributed to a collection of researchers associated with the University of Chicago—commonly referred to as the Chicago School. Though these origin myths have been widely discussed and debated, and some treatments suggest ethnography began as early as the Greeks and Romans (Wax, 1971 ), I nevertheless cast ethnography as a relatively recent methodology, which came of age with the professionalization of both disciplines during the early decades of the 20th century.

In my chapter for the first edition of the Oxford Handbook of Qualitative Research , I discussed this history in great detail (see Harrison, 2014 ) and will therefore offer only a truncated version here. 4 During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, on both sides of the Atlantic, the nascent academic field of social/cultural anthropology crystallized around a reorientation away from the traditional model of armchair theorizing and toward a serious investment in ways of going about collecting and using data. 5 The various learned societies dedicated to anthropological interests that emerged during the 19th century relied primarily on the reports of colonial administrators, military officers, missionaries, traders, and other travelers for their information. The new class of professional anthropological intellectuals who came into being through these organizations prioritized the need for more formal—and less prejudiced, sensationalized, and unequivocally racist—standards of scientific reporting. In this interest, various sets of anthropological questionnaires and field guides were developed, initially for untrained travelers but, over time, increasingly toward the goal of fostering the most “precise and exacting” methods among field anthropologists (Urry, 1972 , p. 51). The most famous of these was Notes and Queries on Anthropology , which appeared in six iterations between 1874 and 1951 (Urry, 1972 ). Another effort to circumvent the limitations of untrained, biased, and otherwise disinterested reporting involved expeditions featuring teams of specialized experts—most notably the Cambridge Torres Straits expedition of 1898 (Stocking, 1983a ) and a series of privately funded and Bureau of American Ethnology–sponsored expeditions to the American Southwest occurring throughout the late 19th century (Judd, 1967 ).

Malinowski, the famed “founding father” of ethnography (Jones, 2010 ), came to anthropology after earning a doctorate in physics and mathematics from Jagiellonian University in Poland. He arrived in England—one of the key centers of anthropological thought—at precisely the right moment to benefit from the decades-long debates regarding appropriate ethnographic data collection methods that had been taking place. A year before his arrival, in a 1909 meeting of the principals from Oxford, Cambridge, and the London School of Economics, it was decided that the term ethnography would be used in specific reference to “descriptive accounts of non-literate peoples”—as distinct from the historical and comparative-based term ethnology (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952 , p. 276). We can thus mark this meeting as arguably the first collective effort to delineate ethnography as the principle data collection method within the rapidly professionalizing field. 6

Arriving in England, Malinowski immediately connected with a small circle of scholars, dedicated to anthropological interests, calling themselves the Cambridge School. This group included Alfred Cort Haddon, William H. R. Rivers, and Charles Seligman, all of whom had participated in the 1898 Torres Straits expedition. The quality of the various anthropological writing projects Malinowski had undertaken prior to landing in England—including what would become his first book, The Family among the Australian Aborigines (1913/1963)—undoubtedly facilitated his acceptance into this distinguished group. Still, Malinowski’s emergence as the most recognized figure in the development of ethnography can largely be attributed to timing. At the time of his arrival, members of the Cambridge School were already grappling with many of the ethnographic revelations that Malinowski would eventually put forward in his seminal work, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922/1966). Malinowski can be distinguished as the last member of the Cambridge School to conduct fieldwork prior to the outbreak of World War I (Stocking, 1983b , p. 82) and the first professionally trained anthropologist to carry out research according to the most recent methodological advances of the time (Kuper, 1996 , p. 7). Consequently, when Argonauts was published a few years after the war, it stood alone as an implementation and representation of the culmination of prewar Cambridge School theorizing.

Malinowski embarked on his South Pacific fieldwork in 1914—carrying with him the 1912 edition of Notes and Queries , which had been considerably revised by Rivers (Myers, 1923 ). After a 6-month “apprentice’s trail run” on the island of Mailu in southern New Guinea (Kuper, 1996 , p. 12), the young researcher would more famously carry out two extensive periods—of a year each, 1915–1916 and 1917–1918—in the Trobriand Islands. During his initial Mailu fieldwork, Malinowski realized that his research became more productive when isolated from the prejudicial influences of the European administrators, missionaries, and traders who were also present on the island. Writing about this experience in Argonauts , he recounted, “It was not until I was alone in the district that I began to make some headway” (Malinowski, 1922/1966 , p. 6). This revelation sparked one of Malinowski’s most notable contributions to the practice of ethnography, which George Stocking ( 1983b ) described as “a shift in the primary locus of investigation, from the deck of the mission ship or the verandah of the mission station to the teeming center of the village” (p. 93). Such a positional shift facilitated a corresponding adjustment to his ethnographic posture:

In this type of work, it is good for the Ethnographer sometimes to put aside camera, note book and pencil, and to join in himself in what is going on. 7 … Out of such plunges into the life of the native … I have carried away a distinct feeling that their behavior, their manner of being, in all sorts of tribal transactions, became more transparent and easily understandable than it had before. (Malinowski, 1922/1966 , pp. 21–22)

In his preface to Argonauts of the Western Pacific , esteemed anthropologist James George Frazier hailed it as a “remarkable record of anthropological research” by someone who had “lived as a native among the natives” (J. G. Frazier, 1922 / 1966 , p. vii). For his part, Malinowski was exceedingly deliberate in foregrounding his methodological “innovations.” Thus, the myth of Malinowski—as the first field researcher to voluntarily remove himself from colonial quarters, (essentially) cut off all ties with “civilization,” and immerse himself in the world of “savages” as a methodological imperative for understanding their world—soon took legs. His prescriptive methods for doing this included long-term residence by a trained researcher; learning the local language rather than relying on interpreters; collecting as much data as possible on as wide a range of activities as possible—from the spectacular and ceremonial to the everyday and mundane—and taking copious field notes; and, when possible, partaking in social activities as a participant observer.

One of the most rehearsed explanations of ethnography, contained within the pages of Argonauts , is Malinowski’s oft-cited goal of “grasp[ing] the native’s point of view” (Malinowski, 1922/1966 , p. 25). This decree to recognize and (to some degree) prioritize the subjectivity of non-Western peoples marked a transformative moment in how anthropology was practiced. No longer simply viewed as the objects of study, the perspectives of rational native actors provided the platform for developing anthropology’s relativist doctrines. By advocating for the internal logics underlying each culture, anthropology came to serve a critical role in exposing the prejudice and racism surrounding evaluations of cultural difference (Baker, 2010 ). 8 Together, Malinowski’s prescriptions amounted to a methodological manifesto (Strathern, 1987 ) that championed experiential modes of understanding, contextualization, and the distinction between ideal and actual behavior as signaling the capacity for agency within social structures.

In the most celebrated histories of anthropology, the idea of participant observation–based fieldwork, which is at the core of modern ethnography, came into being through these methodological advancements. Yet, the myth of the “Malinowskian Revolution” (Kuper, 1996 , p. 32) belies the tremendous effort and attention toward refining anthropological research methods that were taking place prior to his arrival in England, as well as across the Atlantic among Franz Boas and his students (see Harrison, 2014 ; Lassiter & Campbell, 2010 ). Although Malinowski was not singly responsible for inventing these ethnographic standards, his archetype status has been significant to their reification. Furthermore, his position during the interwar period as England’s “only master ethnographer” helped him to further cement his progenitor status (Kuper, 1996 , p. 1). 9 For most of the 20th century and now continuing into the 21st, the image of “going off” to a fieldwork site far removed from the university community one is a part of, for a minimum of 1 year, has been a rite of passage within sociocultural anthropology; and for much of this time, the importance of conducting research in non-Western societies—what some have critiqued as anthropology’s intrinsic process of Othering (Deloria, 1969 ; Magubane & Faris, 1985 )—was rationalized as “absolutely essential” to the development of an anthropological perspective (Mead, 1952 , p. 346).

Far and away the most celebrated ethnographic conventions practiced outside anthropology came from a collection of researchers associated with the University of Chicago’s department of sociology. Generally speaking, the Chicago School 10 formed through the combined influences of Malinowskian fieldwork methodologies and German phenomenological theory (Jones, 2010 ). Through their conceptualization of urban life as an assemblage of “natural areas” or “little communities,” researchers affiliated with the Chicago school, under the direction of Robert E. Park, imagined the city as a social laboratory through which to examine secular differences—primarily oriented around ethnicity and various forms of civic otherness. With an extensive background in newspaper work and having served as “a sort of secretary” to Tuskegee Institute founder and notable African American spokesman Booker T. Washington (Faris, 1967 , p. 28), Park arrived in Chicago in 1913 with keen interests in issues surrounding urban life, race relations, ethnic heterogeneity, and processes of assimilation. Soon thereafter, Park dedicated himself to training graduate students and, indeed, several of the most significant works to come out of the program during the interwar period were authored by his students (Blumer, 1998 ). 11

While ethnography has long-standing roots in sociology, its centrality to the discipline has never matched its position as the “hallmark methodology” of anthropology (Sunderland & Denny, 2007 , p. 13). From the outset, sociology’s ethnographic efforts were firmly intertwined with anthropology. 12 Thus, although Chicago sociologists gave a good deal of attention to particular aspects of methodological training, their most inspired forays into fieldwork were often characterized as a closer-to-home version of what anthropologists do. 13 We can see this in Park’s justifications for the kinds of research he was most interested in advancing. In an important essay advocating for the scientific value of researching the city, Park explained:

Anthropology, the science of man, has been mainly concerned up to the present with the study of primitive peoples. But civilized man is quite as interesting an object of investigation.… The same patient methods of observation which anthropologists like Boas and Lowie have expended on the study of the life and manners of the North American Indian might be even more fruitfully employed in the investigation of the customs, beliefs, social practices, and general conceptions of life prevalent in Little Italy on the lower North Side in Chicago, or in recording the more sophisticated folkways of the inhabitants of Greenwich Village and the neighborhood of Washington Square, New York. (Park, 1925/1967 , p. 3)

Years later, in describing his own attraction to this ethnographic tradition, Howard S. Becker ( 1999 ) explained, “You had all the romance of anthropology but could sleep in your own bed and eat decent food” (p. 8).

Still, the model of urban-based fieldwork put forth by Chicago School sociologists was an important predecessor to the way ethnography is thought of and practiced today. For much of the 20th century, anthropological field research focused on small, isolated communities where it was possible to get to know most members, map out kinship relations, and, at least, imagine that one was getting a comprehensive portrayal of society. 14 In the early 21st century, virtually all ethnographers adopt a topic-oriented approach, which focuses on one or more specified aspects of and/or social networks within what are understood to be much more complex and globally interconnected societies. As a result of the metropolitan settings of their research, urban sociologists, unlike their colleagues in anthropology, were compelled to acknowledge that they were dealing with specific dimensions of social life and/or subcultures that were situated within larger societal contexts.

The origins of ethnography as a professionalized methodological (research) and representational (writing) practice are most squarely situated within the discipline of anthropology. Recognizing these foundations in no way implies that ethnography is the exclusive purview of anthropology or, for that matter, that anthropologists should have exclusive right in determining what does and does not qualify as ethnography (Atkinson, 2017 ). Indeed, some of the most significant methodological considerations leading up to ethnography’s now-standard insistence on reflexivity (see the section Ethnographic Comportment) issued from the application of sociology’s symbolic interactionist theories to circumstances surrounding the ethnographic encounter (Berreman, 1962 ; Junker, 1960 ); and today many of the most exciting works surrounding ethnography issue from transdisciplinary spaces. I therefore echo Magdalena Kazubowski-Houston and Virginie Magnat’s ( 2017 ) call for “coalition and collaboration between like-minded ethnographers across the social-sciences, the arts, and the humanities” (p. 11). Yet these historical foundations continue to serve as methodological anchors for ethnographers.

Ethnography as Methodology

In discussing ethnography, commentators sometimes incorrectly treat it as a method rather than a methodology. The difference is significant. A method is simply a tool or technique used to collect and/or analyze data. Ethnographers typically utilize a variety of tools and techniques during the course of their research, including but not limited to establishing rapport; selecting informants; using a range of interview and/or focus group forms; making observations—both participatory and nonparticipatory—and writing field notes based on them; conducting surveys, genealogies, and domain analyses; mapping fields; transcribing texts; and coding data. 15 In contrast, methodologies are established norms of inquiry that are by and large adhered to within distinct research traditions. A methodology, therefore, involves theoretical, ethical, political, and at times moral orientations to research, which guide the decisions researchers make, including their choice of methods. Accordingly, it can be thought of as a philosophy of research practice, analysis, and description. Later in the chapter, I detail three of the most fundamental methods that ethnographers commonly utilize—namely, participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviews. However, first I outline several key attributes that, in my view, contribute to any instance of research being ethnographic and then highlight three philosophical positions—or what I call paradigms —that ethnographers orient themselves in relation to when conducting research.

Ethnographic Attributes

In this section I outline five essential priorities that distinguish ethnography. I offer these, in part, as a corrective to what I regard as the casual and commonplace misappropriation of it as a stand-in for all types of qualitative research (Kazubowski-Houston & Magnat, 2017 ). Building on my earlier definition, these attributes should be regarded as important orienting principles that scholars trained in ethnography and aware of its historicity hold in common.

Ethnography and Culture

Harry F. Wolcott asserted that the critical attribute distinguishing ethnography from other forms of qualitative research is a focus on describing and interpreting cultural behavior. In other words, at its core an ethnography must include an intentional engagement with and “working resolution” toward understanding culture (Wolcott, 1987 , p. 45). Wolcott called this ethnographic intent . The specifics of this “working resolution” may vary. Culture, according to Stephen A. Tyler ( 1969 ), provides the framework for recognizing and describing how “people make order out of what appears … to be utter chaos” (p. 6). Yet for the inquiring ethnographer, culture might be conceptualized as being revealed through people’s behaviors, the expressed ideals that guide such behaviors, or the discovery of underlying frameworks through which situational choices are made. Each of these, or some combination, can have implications for how ethnographic researchers go about their craft.

Debates over a precise definition of culture notwithstanding, ethnography has traditionally rested on a principle of cultural comparison, perhaps best reflected in the anthropological maxim of “making the strange familiar and the familiar strange.” For earlier generations of ethnographers—primarily anthropologists and sociologists (see the section Historical Foundations of Ethnography)—this was accomplished by traveling to starkly different social settings, which brought about the inevitable comparisons with the home “culture” (as the term was then understood 16 ). As the lens of ethnographic inquiry expanded to include spaces and places that did not initially appear to be particularly distinct from the ethnographer’s home (Messerschmidt, 1981 ), this comparative mode of sense-making became more implicit than explicit. The native ethnographer, for instance, conducting research in her own community, would appear to start from the same cultural foundations as the people she (participant) observes. Yet, as a trained ethnographer—someone who has read cultural theory and been exposed to several cross-cultural ethnographic studies—she makes sense of her observations in relation to the wealth of documented scholarship on cultural diversity. 17 Thus, she is less likely to generalize distinct cultural practices as the “normal way” people do things and more apt to frame her observations and understandings in conversation with foundational and recent thinking about culture.

Ethnography and Contextualization

Ethnographies prioritize contextualization, meaning that particular people and the situations they find themselves in are best understood in relation to broader factors that impact them—including, but not limited to, historical, local, political, economic, and religious factors. Anthropology, in particular, has historically recognized interconnections and mutual influences between various aspects of social life—or what anthropologists call holism . Following from this, ethnographers take an open-minded, inductive approach to what might potentially be considered data. In other fields of research where deductive reasoning —that is, the idea that truth follows from a sequence of conditional premises that can be empirically verified—is prioritized, efforts are made to silence external noises in the interest of focusing on what researchers determine are the most salient factors and variables. The inductive reasoning that guides ethnographic research starts from the assumption that such noises have consequence—they not only impact social conditions but also, at times, reflect deeper structural workings of culture.

Contextualization also impacts situational constructions of meaning. To illustrate what I mean here, I turn to the work of Clifford Geertz ( 1973 ), who famously defined ethnography as “an elaborate venture in … ‘thick description’ ” (p. 6). Referencing a thought experiment conducted by philosopher Gilbert Ryle ( 1971 ), Geertz elaborated on thick description through the example of a rapidly contracting eyelid. Whether such action amounts to an involuntary twitch of the eye or a “conspiratorial signal to a friend” (i.e., a wink) is entirely contextual. Accordingly, a thin description of behavior—“her left eye blinked”—tells us very little. Through understanding such things as the circumstances under which the blink occurred, the intention of the blinker, the prevalent social codes that may or may not mark the blink as meaningful, and whether this meaning was received and understood, we get a better sense of what is going on. Thick description, then, in the words of anthropologist Karin Narayan ( 2012 ), can be summarized as “layering meaning into closely observed details” (p. 8). Noticing and describing something as subtle and instantaneous as a blink requires careful attention to detail; it means observing social life with the same heightened sensitivity that we use when perceiving works of art (Willis, 2000 ). Yet, without proper contextualization, such descriptions have limited ethnographic value.

Ethnography as Iterative

In addition to being governed by inductive principles—meaning that research “starts from the data rather than from a hypothesis to be tested, or even from a fixed research question” (Hammersley, 2008 , p. 69)—ethnography proceeds as an iterative mode of inquiry. By this I mean that ethnographers continually re-engage with their research questions, fundamental assumptions, methods of inquiry, and accumulated data toward the goal of refining their work—which can sometimes include making a radical change in direction. Consequently, ethnographic research designs must be flexible enough to allow for the expected surprises and misadventures that arise when an individual (serving as a research instrument) engages in the daily lives of other people—who are inevitably continuing along the unforeseeable journeys that are their lives—for a prolonged period of time. Even at its most scientific, ethnography is resolutely a human science conducted in a real-world laboratory. As such, the ethnographic enterprise is saturated with circumstances, situations, and personalities that are unanticipated and often uncontrollable. Barbara Tedlock ( 2000 ) elaborated:

No matter how much care the ethnographer devotes to the project, its success depends upon more than individual effort. It is tied to outside forces, including local, national, and sometimes even international relationships that make research possible as well as to a readership that accepts the endeavor as meaningful. (p. 466)

Indeed, one of the most predictable aspects of ethnographic research is its unpredictability, so much so that statements along the lines of “I began my research intending to study X but wound up studying Y ” are now standard ethnographic writing conventions. I would go so far as to suggest that an absence of such sentiments (i.e., everything working out according to plan) is greeted with more suspicion than their presence.

Recognizing how ethnographic data and interpretation evolve simultaneously, James Spradley ( 1980 ) offered a cyclical model of ethnographic inquiry—what he calls the ethnographic research cycle —as distinct from the linear research models (i.e., define the problem, formulate hypotheses, gather and analyze data, draw conclusions) found in the other social sciences. According to Spradley ( 1980 ), each phase of ethnographic inquiry (data collection and analysis) informs new questions:

The cycle cannot wait until you have collected a large amount of data.… You need to analyze your fieldnotes after each period of fieldwork in order to know what to look for during the next period of participant observation. (pp. 33–34)

As such, a strict sequence of prescribed methods will not suffice. Ethnography achieves virtue and vitality through its lack of prescription, by continuously straddling the line between structured research design and improvised inquisitive adventure. Gary Alan Fine and James G. Deegan ( 1996 ) described ethnography as “a puzzle of mysterious design” that is “only known when the researcher has decided that it is close enough to completion” (p. 441). Through iterative processes of tacking back and forth between experiences and reflections, ethnographers piece together their research projects.

Ethnography then should be thought of as involving iterative–inductive–inscription practices . 18 It is iterative in the sense that it involves recurrently engaging with theory, data, and analysis (O’Dell & Willim, 2011 ); it is inductive in that ethnographers approach this engagement with open minds and few preconceptions about where data will lead them; and it is inscriptive in foregrounding writing as its principal mode of recording data, analyzing data, and representing social life (Richardson & St. Pierre, 2005 ).

Ethnography and Empathy

The ethnographic project is variously empathetic. Through intersubjective engagements—most notably via participant observation—ethnographers aspire to “imaginatively experience the feelings, thoughts, and situation” (Davis, 2014 , p. 6) of people they work among. As such, ethnography encourages a degree of intimacy between researcher and researched that, at its best, recognizes and appreciates their mutual implication in the production of knowledge (Lassiter, 2005 ; Sluka & Robben, 2012 ). Ethnographers’ commitments to the people and communities they conduct research among are both moral and political. Academically situated ethnographers—on the basis of their training, disciplinary identities, and institutional affiliations—are mandated to protect the interests of the people and communities they work among by following institutional and disciplinary guidelines surrounding research, most notably those pertaining to informed consent, deception , and confidentiality . 19 In addition, trained and invested ethnographers recognize their charge to reveal, unsettle, and at times undermine the institutions and forces through which social inequalities are maintained and perpetuated. Thus, ethnographers are consistently attentive to the interests of disempowered groups. When working among such groups, these commitments to social justice result in alliances and recognitions of researched communities’ roles in evaluating the quality of ethnographies (Harrison, 2018 ). In contrast, when working among power-wielding groups—what Laura Nader ( 1972 ) called studying up —ethnographers should feel some obligation to use their position and access to uncover and even disrupt the workings of power. This can take many forms. However, its absence—for example, using conventional ethnographic methods for the explicit purpose of perpetuating social inequalities—in these enlightened times 20 is simply not ethnography.

This notion of ethnographic empathy also pertains to the reception of works ethnographers produce. Ethnographic authors write toward the of goal of enabling their readers to envision themselves walking in someone else’s shoes and, what is more, to grasp people’s perspectives and understand their behaviors as resulting from alternative (or previously unrecognized) cultural logics. Ethnographers’ written accounts communicate person-to-person sentiments—inviting readers to imagine the situated interests and actions of someone else. Resembling, to some degree, how a politician might use a handful of personal stories to communicate something about the state of a nation during a national address, 21 the most evocative ethnographic writings utilize sentimentality and emotion in detailing individual’s stories and particular episodes. As such, their representational power lies in their informational richness and ability to communicate affect , as opposed to other research traditions that prioritize statistical validity or theoretical applicability. Indeed, by providing compelling testimonies, which embrace the emotionality and messiness of real life (Law, 2004 ), ethnographies do more to complicate and therefore advance existing theories than to straightforwardly confirm them.

Ethnography and Narrative

Storytelling saturates ethnography. Ethnographers collect stories from people firsthand, on their own terms, or in such close proximity to them that they powerfully reflect something about the way culturally situated actors move through their worlds (Turner, 2007 ). As researchers, we invite such stories through open-ended ethnographic interviews (see the section Ethnographic Interviews) where participants are asked to share their personal histories, their perspectives, and/or what is most meaningful to them about a given topic. Ethnographers are also told personal narratives while building rapport and deeply hanging out (Wogan, 2004 )—for example, when getting a ride home from an open-microphone event (Harrison, 2009 , p. 64) or while sharing cramped living spaces (Holmes, 2013 ). In addition, ethnographers are regularly featured actors in the stories they recount. Contemporary ethnography mandates degrees of reflexivity and transparency, both of which demand that researchers share aspects of their personal stories and provide some accounting of the research experiences that led them to know what they know. These stories—often culled from interview transcripts or field journals or pieced together from various sources (Brand, 2007 )—get recirculated, re-created, or re-placed, sometimes verbatim, in ethnographic texts.

Ethnographers are foremost writers. A primary aspect of their data collection involves writing field notes (see the section Field-Note Writing). In crafting these and other data into finished works, they indulge ethnography’s aspirations and ability to reach broad audiences and to communicate sophisticated meanings through artful storytelling and other experimental modes of academic writing. As a thickly descriptive research genre, ethnographic texts may, at times, appear to threaten too much information; however, when done well, the layered meanings activated through such dense contextualization circle back to show their relevance. Accordingly, ethnographic writing should be undertaken as a writerly endeavor—meaning that authors acknowledge the intelligence of their readers and, therefore, allow space for them to construct their own meanings and make their own sense of certain aspects of an ethnographic account. 22

The Story of the College Visit

A few years after completing my dissertation, I was invited to speak to an anthropology class at a small liberal arts college where I was giving a guest lecture. The students had read a short piece—recounting the story of a gathering in Golden Gate Park following an open-microphone event—that would become the introduction to my first book, Hip Hop Underground (Harrison, 2009 ). 23 I spent a few minutes talking about my research in relation to the passage and then opened the floor for questions. A few questions in, a young man raised his hand and began explaining how he had grown up in San Francisco, had probably “partied” on the same Golden Gate Park picnic tables that I mentioned in my piece, and was someone who considered hip-hop close to his heart. At this point, he looked away, focusing on the paper on his desk and, in thoughtful, measured tones explained that whenever he read an academic piece on hip-hop he found himself getting defensive. Mine was the first piece he had read where he did not have that feeling. “That’s ethnography,” I said.

Paradigmatic Plasticity

Throughout the course of their research and writing, ethnographers orient themselves around certain theoretical, ethical, and political commitments. At their foundation, these commitments involve questions of ontology (concerning the nature of reality), epistemology (how we know what we know), and axiology (relating to morals and values). Following Patricia Leavy ( 2009 ), I use paradigm as an umbrella term that encompasses the range of philosophical stances, assumptions, and goals that surround research endeavors. Although the philosophies guiding ethnographic research are quite often unstated, at moments when they come into conflict the results can be explosive.

The Story of the Conference Incident

Several years ago, I attended an interdisciplinary conference where, in response to a few last-minute cancelations, the organizers decided to combine two panels. This made sense at the time. First, although the panel topics were different, they overlapped under the broader theme of the conference. Second, a single panel would attract a larger audience for all of the presentations—indeed, by the time I arrived it was standing room only. Last, such a move would spare one presenter from the awkwardness of being the lone panelist in a 90-minute session. However, in deciding to combine panels, the organizers overlooked or chose to ignore the paradigmatic differences informing the respective audiences that would be drawn to each panel. This did not become an issue until the final presentation: a masterful explication on the functionality of various strategies for alleviating conflict among competing social groups. During the question-and-answer period, an audience member—who had obviously come to see presentations initially slated for the other panel—questioned the researcher’s right to reduce people’s behaviors to such all-too-neat formulations, the evidentiary basis on which his claims were being made, as well as his investment in the communities through which, in making his academic career, he appeared to be profiting from. Chaos ensued as the two parties went back and forth in a heated exchange—with the accused researcher at one point even blurting out, “You don’t know me!” Thankfully, there were only a few minutes left in the session. As the panel came to a close, various colleagues approached the two combatants to endorse their action and/or console, as appropriate.

As a research tradition, ethnography straddles multiple paradigms. With its roots in anthropology—regarded as the most humanistic of social sciences and the most scientific of humanities (Redfield, 1953 )—such paradigmatic plasticity is to be expected. Yet, as ethnographic practices have migrated to a wide range of academic disciplines and interdisciplinary spaces, the potential for paradigmatic disputes over what is and what is not “good” and/or legitimate research has become more pronounced.

By my reckoning, both parties involved in the conference incident would rightly consider their work ethnographic. Yet where activities of research (i.e., methods) may appear similar, the foundational philosophies of knowledge (i.e., epistemologies) and ideas about how it should be applied through endeavors labeled “research” can look radically different.

In considering different paradigmatic orientations surrounding qualitative inquiry, Thomas Schwandt ( 2000 ) highlighted three areas of concern that are instructive for my discussion of ethnography. I adapt them here:

Cognitive concerns surrounding how to define, justify, and legitimize claims to understanding.

Social concerns regarding (in this case) the goals of ethnography.

Moral concerns as to how to “envision and occupy the ethical space” between ethnographers and those they research in responsible, obligatorily aware, and status conscious ways (see Schwandt, 2000 , p. 200).

Before briefly outlining some of the paradigms that surround ethnography, I offer a few caveats. Whereas defining and labeling paradigmatic frameworks is useful, it would be a mistake to give too much attention to trying to fit a particular researcher or even an instance of ethnographic research neatly into one category. Ethnographic experience is perpetually ephemeral, meaning that at times ethnographers are prone to move, transform, and shape shift between different paradigmatic classifications. Attempts to categorize also tend to highlight differences over time and disciplinary space. While differences clearly exist—the above-mentioned conference incident stands as a testament to this—the need to neatly place individuals or projects in particular boxes closes down the possibility of also seeing commonalities and furthermore belies the nuanced nature and theoretic eclecticism of ethnographic inquiry. Nonetheless, in what follows, I discuss three philosophical traditions that ethnographers might move between and draw from as paradigmatic resources.

Positivism is premised on a belief in what is referred to as naive realism —that is, the notion that there is a reality out there that can be grasped through sensory perception. As such, it holds empirical data—that which is produced though direct observations—as definitive evidence through which to construct claims to truth. In doing so, positivism prioritizes objectivity, assuming that it is possible for a researcher to detach him- or herself from values, interests, or the clouding contamination of bias and prejudice. Following this formula, good research is achieved through conventional rigor—that is, dutifully following a prescribed, systematic series of steps surrounding data accumulation and analysis. In that positivism recognizes a fundamental (capital “T”) Truth, which it is believed researchers can apprehend, researchers anchored in this tradition are more prone to concern themselves with questions of transferability (i.e., can the findings from one setting be applied to another?) and generalizability (i.e., can the findings from a particular context be generalized to the whole?) on the assumption that such Truth has potential relevance for a broad range of social circumstances and cultural contexts. Although few, if any, contemporary ethnographers would define themselves as strict positivists, it is nonetheless important to discuss positivism as foundational to any social scientific enterprise. To some extent, outlining the tenets of strict positivism may be useful in explaining what most ethnographers are not. However, before dismissing it too quickly, I should point out that, particularly with regard to the mandates of certain gatekeepers of credible research reporting, ethnography is not as far removed from its positivist principles as some of its practitioners would like to think. Postpositivist orientations 24 toward valuing empirical evidence, making efforts toward detached objectivism, and deductive reasoning continue to carry weight, even if researchers are less confident about their conclusions.

Interpretivism

Interpretivism, which issues from an acknowledgment of the constructed nature of all social reality, recognizes no single all-encompassing Truth, but rather multiple (small “t”) truths that are the products of human subjectivities. Thus, cultural and contextual specifics are critical to understanding, and inductive reasoning becomes the privileged path to making sense of unwieldy social realities. Reality, which is shaped by experience, thus becomes something to be interpreted. Such interpretivism sees human action as inherently meaningful with meanings being processual, temporal, and historically unfinished. The subjectivity of the ethnographer is quite consequential here. Under any form of interpretivism, the outcomes of researcher bias are acknowledged. Sometimes efforts are made to mitigate researchers’ subjectivities. Such techniques might involve reflexive journaling, inventorying subjectivities, and other attempts to manage and track bias (Schwandt, 2000 , p. 207n11). Yet, increasingly, interpretivist approaches accept that within ethnography the human is the research instrument and, as such, cultural, social, and personal frames of reference are inescapable.

Critical Research

The critical research paradigm focuses on the workings of power, with attention to axes including (but not limited to) race, gender, ethnicity, age, class, sexuality, and differential abilities. As opposed to the positivist stance of neutrality and detachment, critical researchers distinguish themselves by their personal and sometimes emotional investment in the welfare of the individuals and communities they work among. Critical researchers are committed to using their research to empower such communities by working with them to create meaningful social change. 25 As such, they aspire to make the processes surrounding research transparent to both the communities they work among and their various audiences. Critical perspectives emerged in connection with various social movements of the 1960s and 1970s and, accordingly, are often fashioned as a form of scholar activism. Recently, participant action and collaboration have become key methodological imperatives shaping the relationships formed around various critical research projects. Through such developments, questions regarding who initiates research, controls its direction, and owns its products have become vitally important.

Ethnographers do not just take part in the daily lives of the people they conduct research among; as a consequence of their participation, they impact people’s lives and, in turn, are implicated in them. It is therefore difficult to separate cognitive, social, and moral concerns surrounding research. All are influenced by the research paradigm(s) the ethnographer observes. Paradigmatic orientations affect the entire ethnographic process, starting with the ways research is conceived of and designed, what qualifies as data, and ultimately how such data are treated.

Through the previous discussion of paradigms and essential attributes, I have drawn attention to ethnography as a research methodology, as opposed to a method. Again, this distinction is important to my effort to differentiate ethnography from qualitative field research more generally. Nevertheless, when someone mentions doing ethnographic research, a handful of research activities (or methods) come to mind. These include having sustained contact with a community of people through participant observation, writing field notes, and (usually) interviewing. In the following sections, I give each of these research conventions additional consideration.

Participant Observation

Participant observation, as the term suggests, refers to a research disposition somewhere between full participation, just like (or as) a member of a community, and strictly observing. While participant observation is often conceptualized as a location on a continuum between these two extremes—with ideally some level of balance 26 —I believe it is better thought of as a simultaneous process that oscillates between varying degrees of participation and observation. Such oscillations occur both situationally and temporally. In the case of the latter, they might take place in the context of a particular event or more generally over the course of different research phases. Participant observation has historically been championed as providing the virtues of both an insider’s (participant) and an outsider’s (observer) perspective. As a foundation of ethnographic understanding, a discussion of this insider/outsider binary is instructive even if such neat distinctions rarely, if ever, exist in the lived world.

Whereas a recognized goal of ethnography is to grasp people’s understandings of their world, since its inception the primary means of achieving this goal has been through experiential understanding. Writing in his introduction to Argonauts , Malinowski (1922/1966, p. 5) recalled that, to “get … the hang of tribal life,”

I had to learn how to behave, and to a certain extent, I acquired “the feeling” for native good and bad manners. With this, and with the capacity of enjoying their company and sharing some of their games and amusements, I began to feel that I was indeed in touch with the natives, and this is certainly the preliminary condition of being able to carry on successful field work. (p. 8)

Yet to simply grasp the native’s point of view is often not enough. Ethnographers have long recognized that “those cultural features of a particular society that are the most deeply ingrained are the least likely to be explicated and questioned by native members themselves” (Wengle, 1988 , p. xvii). As a consequence of ethnocentrism —that is, the tendency for all people to position their own cultural beliefs and practices at the center of their worldview (i.e., to see them as “normal”)—native members of a cultural group are at times blind to many of the most salient aspects of their lifeways. 27 Thus, a flexible and situated position somewhere between an insider and an outsider is typically upheld as ideal.

As a practice, participant observation involves an inherent critique of interviewing. Although interviewing is fundamental to most ethnographic projects, advocates of participant observation are quick to point out that, if the goal is to understand behaviors and worldviews in their cultural context, interviews alone will not suffice. There is usually some disjuncture between what people do and what they say they do. At one level, this can be seen as a distinction between ideal and actual behavior. In an interview setting, people are more likely to shade their representations of behaviors toward cultural ideals. For example, studies point out the tendency among Americans to underreport the amount of alcohol they consume (Rathje & Murphy, 1992 ). Whether consciously underreported or not, this pattern is likely connected to the cultural ideal against drinking too much. Yet even in circumstances where a strong cultural ideal is not in play, people’s behaviors amount to more than what they choose or are able to tell an interviewer in the context of an interview. Native language speakers, for example, would have considerable difficulty explaining the rules to their language or how they know what they know without additional linguistic training. Even in a situation where both conditions are met (someone is aware and can explain ), an interviewee must make decisions about what to emphasize and what to ignore or gloss over. Such choices might lead them to steer clear of topics that the interviewer would find salient. 28

To return to the drinking example, in particular settings where the ability to consume a lot of alcohol is linked to status, it may be likely that quantities will be overreported. Of course, such settings are usually informal, are semiexclusive, and involve peer groups—for example, the stereotypical morning after the college fraternity party. Another advantage of participant observation over interviewing alone is that it provides access to these interior spaces. Fieldworkers achieve this by locating such spaces, gaining access (including building rapport), and, notably, spending time there. The famous Hawthorne studies on worker productivity found that people tend to alter their behavior for short periods of time under the scrutiny of a researcher or observer (Landsberger, 1958 ). Such reactivity can jeopardize ethnography’s aspirations for naturalistic inquiry. Thus, an ideal, if nearly unattainable, goal of participant observation is that the researcher becomes familiar enough within the research setting that everyday life proceeds as if he or she was not there. Factors surrounding this include duration of time in a setting, resemblance between researcher and members of the researched community, and level of participation.

Duration of Time in the Setting

The general rule is that the longer a researcher stays in “the field,” the more accustomed people become to his or her presence—not to mention the greater the understanding of what is going on. Yet this is conditional. Wolcott ( 1987 ) pointed out that, “based on any one researcher’s skill, sensitivity, problem, and setting, optimum periods of fieldwork may vary” (p. 39). Nevertheless, it is worth noting that within anthropology the Malinowski-derived standard has been a minimum of 1 year in the field.

Resemblance between Researcher and Members of the Researched Community

This resemblance includes both physical and social resemblances. Greater resemblance, in theory, facilitates “life as usual,” whereas notable differences are a perpetual reminder that there is a researcher present. Some of the most recognizable differences concern race, language proficiency, decisions regarding self-presentation, and, in certain instances, age and gender.

Level of Participation

This, in part, depends on the researcher’s aspirations—for example, a researcher may aspire to a stance that, at different times, involves full participation or minimum participation (Junker, 1960 ). At the same time, and in conjunction with the previously noted factors, the various communities researchers engage have differing levels of accessibility and inclinations toward hospitality (e.g., insisting that someone “join in”); and beyond language alone, researchers have different competencies 29 —all of which can impact their level of participation.

In sum, participant observation is simultaneously the most fundamental, complex, and uncertain method of ethnographic research. Its temporal parameters can range from strictly designated fieldwork outings—for example, a few hours in the field on a weekday afternoon—to an all-consuming living experience (24 hours a day) spanning several years. Its spatial parameters can be as narrow as a Midwest college bar (Spradley & Mann, 1975 ), as broad as multiple sites across a global landscape (Wulff, 1998 ), and as amorphous as translocal (Gupta & Ferguson, 1997 ) and virtual (Nardi, 2010 ) fields of activity. 30 While a good deal of planning goes into participant observation research projects, the combination of its ill-defined parameters and the fact that it plays out in the lived world render it difficult to forecast and, consequently, a largely improvised endeavor.

Field-Note Writing

A second principal method of ethnographic research is the creation and management of ethnographic field notes. These systematic in-the-field writings are inextricably linked to participant observation in that they serve as the primary means of recording the detailed observations and insights gleaned through such experiences. Accordingly, the quality and character of field-note writing have implications on an ethnographer’s ability to accurately and effectively report research findings. 31 Historically, field notes received little methodological attention. Like ethnography more generally, their resemblance to people’s everyday activities—particularly the act of keeping a personal journal or diary—cultivated the belief that instructions to simply “write down everything you see and hear” would suffice. In the literature that has since emerged on field-note writing, there is no consensus on a single correct method. I would advise any researcher to use the available methodological prescripts as guidelines but to develop particular routines and procedures that align with their own best writing habits as well as the specific circumstances of research. Nevertheless, a handful of best practices consistently show up in the literature and together illustrate why field-note writing and keeping a diary are not one and the same.

Schedule a significant amount of time each day or soon after each fieldwork “outing” to write field notes. Details fade with the passage of time, so do not unnecessarily delay field-note writing. In a full-immersion fieldwork situation—where participant observation comprises the entirety of one’s living experience—this practice of writing field notes (i.e., articulating and reflecting on observations and experiences) can be thought of as the major nonparticipatory endeavor that the researcher consistently engages in.

Employ jottings or “scratch notes” (Sanjek, 1990 , p. 96)—that is, quickly scribbled words or phrases, written in the context of participant observing, intended to jog one’s memory when writing. A researcher should always carry a small notebook or some equivalent jot-recording technology (e.g., a small handheld recorder). Additionally, when observing/experiencing the world with the intention of documenting it through field-note writing, it is important to rely on all one’s senses and not merely vision alone. Sounds, smells, tastes, and touches can all be powerful means to creating scenes on a page.

Organize different approaches to field-note writing categorically. For example, Emerson et al. (2011, pp. 57–79) discussed four general field-note subcategories: (a) descriptions based on concrete sensory details of physical spaces, people, objects, or actions, (b) dialogues between people, (c) characterizations portraying how a person acts and lives, and (d) narratives involving either sketches (i.e., snapshots) of a setting/character or episodes illustrated through continuous action and interaction. In all of these categories, it is important for the field-note writer to distinguish between that which is concrete and/or directly observed—for example, verbatim quotes—and that which is inferred, approximated, or logically assumed (Bailey, 2017 ). Field notes can additionally take the form of methodological notes (highlighting research techniques used and/or planned), analytic notes (periodic forays into conceptual understandings that strive to approximate professional writing 32 ), and personal notes (therapeutic and potentially revealing outlets for discussing one’s relationships, feelings, and emotions).

Ethnographic Interviews

Ethnographers typically conduct interviews as a primary method of research. However, whereas participant observation is so central to ethnography that some well-practiced scholars might be forgiven for simply—and in my view, mistakenly—equating the two, interview-based research and ethnography are distinctly different (Becker & Geer, 1957 ; Lamont & Swidler, 2014 ). Ethnographers, like most qualitative researchers, conduct interviews, but, unlike participant observation, interviews alone do not come close to approximating ethnography.

Ethnographic interviewing is distinct from what I will call general interview-based research in several ways. First, ethnographic interviews typically take place after a researcher has been in the field for some period of time. Ethnographers do not enter the field assuming they know what is most important; firsthand experience in a social arena is thought to facilitate better interview questions (O’Reilly, 2012 ). It is furthermore presumed that a level of familiarity between researcher and researched, and perhaps even mutual respect, leads to better research collaborations.

Second, ethnographers understand and at times analyze interviews as speech events—meaning that an interview is more than just a transcript of questions and answers. Contextual factors including (but not limited to) place, time, body language, fluidity of dialogue, and prior relationship between interviewer and interviewee may all have a bearing on the way an interview plays out (O’Reilly, 2012 ). In fact, an ethnographer may find as much value in what a person chooses not to talk about as in what they emphasize. Additionally, the texture of statements—such things as inflection, accent, volume, and cadence—combined with context, can often alter the literal meaning of what is said.

Finally, some ethnographers consider everyday dialogue with people in the field as a form of informal interviewing. If an interview is defined as a consciously initiated verbal exchange through which a researcher—primarily via questions and answers—learns from the people they conduct research among about a given topic, we must be cognizant of the fact that, during the course of participant observation–based fieldwork, these types of exchanges take place all the time. At what point does asking someone how to take the bus downtown or inquiring, over coffee, about why someone did not join his or her sister in visiting a relative turn into an interview? The point is, with participant observation research, these distinctions are conditional and often undefined.

Participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviewing are by no means the only research methods ethnographers employ. The data collection techniques of ethnographic research are often determined pragmatically in relation to theoretical orientations, research questions, and the availability and appropriateness of various options. Ethnographers also gather and analyze pieces of material culture, make nonparticipatory behavioral observations; record videos; take photographs; engage in community mapping; conduct surveys, genealogies, and domain analyses; and examine archival documents, censuses, and various media materials, in addition to a range of other methods. Nevertheless, participant observations, the field notes they inspire, and interviewing comprise the core practices of most ethnographic researchers.

Ethnographic Comportment

As a final framework for understanding ethnography and what distinguishes it from other forms of participant observation–based field research, I introduce the idea of ethnographic comportment as a politics of positionality, which bears on an ethnographer’s conduct and demeanor throughout the research and writing process. The critical awarenesses that underly ethnographic comportment, in many respects, are extensions of ethnography’s now-standard mandate for reflexivity. Generally speaking, reflexivity in ethnography amounts to an awareness of “one’s own role in the construction of social life as [ethnographic research] unfolds” (O’Reilly, 2012 , p. 11). It involves “a continual internal dialogue and critical self-evaluation” regarding one’s positionality, assumptions, and agendas (Berger, 2015 , p. 220). The origins of reflexivity can be traced to ethnographers’ postwar rise in self-consciousness (Nash & Wintrob, 1972 ), which was fully realized with anthropology’s 1980s postmodern turn (Clifford & Marcus, 1986 ; Marcus & Fischer, 1986 ). In the early 21st century, reflexivity is thought of as both an important aspect of ethnographic knowledge production and a means to assessing research accountability and validity. Trained ethnogra phers are well aware of this—to the point, perhaps, where reflexivity becomes embodied knowledge or a part of who we are.

Ethnographic training also includes familiarity with ethnography’s history and key debates (McGranahan, 2014 ). This history began during the colonial era at a time when, according to Kathleen Gough ( 1968 ), “Western nations were making their final push to bring practically the whole pre-industrial non-Western world under their political and economic control” (p. 401). Anthropologists, particularly, are well schooled in this history and, as a foundation of contemporary disciplinary training, debate the extent to which past ethnographers were willingly and/or unwillingly complicit in furthering it (see Lewis, 2013 ). Ethnographers working in sociology observe a similar tradition of researching marginalized urban communities (Vidich & Lyman, 2000 ) and representing them in ways, or through analytical categories, that were often not consistent with their self-understandings and/or best interests.

Training in ethnography should also incorporate considerations of the power dynamics that continue to shape ethnographic encounters (Koivunen, 2010 ; Wolfe, 1996 ). These critical awarenesses inspire sensibilities that ethnographers carry with them throughout the research enterprise. I am in no position to prescribe the exact decisions and actions that follow from such awarenesses. Does the White British ethnographer researching in Ghana meaningfully grapple with the politics surrounding the favorable attention she receives as a European in Africa, or does she simply explain that Ghanaians are nice and she had no trouble building rapport? Does she struggle with the historical implications of potentially projecting her own frames of understanding onto contemporary Abron music practices or does she simply report what she understands she is seeing and move on? The choice is up to the ethnographer; however, it should be made with some understanding of and critical reflection on the enterprise she is taking part in. To summarize, ethnographic comportment involves a historical awareness and reflexive self-awareness of one’s participation in ethnography as a research tradition. Following João de Pina-Cabral’s ( 1992 ) assertion that ethnographers match what they observe “against the accumulated knowledge of [their] discipline” (p. 6), I maintain that such knowledge increasingly includes a critical outlook on both the historical and the resonating fault lines of ethnography as practiced.

At a moment when the (mis)use of ethnography as an umbrella term for any and all qualitative research threatens its integrity, researchers who are seriously invested in ethnography are reflexive of their participation in this research tradition. Accordingly, they adopt a disposition of accountability for their role in advancing rejuvenated and/or progressive forms of ethnographic practice. Throughout the process of research, ethnographers are (self-)conscious about how they comport themselves in relation to their research and the people they are researching among; they are also conscious—albeit often abstractly—of the end product that they are working toward. Such textual awareness (Van Maanen, 2011 ) influences their decision-making throughout the various, flexible, and often unforeseeable stages of an ethnographic project. When their work is finished, they hope that both their in-the-field conduct and their written ethnography will be regarded as good (see Harrison, 2018 ) and, in the best of instances, that the latter will contribute to furthering the ethnographic tradition in positive ways.

In sum, ethnographic comportment is predicated on the idea that the embodied knowledge a researcher has accrued through disciplinary and methodological training guides them, as a form of improvised analysis, throughout the ethnographic enterprise toward the goal of producing work that is valued in its own right, (usually) by the researched community, and as part of the ethnographic tradition.

At a time when the proliferation of ethnography threatens to untether it from its core commitments and fundamental modes of inquiry, I see a pressing need to reprofessionalize ethnography by calling attention to its historical foundations, outlining its central practices and research principles, and presenting new frameworks, which I believe are helpful in grasping and gauging its contemporary significance. An awareness of ethnography’s history—its complicated engagements with colonialism and progressive humanism—should inform all efforts to move it forward. Beyond key practices like participant observation, field-note writing, and ethnographic interviewing, ethnography is marked by its attention to culture as an explanatory construct, lavish contextualization, iterative modes of data collection and analysis, empathetic engagements, and abundant storytelling. In embracing these attributes, ethnographers thoughtfully observe, reflect on, and represent the complexities of social life and culturally situated perspectives of people.

Ethnographers are not particularly adept at problem solving, in large part because the knowledge they procure, produce, and distribute is expansive, conditional, and historically unfinished. While “bucolic wise men” gather at the village store and resolve gun control debates or immigration issues in minutes, the ethnographer among them is perpetually suspicious of such quick answers. She understands that her job is to listen for meaning. She may participate—to extend the dialogue or maintain her own internal dialogue as she reflects on the grounded perspectives being shared around her. Above all else, she recognizes that people on all sides of a debate have convictions, passions, and frameworks of understanding that should be respected and that, as researchers, we should aspire to better understand. Increasingly, such patience and attention to human complexities are under threat by assembly line modes of academic production that treat time and knowledge as commodities. Yet by resisting these inclinations—and offering a counter to narrow definitions of research efficiency—ethnography secures its relevance to understanding the varied ways people live their lives and means through which they know what they know.

Future Directions

How can ethnography continue to flourish within contexts of accelerating academic production? How can it maintain its patient, thoughtful, and unfinished research practices at a time when academic value is equated with efficiency, volume of output, and tangibility of results?

Given that many people in the early 21st century engage with digital/social media technologies as aspects of their daily lives, how can ethnography best attend to the intersections between virtual and physical worlds?

In contexts of increased political and methodological conservatism, where institutional review boards require completed research designs and protocols as prerequisites to approval, how can ethnographers represent their iterative and inductive modes of research in ways that comply with institutionally mandated expectations?

As the lines between ethnography and everyday life become increasingly fuzzy, what new modes of ethnographic understanding and representation should be acknowledged and embraced?

In ethnography’s postpostmodern reformulations and trajectories, how should researchers map the borders of the field (ontologically and in terms of the various interests that ethnographic studies can serve)?

Ethnography’s foundations are in writing culture, yet, historically, ethnographers are deeply implicated in the project of literatizing nonliterate societies. Given this paradox, what nonliteral forms of ethnographic representations might a contemporary, critical, and historically informed ethnographic project take? How can we move beyond writing culture ?

Here, I am using field in both the traditional sense of fieldwork conducted within a physical place/space and in the Bourdieuian sense of a field of cultural practice (Bourdieu, 1984 ).

Ethnographies can also take the shorter form of essays and professional journal articles, as well as nonliterary forms like “films, records, museum displays, or whatever” (Geertz, 1973 , p. 19n). Recognizing this—yet in the interest of avoiding cumbersome qualifications—throughout the remainder of the chapter I treat ethnography foremost as a writing practice.

Etymologically, ethnography combines ethno , meaning “culture (or race),” and graphy, meaning “to write, record, and describe.” Thus, ethnography can be thought of as the process and product of writing, recording, and describing culture.

In addition to my own writings, there is a wealth of very good work on ethnography’s history—for example, see Darnell ( 2001 ), Jones ( 2010 ), Kuper ( 1996 ), Lassiter ( 2005 ), and Stocking ( 1983a ).

Broadly speaking, the distinction between social and cultural anthropology is based on national traditions, with the former practiced in England and the latter in the United States. More specifically, British (social) anthropology has historically stressed the interrelationships between social institutions and observes foundational figures like Malinowski and Alfred R. Radcliffe-Brown, whereas American (cultural) anthropology recognizes cultural coherences as outlined through the work of Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict (Garbarino, 1977/1983 ).

In the introduction to Argonauts of the Western Pacific , Malinowski ( 1922/1966 ) included a footnote explaining that, “according to a useful habit of the terminology of science, [he] uses the word Ethnography for the empirical and descriptive results of the science of Man, and the word Ethnology for speculative and comparative theories” (p. 9, fn).

Historically, the masculine pronouns he/him/his were used as universal references to all people—in this case falsely implying that all ethnographers were men. Rather than cluttering the text with numerous [ sic ]s, I let these pass without further comment. In instances where I offer gendered pronouns, as a general (but not exclusive) rule, I use the feminine she/her/hers. Following Margery Wolf ( 1992 ), I do not do this “to privilege the female voice but to call attention to the way in which the supposedly generic ‘he’ does in fact privilege the male voice” (p. 56).

Malinowski was certainly not the first to acknowledge the importance of “native subjectivity”—in fact, several commentators have highlighted this as an area where American anthropologists greatly outpaced their British counterparts (Bunzl, 2004 ; Darnell, 2001 ; Lassiter & Campbell, 2010 ). Indeed, cultural relativism as an anthropological movement is most prominently connected with Franz Boas and his students, Margaret Mead ( 1928/1961 ), Melville Herskovits ( 1972 ), and, most famously, Ruth Benedict ( 1934/2005 ). Yet the significance of Malinowski’s powerful dictate to understand native subjectivities—as a “goal, of which an ethnographer should never lose sight” (1922/1966, p. 25)—is illustrated by the frequency with which he has been and continues to be cited.

A short list of Malinowski’s students at the London School of Economics includes Raymond Firth, E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Hortense Powdermaker, Edmund Leach, Jomo Kenyatta, Lucy Mair, Audrey Richards, and Meyer Fortes.

Howard Becker ( 1999 ) is critical of this designation, arguing that “ ‘Chicago’ was never the unified chapel … [nor] unified school of thought” that many believe it to have been (p. 10).

These include Nel’s Anderson’s The Hobo (1923/1961), Frederick Thrasher’s The Gang ( 1927 ), Louis Wirth’s The Ghetto ( 1928 ), Harvey W. Zorbaugh’s The Gold Coast and the Slum (1929), Paul Cressey’s The Taxi-Dance Hall ( 1932 ), and E. Franklin Frazier’s The Negro Family in Chicago ( 1932 ).

For example, until 1929, the department at Chicago was known as the Department of Sociology and Anthropology. Among the (other) notable anthropologists in the department during these formative years were Boas’s students, Edward Sapir and Fay-Cooper Cole; Robert Redfield, who married Park’s daughter; and Ralph Linton, who taught classes there while affiliated with Chicago’s Field Museum (Faris, 1967 ).

Commenting on the improvisational nature of anthropological ethnography, Lisa H. Malkki ( 2007 ) suggested that sociologists approach ethnography “with a different sensibility” (p. 186, n2). Additionally, there appears to be some historical reluctance within the sociological tradition to refer to their brand of field research as ethnography. In Buford H. Junker’s ( 1960 ) seminal introduction to social science fieldwork, for example, based on extensive interviews with University of Chicago student fieldworkers, ethnography is only referenced on a few occasions. In one telling passage, Junker describes the ethnographer’s task of “start[ing] from scratch by learning the language of his esoteric people” in opposition to the sociological field worker operating “in some part of an otherwise already familiar cultural milieu” (1960, p. 70).

Malinowski ( 1922/1966 ) specifically said that “one of the first conditions of acceptable ethnographic work certainly is that it should deal with the totality of all social, cultural, and psychological aspects of a community, for they are so interwoven that not one can be understood without taking into consideration all the others” (p. xvi). This idea of anthropology as a holistic science—assuming the interconnections and mutual influences between various aspects of social life—continues to be reiterated in the introductory chapters of almost all discipline textbooks.

Several very good overviews of the qualitative research methods used in ethnography exist, including Bailey ( 2017 ), Bernard ( 1995 ), Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw ( 2011 ), Gobo ( 2008 ), Hammersley and Atkinson ( 1995 ), Pawluch, Shaffir, and Miall ( 2005 ), and Spradley ( 1980 ).

Whereas historically ethnographers thought of their work as focusing on neatly bounded cultures, usually (mis)represented as being isolated from globalizing influences, 21st century ethnographers understand their work to be focused on culture as a socially orienting concept—accordingly, the term shifts from being a noun to an adjective (e.g., cultural beliefs, cultural values, cultural processes).

This is not to suggest, as others have (see Marcus & Fischer, 1986 , p. 156), that “native” ethnographers lose their capacity for radical critique as a result of their Western anthropological training (McClaurin, 2001 ).

In making this characterization, I am building on Karen O’Reilly’s ( 2012 ) description of ethnography as an iterative–inductive process .

See Christians ( 2000 ) for a thorough discussion of these three guiding pillars surrounding qualitative research ethics.

I insert this qualification to recognize an earlier (less enlightened) period when some would argue that ethnography was used as an instrument of colonial domination (see Asad, 1973 ; Deloria, 1969 ; Gough, 1968 ).

I make this comparison based on behavior, not presumed intent. I am well aware that many people view politicians as being disingenuous. I am in no way implying that ethnographers operate with insincere intentions. Thank you to Steve Gerus for bringing this similarity to my attention.

I juxtapose this understanding of writerly against the example of an instruction manual, which as a very unwriterly text does not recognize its readers’ capacity to think on their own and therefore presents information in unimaginative ways with the intention of providing little room for alternative interpretations.

This can be found in Harrison, 2009 , pp. 1–6.

For a short summary of postpositivism, see Bailey ( 2017 ).

In particular cases, where such researchers work among more powerful groups, these commitments might be toward exposing the workings of power, thus leading toward the same ends of empowering those who are marginalized.

These in-between spaces are sometimes distinguished as observing participation and participating observation (see Bernard, 1995 ; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995 ; Junker, 1960 ).

This is sometimes referred to as homeblindness , defined as being blind to crucial dimensions of one’s own lifeways because they are taken for granted (Czarniawska, 1997 ). While I acknowledge that ethnocentrism more typically involves putting one’s culture above others, I maintain that homeblindness is a product of ethnocentrism.

Additionally, there might be countless potential reasons for an interviewee to be less than forthcoming.

For instance, someone doing an ethnography of pickup basketball games may have easier access if he or she has a background in playing basketball.

Today, many people engage the virtual, online, social media, or networked worlds consistently throughout their daily lives. To the extent that ethnographers are interested in engaging with people in everyday settings and circumstances, it would seem reasonable and even potentially quite illuminating for ethnographers to be attentive to the intersections of online and offline activities (Lane, 2016 ).

There are several excellent books that discuss field-note writing; see, for example, H. Russell Bernard’s Research Methods in Anthropology (1995); Carol A. Bailey’s A Guide to Qualitative Field Research ( 2017 ); and Robert M. Emerson, Rachel I. Fretz, and Linda L. Shaw’s Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes ( 2011 ). I strongly recommend that any novice researcher carry one of these books when embarking on fieldwork.

My definition of analytic notes is consistent with what Emerson et al. ( 2011 ) called in-process memos .

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Ethnographic Research – Complete Guide with Examples

Published by Carmen Troy at August 14th, 2021 , Revised On August 29, 2023

What is Ethnographic Research?

Ethnography is a  type of research where a researcher observes people in their natural environment.

Ethnographers spend time studying people and their day-to-day lives and cultural activities carefully. It takes a long-term commitment and exciting methods of data collection .

It has two unique features

• The researcher carries out ethnographic research in a natural environment.
• A researcher acts as a participant and researcher at the same time.

History of Ethnographic Research

During the period of colonialism, anthropology emerged as a formal and notable discipline. Anthropologists started to study traditional people and their cultures. There are many types of ethnographic studies used for various purposes.

Uses of Ethnographic Research    

Ethnographic research has the following uses;

• Documentation of endangered cultures
• Studying distant or new cultures.
• Studying and observing people’s behaviour in a specific society or community over a more extended period with changing circumstances.

Example: Malinowski’s six years of research on the people of Trobriand islands in Melanesia.

Today ethnographic research is also used in social sciences.

Examples:                                                                                                                                  Investigations done by detectives, police officers to solve any criminal mystery.        Investigations are carried out to learn the history and details of culture, community, religion, or games. The research was performed to understand the social interactions of the people.                Research to understand the roles of families and organisations.

Advantages of Conducting Ethnographic Research

There are various  methods of research  based on the requirements and aim of the investigation. Here is the list of the key features of  ethnographic research

• You can conduct ethnographic research alone.
• It allows you to observe the changes in people’s behaviour and culture over time and record it.
• You can conduct it in any place.
• It allows you to be a part of the community as a participant and take a close look at their lifestyle.
• You can gather a piece of detailed information with abundant experience, which helps you in further research.
• It provides the opportunity and pleasure of adventure as well as research.
• You don’t need to spend anything on the setup and equipment.
• You can learn to use any language of your choice during the research.
• You can find out about historical  changes and events.
• You can use and enhance your skills and knowledge.
• You are solely responsible for experimenting.
• You get the opportunity to get to know the underlying realities and opinions of the people.
• You get the chance to focus on the verbal and non-verbal behavior of the people.

Disadvantages of Ethnographic Research

• It requires a lot of time.
• It is challenging to conclude the results.
• The researcher needs to work alone.
• It requires patience, skills to interact with people, and staying within the community as a community member.
• Personal safety and privacy would be at risk.

Does your Research Methodology Have the Following?

• Great Research/Sources
• Perfect Language
• Accurate Sources

If not, we can help. Our panel of experts makes sure to keep the 3 pillars of Research Methodology strong.

What to do Before Starting your Ethnographic Research?

You need to identify your  research question(s)  and decide the mode of data collection. It’s better to choose a small group of people and aim to complete your studies within a short period. 

It would help if you asked a few questions to yourself.

• Who will be your target participants?
• Do you have enough time to conduct the research?
• What’s the purpose of your study?
• What kinds of resources do you have?
• Do you have enough funds to conduct your research?
• Do you have access to the community you want to study?

Types of Ethnographic Research

Realistic ethnographic research.

It is unbiased documentation written in the third person. You can use the collected notes for interpretations. 

A  case study is a documented history and detailed analysis of a situation concerning organisations, industries, and markets. It aims at discovering new facts of the condition under observation. 

It includes data collection from multiple sources over time.

Critical Ethnographic Research

It focuses on the marginalised community to study inequality and dominance.

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research?

Step 1: problem formulation.

Before conducting any research, the essential step is selecting the problem  you want to carry out your study.

Step 2: Select a Research Setting

After Selecting a research problem, you need to select the location of your research. It will help if you prefer a familiar place and community in which you can fit comfortably.

Step 3: Get Access to the Community

You need to get access to the community you want to study. How do you reach the community you want to study? 

You need to get official permission to conduct your research on a specific group of people. You can also join the community as a volunteer instead of a researcher.

There are two types of access, such as:

Open access: You don’t need to seek permission to conduct your research and  collect data in this type of access. You can observe the population. You need to get accepted by the group to proceed with your research.

Example: Public in market places, parties, concerts, etc., are regarded as open-access groups.

Closed-access:  In this type of access, you need to get permission from the gatekeeper of the community you want to study. 

Example:  Schools, colleges, corporations, etc.

Step 4: Represent yourself to the Group

It would help if you asked yourself a few questions before introducing yourself to the group members.

• How will you introduce yourself to the community you want to study?
• What would be your role in the group?
• How actively do you want to participate in the group’s day-to-day activities?
• Will the group accept you as a researcher and allow you to conduct your research?

You can either inform the participants about the experiment, and it’s called the overt approach. You can hide the research and oversee people’s behaviour. It’s called a covert approach.

You can also act as a participant of the community performing the activities like the group, called active observation. It allows the community to feel more comfortable with the researcher.

Similarly, you can keep yourself away from the group without performing any activities like them and observe them as a researcher. It is called passive observation.

It would help if you tried various approaches until you find a suitable method to proceed with your research.

Step 5: Collecting and Recording the Information

You can collect the data by the following methods;

Observation: You can participate in the group activities or observe the group’s behavior, either informing them about the experiment or keeping them unaware of the investigation.

Interviewing:  You can carry out direct conversations with all group members or obtain information from a specific member of the group. It’s better not to rely on the informants as they may interpret the data according to their perception rather than delivering in its actual context. 

Archival Research:  You can also use existing information stored in the previous researchers’ records to proceed with your research.

It becomes difficult to gather and record the information at the same time. 

What should you do in this situation?

You can maintain a notepad to record your observation immediately or sometimes wait until you leave the setting to record your observation. It’s better to note down your observations as soon as possible before you forget them and struggle to recall them. You can write down your field notes or record the people’s audios or videos while talking to them.

Your notes should include the following features:

Running/Field Notes:  these are the observations that you note down daily. The idea is to record your observation immediately after observing it. It would help if you observed the individual activities of the group members and perspectives.

How to describe Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research involves immersing in a community or culture to understand its nuances. Researchers observe, participate, and interview to grasp social practices, beliefs, and behaviors. It provides rich insights into how people experience and interpret their world.

You May Also Like

This post provides the key disadvantages of secondary research so you know the limitations of secondary research before making a decision.

You can transcribe an interview by converting a conversation into a written format including question-answer recording sessions between two or more people.

This article presents the key advantages and disadvantages of secondary research so you can select the most appropriate research approach for your study.

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Ethnographic Research -Types, Methods and Guide

Table of Contents

Ethnographic Research

Definition:

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research method used to study and document the culture, behaviors, beliefs, and social interactions of a particular group of people. It involves direct observation and participation in the daily life and activities of the group being studied, often for an extended period of time.

Ethnographic Study

An ethnographic study is a research method that involves the detailed and systematic study of a particular group, culture, or community. Ethnographic studies seek to understand the beliefs, values, behaviors, and social dynamics of a group through direct observation and participation in their daily life.

Ethnographic Research vs Ethnographic Study

here’s a table comparing ethnographic study and ethnographic research:

While there are some differences between the two, they are similar in that they both use qualitative research methods to study a particular group, culture, or community. The main difference is that an ethnographic study involves the researcher spending an extended period of time within the community being studied in order to develop a deep understanding, while ethnographic research is focused on documenting and analyzing the culture, beliefs, behaviors, and social interactions of the group being studied.

Ethnographic Research Types

Ethnographic research can be divided into several types based on the focus of the study and the research objectives. Here are some common types of ethnographic research:

Classic Ethnography

This type of ethnographic research involves an extended period of observation and interaction with a particular community or group. The researcher aims to understand the community’s culture, beliefs, practices, and social structure by immersing themselves in the community’s daily life.

Autoethnography

Autoethnography involves the researcher using their own personal experiences to gain insights into a particular community or culture. The researcher may use personal narratives, diaries, or other forms of self-reflection to explore the ways in which their own experiences relate to the culture being studied.

Participatory Action Research

Participatory action research involves the researcher working collaboratively with members of a particular community or group to identify and address social issues affecting the community. The researcher aims to empower community members to take an active role in the research process and to use the findings to effect positive change.

Virtual Ethnography

Virtual ethnography involves the use of online or digital media to study a particular community or culture. The researcher may use social media, online forums, or other digital platforms to observe and interact with the group being studied.

Critical Ethnography

Critical ethnography aims to expose power imbalances and social inequalities within a particular community or culture. The researcher may use their observations to critique dominant cultural narratives or to identify opportunities for social change.

Ethnographic Research Methods

Some common ethnographic research methods include:

Participant Observation

This involves the researcher directly observing and participating in the daily life and activities of the group being studied. This technique helps the researcher gain an in-depth understanding of the group’s behavior, culture, and social dynamics.

Ethnographic researchers use interviews to gather information about the group’s beliefs, values, and practices. Interviews may be formal or informal and can be conducted one-on-one or in group settings.

Surveys can be used to collect data on specific topics, such as attitudes towards a particular issue or behavior patterns. Ethnographic researchers may use surveys as a way to gather quantitative data in addition to qualitative data.

Document Analysis

This involves analyzing written or visual documents produced by the group being studied, such as newspapers, photographs, or social media posts. Document analysis can provide insight into the group’s values, beliefs, and practices.

Field Notes

Ethnographic researchers keep detailed field notes of their observations and interactions with the group being studied. These notes help the researcher organize their thoughts and observations and can be used to analyze the data collected.

Focus Groups

Focus groups are group interviews that allow the researcher to gather information from multiple people at once. This technique can be useful for exploring shared beliefs or experiences within the group being studied.

Ethnographic Research Data Analysis Methods

Ethnographic research data analysis methods involve analyzing qualitative data collected from observations, interviews, and other sources in order to identify patterns, themes, and insights related to the research question.

Here are some common data analysis methods used in ethnographic research:

Content Analysis

This involves systematically coding and categorizing the data collected from field notes, interviews, and other sources. The researcher identifies recurring themes, patterns, and categories in the data and assigns codes or labels to each one.

Narrative Analysis

This involves analyzing the stories and narratives collected from participants in order to understand how they construct and make sense of their experiences. The researcher looks for common themes, plot structures, and rhetorical strategies used by participants.

Discourse Analysis

This involves analyzing the language and communication practices of the group being studied in order to understand how they construct and reproduce social norms and cultural meanings. The researcher looks for patterns in the use of language, including metaphors, idioms, and other linguistic devices.

Comparative Analysis

This involves comparing data collected from different groups or communities in order to identify similarities and differences in their cultures, behaviors, and social structures. The researcher may use this analysis to generate hypotheses about why these differences exist and what factors may be contributing to them.

Grounded Theory

This involves developing a theoretical framework based on the data collected during the research process. The researcher identifies patterns and themes in the data and uses these to develop a theory that explains the social phenomena being studied.

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research

To conduct ethnographic research, follow these general steps:

• Choose a Research Question: Identify a research question that you want to explore. It should be focused and specific, but also open-ended to allow for flexibility and exploration.
• Select a research site: Choose a site or group that is relevant to your research question. This could be a workplace, a community, a social movement, or any other social setting where you can observe and interact with people.
• Obtain ethical clearance: Obtain ethical clearance from your institution or organization before beginning your research. This involves ensuring that your research is conducted in an ethical and responsible manner, and that the privacy and confidentiality of participants are protected.
• Conduct observations: Observe the people in your research site and take detailed notes. This involves being present and engaged in the social setting, participating in activities, and taking note of the behaviors, interactions, and social norms that you observe.
• Conduct interviews : Conduct interviews with people in the research site to gain deeper insights into their experiences, perspectives, and beliefs. This could involve structured or semi-structured interviews, focus groups, or other forms of data collection.
• Analyze data: Analyze the data that you have collected, looking for themes and patterns that emerge. This involves immersing yourself in the data and interpreting it within the social and cultural context of the research site.
• Write up findings: Write up your findings in a clear and concise manner, using quotes and examples to illustrate your key points. This may involve creating narratives, tables, or other visual representations of your findings.
• Reflect on your process: Reflect on your process and methods, thinking about what worked well and what could be improved for future research.

When to Use Ethnographic Research

Here are some situations where ethnographic research may be particularly appropriate:

• When exploring a new topic: Ethnographic research can be useful when exploring a topic that has not been well-studied before. By engaging with members of a particular group or community, researchers can gain insights into their experiences and perspectives that may not be visible from other research methods.
• When studying cultural practices: Ethnographic research is particularly useful when studying cultural practices and beliefs. By immersing themselves in the cultural context being studied, researchers can gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which cultural practices are enacted, maintained, and transmitted.
• When studying complex social phenomena: Ethnographic research can be useful when studying complex social phenomena that cannot be easily understood through quantitative methods. By observing social interactions and behaviors, researchers can gain insights into the ways in which social norms and structures are created and maintained.
• When studying marginalized communities: Ethnographic research can be particularly useful when studying marginalized communities, as it allows researchers to give voice to members of these communities and understand their experiences and perspectives.

Overall, ethnographic research can be a useful research approach when the goal is to gain a deep understanding of a particular group or community and their cultural practices, beliefs, and experiences. It is a flexible and adaptable research method that can be used in a variety of research contexts.

Applications of Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research has many applications across a wide range of fields and disciplines. Some of the key applications of ethnographic research include:

• Informing policy and practice: Ethnographic research can provide valuable insights into the experiences and perspectives of marginalized or underrepresented groups, which can inform policy and practice in fields such as health care, education, and social services.
• Developing theories and concepts: Ethnographic research can contribute to the development of theories and concepts in social and cultural anthropology, sociology, and other disciplines, by providing detailed and nuanced accounts of social and cultural phenomena.
• Improving product design and marketing: Ethnographic research can be used to understand consumer behavior and preferences, which can inform the design and marketing of products and services.
• Studying workplace culture: Ethnographic research can provide insights into the norms, values, and practices of organizations, which can inform efforts to improve workplace culture and employee satisfaction.
• Examining social movements: Ethnographic research can be used to study the practices, beliefs, and experiences of social movements, which can inform efforts to understand and address social and political issues.
• Studying healthcare practices: Ethnographic research can provide insights into healthcare practices and patient experiences, which can inform efforts to improve healthcare delivery and patient outcomes.

Examples of Ethnographic Research

Here are some real-time examples of ethnographic research:

• Anthropological study of a remote indigenous tribe: Anthropologists often use ethnographic research to study remote indigenous tribes and gain insights into their culture, beliefs, and practices. For example, an anthropologist may live with a tribe for an extended period of time, observing and participating in their daily activities, and conducting interviews with members of the community.
• Study of workplace culture: Ethnographic research can be useful in studying workplace culture and understanding the dynamics of the organization. For example, an ethnographer may observe and interview employees in a particular department or team to gain insights into their work practices, communication styles, and social dynamics.
• Study of consumer behavior: Ethnographic research can be useful in studying consumer behavior and understanding how people interact with products and services. For example, an ethnographer may observe and interview consumers as they use a particular product, such as a new smartphone or fitness tracker, to gain insights into their behaviors and preferences.
• Study of health care practices: Ethnographic research can be useful in studying health care practices and understanding how patients and providers interact within the health care system. For example, an ethnographer may observe and interview patients and providers in a hospital or clinic to gain insights into their experiences and perspectives.
• Study of social movements: Ethnographic research can be useful in studying social movements and understanding how they emerge and evolve over time. For example, an ethnographer may observe and interview participants in a protest movement to gain insights into their motivations and strategies.

Purpose of Ethnographic Research

The purpose of ethnographic research is to provide an in-depth understanding of a particular group or community, including their cultural practices, beliefs, and experiences. This research approach is particularly useful when the research question is exploratory and the goal is to generate new insights and understandings. Ethnographic research seeks to understand the experiences, perspectives, and behaviors of the participants in their natural setting, without imposing the researcher’s own biases or preconceptions.

Ethnographic research can be used to study a wide range of topics, including social movements, workplace culture, consumer behavior, and health care practices, among others. The researcher aims to understand the social and cultural context of the group or community being studied, and to generate new insights and understandings that can inform future research, policy, and practice.

Overall, the purpose of ethnographic research is to gain a deep understanding of a particular group or community, with the goal of generating new insights and understandings that can inform future research, policy, and practice. Ethnographic research can be a valuable research approach in many different contexts, particularly when the goal is to gain a rich, contextualized understanding of social and cultural phenomena.

Advantages of Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research has several advantages that make it a valuable research approach in many different fields. Here are some of the advantages of ethnographic research:

• Provides in-depth and detailed information: Ethnographic research involves direct observation of the group or community being studied, which allows researchers to gain a detailed and in-depth understanding of their beliefs, practices, and experiences. This type of information cannot be obtained through other research methods.
• Offers a unique perspective: Ethnographic research allows researchers to see the world from the perspective of the group or community being studied. This can provide unique insights into the ways in which different cultural practices and beliefs are constructed and maintained.
• Promotes cultural understanding: Ethnographic research can help to promote cultural understanding and reduce stereotypes by providing a more nuanced and accurate picture of different cultures and communities.
• Allows for flexibility: Ethnographic research is a flexible research approach that can be adapted to fit different research contexts and questions. Researchers can adjust their methods based on the needs of the group being studied and the research goals.
• Generates rich and diverse data: Ethnographic research generates rich and diverse data through a combination of observation, interviews, and other methods. This allows researchers to analyze different aspects of the group or community being studied and identify patterns and themes in the data.
• Supports theory development: Ethnographic research can support theory development by providing empirical data that can be used to test and refine theoretical frameworks.

Limitations of Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research has several limitations that researchers should consider when selecting this research approach. Here are some of the limitations of ethnographic research:

• Limited generalizability: Ethnographic research typically involves studying a small and specific group or community, which limits the generalizability of the findings to other contexts or populations.
• Time-consuming: Ethnographic research is a time-consuming process that requires a significant investment of time and resources. Researchers must spend time observing and interacting with the group being studied, which may not be feasible in all research contexts.
• Subjectivity: Ethnographic research relies on the researcher’s interpretation and analysis of the data collected, which may introduce subjective bias into the research findings.
• Limited control: Ethnographic research involves studying a group or community in their natural setting, which limits the researcher’s control over the research context and the behavior of the participants.
• Ethical concerns: Ethnographic research can raise ethical concerns, particularly when studying marginalized or vulnerable populations. Researchers must be careful to ensure that they do not harm or exploit the participants in the research process.
• Limited quantitative data: Ethnographic research typically generates qualitative data, which may limit the types of analysis that can be conducted and the types of conclusions that can be drawn.

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• What Is Ethnography? | Meaning, Guide & Examples

What Is Ethnography? | Meaning, Guide & Examples

Published on 6 May 2022 by Jack Caulfield . Revised on 6 April 2023.

Ethnography is a type of qualitative research that involves immersing yourself in a particular community or organisation to observe their behaviour and interactions up close. The word ‘ethnography’ also refers to the written report of the research that the ethnographer produces afterwards.

Ethnography is a flexible research method that allows you to gain a deep understanding of a group’s shared culture, conventions, and social dynamics. However, it also involves some practical and ethical challenges.

Table of contents

What is ethnography used for, different approaches to ethnographic research, gaining access to a community, working with informants, observing the group and taking field notes, writing up an ethnography.

Ethnographic research originated in the field of anthropology, and it often involved an anthropologist living with an isolated tribal community for an extended period of time in order to understand their culture.

This type of research could sometimes last for years. For example, Colin M. Turnbull lived with the Mbuti people for three years in order to write the classic ethnography The Forest People .

Today, ethnography is a common approach in various social science fields, not just anthropology. It is used not only to study distant or unfamiliar cultures, but also to study specific communities within the researcher’s own society.

For example, ethnographic research (sometimes called participant observation ) has been used to investigate football fans , call centre workers , and police officers .

Advantages of ethnography

The main advantage of ethnography is that it gives the researcher direct access to the culture and practices of a group. It is a useful approach for learning first-hand about the behavior and interactions of people within a particular context.

By becoming immersed in a social environment, you may have access to more authentic information and spontaneously observe dynamics that you could not have found out about simply by asking.

Ethnography is also an open and flexible method. Rather than aiming to verify a general theory or test a hypothesis , it aims to offer a rich narrative account of a specific culture, allowing you to explore many different aspects of the group and setting.

Disadvantages of ethnography

Ethnography is a time-consuming method. In order to embed yourself in the setting and gather enough observations to build up a representative picture, you can expect to spend at least a few weeks, but more likely several months. This long-term immersion can be challenging, and requires careful planning.

Ethnographic research can run the risk of observer bias . Writing an ethnography involves subjective interpretation, and it can be difficult to maintain the necessary distance to analyse a group that you are embedded in.

There are often also ethical considerations to take into account: for example, about how your role is disclosed to members of the group, or about observing and reporting sensitive information.

Should you use ethnography in your research?

If you’re a student who wants to use ethnographic research in your thesis or dissertation , it’s worth asking yourself whether it’s the right approach:

• Could the information you need be collected in another way (e.g., a survey , interviews)?
• How difficult will it be to gain access to the community you want to study?
• How exactly will you conduct your research, and over what timespan?
• What ethical issues might arise?

If you do decide to do ethnography, it’s generally best to choose a relatively small and easily accessible group, to ensure that the research is feasible within a limited time frame.

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There are a few key distinctions in ethnography which help to inform the researcher’s approach: open vs closed settings, overt vs covert ethnography, and active vs passive observation. Each approach has its own advantages and disadvantages.

Open vs closed settings

The setting of your ethnography – the environment in which you will observe your chosen community in action – may be open or closed.

An open or public setting is one with no formal barriers to entry. For example, you might consider a community of people living in a certain neighbourhood, or the fans of a particular football team.

• Gaining initial access to open groups is not too difficult …
• … but it may be harder to become immersed in a less clearly defined group.

A closed or private setting is harder to access. This may be for example a business, a school, or a cult.

• A closed group’s boundaries are clearly defined and the ethnographer can become fully immersed in the setting …
• … but gaining access is tougher; the ethnographer may have to negotiate their way in or acquire some role in the organisation.

Overt vs covert ethnography

Most ethnography is overt . In an overt approach, the ethnographer openly states their intentions and acknowledges their role as a researcher to the members of the group being studied.

• Overt ethnography is typically preferred for ethical reasons, as participants can provide informed consent …
• … but people may behave differently with the awareness that they are being studied.

Sometimes ethnography can be covert . This means that the researcher does not tell participants about their research, and comes up with some other pretence for being there.

• Covert ethnography allows access to environments where the group would not welcome a researcher …
• … but hiding the researcher’s role can be considered deceptive and thus unethical.

Active vs passive observation

Different levels of immersion in the community may be appropriate in different contexts. The ethnographer may be a more active or passive participant depending on the demands of their research and the nature of the setting.

An active role involves trying to fully integrate, carrying out tasks and participating in activities like any other member of the community.

• Active participation may encourage the group to feel more comfortable with the ethnographer’s presence …
• … but runs the risk of disrupting the regular functioning of the community.

A passive role is one in which the ethnographer stands back from the activities of others, behaving as a more distant observer and not involving themselves in the community’s activities.

• Passive observation allows more space for careful observation and note-taking …
• … but group members may behave unnaturally due to feeling they are being observed by an outsider.

While ethnographers usually have a preference, they also have to be flexible about their level of participation. For example, access to the community might depend upon engaging in certain activities, or there might be certain practices in which outsiders cannot participate.

An important consideration for ethnographers is the question of access. The difficulty of gaining access to the setting of a particular ethnography varies greatly:

• To gain access to the fans of a particular sports team, you might start by simply attending the team’s games and speaking with the fans.
• To access the employees of a particular business, you might contact the management and ask for permission to perform a study there.
• Alternatively, you might perform a covert ethnography of a community or organisation you are already personally involved in or employed by.

Flexibility is important here too: where it’s impossible to access the desired setting, the ethnographer must consider alternatives that could provide comparable information.

For example, if you had the idea of observing the staff within a particular finance company but could not get permission, you might look into other companies of the same kind as alternatives. Ethnography is a sensitive research method, and it may take multiple attempts to find a feasible approach.

All ethnographies involve the use of informants . These are people involved in the group in question who function as the researcher’s primary points of contact, facilitating access and assisting their understanding of the group.

This might be someone in a high position at an organisation allowing you access to their employees, or a member of a community sponsoring your entry into that community and giving advice on how to fit in.

However,  i f you come to rely too much on a single informant, you may be influenced by their perspective on the community, which might be unrepresentative of the group as a whole.

In addition, an informant may not provide the kind of spontaneous information which is most useful to ethnographers, instead trying to show what they believe you want to see. For this reason, it’s good to have a variety of contacts within the group.

The core of ethnography is observation of the group from the inside. Field notes are taken to record these observations while immersed in the setting; they form the basis of the final written ethnography. They are usually written by hand, but other solutions such as voice recordings can be useful alternatives.

Field notes record any and all important data: phenomena observed, conversations had, preliminary analysis. For example, if you’re researching how service staff interact with customers, you should write down anything you notice about these interactions – body language, phrases used repeatedly, differences and similarities between staff, customer reactions.

Don’t be afraid to also note down things you notice that fall outside the pre-formulated scope of your research; anything may prove relevant, and it’s better to have extra notes you might discard later than to end up with missing data.

Field notes should be as detailed and clear as possible. It’s important to take time to go over your notes, expand on them with further detail, and keep them organised (including information such as dates and locations).

After observations are concluded, there’s still the task of writing them up into an ethnography. This entails going through the field notes and formulating a convincing account of the behaviours and dynamics observed.

The structure of an ethnography

An ethnography can take many different forms: It may be an article, a thesis, or an entire book, for example.

Ethnographies often do not follow the standard structure of a scientific paper, though like most academic texts, they should have an introduction and conclusion. For example, this paper begins by describing the historical background of the research, then focuses on various themes in turn before concluding.

An ethnography may still use a more traditional structure, however, especially when used in combination with other research methods. For example, this paper follows the standard structure for empirical research: introduction, methods, results, discussion, and conclusion.

The content of an ethnography

The goal of a written ethnography is to provide a rich, authoritative account of the social setting in which you were embedded – to convince the reader that your observations and interpretations are representative of reality.

Ethnography tends to take a less impersonal approach than other research methods. Due to the embedded nature of the work, an ethnography often necessarily involves discussion of your personal experiences and feelings during the research.

Ethnography is not limited to making observations; it also attempts to explain the phenomena observed in a structured, narrative way. For this, you may draw on theory, but also on your direct experience and intuitions, which may well contradict the assumptions that you brought into the research.

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All You Need to Know About How to Write an Ethnography?

Introduction

Welcome to The Knowledge Nest, your ultimate online resource for community and society insights. In this guide, we will delve into the fascinating world of ethnography and provide you with all the information you need to write an exceptional ethnography. Whether you're a student, researcher, or simply curious about this field, we've got you covered!

What is Ethnography?

Ethnography is a research method used in social sciences to study and understand different cultures, groups, and communities. It involves immersing oneself in the cultural setting, observing behaviors, conducting interviews, and documenting experiences. Ethnographies aim to provide rich, detailed, and nuanced accounts of human behavior, beliefs, and practices.

Why Write an Ethnography?

Writing an ethnography allows you to capture the essence of a culture, document its unique practices, and provide valuable insights into the lives and experiences of the people being studied. Ethnographies are essential for understanding cultural diversity, preserving heritage, and informing policy-making processes. They provide a deeper understanding of communities and shed light on important social, economic, and political issues.

Key Elements of an Ethnography

When writing an ethnography, it is important to consider several key elements:

1. Research Question and Objective

Start by defining a clear research question and objective for your ethnography. This will guide your study and help you focus on the specific aspects of the community or group you wish to explore.

2. Participant Observation

Participant observation is a fundamental component of ethnography. It involves immersing yourself in the cultural context, observing behaviors, rituals, and interactions firsthand. Take detailed notes and record your observations to ensure accuracy and thoroughness.

3. Interviews and Conversations

Conduct interviews and engage in conversations with members of the community to gather additional insights and perspectives. Be respectful, build rapport, and utilize open-ended questions to encourage in-depth responses. These interactions will provide a more holistic understanding of the culture and its nuances.

4. Data Collection and Analysis

Collect various sources of data, such as field notes, interviews, photographs, and documents. Analyze the collected data to identify patterns, themes, and recurring ideas. Use qualitative analysis techniques to make sense of the information and draw meaningful conclusions.

5. Structure and Writing Style

A well-structured ethnography should have a clear introduction, detailed description of the cultural setting, analysis of collected data, and a thoughtful conclusion. Use a writing style that is engaging, descriptive, and offers a balanced representation of the community you are studying.

Tips and Best Practices for Writing an Ethnography

1. immerse yourself in the culture.

To truly grasp the cultural context, spend a significant amount of time immersing yourself within the community. Participate in their activities, attend events, and develop relationships to gain trust and insider perspectives.

2. Be Ethical and Respectful

Always prioritize the well-being and consent of the participants in your study. Obtain informed consent, protect their identities, and maintain confidentiality. Respect cultural norms, traditions, and sensitive topics during your research process.

3. Take Detailed Field Notes

During your observations and interactions, take detailed field notes. Capture not only what you see and hear but also your personal reflections, emotions, and reactions. These notes will be invaluable when crafting a rich and insightful ethnography.

4. Reflect on Your Own Subjectivity

Be aware of your own biases, perspectives, and assumptions throughout the research process. Reflect on how your background could influence your interpretation and ensure that your analysis takes into account multiple viewpoints.

5. Use Quotes and Examples

Include direct quotes from interviews and conversations to give your ethnography an authentic voice. Incorporate vivid examples and anecdotes to illustrate your points and engage readers in the cultural experience.

6. Emphasize Context and Interpretation

Provide a thorough analysis of the cultural context and interpret the collected data within that framework. Explore the social, historical, and economic factors that shape the community and its practices. This will contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the culture you are documenting.

Writing an ethnography is a rewarding and enlightening experience that allows you to uncover the intricacies of different cultures and communities. By following the guidelines provided in this comprehensive guide, you will be well-equipped to embark on your ethnographic journey and produce a high-quality piece of research. Remember, authenticity, respect, and attention to detail are key to creating an impactful ethnography. Happy writing!

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Writing Ethnography

Learning objectives.

• Summarize how anthropologists transform their fieldwork data into a story that communicates meaning.

WRITING ETHNOGRAPHY by Katie Nelson

Analysis and interpretation of research findings.

Once all or most of the fieldwork is complete, ethnographers analyze their data and research findings before beginning to write. There are many techniques for data analysis from which to choose based on the strategy and goals of the research. Regardless of the particular technique, data analysis involves a systematic interpretation of what the researcher thinks the data mean. The ethnographer reviews all of the data collected, synthesizes findings from the review, and integrates those findings with prior studies on the topic. Once the analysis is complete, the ethnographer is ready to write an account of the fieldwork.

Thick Description

Ethnography produces a detailed description of the studied group at a particular time and location, also known as a “thick description,” a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book The Interpretation of Cultures to describe this type of research and writing. A thick description explains not only the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. Such descriptions help readers better understand the internal logic of why people in a culture behave as they do and why the behaviors are meaningful to them. This is important because understanding the attitudes, perspectives, and motivations of cultural insiders is at the heart of anthropology.

Ethnographic Authority

In recent years, anthropologists have expressed concern about how ethnographies should be written in terms of ethnographic authority: how ethnographers present themselves and their informants in text. In a nonfiction text, the author is a mediator between readers and the topic and the text is written to help readers understand an unfamiliar topic. In an ethnography, the topic is people, and people naturally vary in terms of their thoughts, opinions, beliefs, and perspectives. That is, they have individual voices. In the past, anthropologists commonly wrote ethnographic accounts as if they possessed the ultimate most complete scientific knowledge on the topic. Subsequently, anthropologists began to challenge that writing style, particularly when it did not include the voices of their informants in the text and analysis. Some of this criticism originated with feminist anthropologists who noted that women’s experiences and perspectives frequently were omitted and misrepresented in this style of writing. Others believed that this style of writing reinforced existing global power dynamics and privileges afforded to Western anthropologists’ voices as most important.

Polyvocality

In response to criticisms about ethnographic authority, anthropologists have begun to include polyvocality. A polyvocal text is one in which more than one person’s voice is presented, and its use can range from ensuring that informants’ perspectives are presented in the text while still writing in the researcher’s voice to including informants’ actual words rather than paraphrasing them and co-authoring the ethnography with an informant. A good example of polyvocality is anthropologist Ruth Behar’s book Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza’s Story (1993). Behar’s book documents the life story of a Mexican street peddler, Esperanza Hernández, and their unique friendship. Large sections of the book are in Esperanza’s own words and discuss issues that are important to her. Behar also includes pieces of her own life story and an anthropological analysis of Esperanza’s story.

By using polyvocality, researchers can avoid writing from the perspective of the ultimate ethnographic authority. A polyvocal style also allows readers to be more involved in the text since they have the opportunity to form their own opinions about the ethnographic data and perhaps even critique the author’s analysis. It also encourages anthropologists to be more transparent when presenting their methods and data.

Reflexivity

Reflexivity is another relatively new approach to ethnographic research and writing. Beginning in the 1960s, social science researchers began to think more carefully about the effects of their life experiences, status, and roles on their research and analyses. They began to insert themselves into their texts, including information about their personal experiences, thoughts, and life stories and to analyze in the accounts how those characteristics affected their research and analysis.

Adoption of reflexivity is perhaps the most significant change in how ethnography is researched and written in the past 50 years. It calls on anthropologists to acknowledge that they are part of the world they study and thus can never truly be objective. Reflexivity has also contributed to anthropologists’ appreciation of the unequal power dynamics of research and the effects those dynamics can have on the results. Reflexivity reminds the ethnographer that there are multiple ways to interpret any given cultural scenario. By acknowledging how their backgrounds affect their interpretations, anthropologists can begin to remove themselves from the throne of ethnographic authority and allow other, less-empowered voices to be heard.

Avoiding “Otherizing” People in Ethnographic Writing

A classic example of a style of anthropological writing that attempted to make the familiar strange ( rather than the strange familiar) and encouraged readers to consider their own cultures in a different way is Horace Miner’s Body Ritual among the Nacirema (1956). The essay described oral hygiene practices of the Nacirema (“American” spelled backward) in a way that, to cultural insiders, sounded extreme, exaggerated, and out of context. He presented the Nacirema as if they were a little-known cultural group with strange, exotic practices. Miner wrote the essay during an era in which anthropologists were just beginning to expand their focus beyond small-scale traditional societies far from home to large-scale post-industrial societies such as the United States. He wrote the essay primarily as a satire of how anthropologists often wrote about “the Other” in ways that made other cultures seem exotic and glossed over features that the Other had in common with the anthropologist’s culture. The essay also challenged U.S. readers in general and anthropologists in particular to think differently about their own cultures and re-examine their cultural assumptions about what is “normal.”

discussion question

• How do anthropologists transform their fieldwork data into a story that communicates meaning?
• How are reflexivity and polyvocality changing the way anthropologists communicate their work?

Bibliography

Behar, Ruth. Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza’s Story . Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1993.

• Perspectives: An Open Invitation to Cultural Anthropology. Authored by : Edited by Nina Brown, Laura Tubelle de Gonzalez, and Thomas McIlwraith. Provided by : American Anthropological Association. Located at : http://perspectives.americananthro.org/ . License : CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial
• Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology. Authored by : Katie Nelson. Provided by : Inver Hills Community College. Located at : http://perspectives.americananthro.org/Chapters/Fieldwork.pdf . License : CC BY-NC: Attribution-NonCommercial

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Ethnographic Find: Modes, How + [Question Examples]

• Ethnographic Research: Types, Methods + [Question Examples]

Ethnographic research are a qualitative research approach that require observant variables in their natural environments or sites in order till travel at objective research outcomes. As the name suggests, ethnographic research has its parentage in ethnography which exists the in-depth study of people, cultures, habits and collective differences. 

This types of organized research interacts continuously with the variables and depends, almostly wholly, on the data accumulated from the observation is the research variables. Ethnographic research is whenever referred to as a thick description as of its in-depth observation and application of and matters.

In recent times, ethnography has been accepted in the internet in the form of netnography. This does the researchers can now study how online communities interaction in order to identify community communication patterns.  What will the lived experience of [a particular group or phenomenon]?; Methods done humans make sense a [a specific event or situation]?; What are ...

How your Netnography?

Simply putting, netnography is online anthropography research, that a, it is the conducting of anthropology doing via the internet. Netnography adapts the ethnographic research methodology to the study of online communities in order to discover the natural behavioral patterns of internet users.  How do you compose a research question to Ethnographer? | ResearchGate

As a modern model a anthropological investigation, netnography uses the data gathered through digital media in varying online communities to trace and analyze patterns of social interaction. Just see ethnography research, netnography also requires close observational of interactional patterns in order to arrive at the most objective conclusions.  While finishing up of research for insert ethnographic study it is important to refresh on skills and research techniques that have been…

Types regarding Ethnographic Research   

There are several types away ethnographic study, namely; business, educational and medical ethnographic research. All based on different fields of real endeavor and each type is defined for specific characteristics. Ethnographic research is a multi-dimensional research design that able be adapted to varied fields including employment, medicine, education, real psychology. 

Employment Ethnographic Research

Economy ethnographic research is a research design the involves observing retail habits and target marketing in order to discover true market necessarily press and overall disposition to your product or serving. It is einen greatly beneficial find toolbar that can help your organization identify its customers’ needs and satisfy market demands.  A research question for an ethnographic research project can ask about whatever you're interested in. It's not the questions questioned that makes an ...

Is explore method combines different techniques inclusive fieldwork, physical interviews and online surveys in order at gather useful data off the consumer habits of targeting markets. Business ethnographers use these techniques to analyze how clients cooperate with and organization’s benefits press arrive up with useful conclusions that can be used to develop effective market strategies.  How to Write High-quality Research Your - Qualtrics

In take out a business ethnographic research, it is necessary to work with a customer or client-oriented framework that stress on target markets rather about who business. The aim of this investigate pattern is to discover recurring my behavioral custom that can serve as key market insights. As kind of research questions are relevant to the ethnographic research? | ResearchGate

Inbound order to gather advantageous input, the researcher must ask the right questions. Some question spot for business ethnographic research include the following:

• What do you enjoy about this product or technical?
• Why do you use this product?
• Whats specific needs does the product meet for you?
• What specific required does the product fail for meet?
• Does the pricing of the product equates sein value?

Education Ethnographic Research 

Educational ethnographic how is a search design that involves observing lesson and knowledge methods and how these affect classroom behaviors. Dieser choose model pays attention to pedagogy, its effects on learning bottom and overall engagements by stakeholders within the classroom environment.  As a beginner, ME are walk for do a small-scale ethnographically research ...

Typically, teaching ethnographic research studies students’ attitudes, academic motives, and dispositions to learning. To do this, the researcher combines non-participant observation methods with sofort attendee notice techniques in order to gather one most related both object data. 

Question samples for educational ethnography research include:

• Do you enjoy this teacher method?
• Does the educator allowing for feedback in his or her classes?
• Does the teaching process express objectives clean?
• What is the student’s setting toward learning?

What is Pedagogy: Definition, Principles & Registration

Medical Ethnographic Research 

Medical ethnographical research is a type of ethnographic research used for qualitative exploration in healthcare. This research design helps medical practitioners to recognize the dispositions regarding patients ranging from the simplest to the most complex behavioral patterns. 

Medical ethnographic research enables the healthcare provider to have access up a wealths of information that will prove useful for enhance a patient’s overall experience. For case, through ethnographic research, a healthcare product manufacturer be abler to understand the needs by aforementioned goal market and this will, in turn, influence the product’s design.  Understand 14 get by research about 1 counsel from your colleagues to the question asked by Kerry Rowberry at Feb 9, 2018

In additional, medical typically research explodes healthcare professionals in insightful on the complex what of patients, their reaction to prescriptions and medical methods plus recommendations for improvement. Here become a few questions that sack be used for gesundheitswesen ethnographic research: I'm Interested in Autoethnography, but How How I Go It?

• For wherewith long have you second this drug?
• Required how long are him been on here treatment?
• What positive changes have your noticed so broad?
• Have your noticed any face effects so far?
• Doing this medication or treatment meet your needs?

Method of Typographical Research 

Typical, thither become 5 basic methods of ethnographic research which been naturalism, competitor observation, interviews, surveys, and archival research. Carrying out ethnographic research will entail one or moreover research techniques depending on the field, sample size, plus purpose of this research

• Get and work

Also renown as naturalism, live press jobs is an ethnography research technique in which the inquirer notes the research variables in their innate environment in order to identify the record behavioral patterns. I may involve living in the innate environment of the group or individuals being researched for a duration are time in purchase to record their activities. 

Naturalism a the oldest method of ethnographic resources and it may create some degree are rapport between this ethnographer and the research variables . When using this method, the researcher must ensure that he or she limits interference with the subjects to which barest minimum in orders to arrive at of majority objective research outcomes.  qualitative research,” we will describe here a style of autoethnographic writing that supports the retailer in learning more about whereby to ...

Naturalistic observation canister be disguised alternatively undisguised. Disguise nationalistic observation involves recording the issues in such a way that they are unaware of being undergrad while in undisguised naturalistic observation, of research specialties are aware of the fact that they belong being understudied. 

The live and jobs method allows the academic to get the most accurate and most relevant data as a result of observing the research subjects include their natural environment. Still, this technique is not favored by modern ethnographers, especially in fields like medicine and education, because it lives expensive and it takes a lot is time. 

• Participant Observation

Participant observation are a data collection method in ethnology research where the ethnographer gathers information by participating actively and interacting equipped the research subjects. This method is quite similar to life and work techniques. 

The major difference between participant observation additionally live additionally naturalism is that in the former, the ethnographer becomes an active member of an group being observed. This is the researcher access to information ensure could includes be made available to members concerning aforementioned group.  ETHNOGRAPHIC HOW

There are 2 types of registrant observation which represent, disguised participant observation and undisguised participant observing. In the former, aforementioned ethnographer claims to be a part off the resources subjects while hiding to or her true identity of being a researcher.  What junge of research questions are relevancy to to ethnographic...

In undisguised participant observation, the typographer becomes a section of one group being observed and revealed his or her identity as a researcher up one group. This technique is more prone to reactivity, contrary disguised participant observation.  Hi there. Currently writing up my PhD thesis. I've conducted an ethnography of a particular cultural phenomenon and am struggled to mystify a targeted research question. I've treated my role...

The primarily advantage of participant observation because a search technique is that the ethnographer is exposed the more information. The or she is better able to understand the experiences and habits of one investigate subjects from the participant’s point of view. 

There are a number of limitations association with this research technic. First, the presence a the researcher bucket affect the behaviors of which research subjects; especially with undisguised attendant observations, and this can affecting the authenticity of the result. 

In addition, there ca be the subject about biased research project. As a result of the ratio between the researcher and an group, the ethnographer may become less objective and this can lead to experimental bias which affects the research outcomes.  • How to write and evaluation ethnographic research. ... Often, it is a good feature to make a list off select feasible question ... ethnographic study that you can conduct ...

• Interviewing

An ethnographic question is one qualitative exploration method that merges immersive observation with one-on-one discussions in order to arrive at one most authentic study outcomes. In this research design, the ethnographer converses with members of the research group as they engage inbound different events related until and research context. 

During this contextual inquiry, the researcher gathers relevant data relative to and goals and behaviors of the members of the research group. As this ethnographer observes that research subject in hers natural surrounding, he otherwise she have the opportunity to ask ask that reveal more information over the research group.

An ethnographic question is usually informal and spontaneous, and it typically stems from the relationship among the researcher and the subjects. Of etnography interview often results from the participant observation technique where that ethnographer actively engages with the members of that research group in order to find out more about them lives.  On having ethnographic sensibility

As a two-way investigation method, an ethnographic interview allows the researcher to gather the most relevant and authentic information from the research group. However, it can also be affected by experimental bias when adenine final of the relationship within who anthropologist furthermore the subjects. 

 An historical survey is an inductive research method that is used to gather information about the research subject. Is research design is also referred to as analytic induction press it contains outlining hypothesize in that form of survey questions and administering these questions in which research environment. 

Administering a survey will help aforementioned historian gather relevant data, analyze this data and arrive toward objective findings. The objective of carriers out an uninflected installation lives to discover an eliciting factors of certain habits of and research group press come up with accurate explanations for these behaviors.  i would like till conduct the research regarding inclusive formation in students with disabilities in the primary school. i am interested to search at the barriers and facilitating factors to...

In order to gathering the most relevant responses using this, it is best to include different asking genre in your survey. Likert scale questions , open-ended questions, multiple-choice questions , furthermore close-ended questions become common types of ethnography survey questions. 

To making your ethnography survey even more effective, you can make and administer it get using data-collection equipment like Formplus . Formplus enables you to build thine ethnography scrutinize form in minutes using the Formplus builder and you can slightly divide yours polling with respondents via available multiple sharing options. Field notes and participant observation in ethnographic graduate: a skill summary

High survey drop-out rates and survey response bias are some of the major limitation by this research type. However, like style is fast and cost-effective especially when carried out online and if done right, it canned reveal useful acquisitions concerning a research group.  How how you compose a research question in My?

• Archivers Research

Archival research is an qualitative approach to ethnographic research in that the researcher analyzes existing research, documents and other sources of information about the research group in book to discover significant information. This method can also be referred to as perception. Read 10 answers by scientists about 2 suggestions since you colleagues to the question asked by Khu Li Huang on Mar 28, 2015

Archival research adopts ethnography to a collecting of related documents from the past which substitute for actual physical presence the the research environment. It pays absolute warning into every piece of information about the research variables.  What are a examples of an types research answer ...

As a means of data collection in ethnography, archival research reduces the chances on experimental biases considering the researcher does not directly interact with the subjects. Also, it allows the ethnographer to have entry in a large repository of research data that results in other exact findings.  Businesses Etnographic Research · What make you enjoy about this our or service? · Why do you use diese our? · Whats specific inevitably does the ...

However, because archival explore is often subject to randomization, is findings may not accurately reflect this research group. Other, archival data is not full-proof while there may be biases when the data is recorded and diese will affect the research outcomes. 

Wenn to Use Typography Research

Ethnographic research should be used in an early stages of user-focused systematic investigations. This are because ethnography research helps you to gather useful information about aforementioned dispositions, goals, and habits of the doing var in specific contexts. 

Ethnography research is most suitable since complex study processes especially in markets real company settings. Stylish market research, ethnography allowed organizations to gain insights into consumer habits and receive first-hand feedback set this extent to which their product button service meets the my of target markets. Honing in on yours main research questions can make with break will research graduate. Discover how to write effective qualifying researching questions.

This investigate design is also useful by examining social behaviors real interactions. It is extremely beneficial the the read employees’ asset to organizational my culture and policies. 

While ethnographic find helps company bridge product gaps and improve consumers’ experience, go are certain situations where this research design is counter-productive. Ethnographic research should not be used in processes ensure require statistically validate analysis, test-runs or group comparisons.  One of the most intriguing elements of geography the one research method be this for

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research with Wired Surveys 

Formplus can a data-gathering tool that allows they to create and administer live site for ethnography research easily while rescue time and cost, and improving your research sample size. 

Hier belongs a step-by-step guide on how to conduct ethnographic research with wired surveys using Formplus: 

Access Formplus Site

In the Formplus builder, you can easily create your ethnography survey form by pull and drop favorites fields into your form. To access the Formplus builder, you will need to creation an account on Formplus . 

Once you do this, signs in to your account and pawl on “Create Form ” to begin. 

Edit Form Title

• Click on the field provided till input your form title, for exemplary, “ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY”.

• Tick on the modify push for edit the form.
• Add Fields: Trail and drop preferred form fields into your form in the Formplus builder inputs column. There are several field input options in survey forms in one Formplus builder.
• Revise fields
• Click on “Save”
• Preview form.

Customize Form

Formplus enables you to add unique product to respective typographic view form. It can personalize get formular using sundry customization options included the builder. Here, her can add background images, your organization’s logo, and extra features. You can additionally change the display theme of your form. 

Save your ethnographic polling form and share the link with respondents. 

Advantages a ethnographic research .

• Ethnographic research allows you to have access to a wider and more accurate data scope than other research designs. This qualitative research approach gets first-hand information about the exploring variables and gives the ethnographer a wider range of data to function with thereby resulting in more objectivity research outcomes.
• Ethnography research enables the researcher to share in the experiences of the research variables into their naturally environment.
• Ethnography research book for complex grouping behavioral design additionally highlights interrelationships among research variables.
• It serves researchers verstehen the scope, reason(s) and context for the habits by research variable.

Disadvantages of Ethnographic Research

• Ethnographic investigate requires expertise and it is time-consuming. It takes time into observe research relative in request to arrive at strong findings.
• Ethnographic research is capital-intensive too.
• It is subject to experimental bents stemming from the relationship between the subjects and the researcher.
• Issues of data sample size can other stand with ethnographic research. This be because small data samples can suggest false assumptions about of disposition in the research group while large quantities of data may not be processed effectively.

Risks Mitarbeiter with Ethnographic Exploration

Unlike other research methods, ethnographic research tends to be sporadic and extends for a long period concerning set. And although poll can stop joining in the search action at any time, there are still a low risks they will likely to encounter during such research

1. Psychological Risks

Throughout uncomfortable topics, litigants may feel psychiatric triggers how guilt, fear, sadness, etc This can causes them at lose interest in the research or pull from from participating. In quite cases, research participants may need constant reassurance toward encouraging them.

2. Social Risks

Depending on the research theme, there are social risks that are posed to a answerer during ethnographic research. These risks include stigmatization or condemnation from their community particularly if private information is shared or friction in personal relationships. This can further lead to a physological risk. 

3. Physical and Economical Risks

Although are exposure become uncommon inbound ethnological research, it is imperative that you make for they as a scholar. In politically volatile communities, or research that involves tedious physical activity, physical risks be upon to high side.

Financial risk can arise when explore stakeholders are removed from their jobs or limits from carrying going profitable ventures.

During your study, ensuring that you disclose of possible risks to your research participants and intricate on how she intend on mitigate those risks. 

FAQ’s at Ethnographic Research

• Does Ethnographic research come before or after a survey?

Most research uses information cumulative for various studies to ratify an hypothesis press seek better clarity. So it is often conducted before a large-scale survey or quantitative segmentation study. However, itp all largely depends on what the goal of the research is.

• Is ethnographic doing qualitative button quantitative?

Ethnographic how has a qualified research method where research study my respondents in their own environment

• As long does can ethnographic research project take?

The length of their ethnographic resources fully depends on the scope of your study. However, their usually last for a couple for year.

• Do ethnographers use field guides?

Yes. In ethnographic research, there are field leaders to help guide the research process. However, it’s just a tool, and most times, thereto isn’t followed true on the field. 

• Whereby do MYSELF create a database required comparative analysis during Ethnographic?

You can compile your data using the Formplus PDF Builder to form PDFs of own analysis either make forms for documentation press save them using who secure Formplus storage.

Conclusion 

Ethnographic study supports individuals both organs to earn useful insides into users’ behaviors as influences by their native environment. This form of systematic investigation bridges the gap between who anthropologists and the research actual because an researcher has the opportunity to be a part of their experiences. 

Administer online surveys for ethnographic research will speed up your data collection processed additionally would allow it to save price both have more control over your print size. You can use Formplus to create and administer online ethnographic research surveys easily. 

Connect to Formplus, Get Started Nowadays - It's Free!

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Table of Contents

Collaboration, information literacy, writing process, ethnography.

• © 2023 by Joseph M. Moxley - University of South Florida

Ethnography involves studying a specific culture or community. By living among the members of a culture and playing the role of participant-observer, ethnographers attempt to define the beliefs, rituals, symbols, problems, and patterns of behavior that distinguish this culture from other dominant cultures.

The purpose of ethnography is not to generalize from a smaller population to a larger one. Instead, ethnographers are conducted to better understand specific groups and how those people are influenced by their environment. While ethnographers typically interview key informants in the culture, their emphasis in writing an ethnography is not to tell discrete life stories. Instead, ethnographers use their observations, conclusions from informal and formal interviews, results of psychological tests, and interpretations of insider-written documents to weave together an account of key people in the community and to explicate the community’s values, ceremonies, problems, and prospects.

Ethnography in the Classroom

In a variety of college classes, your instructors may challenge you to play the exciting role of an ethnographer. For example, in a sociology class you may be asked to observe and analyze behavior in a college dormitory. For an education class you may need to analyze how different sociological backgrounds or teaching techniques affect learning. Instructors in business management or communication classes might ask you to study the interpersonal factors that influence how decisions are made or how different people respond to certain leadership and management styles. 

An important aspect of ethnography involves the types of questions that a researcher tries to answer. Some ethnographers begin their research with a central question that guides their exploration. Others prefer to find their research question after they’ve been in the community for a while, or even after they’ve left the community. An ethnographic approach can be particularly appropriate for short-term projects like the ones assigned in a relatively brief college courses. Even though some professional ethnographies last for years, studies with a limited scope can be conducted in a matter of weeks.

Selecting a Culture

The athlete’s gym, the women’s club, the student government committee, the hair salon, the yoga class, the children’s play group, the news room—all of these unique communities could provide fascinating sites for ethnographic analysis. Other easily identifiable and accessible groups include the members of a dormitory, a particular classroom, a study group, an intramural athletic team, fellow employees, or even graduate students. Of course, you want to exercise caution when selecting a community to study; avoid potentially dangerous communities.

New Communities Are Better Than Familiar Ones

Experts disagree about how involved you can be in a community before studying it by means of ethnographic methods. Because you are experimenting for the first time with these methods, your instructor may allow you to study a community to which you already belong. The problem, however, with studying such a community is that you are less able to be passive and objective when you gather data. In a sense, what you think about the community and the people in it may control what you perceive. Rather than trying to discover why and how people behave as they do, your membership and history with the culture may blind you to new insights. Instead of going into a community with an open mind and systematically examining behavior, you may end up merely writing what you already believe, which undercuts our current goal—that is, to conduct research. If time limitations prohibit you from studying a new community, therefore, you will need to pay special attention to triangulating your data, as discussed below.

You also want to be realistic about how much you can accomplish in a short period of time. Remember, if performed diligently, ethnography creates mountains of data. However, many researchers prefer to select from a wealth of material than try to patch a report together based upon a handful of facts and a collection of disjointed photocopies.

Helpful Questions to Narrow the Scope

Asking the following questions can help you narrow the scope of your research.

• What specific culture or community will you study? Why is the culture worth studying? What religious, economic, or political forces define the culture? How would you describe the environment of the culture? What relationships can you define between the culture you are studying and the dominant culture?
• What literature about the culture is available? Do you know any people who used to be members of the culture whom you could interview to help develop a sense of what to look for once you enter the community?
• Do you have a viable way of entering the culture?
• Do you have access to inside written documents — such as interoffice memorandum, research studies, or general essays—that can provide you with information about program goals, problems, and power relations?
• What methods will you use to gather facts? Will you, for example, use any questionnaires, interviews, psychological tests?
• What schedule do you plan to follow? How much time do you allow for data collection or for data interpretation? When will you have a rough draft complete?

Learn About the Culture

Enhance your interpretive skills by learning about the culture before visiting, perhaps by reading other researchers’ ethnographic accounts of the culture. Ethnographers vehemently disagree about the degree to which library research must support field study. Many well-respected anthropologists have written ethnographies that contain few if any references to secondary sources. The job of entering a culture, living as an insider, and then writing to outsiders is already so demanding that they do not have the time, energy, or zeal to connect their work to the work of others. In addition, because ethnography is a fairly new methodology, many ethnographers are truly breaking new ground and other scholarly references may simply be unavailable.

Research the Community First

Familiarizing yourself with the culture before entering it can provide you with the information you need to know to participate without being too obtrusive. For example, if you are going to study the local chess club, you need to learn the rules of chess and play a few games. If you want to study an engineering fraternity, you need to learn the engineering terms that people in the community will use. By learning the language and by knowing what other ethnographers and researchers have to say about the culture, you will know what questions to ask, what behaviors to look for, and even how to dress. For example, if you wanted to research how cancer patients interact with each other in a support group, spend some time in the library reading about how people typically respond to potentially terminal diseases. You would be wise to see if any case studies or ethnographies have already been done with cancer patients. Adequate preparation for your entrance into the community is crucial if you are to blend into the background and subsequently understand the values, expectations, roles, and ceremonies of the community. Conducting extensive library research before entering the community will help you understand the subjects’ thoughts, feelings, and actions.

To see whether any ethnographies have been conducted on the culture you have selected to study and to find some useful background information about its history and the problems it now faces, you may need to engage in some serious information literacy.

Arrange Access

Secure access to the community without poisoning the waters..

Experts typically agree that the way you are introduced into the community plays a crucial role in the overall success of your study. If the people in charge introduce you to the community and ask participants to do what they can to help you, you may be perceived as a spy or enemy. It is, therefore, often better to enter a community less obtrusively. Because being introduced to the community by someone in power or by someone considered to be a member of an “opposing faction” can irreparably taint your results, you may have to reject the role implied by your introduction or withdraw from the community and select another site to conduct the research.

Pick the Perfect Spot for Making Observations

Position yourself in a spot that will enhance your data collection and ability to make observations. For example, a student was intrigued by what she heard at the teachers’ lounge when she was undergoing her training to be a teacher. After extensive reading about the concerns of high school teachers, she conducted an ethnography of the teachers’ lounge at the school where she was assigned to intern for her teacher training. The result of her study was a sometimes inspiring and sometimes depressing account of ten teachers’ struggles, ideas, and ambitions.

Experts strongly disagree about how active a role researchers should play in the community that they are studying. While some ethnographers formally interview respondents, give them psychological tests, and inform community members about their role, others are less candid. Instead of revealing their status as observers, these ethnographers prefer to enter the community as silent detectives. Although this secrecy about their goals can result in an ethical quandary, some professional anthropologists prefer this approach, believing it results in better data collection. Clearly, there are dangers that participants will not forget their “company behavior” after you disclose your intentions; yet, you need to be honest about your intentions.

Develop Field Notes

Write notes in the field, seeking interpretive patterns.

While true ethnographers have the luxury of spending large chunks of time in the field and can discover their purpose after lengthy observations, you may find it necessary to focus on a more clearly defined purpose early in your research. Writing a proposal for your study and sharing it with your classmates and instructor is a good starting point. Although it is possible (although not recommended) to put off the writing until the last minute when writing a report based on library research, questionnaire, or even interviews, such a strategy is nearly impossible when writing an ethnography.

Never Stop Writing

Ethnographers are constantly writing. In the preliminary stages, they are writing about how they choose the community, synthesizing in writing the literature that exists about the community, writing detailed descriptions about what the culture and members look like, and recording dialogues and insights. Ethnographers rely extensively on their field notes to determine what attributes define members in the community, what common problems community members face, and what power relations or rituals exist. In short, ethnographers rely on their field notes to make preliminary interpretations. Rather than waiting until it’s time to leave the community, they are constantly writing up their observations and results, drawing tentative conclusions. 

Ask Journalistic Questions

By asking the journalistic questions when making field notes, you will ensure that you do not neglect any important observations.

• Who are key actors in the culture?
• What happens? What key events can you describe to give us a heightened impression about values, rituals, and problems?
• Where is the culture located? What does the environment look like?
• When did the events happen in time? Do any events or statements routinely seem to follow each other, suggesting a pattern?
• Why did the events happen?
• How did the events happen?

Select Key Informants

Wisely choose key informants and triangulate the informants’ perspectives.

When conducting an ethnography, the researcher closely observes the key informants in a particular culture because they tend to define the qualities of their group. Every culture includes leaders and followers.

When choosing key informants, you may not necessarily want to select group leaders. Other members of the community may serve as more effective key informants because they are more accessible or more willing to share information or more observant.

Triangulate Perspectives

To ensure that they are not ignoring contrary evidence and focusing only on information that confirms their preliminary hunches, ethnographers practice “triangulation,” which essentially means that they verify the authenticity of information and interpretation by checking it against other sources. If an ethnographer were studying the lives of campus police, for instance, the ethnographer would not believe one police officer’s opinions about the morale of the squad if it conflicted with the opinions of other officers.

Not only are key informants an important source of information, they also can help to make your project as accurate as possible. Ethnography often uses the technique of “triangulation” to help double check the researcher’s perspective. Triangulation is the process of having multiple perspectives involved in the composition of your project. In other words, the more viewpoints that the ethnographic researcher is able to include in his or her project, the more realistic and reliable the interpretation and thick description of the culture are likely to be.

However, triangulation does not necessarily mean that a key informant’s words are included in the final report. Triangulation can also be obtained by allowing members of the culture to read your paper in its developmental stages. Their responses allow you to revise parts of your report that may have been incomplete or misleading. Of course, you may not want the members of the culture to read what you have written, in which case you should consider other sources for triangulation. You may even ask someone who is familiar with ethnographic methods to respond to drafts of your report even if he or she has never encountered the culture that you are investigating.

Regardless of whether or not you use triangulation, or whether you use ethnographic methods at all, you should always share drafts of your writing with other people in order to help you revise your projects. The use of peer criticism is essential to all writing, regardless of its methodology or purpose.

Analyze Artifacts

Enrich your ethnographic interpretation by accounting for community artifacts..

Archeology is the study of past civilizations based upon artifacts, physical objects that are characteristic of a particular culture. We are all familiar with the Egyptian tombs and Roman ruins. These artifacts provide a great deal of information about ancient civilizations and help to recreate a picture of what life was like for these people.

Identify Artifacts Important to the Group

Anthropology also uses artifacts in order to describe a culture and its people. However, if we are researching a culture that we are able to observe, we are able not only to interpret the importance of an artifact, but also we are able to see how individuals interact with it. And so, even if you are not an archaeologist or an anthropologist, as long as you intend to study a particular culture you will want to identify objects that seem to be of daily importance to the group.

Asking the following questions can help you select which artifacts to study:

• What household or domestic objects seem necessary for the daily functioning of the culture?
• What are the religious or ritual artifacts that all of the members are likely to identify?
• How does the careful treatment of certain objects reflect the group’s value system?
• What machines or technologies seem to be changing the way the culture operates?
• What objects are frequently used for labor? for cooking? for entertainment?

Examine All Artifacts of a Culture

The most important question to ask concerning artifacts is: “What does it tell about the culture?” The ethnographer should be careful when answering this question because a culture includes a multitude of artifacts, and while you focus on the most important ones, be aware that no one single object is likely to obtain an absolutely central importance.

Below is another excerpt from Geertz’s study. Notice how the importance of cockfighting causes the Balinese men to treat their roosters with such great concern. Because they focus so much attention on these animals, it is apparent that cockfighting is very important to the culture. As you read Geertz’s description of the cocks as artifacts, ask yourself, “What do they tell us about Balinese culture?”

In the houseyard, the high-walled enclosures where people live, fighting cocks are kept in wicker cages, moved frequently about so as to maintain an optimum balance of sun and shade. They are fed a special diet, which varies according to individual theories but which is mostly maize, sifted for impurities with far more care than it is when mere humans are going to eat it and offered to the animal kernal by kernal. Red pepper is stuffed down their beaks and up their anuses to give them spirit. They are bathed in the same ceremonial preparation of tepid water, medicinal herbs, flowers, and onions in which infants are bathed, and for a prized cock just about as often. Their combs are cropped, their plumage dressed, their spurs trimmed, their legs messaged, and they are inspected for flaws with the squinted concentration of a diamond merchant. A man who has a passion for cocks, an enthusiast in the literal sense of the term, can spend most of his life with them, and even those, the overwhelming majority, whose passion though intense has not entirely run away with them can and do spend what seems not only to an outsider, but also to themselves, an inordinate amount of time with them. “I am cock crazy,” my landlord, a quite ordinary aficionado by Balinese standards, used to moan as he went to move another cage, give another a bath, or conduct another feeling. “We’re all coc k crazy.”

Observe Rituals

Enhance your ethnographic interpretation by identifying and observing customs and rituals that members of the community routinely perform.

Unlike artifacts, rituals and customs are not physical objects that can be held in one’s hands and described according to their shape and function. Rituals are activities that people perform according to a predetermined pattern. Even though rituals frequently involve the use of artifacts, the ritual itself is an activity. Because rituals and customs are behaviors, they are sometimes more difficult to describe and analyze than artifacts. However, like artifacts, rituals are very useful for understanding and interpreting a culture.

Which Rituals or Customs Should Be Studied?

Rituals are often considered a defining characteristic by both people inside as well as outside of the culture. Some of the more obvious rituals are associated with a culture’s religion. Ceremonies involving worship or celebration are easy to identify and to describe because they are usually public and are repeated with continuity and regularity. Domestic or social rituals, such as cockfighting, watching football, dining, or courtship may be harder to identify, but are also very important for understanding a group.

Ask yourself the following questions to help you select which rituals or customs to study:

• What activities do most of the members of the group participate in together?
• What behaviors seem to be common to the members of the community?
• What activities have a specific format that is repeated frequently?
• What activities involve special kinds of dress or costumes?
• What customs does the culture exhibit that are different from your own?
• What folktales, lore, or superstitions belong to the culture?
• What rituals or customs are part of the routine of daily life such as working, eating, entertainment, dating, or resting?
• What rituals or customs have been are part of the culture for a number of years? Which ones are relatively new?

Explain Why a Ritual Is Important to a Culture

As with artifacts, simply describing a ritual in detail is not enough; you must somehow tell your reader why it is important to an interpretation of the culture. Again, avoid the mistake of claiming that one particular behavior completely represents or explains an entire culture. As you already know, Geertz studied the Balinese ritual of cockfighting in great detail, recreating a vivid image of the sights and sounds of a culture obsessed by a particular form of entertainment. As you read the next excerpt, concentrate on the way cockfighting helps understand Balinese culture as a whole:

Cockfights are held in a ring about fifty-five feet square. Usually they begin toward late afternoon and run three or four hours until sunset. About nine or ten separate matches comprise a program. Each match is precisely like the others in general pattern: there is no main match, no connection between individual matches, no variation in their format, and each is arranged on a completely ad hoc basis. After a fight has ended and the emotional debris cleared away—the bets paid, the curses cursed, the carcasses possessed—seven, eight, perhaps even a dozen men slip negligently into the ring with a cock and seek to find there a logical opponent for it. This process, which rarely takes less than ten minutes, and often a good deal longer, is conducted in a very subdued, oblique, even dissembling manner. Those not immediately involved give it at best but disguised, sidelong attention; those who, embarrassingly are, attempt to pretend somehow that the whole thing is not really happening. A match made, the other hopefuls retire with the same deliberate indifference and the selected cocks have their spurs affixed—razor sharp, pointed steel swords, four our five inches long. This is a delicate job which only a small portion of men, a half-dozen or so in most villages, know how to do properly. The man who attaches the spurs also provides them, and if the rooster he assists wins its owner awards him the spur-leg of the victim. The spurs are affixed by winding a long length of string around the foot of the spur and the leg of the cock [. . .]an obsessively deliberate affair. The lore about spurs is extensive—they are sharpened only at eclipses and the dark of the moon, should be kept out of the sight of women, and so forth. And they are handled, both in use and out, with the same curious combination of fussiness and sensuality the Balinese direct toward ritual objects generally. The spurs affixed, the two cocks are placed by their handlers (who may or may not be the owners) facing one another in the center of the ring. A coconut pierced with a small hole is placed in a pail of water, in which it takes about twenty-one seconds to sink, a period known as a tjeng and marked at beginning and end by the beating of a slit gong. During these twenty-one seconds the handlers are not permitted to touch their roosters. If, as sometimes happens, the animals have not fought during this time, they are picked up, fluffed, pulled, prodded, and otherwise insulted, and put back in the center of the ring and the process begins again. Sometimes they refuse to fight at all, or one keeps running away, in which case they get imprisoned together under a wicker cage, which usually gets them e

Broaden your understanding of ethnographic research tools.

The ethnographer’s eyes and ears are two very important tools for collecting information, but documentation is key. Any instrument that can record, store, or sort information is of primary use to the ethnographer. Tape recorders, cameras, and note pads are some of the most commonly used tools for ethnographic research.Recording interviews with key informants is more preferable than taking notes; by listening to recordings over and over you will discover important details that you might otherwise miss if you simply take notes. Photographs are also very helpful when you are trying to provide your reader with a thick description of the culture. The photographs can help remind you of the details of important scenes or artifacts, or they can physically be included in the ethnography itself.

Try Counting to Identify Patterns

Some academicians accuse ethnographers of putting on airs when they incorporate statistics into their work. However, ethnographers can often produce more reliable data by incorporating a few statistical procedures. For example, an ethnographer who was studying gender relations in a college mathematics course could record the number of times males and females asked questions of the instructor. The ethnographer could also document the length of time the instructor takes to answer the questions from males and females, or could record how many times the instructor deferred the male and female students’ questions to an upcoming lecture or out-of-class meeting. After tallying these response patterns over a period of months, the ethnographer could be more confident in reporting, for instance, that females asked more questions but that the males’ questions were treated more seriously (if that is the interpretation they read).

All Data Are Important

Sometimes people misunderstand ethnography when they assume that it can only be comprised of interpretive, descriptive, or qualitative information. While it is true that ethnography makes primary use of more subjective data, that does not mean that statistical or quantitative data cannot be an important part of the study. In fact, all relevant data, regardless of its source, can potentially be included in an ethnography. Therefore, the image we would like to create of the ethnographic task of writing a report is one where the author sits amidst scores of different types of data. The ethnographer should sort through and re-examine tape recordings, photographs, journals, statistical data, or whatever she has found. The goal while writing the report is to look for patterns of behavior that define the culture. Therefore, as you consider which tools to use for collecting ethnographic data, remember that you eventually want to arrive at the point where you are searching through a variety of material you have compiled, selecting what seems most interesting and representative and discarding what appears to be less important.

Ethnographers use quantitative methods such as statistical counts. As you read the following passage, try to picture the author Geertz standing next to a cockfighting ring in Bali; imagine the tools or systems he might have used to collect his data; and notice how he incorporates statistical information into his ethnography.

. . . there are two sorts of bets or toh. There is a single axial bet in the center between the two principals (toh ketengah), and there is a cloud of peripheral ones around the ring between the members of the audience (toh kesasi). . . . The center bet is the official one, hedged in again with a webwork of rules and is made between the two cock owners, with the umpire as overseer and witness. This bet, which, as I say, is always relatively and sometimes very large, is never raised simply by the owner in whose name it is made, but by him together with four or five, sometimes seven or eight, allies—kin, village mates, neighbors, close friends. He may, if he is not especially well-to-do, not even be the major contributor, though, if only to show that he is not involved in chicanery, he must be a significant one. Of the fifty-seven matches for which I have exact and reliable data on the center bet, the range is from fifteen ringgits to five hundred, with a mean at eighty-five and with the distribution being rather noticeable trimodal: small fights (15 ringgits either side of 35) accounting for 45 per cent of the total number; medium ones (20 ringgits either side of 70) for about 20 per cent; and large (75 ringgits either side of 175) for about 20 per cent, with a few very small and very large ones out at the extremes. In a society where the normal daily wage of a manual laborer—a brickmaker, an ordinary farm worker, a market porter—was about three ringgits a day, and considering the fact that fights were held on an average of about every two-and-a-half days in the immediate area I studied, this is clearly serious gambling, even if bets are pooled rather than individual efforts.

Conclude Your Work

Understand and value the subjective nature of ethnographic interpretation..

The ethnographic research design involves a number of unique considerations toward the end of the project. Chronologically, the first of these concerns is deciding when to stop conducting field work. Logically, the more time you are able to spend in the field, the stronger your data are likely to be and therefore the stronger your understanding and interpretation of the culture.

Know When to Leave the Field

Eventually you must stop acquiring data and begin interpreting them. This does not mean that field research has to stop in order for the report to be written. In fact, sometimes ethnographers go back and forth between the writing desk and their field work. Some researchers even write their reports while still in the field. But, as someone who is likely to be new to ethnography, you should plan to essentially retire from the culture you are studying at least two weeks ahead of the date when you plan to submit your report. Even though you should be generating writing as you go, the amount of time it takes to sort your data and compose an interesting, thoughtful, and carefully composed paper is significant.

Allow for enough time to change directions in your writing or to seek some advice from your peers, informants, or instructor. You also should consider that the process of sorting through the data you have created can encroach on the time you have allowed for the actual composing of the paper.

Identify Major Interpretive Themes

Ultimately, what have you learned as a result of conducting the ethnographic research? What story can you tell that will accurately and compellingly depict the lives and struggles of community members?

When you are attempting to make sense of observations, you will need to guard against the human tendency to form patterns too quickly and then look for confirming evidence while ignoring disconfirming evidence. Of course, you ultimately cannot escape your own selective and subjective perception of reality, yet you can try to be as objective as possible by checking your version of reality against what other people in the community have to say.You can best begin analyzing and organizing your final report by rereading your chronological record of field notes. As you review, look for recurring behaviors, attitudes, and themes. For example, if you were conducting an ethnography that examines students’ attitudes regarding a large lecture course and you heard several students make similar comments—such as “I have no idea what the professor is talking about, but there’s no way I’m going to ask any questions. I don’t want to look stupid”—then you might posit a theme: Students are afraid of looking silly by asking questions in large groups. Over time, you could check the validity of this theme against what other people in the community say or suggest by their actions. In addition, other themes might emerge. For example, when you discuss the course with several students, they may tell you they have heard that the teacher has been using the same lecture notes for years and that it’s best to study the course text carefully and mostly ignore the lectures—all but the last three before each test—in order to get good grades. The ethnographer could then take these two themes and posit a pattern: Students’ drive to earn a good grade encourages them to be quiet and ignore most of the professor’s lectures.

If Ethnographies Are Completely Subjective, What’s the Use?

Virtually every nightly news program includes some coverage of the President’s daily activities. We often see him walking across the White House lawn or making a speech or shaking hands with an international figure. Often it is assumed that journalists, such as the ones who create the evening news, only report “the facts.” By appearing to only present “facts,” journalists give the impression that they are objective, that no bias affects their reporting. Of course, they are not completely objective: The decision to report some “facts” and not others involves subjective decisions. But more importantly, the audience doesn’t want only “facts”: They also want interpretation and explanation. We don’t want to watch footage of the President shaking hands and not have someone try to explain what the event might mean. We don’t want to read a story about an upcoming vote on an important bill and not also consider what the repercussions might be.

“Conclude Your Work” was written by Joseph M. Moxley

Be honest about observations.

Professional journalism has strict codes, which try to insure that their audience is not misled. Ethnographers are involved in a similar situation: they report their observations as objectively and honestly as possible, but they also explain what their discoveries might mean. In other words, ethnography inherently involves a weaving of observation and interpretation.

As with journalists, ethnographers should employ the utmost integrity in order to insure that their audience is not misled. When an ethnographer feels the need to interpret the observations he has witnessed, he wants to be sure that his interpretation is based upon as many pieces of evidence as possible. It is important to allow the ethnography to formulate such interpretations. For example, we don’t want to read a bunch of facts about the size

and frequency of Balinese cockfighting bets without also reading an analysis of what they could possibly mean.

Observation vs. Interpretation

As an ethnographer you must be aware of the distinction between observation and an interpretation. An observation is an occurrence that is witnessed by one or more people. For example, in Geertz’s article the observation is Geertz’s declaration that “this is clearly serious gambling” is an interpretation. Even though his interpretation is written emphatically, and even though we might agree with his interpretation, nonetheless, it is not something that a group of people who were watching the cockfight would agree they definitely observed.

Base Interpretations on Multiple Observations

The ethnographer’s goal is to base interpretations on as many observations as possible. Remember, ethnography is a research design that is based upon both description and interpretation. If you can make an observation that you think is important but cannot fully interpret, don’t hesitate to include it with an explanation. After all, readers will also be conducting interpretations of your study, and they can also benefit from as many observations as possible. Likewise, if you have a strong feeling about an interpretation you would like to offer, but your data may be currently incomplete, you can still include your commentary as long as you explain the situation.

In essence you should judiciously weave together both observation and interpretation, alternating them in order to create variety in your writing and maintain

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What is Ethnographic Research? Definition, Methods, Examples

Appinio Research · 05.01.2024 · 38min read

Ever wondered how researchers immerse themselves in the intricacies of different cultures, communities, and human behaviors to uncover profound insights? In ethnographic research, the quest to understand the richness of human experience takes center stage. This guide will unravel the techniques, challenges, and transformative potential of ethnographic research. From delving into the foundations of this captivating methodology to exploring real-world applications, we'll journey through the captivating world of ethnography, offering you a passport to an in-depth understanding of people, societies, and the intricate tapestry of their lives.

What is Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research is a qualitative research method that seeks to understand and interpret the social and cultural behaviors, practices, and beliefs of individuals or groups within their natural context. Unlike other research approaches, ethnography emphasizes immersion in the research setting, allowing researchers to observe and interact with participants to gain deep insights into their lives. It is a holistic and participant-focused approach that aims to uncover the underlying meanings and significance of cultural phenomena.

The primary purpose of ethnographic research is to explore and describe the complexities of human behavior, culture, and society. This research method allows researchers to:

• Gain In-Depth Understanding : Ethnography enables researchers to immerse themselves in the lives of participants, gaining a profound understanding of their experiences, perspectives, and worldviews.
• Contextualize Behavior : By observing and interacting with individuals or groups within their natural settings, ethnographers can contextualize behavior and cultural practices, understanding why and how they occur.
• Uncover Hidden Insights : Ethnographic research often uncovers insights that may be hidden from traditional research methods. It sheds light on the nuances, contradictions, and subtleties of human behavior and culture.
• Inform Decision-Making : Findings from ethnographic studies can inform decision-making processes in various fields, such as education, healthcare, marketing, and community development. This research method provides practical insights that can drive positive change.
• Challenge Assumptions : Ethnography challenges preconceived notions and stereotypes, promoting a more nuanced and empathetic understanding of diverse cultures and societies.

Historical Context and Development

Ethnographic research has deep historical roots, dating back to the late 19th century when anthropologists and sociologists began conducting fieldwork among various cultures and societies. Pioneers like Bronisław Malinowski and Franz Boas played instrumental roles in shaping the discipline.

Over the years, ethnographic research has evolved and diversified. While its early focus was primarily on remote and non-Western societies, contemporary ethnographers explore various settings, including urban environments, workplaces, educational institutions, and healthcare facilities.

The development of ethnography has also been influenced by technological advances, allowing for new data collection and analysis methods. Ethnographers now have access to digital tools, audiovisual recording devices, and qualitative analysis software, enhancing the depth and breadth of their research.

Importance of Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research holds immense importance in today's interconnected and multicultural world. Its significance lies in its ability to:

• Bridge Cultural Gaps : Ethnography fosters cross-cultural understanding by enabling researchers to immerse themselves in the lived experiences of others, transcending cultural barriers.
• Inform Policy and Practice : Findings from ethnographic studies inform the development of policies, interventions, and practices that are culturally sensitive and effective.
• Humanize Research : Ethnography humanizes research by focusing on the stories, voices, and perspectives of individuals, making research more relatable and impactful.
• Challenge Stereotypes : It challenges stereotypes and assumptions, promoting a more inclusive and respectful appreciation of diverse cultures and societies.
• Enhance Empathy : Ethnographic research cultivates empathy by encouraging researchers to see the world through the eyes of their participants, fostering a deeper connection and understanding of the human experience.

As we delve deeper into the world of ethnographic research, these foundational concepts, historical context, and the significance of this research method will serve as a solid framework for our exploration of its techniques, applications, and impact.

How to Prepare for Ethnographic Research?

Ethnographic research is a journey of discovery that begins long before you step into the field. Proper preparation is vital to ensure the success of your study. Let's delve into the essential aspects of preparation.

Research Planning and Objectives

Before embarking on your ethnographic research, you must clearly define your research objectives. Ask yourself what you hope to achieve through this study. Are you seeking to gain insights into consumer behavior, understand the dynamics of a particular community, or explore cultural practices within an organization? Your objectives will guide your research design and methodology.

To set effective objectives:

• Start with a clear and concise statement of what you want to learn.
• Ensure your objectives are specific, measurable, achievable, relevant, and time-bound (SMART).
• Consider the practical implications of your research and its potential impact on your field or industry.

Selection of Study Population

Choosing the right study population is a critical decision that will shape the trajectory of your ethnographic research. The demographics, location, and characteristics of your participants should align with your research objectives.

• Demographics : Who are the people you want to study? Consider factors such as age, gender, socio-economic status, and cultural background.
• Location : Where will you conduct your research? Is it a specific geographic area, an online community, or a workplace?
• Characteristics : What unique qualities or experiences do your participants possess that are relevant to your study?

Your study population is the lens through which you will observe and understand the world you are researching, so choose wisely.

Data Collection Methods and Tools

Ethnographic research relies on a variety of data collection methods to capture the richness of human experiences and behaviors. Familiarize yourself with these methods and select the ones that best align with your research objectives. Some standard methods include:

• Participant Observation : Immerse yourself in the community or setting you are studying, actively participating and recording your observations.
• In-depth Interviews : Conduct open-ended interviews to gather personal narratives and insights from participants.
• Focus Groups : Bring together a small group of participants to engage in discussions about specific topics, revealing group dynamics and shared beliefs.
• Surveys and Questionnaires : Use structured surveys to collect quantitative data alongside qualitative findings, allowing for broader insights.

Choosing the correct data collection methods and tools is essential for capturing the depth and breadth of your research subject. Each method has its strengths and limitations, so consider a mix of approaches to obtain a comprehensive view.

Ethical Considerations in Ethnographic Research

Ethical integrity is at the core of ethnographic research. As you immerse yourself in the lives and experiences of others, it's essential to uphold ethical principles and protect the well-being and rights of your participants.

• Informed Consent : Obtain informed consent from participants, ensuring they understand the purpose, scope, and potential consequences of the research.
• Anonymity and Confidentiality : Safeguard the identities and sensitive information of participants, using pseudonyms if necessary.
• Respect for Cultural Sensitivity : Be culturally sensitive and aware of potential biases when conducting research in diverse communities or settings.
• Balancing Observation and Intervention : Strive for a balance between observing and intervening, ensuring your presence does not harm or disrupt the environment.

Ethical dilemmas can arise during ethnographic research, and addressing them transparently and responsibly is essential. Seek guidance from ethical review boards or colleagues when faced with complex ethical decisions. Your commitment to ethical conduct will enhance the credibility and impact of your research.

With these essential preparations in place, you are ready to embark on your ethnographic research journey with confidence and purpose.

How to Conduct Ethnographic Research?

Now that you've laid the groundwork in preparation, it's time to delve into the heart of ethnographic research: data collection and analysis. We will explore the various methods used to gather insights into the world you are studying.

Participant Observation

Participant observation is a hallmark of ethnographic research, where you become an active participant in the community or setting you are studying. It involves immersing yourself in the culture and environment, actively engaging with the people and events.

• Engage and Build Rapport : Establish trust and build relationships with the participants. Engage in conversations and activities to gain access to their perspectives.
• Taking Field Notes : Document your observations, experiences, and interactions meticulously. Keep a field journal to record your thoughts, emotions, and key events.
• Participate and Reflect : Actively participate in the community's activities while reflecting on your experiences. Be mindful of your role as an observer and its potential impact on the environment.
• Maintain Objectivity : Strive to maintain objectivity while acknowledging your own biases and perspectives. Balance immersion with the critical distance necessary for analysis.

In-depth Interviews

In-depth interviews provide a window into individual experiences and perspectives. They offer a deeper understanding of specific aspects of your research subject. To conduct effective in-depth interviews:

• Develop Open-ended Questions : Craft questions encouraging participants to share their stories, experiences, and insights. Avoid leading or closed-ended questions.
• Active Listening : Be an active listener, allowing participants to express themselves fully. Show empathy and curiosity to elicit rich responses.
• Establish Trust : Create a comfortable and non-judgmental environment. Assure participants of confidentiality and their right to withdraw from the interview at any time.
• Sampling Diversity : Consider diversity in your interviewee selection to capture a range of perspectives and experiences within the community or setting.

Focus Groups

Focus groups are a valuable method for understanding group dynamics, shared beliefs, and diverse opinions within a community or setting.

• Define Clear Objectives : Specify the goals of the focus group and the topics to be discussed. Ensure participants understand the purpose of the discussion.
• Moderation Skills : Be an effective moderator, guiding the conversation while allowing participants to interact freely. Encourage open dialogue and diverse viewpoints.
• Small and Diverse Groups : Keep focus groups small (typically 6-10 participants) and diverse to stimulate discussions and explore varying perspectives.
• Record and Analyze : Record focus group discussions and transcribe them for analysis. Identify common themes, disagreements, and emerging ideas.

Surveys and Questionnaires

Surveys and questionnaires can complement qualitative data with quantitative insights, allowing for a broader understanding of your research subject. To use surveys effectively:

• Design with Clarity : Craft clear and concise questions. Ensure survey items are free from ambiguity and bias. Pilot-test the survey to identify any issues.
• Sampling Strategy : Define your target audience and select a representative sample. Consider using random or stratified sampling techniques to minimize bias.
• Data Analysis : Use statistical tools to analyze survey data. Identify trends, correlations, and patterns that can enhance your qualitative findings.

Data Recording and Analysis

Accurate data recording and thorough analysis are essential to extract meaningful insights from your ethnographic research.

• Organized Data Collection : Maintain well-organized records of your data, including field notes, interview transcripts, and survey responses. Use digital tools to assist with data management.
• Thematic Coding : Employ thematic coding to categorize and organize qualitative data. Identify recurring themes, patterns, and concepts within your data.
• Narrative Analysis : Dive into the narratives and stories within your data. Explore the cultural context and underlying meanings embedded in the narratives.
• Triangulation : Consider using multiple data sources and methods to enhance the credibility and validity of your findings. Triangulation involves cross-referencing information to ensure accuracy.
• Iterative Process : Data analysis is often an iterative process. Continuously revisit your research questions and objectives as you delve deeper into your findings.

In ethnographic research, data collection and analysis are the tools that help you uncover the hidden layers of culture, behavior, and society. Remember that each method has its strengths and limitations, so choose and adapt your approach based on your research goals and the nature of your study population.

Data Analysis in Ethnographic Research

Once you've gathered a wealth of ethnographic data, the next crucial step is to analyze it effectively. Let's examine the various methods and tools used to make sense of the rich qualitative data you've collected.

Thematic Coding

Thematic coding is a systematic approach to organizing and categorizing qualitative data. It helps you identify recurring themes, patterns, and concepts within your data.

• Data Familiarization : Begin by thoroughly familiarizing yourself with your data—this may include field notes, interview transcripts, and survey responses.
• Code Development : Create a set of codes or keywords representing key ideas, concepts, or themes in your data. These codes serve as labels for different aspects of your data.
• Coding Process : Go through your data systematically, assigning relevant codes to specific portions of text or data points. Be consistent in your coding approach.
• Coding Software : Consider using qualitative data analysis software like NVivo or MAXQDA to streamline the coding process and manage large datasets.
• Theme Emergence : As you code, pay attention to emerging themes and patterns. These may be unexpected and can lead to deeper insights.
• Data Reduction : Once coding is complete, summarize and condense the data under each code. This helps in the later stages of analysis.
• Cross-referencing : Cross-reference coded data to see how themes relate to one another. This can reveal complex relationships within your data.

Thematic coding is a powerful tool for identifying the core ideas and concepts that emerge from your ethnographic research. It provides a structured framework for further analysis.

Narrative Analysis

Narrative analysis focuses on the stories and narratives within your ethnographic data. It delves into the cultural context and underlying meanings embedded in the narratives.

• Story Identification : Identify the narratives or stories within your data. Look for personal experiences, anecdotes, and accounts that reveal cultural insights.
• Contextualization : Understand the cultural, social, and historical context in which the narratives are situated. This context provides crucial insights into the meaning of the stories.
• Character Analysis : Analyze the characters within the narratives, their roles, and their relationships. Pay attention to how they shape the narrative.
• Plot and Structure : Examine the narrative structure, including the beginning, middle, and end. Identify any patterns or shifts in the storytelling.
• Themes and Motifs : Identify recurring themes, motifs, or symbols within the narratives. These elements often carry cultural significance.
• Interpretation : Interpret the narratives by considering the cultural norms, values, and ideologies embedded in the stories. Analyze the implications of these narratives for your research.

Narrative analysis allows you to dig deep into the storytelling aspect of your data, uncovering the cultural narratives that shape the experiences and perspectives of your participants.

Comparative Analysis

Comparative analysis involves comparing different cases or groups within your ethnographic study. This method can highlight variations and similarities, shedding light on significant trends.

• Case Selection : Select specific cases or groups within your study that you intend to compare. Ensure these cases are relevant to your research objectives.
• Data Comparison : Compare data from different cases or groups systematically. Look for patterns, differences, and commonalities in their behaviors, experiences, or beliefs.
• Pattern Recognition : Identify recurring patterns and themes that emerge through comparison. These patterns may relate to cultural practices, behaviors, or attitudes.
• Contextual Understanding : Consider the context in which each case or group operates. Understanding the unique context is crucial for accurate interpretation.
• Cross-case Analysis : Conduct a cross-case analysis to draw meaningful conclusions about the overarching themes or trends in your data.

Comparative analysis allows you to gain a broader perspective on your research subject by examining how different contexts or groups influence the phenomena you're studying.

Qualitative Data Software

Qualitative data analysis software is valuable for managing and analyzing ethnographic data, particularly when dealing with large datasets. These software programs, such as NVivo, MAXQDA, and Dedoose, offer several advantages:

• Data Management : Store and organize your data in a structured manner, making it easy to locate and retrieve specific information.
• Efficient Coding : Streamline the coding process by using features that allow you to tag and categorize data quickly.
• Cross-referencing : Easily cross-reference coded data, facilitating in-depth analysis and exploration of relationships.
• Visualization Tools : Create visual representations of your data, such as charts and graphs, to aid in data interpretation and presentation.
• Collaboration : Collaborate with other researchers by sharing your data and analysis within the software platform.
• Project Documentation : Keep track of your research process, coding decisions, and analysis notes within the software, ensuring transparency and reproducibility.

Using qualitative data software can save you time and enhance the rigor of your ethnographic data analysis. It offers a user-friendly interface and various features tailored to the needs of qualitative researchers.

With these tools and techniques at your disposal, you can confidently embark on the journey of data analysis in ethnographic research, unraveling the intricate tapestry of insights hidden within your qualitative data. Remember that the depth of your analysis will determine the richness of the stories you uncover.

How to Report Ethnographic Findings?

Having conducted your ethnographic research and analyzed the data, the next critical step is to communicate your findings effectively. Here are some strategies and techniques for reporting and presenting ethnographic insights.

Writing Ethnographic Research Reports

Writing a well-structured and comprehensive research report is essential for conveying the depth and significance of your ethnographic findings. To craft an impactful ethnographic research report:

• Clear Structure : Begin with an introduction that sets the stage for your research. Provide a clear statement of your objectives and research questions. Outline the structure of your report.
• Detailed Methodology : Describe your research methodology in detail, including data collection methods, participant selection, and ethical considerations. Transparency is key.
• Rich Description : Present your findings using rich descriptions, incorporating quotes, anecdotes, and narratives to illustrate key points. Paint a vivid picture of the cultural and social context.
• Thematic Presentation : Organize your report thematically, presenting key themes and patterns that emerged from your data. Use clear headings and subheadings to guide the reader.
• Interpretation and Analysis : Offer thoughtful interpretation and analysis of the themes, connecting them to your research objectives. Discuss the implications of your findings.
• Visual Aids : Supplement your text with visuals such as photographs, charts, and graphs where appropriate. Visual aids can enhance understanding and engagement.
• Recommendations : Provide practical recommendations or insights that can be applied in relevant fields, whether it's marketing, healthcare, education, or community development.
• Conclusion : Summarize your key findings and their significance. Highlight the contributions of your research and suggest avenues for future studies.
• Citations and References : Ensure proper citation of sources and references. Use a consistent citation style (e.g., APA, MLA) throughout your report.
• Appendices : Include any supplementary materials, such as interview transcripts, in an appendix for those who wish to delve deeper into your data.

Writing an ethnographic research report is not just about presenting facts; it's about telling a compelling and informative story that captures the essence of your research subject.

Visual Presentation of Data

In addition to a written report, visual presentation of data can be a powerful way to convey your ethnographic findings. Visuals can make complex information more accessible and engaging.

• Charts and Graphs : Use charts and graphs to illustrate quantitative data or show trends and comparisons. Bar charts, pie charts, and line graphs are commonly used for this purpose.
• Photographs and Images : Include relevant pictures and images that provide visual context to your findings. Ensure proper permissions and ethical considerations for using participant photos.
• Infographics : Create infographics that condense key information into visually appealing and easy-to-understand formats. Infographics can be particularly useful for summarizing complex data.
• Maps : If your research involves geographic elements, use maps to visually represent locations and spatial relationships. Geographic information systems (GIS) can assist in creating informative maps.
• Flowcharts and Diagrams : Utilize flowcharts and diagrams to illustrate processes, workflows, or relationships within your research subject.
• Visual Consistency : Maintain a consistent visual style throughout your presentation to enhance readability and professionalism. Use colors, fonts, and formatting consistently.
• Accessibility : Ensure your visual elements are accessible to all audiences, including those with disabilities. Provide alternative text for images and use accessible design principles.
• Captions and Labels : Include clear captions and labels for all visuals to provide context and explanations.

Visual presentation of data can be a powerful supplement to your ethnographic research report, enabling your audience to grasp the essence of your findings at a glance.

Effective Communication of Ethnographic Insights

Effectively communicating ethnographic insights goes beyond the written report and visual aids. It involves engaging with various stakeholders and tailoring your communication to your target audience.

• Know Your Audience : Understand who will be consuming your research findings. Are they academics, business professionals, community members, or policymakers? Tailor your communication to their needs and interests.
• Engage Stakeholders : Actively engage with stakeholders throughout your research process. Involve them in discussions, share preliminary findings, and gather their input.
• Storytelling : Use the power of storytelling to convey your ethnographic insights. Share compelling anecdotes and narratives that resonate with your audience and illustrate key points.
• Visual Presentations : When presenting your findings in person, consider using visual aids like slideshows or posters. Ensure these visuals complement your spoken narrative.
• Interactive Workshops : Organize workshops or interactive sessions to engage your audience actively. Encourage discussions and collaboration to deepen understanding.
• Plain Language : Avoid jargon and academic language. Use plain language that is accessible to a broader audience. Explain technical terms when necessary.
• Feedback and Q&A : Be open to questions and feedback from your audience . Address their inquiries with clarity and patience.
• Actionable Insights : Highlight actionable insights your audience can use in their respective fields or decision-making processes. Emphasize the practical implications of your research.

Effective communication ensures that your ethnographic insights have a meaningful impact and can drive positive change in the areas to which they apply. It bridges the gap between research and real-world application.

In summary, reporting and presenting ethnographic findings is about translating your in-depth research into formats that are accessible, engaging, and relevant to your intended audience. Whether through written reports, visual elements, or interpersonal communication, the goal is to convey the richness of your ethnographic research in a compelling and informative manner.

Ethnographic Research Applications

Ethnographic research is a versatile and robust method that can be applied across various fields and disciplines. We'll delve into some applications of ethnographic research, shedding light on how it can provide valuable insights in diverse areas.

Marketing and Consumer Behavior Studies

Ethnographic research is pivotal in understanding consumer behavior , preferences, and decision-making processes. By immersing researchers in the consumer's world, it uncovers hidden motivations and contextual factors that drive choices. Here's how ethnographic research is applied in marketing:

• Consumer Insights : Ethnography allows marketers to gain deep insights into the daily lives, habits, and aspirations of their target audience. This understanding helps in tailoring products and marketing strategies.
• Observing Purchase Behaviors : Researchers can observe and analyze how consumers behave in real-life shopping situations . This includes tracking shopping patterns, in-store navigation, and product selections.
• Brand Perception : Ethnography uncovers how consumers perceive and interact with brands . It provides insights into brand loyalty, trust, and the emotional connections that drive consumer choices.
• Product Innovation : Ethnographic research can inspire product innovation by identifying unmet needs and opportunities. By witnessing how products fit into consumers' lives, companies can design solutions that truly resonate.
• Market Segmentation : Ethnographic insights enable the creation of more refined market segments based on actual behaviors and lifestyles rather than demographic data alone.

Healthcare and Medical Anthropology

Ethnographic research is instrumental in healthcare and medical anthropology, offering a holistic understanding of health-related practices, patient experiences, and cultural factors influencing health outcomes.

• Patient-Centered Care : Ethnographic studies explore patient perspectives, beliefs, and healthcare-seeking behaviors. This information helps healthcare providers offer patient-centered care that respects cultural norms and values.
• Cultural Competency : Healthcare professionals and policymakers use ethnographic insights to develop cultural competency, ensuring that healthcare services are sensitive to diverse cultural backgrounds.
• Public Health Interventions : Ethnographic research informs the design and implementation of public health interventions. It identifies barriers to health behavior change and effective strategies for outreach.
• Medical Decision-Making : Understanding how patients and families make medical decisions helps medical professionals communicate effectively and provide tailored care plans.
• Healthcare Disparities : Ethnography uncovers disparities in access to healthcare, highlighting social, economic, and cultural factors that impact health outcomes.

Education and Classroom Observations

In education, ethnographic research provides valuable insights into classroom dynamics, teaching methods, and student experiences. It helps educators and researchers improve educational practices.

• Understanding Learning Environments : Ethnography offers a window into the daily experiences of students and teachers in the classroom. Researchers can observe interactions, teaching styles, and learning challenges.
• Curriculum Development : Insights from ethnographic research can inform curriculum development by tailoring educational content to meet the needs and interests of students.
• Teacher-Student Relationships : Ethnography allows for the exploration of teacher-student relationships, identifying factors that enhance or hinder effective teaching and learning.
• Cultural Awareness : Teachers can benefit from ethnographic studies highlighting cultural diversity within classrooms. This awareness helps create inclusive and culturally sensitive teaching practices.
• Policy and Reform : Ethnographic research provides data that informs education policy and reforms. It helps policymakers understand the realities of classrooms and make evidence-based decisions.

Urban Planning and Community Development

Ethnographic research is vital in urban planning and community development initiatives, offering insights into the dynamics of neighborhoods, communities, and urban spaces.

• Community Engagement : Ethnography involves engaging with community members, listening to their concerns, and involving them in the planning process. This participatory approach fosters community buy-in and empowers residents.
• Understanding Neighborhoods : Researchers use ethnographic methods to understand the social, economic, and cultural dynamics of neighborhoods. This knowledge informs urban development projects and revitalization efforts.
• Public Spaces : Ethnography can shed light on how public spaces are used and experienced by residents. It guides the design of parks, plazas, and other community areas.
• Social Services : Ethnographic research helps identify social service needs within communities, allowing for targeted interventions and support programs.
• Cultural Preservation : In culturally diverse urban areas, ethnography assists in preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, languages, and heritage.

Ethnographic research empowers urban planners and community developers to create more vibrant, inclusive, and sustainable urban environments by considering the perspectives and needs of the people who inhabit them.

Ethnographic Research Examples

To truly grasp the power and potential of ethnographic research, let's delve into some compelling real-world examples where this methodology has been employed to gain profound insights and drive impactful decisions.

Example 1: Enhancing User Experience in a Social Media Platform

Research Focus : Improving the user experience (UX) of a popular social media platform.

Methodology : Ethnographers embedded themselves within the platform's user community. They observed how users interacted with the platform, from posting content to engaging with others. In-depth interviews and surveys were conducted to understand user preferences and pain points.

Findings : The ethnographic study revealed that users valued real-time interaction and visual content. However, they felt overwhelmed by the sheer volume of information. Armed with these insights, the platform redesigned its algorithms to prioritize relevant content and introduced features that encouraged more meaningful interactions. As a result, user engagement and satisfaction significantly increased.

Example 2: Transforming Healthcare Delivery in Rural Areas

Research Focus : Improving healthcare delivery in underserved rural communities.

Methodology : Ethnographic researchers spent months immersed in rural healthcare clinics. They observed patient journeys, interactions with healthcare providers, and the challenges faced by both patients and medical staff. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with community members.

Findings : The ethnographic study unveiled barriers such as limited access to transportation and healthcare information, which hindered timely medical care. Armed with these insights, healthcare organizations partnered with local transportation providers and launched educational outreach programs. These interventions led to improved healthcare access and better health outcomes for rural residents.

Example 3: Revitalizing an Urban Neighborhood

Research Focus : Revitalizing a declining urban neighborhood.

Methodology : Ethnographic researchers integrated themselves into the neighborhood's fabric, attending community events, engaging with residents, and documenting their daily lives. They also conducted surveys and interviews to understand the aspirations and concerns of residents.

Findings : The ethnographic study highlighted the importance of community pride and a desire for safer public spaces. With these insights, urban planners and community leaders initiated projects to refurbish parks, enhance street lighting, and promote local cultural events. These efforts not only transformed the neighborhood aesthetically but also fostered a sense of belonging and community cohesion.

These real-world examples demonstrate the versatility and impact of ethnographic research in diverse contexts. From digital platforms to healthcare and urban planning, ethnography uncovers hidden truths, informs strategic decisions, and drives positive change. It's a methodology that celebrates the human experience, one immersive observation at a time.

Ethnographic Research Best Practices

To overcome the challenges and maximize the effectiveness of ethnographic research, researchers can follow best practices that have evolved over time. These practices are instrumental in ensuring the quality and rigor of ethnographic studies.

• Clear Research Objectives : Begin with well-defined research objectives and questions to guide your study.
• Participant Observation : Immerse yourself in the research setting, actively engaging with participants and gaining their trust.
• Triangulation : Use multiple data sources and methods to enhance the reliability and validity of your findings.
• Ethical Considerations : Prioritize ethical conduct, obtain informed consent, and protect the privacy and dignity of participants.
• Continuous Reflexivity : Reflect on your role as a researcher and your potential biases throughout the research process.
• Transparency : Document your research methods, decisions, and any changes made during the study to ensure transparency and replicability.
• Member Checking : Consider involving participants in the research process by sharing findings with them and seeking their input.
• Pilot Testing : Pilot-test your data collection instruments and methods to identify and address potential issues.
• Data Management : Organize and manage your data systematically, using qualitative analysis software if needed.
• Collaboration : Collaborate with colleagues and seek peer feedback to enhance the quality of your research.
• Contextualization : Always place your findings in the broader cultural, social, and historical context to enhance their meaning and significance.
• Interdisciplinary Approach : Consider drawing from other disciplines and approaches to enrich your ethnographic research.

By adhering to these best practices, ethnographic researchers can navigate challenges and ensure the integrity and impact of their studies. Ethnography remains a dynamic and adaptable research method that continues to evolve and adapt to the complexities of the modern world.

Ethnographic Research Challenges and Limitations

While ethnographic research offers invaluable insights, it also presents unique challenges and limitations researchers must navigate. Understanding these challenges is essential to conduct ethnographic research effectively.

• Time-Intensive : Ethnographic research can be time-consuming, requiring extended periods of immersion and data collection. Researchers must commit to long-term fieldwork.
• Resource Demands : Conducting ethnography often demands significant resources, including funding, research assistants, and access to the research site.
• Subjectivity : The researcher's presence and subjectivity can influence the data collected. It's essential to acknowledge and manage biases and maintain objectivity.
• Access and Trust : Gaining access to certain communities or settings may be challenging, and building trust with participants can take time.
• Ethical Dilemmas : Ethnographic research may present ethical dilemmas, especially when observing sensitive or vulnerable populations. Researchers must navigate these ethical complexities.
• Generalizability : Ethnographic findings are often context-specific and may not be easily generalized to broader populations. Researchers must be cautious about overgeneralization.
• Limited Sample Size : Due to the intensive nature of ethnography, sample sizes tend to be small. This limits the statistical power of the research.
• Data Management : Managing and analyzing qualitative data from ethnographic research can be complex, requiring specialized skills and tools.
• Researcher Fatigue : Prolonged fieldwork can lead to researcher fatigue, potentially affecting the quality of data collected.
• Interpretation Challenges : Interpreting ethnographic data can be challenging, as it often involves qualitative analysis that may be open to multiple interpretations.

Conclusion for Ethnographic Research

Ethnographic research serves as a powerful compass for exploring human cultures, behaviors, and societies. It enables researchers to step into the shoes of those they study, uncovering hidden stories and perspectives that might otherwise remain concealed. By embracing the principles and best practices outlined in this guide, you too can embark on journeys of discovery, fostering a deeper appreciation for the diverse world we inhabit. Ethnography is not merely a research method; it is a bridge that connects researchers to the lived experiences of others. It empowers us to break down barriers, foster empathy, and drive positive change in a multitude of fields. So, whether you are a student, a professional, or a curious explorer of the human condition, remember that ethnographic research offers a profound lens through which to view and understand the world around us. Embrace the journey, and may your ethnographic endeavors yield meaningful insights and lasting impacts.

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Ethnography study  is a research method used in social sciences. It involves studying people in their natural environment. Researchers observe and interact with a group over a period of time to understand behaviors, and social interactions. The research can involve interviews, surveys, and direct observation. Your goal is to gain a deep understanding of how the group lives and sees the world.

If you’re here, you probably know that researchers should rely on ethnographic study to obtain accurate results. Indeed, as a qualitative research, it offers a far more realistic representation of human interactions than any other method. 

On the other hand, if you don’t know the tricks of ethnographic methodology, you are more likely to fall into the trap. It’s like throwing darts blindfolded. So, our paper writers have prepared this guide and ethnography examples to make sure that you never fail.

What Is Ethnography Research: Definition

Before we discuss the writing process, let’s first sort things out and define ethnography. Ethnography is a qualitative type of study where researchers examine a specific community in its natural environment through direct observation. In a nutshell, in this type of research you will examine or communicate with people in their local setting.  Ethnographic research method allows participants to feel comfortable while experiencing their authentic culture. Thus, it is perfect for studying things as they are.  The second meaning of “ ethnography ” is a written work that ethnographers complete after studying a community and gathering information about it. Sometimes, it may take years to collect necessary data about some group of people, especially when it comes to a tribe. For example, Claude Lévi-Strauss spent several years in different parts of Brazil before writing his notorious ethnographic work Tristes Tropiques (‘The Sad Tropics’).  Now that you know what ethnographic research is, let’s move on to the goals of study.

What Are The Goals of Ethnography Study?

As long as you are familiar with the ethnography meaning, let us look at this study’s main goals.  The primary purpose of ethnographic research is to get a whole picture about some community by observing how individuals interact in their natural environment. Ethnographers also use this research method to gain insights into culture and traditions of distant tribes. Besides just trying to understand distant and diverse societies, ethnographies also focus on our involvement in different cultures.

Advantages and Disadvantages of Ethnography

All qualitative research methods have their own advantages and disadvantages, and ethnography is not an exception. While being the only method that offers a hands-on approach to learning the interactions within any social or cultural group, this study is rather time-consuming. It’s important that you consider all pros and cons before selecting this research method.

Ethnographic Research: Main Advantages

Ethnographic research can benefit in many ways. Advantages of ethnography include:

• Direct observation of some community.
• Hands-on experience of any culture.
• Comprehensive picture of any social group .
• Flexibility and wide scope of study.
• Accurate information about local traditions and practices.

So if you are seeking to learn about some community in an empirical way and communicate with the representatives directly, opt for ethnography. 

Ethnographies: Main Disadvantages

Main disadvantages of ethnography are as follows: 

• Long duration of study.
• Potential ethical issues.
• High overall cost and many resources.
• Difficulty to access or build a natural environment.
• Geographical boundaries and geopolitical factors.
• High tendency to bias due to subjectivity.

As you can see, a major disadvantage of ethnography is its time-consuming process. It is not an option if you need the results yesterday. Besides, this method requires thorough preparation and a considerable amount of expenses for a trip that may last years. This creates a high price label that not every novice researcher can afford.

Ethnographic Research Approaches

As a method of anthropology, ethnology has several peculiarities which define a researcher's approach. You will have to choose between such approaches:

• Open or closed setting.
• Overt or covert study.
• Active or passive monitoring.

These techniques depend on the nature of study and the way you want to observe your participants. Let’s look closer at each of these approaches.

Ethnographic Study: Open vs. Closed Settings

The setting of your ethnography research is a location where you observe your subject group. An environment may have some boundaries or no limits at all. In other words, it can be either open or closed.  Intuitively speaking, an open setting is an environment without any borders or restrictions. It’s often called a public setting since you can access it easily. For instance, you may consider a local park or neighborhood because this setting doesn’t restrain you.

• Open setting

Closed settings have restricted access. Generally, such environments are private and can block researchers from studying a social group. To access an open setting an ethnographer should get a special permission. For example, it can be an educational institution, a company or an organization.

• Closed setting

Overt vs. Covert Ethnography Research Methodology

Ethnography research methodology implies particular procedures a researcher chooses in order to study a cultural or social group. Participation in ethnography – overt or covert – plays an essential role in choosing a setting and methods.  Overt ethnography is a research where participants are aware they are being examined. An overt method is considered ethical since the group’s members know the research is taking place and give their consent. To access a community, you need to directly explain your presence and be honest about your intentions.

• Overt ethnography

Covert ethnography is a study where people have no clue they are being observed. Usually, to obtain access to such community, an ethnographer should pretend to be an actual group member. Though a covert method involves deception, it allows to avoid reactivity. The participants behave naturally, so the results will be more accurate.

• Covert ethnography

Active vs. Passive Observation

The results of ethnographies also depend on the level of researcher’s involvement – active or passive. It is a context that defines your level of activity.  During an active observation, you will join the group and experience its culture together with the participants. In this case, people won’t be anxious. However, interference may cause reactivity.

• Active observation

In a passive observation, researchers won’t interfere with the group and its normal functioning. The task is to observe what other people do. This method allows a more meticulous observation since researchers will have time to take notes.

• Passive observation

Now let’s get to the part we know you’ve been eagerly waiting for since the beginning of our article. It’s time to learn how to write ethnographic research.

How to Write an Ethnography Step by Step

Writing an ethnography won’t be a challenge if you follow our step-by-step guide that will keep you on track. From getting access to creating notes and interpreting the dynamics, we’ve got you covered. Here’re 4 clearly defined steps you should go through to ensure that your research time is efficient.

1. Get Access to Group for Your Ethnography

One of the most critical and often challenging things in ethnography is getting access to a group. How an ethnographer should solve this question primarily depends on the setting and the type of sociologist participation (overt or covert). Here’s what should be considered:

Ethnographies are long-term studies. This means you should not only enter the field, but also maintain your access to the community. Therefore, an ethnographer should put extra effort to ensure a constant immersion in the setting, especially if it’s a closed one. Be ready for unexpected changes and try to behave naturally.

2. Find the Informants for Your Ethnographies

Informants are people who understand your ethnography research  and can share valuable insights about the community. They can tell you about group members, places and conditions. As providers of information, they can explain what behavior and activities are acceptable within a target group. Besides, your key respondents can provide you access, interpret the results, or even help you cope with stress.  However, it’s extremely important that you keep in mind 2 things:

• Your findings can be influenced by an informant’s subjective opinion.
• Some responses may be provided to please an ethnographer.

For this reason, you might want to find several respondents. This way, you will gain representative information about the entire population. 

3. Create Field Notes for Your Ethnographic Study

Field notes are detailed records that sum up what a researcher observed, heard or experienced during an ethnographic study. Taking notes of every single event or person can be quite tiresome. That’s why an ethnographer should first identify the main objectives of the study. With clear and good research questions , you will be able to determine what situations are significant and write down notes only when necessary.  Still, sometimes people may interact in the way you don’t expect. It’s a qualitative study so you should be prepared for changes. Don’t get stressed, though. Adjust to the situation and be flexible.

4. Writing an Ethnography

Once you are done, the last step will be writing an ethnographic research report. Ethnographies come in different ‘sizes and shapes’ – you can write an article or even a whole book.  There is no general structure you should follow when creating an ethnography. Some scientific reports just describe background information and briefly summarize the research. Meanwhile, other ethnographies are structured like other types of research. These reports contain an abstract, an introduction, methods, outcomes, discussion and conclusion.  As for the content, ethnographies usually take the form of a narrative. Since you will be sharing your own experiences, opt for a more personal style of writing. And above all, remember that your representation of the group should be convincing. So, you should support your reasoning with evidence.

Ethnographic Research Examples

Here are several ethnography examples that can get you inspired:

• Observing a sports team during the training and actual game.
• Examining how employees work remotely and on site.
• Exploring the behavior of residents in a local park.

Feel free to use these examples to come up with a narrow topic for your study. And here’s an ethnography sample that you use as a guide during research or the writing process.

Final Thoughts on Ethnographies

Let’s wrap this up: ethnography research is a qualitative study where a sociologist observes some group of people in their natural context. Depending on the nature of research, you should plan your strategy and choose a proper approach. If you want to dig deeper into details, make sure you check links scattered through this article. This should give you some valuable insights into the tricks of research and paper writing.

Simplify! Entrust your ethnography to our research paper and thesis writing service and get your work done in no time. Our writers have solid experience and all necessary skills to seriously level-up your academic writing.

Ethnographic Study: Frequently Asked Questions

1. what are the main focuses of ethnographic research.

The main focuses of ethnographic research are observation, understanding, interpretation and representation. You should be a careful observer and pay attention to practices within the group. In addition, you must be able to understand why people act in a certain way and interpret your findings to introduce this community.

2. What is ethnographic research strategy?

An ethnographic research strategy is a study that allows ethnographers to get a realistic picture about any social or cultural group. Typically, researchers use direct observation or personal interviews as methods to study a community.

3. Who uses ethnography?

Ethnography is often used by anthropologists, ethnographers and sociologists. Moreover, ethnographic studies quite often come in handy for marketers, business analysts and geographers.

4. What are the characteristics of ethnography?

The main characteristics of ethnography are: 

• Naturalism: focusing on society in a natural setting.
• Context: access to public or private space.
• Various sources of information: key informants and participants.

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