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The Gist 2023: The biggest education stories in S’pore

Chatgpt and artificial intelligence. pre-school children mistreated by teachers. a tuition-free coding school. st highlights five top developments in the education sector in 2023. .

1. Artificial intelligence (AI)

One challenge that education systems around the world had to grapple with was generative AI tools such as ChatGPT.

Developed by San Francisco research firm OpenAI, the intelligent chatbot has made headlines for its ability to produce essays and solve mathematical equations in seconds.

Internationally, many schools have cracked down on the use of such tools, with some US districts blocking access to ChatGPT on school computers and networks, due to plagiarism and cheating concerns.

Singapore, though, took a different stance, with Education Minister Chan Chun Sing saying that the Ministry of Education (MOE) would guide teachers to use AI tools such as ChatGPT to enhance learning.

Likening the potential use of ChatGPT in the classroom to the way a calculator provides support for students learning mathematics, he noted that AI tools do not replace the need for students to first master the fundamentals of the subject.

To this end, a road map by the MOE to adopt technology and artificial intelligence into how students learn will be implemented in schools from 2024.

With the ministry’s EdTech Masterplan 2030, launched on Sept 20, students will learn the strengths and limitations of AI and how to use it for learning and work.

Why it matters

AI-driven tools such as ChatGPT are likely to become pervasive over time, and banning their use is not going to work.

Students will increasingly need to know their way around these tools to work alongside them and use them to their advantage.

With the right approach, observers say it can be a powerful learning tool for students and a teaching tool for educators.

Through frequent practice, students can gain a good understanding of how AI works, what types of bias it contains, and how it can be misused and weaponised.

2. Pre-school children mismanagement

Cases of alleged child abuse in some pre-schools sparked public outrage when videos of incidents were circulated widely on social media in August.

Former early childhood teacher Lin Min was allegedly seen forcing children to drink water and hitting a child on the buttocks with a book. She was charged in August with ill-treating a child under the Children and Young Persons Act.

Another educator at the same Kinderland pre-school centre had allegedly used inappropriate methods to restrict the movement of a three-year-old child under her charge by pulling the child’s shirt over the back of a chair and securing him to a chair using straps from an infant chair.

In response, the Early Childhood Development Agency (ECDA) said it would review its systems and processes for reporting of child mismanagement cases.

Aspiring and in-service pre-school teachers will also have clearer child safety guidelines spelling out inappropriate behaviour in their training by end-2023.

By July 2024, all pre-schools and government-funded early intervention centres will need to install closed-circuit television cameras. The ECDA said this move was part of its regular review of security and safety measures in the early childhood sector, and was not related to the incidents.

These cases put a spotlight on the safety of children in pre-schools and the protocols involved during investigations.

Observers say the incidents show that pre-schools need to be open in their communication with parents in order to build trust and good relationships.

Some groups, like the Singapore Children’s Society, also say that every pre-school must have a child safe policy.

This includes familiarising all staff with the accepted code of conduct, reviewing incident reporting and whistle-blower policies, and providing centres with updated risk assessment and management tools.

3. University developments

Singapore universities continued to add to the diverse choices for students. One new institution of note was the College of Integrative Studies (CIS), launched by the Singapore Management University (SMU). It welcomed its first intake of 101 students in August 2023.

CIS students are allowed to defer choosing their degree until the end of their first year, which gives them a whole year to explore disciplines available to them at SMU before going on to specialise in certain fields.

Students can create a major that combines modules across different schools, for example, in artificial intelligence and cognitive psychology to build the next generation of robots.

They can also opt for the professional track, which will give them close exposure to industry, or the research track for those with an interest in a research, government or policymaking career.

The Singapore University of Technology and Design (SUTD) launched 42 Singapore, a tuition-free coding school, in collaboration with Ecole 42 Paris.

Instead of lectures and tutorials, the programme uses a unique peer-learning approach and offers project-based learning in a gamified environment to develop technical and soft skills needed for the industry.

Students will have to pass several levels of core and specialisation modules before going on one or two six-month industry placement exercises.

CIS was set up to equip future graduates to look beyond the boundaries of a single discipline and meet needs of future jobs.

As CIS dean Elvin Lim said, in a highly disrupted world, to be a single-subject expert is to risk obsolescence in the rapidly evolving industry cycles.

SUTD’s 42 Singapore is an attempt to overhaul the education system to adopt innovative learning and pedagogical techniques, through breaking away from the traditional lecture and tutorial system to one based on peer-to-peer learning.

It is also an inclusive school that offers free tuition training, accessible to all, to equip learners with the most-in-demand tech skills for jobs.

The 190 students in its pioneer batch come from all walks of life, with a third of them in full-time employment. Another third are currently unemployed and enrolled in the programme to upskill themselves, while the rest are students, working part-time or retirees.

Approximately half of the students have no prior coding experience, and nearly half have no degree.

4. Learning for life

Mr Chan announced in March 2023 that the Government will be offering more university places to give more Singaporeans a shot at degree education.

But instead of calling it an increase in the “cohort participation rate”, which refers to the percentage of a yearly cohort who are given places in MOE-funded degree programmes, he used the term “lifetime cohort participation rate (CPR)” and said it will be increased from the current 50 per cent to 60 per cent by 2025.

The word “lifetime” was added as the rise in places will be weighted towards enabling adult learners from the workforce to access a university upgrading pathway. That means they do not have to enrol in a university, immediately after the A levels or polytechnic education. Instead, they can take up a degree while working, or go to university to reskill themselves when pivoting to a new job.

Why it matters 

In using the term “lifetime CPR”, Mr Chan said the Government was sending out a signal to Singaporeans that there is no need to rush to front-load education, as there will be more subsidised spaces to support upgrading later in life.

This aligns with the wider push to encourage Singaporeans to make learning lifelong so that they can adapt to the rapid technological and workplace changes.

To support this, the autonomous universities are relooking ways to better cater to adult learners, many of whom are likely to be juggling work and study. These include programmes conducted via a mix of online and face-to-face lessons, and offering micro-credentials that could be stacked up to a degree.

5. Narrowing pay gap between university graduates and non-degree holders

At the start of 2023, Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong said more can be done to address the gap between the starting salaries of university graduates and those of their peers from the Institute of Technical Education (ITE) and polytechnics.

Today, the median starting salary for university graduates is about twice that of ITE graduates and about 1½ times that of polytechnic graduates.

His remarks came amid growing awareness that Singapore needs to place more emphasis on individuals engaging in “hands-on and heart work”, such as those in technical, service and community care roles.

To improve job prospects, the Government will continue to expand the Progressive Wage Model to cover more areas with lower-wage jobs.

The issue was again raised in Parliament in February, with Manpower Minister Tan See Leng saying that government agencies are working on initiatives like work-study programmes to narrow the pay gap between graduates from various institutions.

The wage disparity between graduates of different institutions is concerning when it is too wide, and if it means there is little room for non-degree holders to progress in their careers throughout their lives.

Left unaddressed, this can result in people feeling resentment or that the system is unfair, which could have an impact on social cohesion.

Another consequence is a mismatch between worker skills and job requirements, if people do not enter vocations they have been trained for, or feel pressured to pursue a university degree not aligned with their strengths or interests.

An economy thrives when it has workers with diverse traits and skill sets, and observers have noted a need to consider a broader definition of what it means to have “good jobs”. Employers, too, need to rethink how they hire candidates and make use of skills-based recruitment when suitable, instead of looking only at paper credentials.

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Why is Singapore’s school system so successful, and is it a model for the West?

Honorary Professor, The University of Queensland

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For more than a decade, Singapore, along with South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, Shanghai, Hong Kong and Finland, has been at or near the top of international leagues tables that measure children’s ability in reading, maths and science. This has led to a considerable sense of achievement in Finland and East Asia and endless hand-wringing and head-scratching in the West.

What then do Singaporean teachers do in classrooms that is so special, bearing in mind that there are substantial differences in classroom practices between – as well as within – the top-performing countries? What are the particular strengths of Singapore’s instructional regime that helps it perform so well? What are its limits and constraints?

Is it the right model for countries seeking to prepare students properly for the complex demands of 21st century knowledge economies and institutional environments more generally? Is Singapore’s teaching system transferable to other countries? Or is its success so dependent on very specific institutional and cultural factors unique to Singapore that it is folly to imagine that it might be reproduced elsewhere?

Singapore’s instructional regime

In general, classroom instruction in Singapore is highly-scripted and uniform across all levels and subjects. Teaching is coherent, fit-for-purpose and pragmatic, drawing on a range of pedagogical traditions, both Eastern and Western.

As such, teaching in Singapore primarily focuses on coverage of the curriculum, the transmission of factual and procedural knowledge, and preparing students for end-of-semester and national high stakes examinations.

And because they do, teachers rely heavily on textbooks, worksheets, worked examples and lots of drill and practice. They also strongly emphasise mastery of specific procedures and the ability to represent problems clearly, especially in mathematics. Classroom talk is teacher-dominated and generally avoids extended discussion.

Intriguingly, Singaporean teachers only make limited use of “high leverage” or unusually effective teaching practices that contemporary educational research (at least in the West) regards as critical to the development of conceptual understanding and “learning how to learn”.

For example, teachers only make limited use of checking a student’s prior knowledge or communicating learning goals and achievement standards. In addition, while teachers monitor student learning and provide feedback and learning support to students, they largely do so in ways that focus on whether or not students know the right answer, rather than on their level of understanding.

So Singapore’s teaching regime is one primarily focused on the transmission of conventional curriculum knowledge and examination performance. And clearly it is highly-effective, helping to generate outstanding results in international assessments Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) .

The logic of teaching in Singapore

Singapore’s education system is the product of a distinctive, even unique, set of historical, institutional and cultural influences. These factors go a long way to help explain why the educational system is especially effective in the current assessment environment, but it also limits how transferable it is to other countries.

Over time, Singapore has developed a powerful set of institutional arrangements that shape its instructional regime. Singapore has developed an education system which is centralised (despite significant decentralisation of authority in recent years), integrated, coherent and well-funded. It is also relatively flexible and expert-led.

In addition, Singapore’s institutional arrangements is characterised by a prescribed national curriculum. National high stakes examinations at the end of primary and secondary schooling stream students according to their exam performance and, crucially, prompt teachers to emphasise coverage of the curriculum and teaching to the test. The alignment of curriculum, assessment and instruction is exceptionally strong.

Beyond this, the institutional environment incorporates top-down forms of teacher accountability based on student performance (although this is changing), that reinforces curriculum coverage and teaching to the test. Major government commitments to educational research (£109m between 2003-2017) and knowledge management are designed to support evidence-based policy making. Finally, Singapore is strongly committed to capacity building at all levels of the system, especially the selection, training and professional development of principals and teachers.

Singapore’s instructional regime and institutional arrangements are also supported by a range of cultural orientations that underwrites, sanctions and reproduces the instructional regime. At the most general level, these include a broad commitment to a nation-building narrative of meritocratic achievement and social stratification, ethnic pluralism, collective values and social cohesion, a strong, activist state and economic growth.

In addition, parents, students, teachers and policy makers share a highly positive but rigorously instrumentalist view of the value of education at the individual level. Students are generally compliant and classrooms orderly.

Importantly, teachers also broadly share an authoritative vernacular or “folk pedagogy” that shapes understandings across the system regarding the nature of teaching and learning. These include that “teaching is talking and learning is listening”, authority is “hierarchical and bureaucratic”, assessment is “summative”, knowledge is “factual and procedural,” and classroom talk is teacher-dominated and “performative”.

Clearly, Singapore’s unique configuration of historical experience, instruction, institutional arrangements and cultural beliefs has produced an exceptionally effective and successful system. But its uniqueness also renders its portability limited. But there is much that other jurisdictions can learn about the limits and possibilities of their own systems from an extended interrogation of the Singapore model.

At the same time it is also important to recognise that the Singapore model is not without its limits. It generates a range of substantial opportunity costs, and it constrains (without preventing) the capacity of the system for substantial and sustainable reform. Other systems, contemplating borrowing from Singapore, would do well to keep these in mind.

Reforming the Singapore model

The Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s challenged policy makers to take a long hard look at the educational system that they developed, and ever since they have been acutely aware that the pedagogical model that had propelled Singapore to the top of international leagues table is not appropriately designed to prepare young people for the complex demands of globalisation and 21st knowledge economies.

By 2004-5, Singapore’s government had more or less identified the kind of pedagogical framework it wanted to work towards, and called it Teach Less, Learn More . This framework urged teachers to focus on the “quality” of learning and the incorporation of technology into classrooms and not just the “quantity” of learning and exam preparation.

While substantial progress has been made, the government has found rolling-out and implementing these reforms something of a challenge. In particular, instructional practices proved well entrenched and difficult to change in a substantial and sustainable way.

This was in part because the institutional rules that govern classroom pedagogy were not altered in ways that would support the proposed changes to classroom teaching. As a consequence, well-established institutional rules have continued to drive teachers to teach in ways that prioritise coverage of the curriculum, knowledge transmission and teaching to the test over “the quality” of learning, or to adopt high-leverage instructional practices.

Indeed, teachers do so for good reason, since statistical modelling of the relationship between instructional practices and student learning indicates that traditional and direct instructional techniques are much better at predicting student achievement than high leverage instructional practices, given the nature of the tasks students are assessed on.

Not the least of the lessons of these findings is that teachers in Singapore are unlikely to cease teaching to the test until and unless a range of conditions are met. These include that the nature of the assessment tasks will need to change in ways that encourages teachers to teacher differently. Above all, new kinds of assessment tasks that focus on the quality of student understanding are likely to encourage teachers to design instructional tasks. These can provide rich opportunities to learn and encourage high-quality knowledge work.

The national high stakes assessment system should also incorporate a moderated, school-based component that allows teachers to design tasks that encourage deeper learning rather than just “exam learning”.

The national curriculum should allow substantial levels of teacher mediation at the school and classroom level. This needs to have clearly specified priorities and principles, backed up by substantial commitments to authentic, in-situ, forms of professional development that provide rich opportunities for modelling, mentoring and coaching.

Finally, the teacher evaluation system needs to rely far more substantially on accountability systems that acknowledge the importance of peer judgement, and a broader range of teacher capacities and valuable student outcomes than the current assessment regime currently does.

Meanwhile, teachers will continue to bear the existential burden of managing an ongoing tension between what, professionally speaking, many of them consider good teaching, and what, institutionally speaking, they recognise is responsible teaching.

One of the central challenges confronting the Ministry of Education in Singapore is to reconcile good and responsible teaching. But the ministry is clearly determined to bed-down a pedagogy capable of meeting the demands of 21st century institutional environments, particularly developing student capacity to engage in complex knowledge work within and across subject domains.

The technical, cultural, institutional and political challenges of doing so are daunting. However, given the quality of leadership across all levels of the system, and Singapore’s willingess to grant considerable pedagogical authority to teachers while providing clear guidance as to priorities, I have no doubt it will succeed. But it will do so on its own terms and in ways that achieve a sustainable balance of knowledge transmission and knowledge-building pedagogies that doesn’t seriously compromise the overall performativity of the system.

It is already clear that the government is willing to tweak once sacred cows, including the national high stakes exams and streaming systems. However, it has yet to tackle the perverse effects of streaming on classroom composition and student achievement that continues to overwhelm instructional effects in statistical modelling of student achievement.

Towards a knowledge building pedagogy

Singapore’s experience and its current efforts to improve the quality of teaching and learning do have important, if ironic, implications for systems that hope to emulate its success.

This is especially true of those jurisdictions – I have in mind England and Australia especially – where conservative governments have embarked on ideologically driven crusades to demand more direct instruction of (Western) canonical knowledge, demanding more testing and high stakes assessments of students, and imposing more intensive top-down performance regimes on teachers.

In my view, this is profoundly and deeply mistaken. It is also more than a little ironic given the reform direction Singapore has mapped out for itself over the past decade. The essential challenge facing Western jurisdictions is not so much to mimic East Asian instructional regimes, but to develop a more balanced pedagogy that focuses not just on knowledge transmission and exam performance, but on teaching that requires students to engage in subject-specific knowledge building.

Knowledge building pedagogies recognise the value of established knowledge, but also insist that students need to be able to do knowledge work as well as learning about established knowledge. Above all, this means students should acquire the ability to recognise, generate, represent, communicate, deliberate, interrogate, validate and apply knowledge claims in light of established norms in key subject domains.

In the long run, this will do far more for individual and national well-being, including supporting development of a vibrant and successful knowledge economy, than a regressive quest for top billing in international assessments or indulging in witless “culture wars” against modernity and emergent, not to mention long-established, liberal democratic values.

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App developer, drone operator, Artificial Intelligence engineer – job titles that, just a decade or two ago, did not even exist. In the not too distant future, many jobs could look quite different from the ones existing today. How is Singapore’s education system changing to prepare our young for this? We take you through the ABCs of changes:

A for Accessing opportunities  It all starts with providing access to educational opportunities. Schemes across different stages of the education system are there to ensure that every child has access to these opportunities, regardless of their background.  Read more on financial support in the education system here

How is our education system preparing our young for the future?

B for Becoming a lifelong learner

Making learning an enjoyable pursuit for students may sound like an easy aim, but it can be difficult in practice. It is key to helping our young Singaporeans become learners for life, and is best nurtured in an environment that sparks passion and motivation. That is why changes are being made to ensure the following:  Moving away from an over-emphasis on academic results • PSLE subjects will be graded in 8 bands called Achievement Levels instead of using a T-Score • Removal of all weighted assessments at Primary 1 and 2 • By 2021, mid-year examinations will be removed for all Primary 3, Primary 5, Secondary 1 and Secondary 3 students. Greater flexibility to develop students’ individual strengths • Introduction of Full Subject-Based Banding (SBB) in all secondary schools by 2024  Read more on the above changes here  

C for Carving out their own paths While robots, A.I. and digital technology can make work easier, they cannot replace the work done by a skilled person. By encouraging students to find an area in which they can develop mastery of skills, they can increase their resilience to technological disruption.  The education system is hence moving towards a greater recognition of different aptitudes and talents, for each child to find success through a pathway best suited to their interests and abilities.  Aptitude-based admissions • Direct School Admissions for both Secondary School and Junior Colleges • Early Admissions Exercises at both the polytechnic (Poly EAE) and ITE level (ITE EAE) • Aptitude screening for more Nitec courses at the Joint Intake Exercise (JIE) Work-study programmes Skills are also best learnt on the job, which is why work-study pathways have been introduced to allow students to learn by doing. By learning work-relevant skills through real-world experiences, students are better ready for work. • SkillsFuture Work-Study Programmes • ITE Work-Learn Technical Diploma Read more on the above changes here

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Second-chance society: how Singapore rethought academic success

End of prime minister’s two-decade term brings reflection on sector’s rapid development but also its enduring challenges.

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On the surface, things have gone well for Singapore’s universities under outgoing prime minister Lee Hsien Loong. During his 20 years at the helm – set to end on 15 May – the number of public universities has doubled and the country’s top institutions were ranked some of the best in Asia.

Under Mr Lee’s tenure, Singapore “transited from a mass to a universal higher education system”, said Tan Eng Thye, associate professor at Nanyang Technological University (NTU). Under the plan already set out when he entered office, participation in government-funded undergraduate education shot up from 22 per cent in 2004 to 50 per cent in 2023.

Not only were more universities established, but increasing numbers of students were also given the opportunity to pursue undergraduate degrees. In general, education became more accessible thanks to generous government subsidies.  

Mr Lee “also emphasised the importance of differentiation”, said Lily Kong, president of  Singapore Management University , with a wider range of pathways available to students. Public institutions were also granted more autonomy to experiment, which has led many to offer interdisciplinary options to students. 

“The landscape has moved away from science and tech and business being the main choice of students. Now they have a much wider choice such as the creative arts, fashion, design and sports management, and they have career options as well to go with that,” said N. Varaprasad, partner at Singapore Education Consulting Group. These changes have happened in line with wider economic plans for the country, in a bid to ensure that students are prepared for a rapidly changing world of work.

This academic success story, however, goes hand in hand with the  tight grip that Singapore’s universities are under . The country appeared in the bottom half of the  2024 Academic Freedom Index , only a few places above authoritarian Iran. 

And, while progress has been strong in domestic education, internationalisation attempts have had mixed results. In 2002, two years before Mr Lee entered office, the government launched the Global Schoolhouse Project, aiming to enrol 150,000 international students by 2015. 

This “signalled a big step in the direction of the marketisation of higher education”, said Dr Tan. However, the project was unsuccessful: in 2022, there were around 65,000 international students in the country. The government’s plans were hampered by a public debate that questioned mass immigration and criticised the idea that Singaporeans might lose out on university places to foreign students.

Branch campuses and international collaborations also struggled to take off, with the University of New South Wales Asia opening in March 2007, only to close four months later due to low student numbers. This incident was “embarrassing”, said Dr Tan, and the start of a pattern. More recently, the Yale-NUS College announced it would close in 2025 , and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology ’s collaboration with Singapore University of Technology and Design came to an end in 2021 after 11 years. 

And, despite the gains made in domestic higher education over the past two decades, there are concerns across Singaporean society that some are still being left behind. With participation rates already high, policymakers feel that simply enrolling more of the population into traditional degree programmes isn’t necessarily the answer.

Instead, Mr Lee’s government has increasingly focused on lifelong learning , giving all adults the chance to continue their education. This “shifts the focus from front-loading education to one that emphasises learning through one’s adult years while in the workforce, where reskilling and upskilling are critical for continued relevance”, said Professor Kong. 

Underlying all of these changes has been a move towards building “a society of second chances”, said Dr Tan – a country where an individual's life path isn’t determined by the academic credentials they achieved at age 21 . 

This shift was formally set out in 2023, when Singapore’s education minister, Chan Chun Sing, announced the government’s intention to “revisit meritocracy”. Mr Chan acknowledged that the idea of a society governed by those selected due to merit, while having enabled Singapore to thrive, was imperfect. 

By perpetuating “the same definitions of success”, Singapore would “stagnate and become irrelevant,” he warned. Instead, the country needed to move away from the “narrow definition of credentials and qualifications” and reward “different kinds of work”. 

This was “a massive paradigm shift in the way the whole of Singapore society ought to be run”, said Dr Tan. For Mr Lee’s successor, the challenge will be navigating this path, while Singapore’s universities will be expected to continue evolving to support the government’s new vision. 

For Mr Lee, his legacy is the philosophy he leaves behind, said Pak Tee Ng, an associate professor at NTU. “The worth of a university in Singapore is not just about key performance indicators such as global rankings, but how well it serves the country and the people.”

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Revue internationale d’éducation de Sèvres

Accueil Publications hors numéro Colloque 2014 : L’éducation en As... ATELIER 2 : SAVOIRS, CURRICULA ET... Education in Singapore: for what,...

Education in Singapore: for what, and for whom?

Entrées d’index, mots-clés : , keywords: , géographique : , palabras claves: , texte intégral.

1 Singapore’s education system has been the focus of intense international interest for the past two decades thanks to its students’ repeated successes in cross-national tests of educational achievement such as PISA. The system has been hailed as a model worthy of emulation by countries eager to reform what many governments perceive to be schools that are failing to foster high achievement standards. Could it be possible that Singapore’s story offers valuable lessons for the path to educational success?

2 This article begins by outlining the two major foci of school curricula over the past six decades: supporting national economic growth and fostering social cohesion. These two foci have remained consistent over time and have in fact taken on greater urgency in the face of the numerous challenges posed by globalization. Numerous reform initiatives have restated these foci, which have found their way into the latest policy statements, “Desired Outcomes of Education” and “21 st Century Competencies”.

3 The article then highlights several key features of Singapore’s education system that help better articulate the context within which Singapore’s schools can be better understood. The first of these is the belief in meritocracy, through a system of competitive high-stakes national examinations at primary, secondary and pre-university levels. This belief explicitly promises unequal education outcomes but holds out the offer of equal education opportunities. The second is ability-based streaming at both primary and secondary levels, in other words, the belief in unequal curricular experiences. The third is a balance between centralization of education policymaking and a devolution of decision-making to school heads.

4 The article critiques the growing elitism engendered by the purportedly meritocratic system, which masks an unequal playing field. The education system is a field in which growing income inequalities are played out. These inequalities have been exacerbated by the growing marketization of education over the past three decades. These inequalities also overlap with ethnic inequalities. In response, the government has attempted to blur the harsh boundaries between various streams of schooling and to offer assistance to community-based efforts to improve educational achievement. It has also put in place a greater variety of education pathways, claiming that it values various forms of success and that “every school is a good school”. Another point of critique concerns the impact of these inequalities, along with growing immigration, on the fostering of social cohesion.

Major foci of education policy, 1959 – 2014

5 One distinctive feature of Singapore has been the governing hegemony since 1959 of the People’s Action Party (PAP). This hegemony may be one factor that accounts for relative consistency of purpose in policy-making. When the PAP first assumed political power in a self-governing Singapore after 140 years of British colonial rule, they inherited a disparate hodge-podge of schools operating in four different language media: English, Chinese, Malay, and Tamil. Schooling was far from universal and the schools lacked a sense of common purpose, let alone common curricula or examinations. Besides embarking on a major programme of increasing primary school enrollment (universal primary school enrollment was a reality by 1966), the PAP also began unifying curricula, examinations, and teacher qualifications and salaries. The advent of political independence (after a brief period of political union within Malaysia) in 1965 added impetus to the drive to institute two major foci for education in a new nation: supporting national economic growth and fostering social cohesion in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious population. In addition, the number of privately run schools was rapidly reduced in order to establish centralized control over policymaking, regulation, and funding. In order to support economic growth, emphasis was placed on proficiency in English, mathematics and science (with the relative marginalization of other subjects) at primary, secondary and pre-university levels. At the same time, a variety of daily rituals was instituted in schools in order to promote social cohesion and national identity. These rituals included the recitation of the national pledge, raising of the national flag, and singing of the national anthem.

6 These two major foci have remained consistent over time and despite numerous reform initiatives over the past six decades. For example, the publication in 1998 of the Ministry of Education’s “Desired Outcomes of Education” document (which was subsequently revised in 2009) mentions outcomes such as “lov[ing] Singapore” and “be[ing] enterprising and innovative”. In 2009, a set of “21 st  Century Competencies” was published, once again highlighting the need for “civic literacy” and “harmony”. These foci have received renewed emphasis in the challenges posed by the need to remain competitive within the global economy, as well as by the advent of large-scale immigration over the past two decades. This immigration has resulted in the latest population census revealing that about 37 percent of the population of 5 million consists of non-citizens.

Key features of Singapore’s education system

7 In order to further understand Singapore’s education system, several key features are highlighted. The first is meritocracy, which the PAP has enshrined as a founding myth. The official rhetoric claims that meritocracy offers everyone fair educational opportunities and is the most efficient way to select talent based on individual hard work and merit (as demonstrated through individual performance in a series of competitive high-stakes national examinations). It is important to recognize that meritocracy explicitly promises unequal educational outcomes.

8 The second feature is the belief in ability-based streaming, as part of the belief that individual differences in ability require unequal curricula. Streaming was institutionalized at the primary level at the end of 1979 and at the secondary level at the end of 1980. Based on their performance in national examinations, students would be divided into various streams, with access to different subjects, different levels of complexity in subject coverage, and different terminal examinations.

9 The third feature is the balance between the heavy centralization of policymaking that was mentioned earlier and the gradual devolution of decision-making to school heads. The institution of greater school autonomy began in the 1980s in the form of independent schools and autonomous schools at the secondary level, and has now evolved into more decision-making freedom in terms of staff deployment and curricula offerings.

Emerging dilemmas and contradictions

10 Over the past decade, there has been growing evidence that the claims of a level playing field have yet to be realized and that in fact, the system of meritocracy as practiced has fostered elitism (through the privileging of high-ability students and prestigious schools). The government itself has been forced to publicly acknowledge this phenomenon in the face of growing income inequalities. In response, it has attempted over the past decade to replace streaming with banding at the primary level, and to blur the distinctions between streams at the secondary level. One unfortunate face of income inequalities is their overlap with ethnic inequalities. In this connection, Singapore’s largest ethnic minority, the Malays (comprising about 14 percent of the population), and to a lesser extent the Indian ethnic minority, has fared relatively worse than the majority ethnic Chinese in national examinations. Over the past three decades, the government has offered assistance to various ethnic community-based self-help groups to improve educational achievement. However, these efforts have yet to result in a substantial narrowing of educational gaps.

11 The interschool inequalities and social inequalities may have been exacerbated by the rapid marketization of education (e.g. in the promotion of school choice and competition) since the 1980s. The advent of aggressive interschool competition for students, and for academic as well as non-academic results, has led to a stratification of students and schools, especially at the secondary level. The further diversification of education choices and pathways over the past decade has done nothing to lessen these inequalities. Despite government claims that “every school is a good school” and that different forms of educational success are to be valued, there is little evidence that the middle-class rush to engage private tutors and to enroll their children in prestigious schools has abated.

12 Another problematic aspect of education in Singapore is the impact of these inequalities on social cohesion. Furthermore, the large-scale immigration over the past two decades has raised questions over national identity and whether new immigrants can successfully be integrated. A major government response has been the institution of a revised “Character and Citizenship Education” curriculum in 2011 that has broadened the meaning of citizenship to incorporate cross-cultural competencies.

13 This article has surveyed Singapore’s education system and has pointed out several key features and trends. Singapore’s early successes in boosting students’ educational achievement are probably evidence of the value of centralized and focused education policymaking. However, far from offering easy answers or models for the rest of the world, Singapore’s example highlights the existence of social and educational inequalities even in a system that is lauded for its relative success. It also brings into focus the difficulty of undoing or reversing social beliefs once they have become entrenched.

Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique.

Jason Tan , «  Education in Singapore: for what, and for whom?  » ,  Revue internationale d’éducation de Sèvres [En ligne],  | 2014, mis en ligne le 05 juin 2014 , consulté le 03 mai 2024 . URL  : http://journals.openedition.org/ries/3856 ; DOI  : https://doi.org/10.4000/ries.3856

Jason Tan completed his Masters in Education in education and national development at the University of Hong Kong and his doctoral studies in comparative education at the State University of New York at Buffalo. He is currently associate professor in policy and leadership studies at the National Institute of Education in Singapore. Jason is an international editorial board member of several international journals, including Asia Pacific Journal of Education and Globalisation, Societies and Education . His most recent publications include Education in Singapore: Taking Stock, Looking Forward , Pearson, Singapore, 2012. E-mail : [email protected]

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• 88 | décembre 2021 (S’)Éduquer par l’engagement
• 87 | septembre 2021 Les valeurs dans l’éducation
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• 83 | avril 2020 Réformer l’éducation
• 82 | décembre 2019 Les privatisations de l'éducation
• 81 | septembre 2019 La sanction en éducation
• 80 | avril 2019 La pédagogie universitaire
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• 78 | septembre 2018 Accueillir tous les enfants à l’école : la question de l’inclusion
• 77 | avril 2018 Conflits de vérités à l’école
• 76 | décembre 2017 La fragmentation des systèmes scolaires nationaux
• 75 | septembre 2017 Musique et éducation
• 74 | avril 2017 Les enseignants débutants
• 73 | décembre 2016 Ce que l’école enseigne à tous
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• 70 | décembre 2015 Les langues d’enseignement, un enjeu politique
• 69 | septembre 2015 Pourquoi enseigner l’histoire ?
• 68 | avril 2015 L'éducation en Asie
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• 65 | avril 2014 Le financement de l’éducation
• 64 | décembre 2013 Les espaces scolaires
• 63 | septembre 2013 L’école et la diversité des cultures
• 62 | avril 2013 Les attentes éducatives des familles
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• 56 | avril 2011 Le curriculum dans les politiques éducatives
• 55 | décembre 2010 Former des enseignants
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• 53 | avril 2010 Qualité, équité et diversité dans le préscolaire
• 52 | décembre 2009 Un seul monde, une seule école ?
• 51 | septembre 2009 Un renouveau de l’enseignement des sciences
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• 48 | septembre 2008 L’école et son contrôle
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• 23 | 1999 La formation ouverte et à distance
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• 21 | mars 1999 La formation des enseignants II
• 20 | décembre 1998 La formation des enseignants I
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•  | 2019 Colloque 2019 : Conditions de réussite des réformes en éducation, 12-14 juin 2019, CIEP
•  | 2014 Colloque 2014 : L’éducation en Asie en 2014 : Quels enjeux mondiaux ? 12, 13 et 14 juin 2014, CIEP
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Top US Treasury Official to Travel to Singapore, Malaysia to Discuss Sanctions

FILE PHOTO: A view of the city skyline in Singapore December 31, 2020. Picture taken December 31, 2020. REUTERS/Edgar Su/File Photo

By Daphne Psaledakis

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Treasury Department's top sanctions official will travel to Singapore and Malaysia next week, a source familiar with the matter told Reuters, as Washington seeks to combat funding for Iran and its proxy groups as well as evasion of its sanctions on Russia.

The source, speaking on condition of anonymity, said there has been an uptick in money moving to Iran and its proxies, including Hamas, through the Malaysian financial system.

War in Israel and Gaza

During the visit, first reported by Reuters, Treasury's under secretary for terrorism and financial intelligence, Brian Nelson, is expected to discuss U.S. concerns and the sanctions risk such activity poses, the source said. Treasury's general counsel, Neil MacBride, will also be on the trip.

The visit comes as Treasury has increased its focus on terrorist financing through Southeast Asia, including through fundraising efforts and illicit Iranian oil sales, the source said.

The Treasury Department in December imposed sanctions on four Malaysia-based companies it accused of being fronts supporting Iran's production of drones.

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Washington has recently imposed further sanctions targeting Iran, including over Iranian drones used by Russian in the war in Ukraine, as the U.S. has sought to ratchet up pressure on Tehran after its attack on Israel.

While in Singapore, Nelson will discuss the enforcement of a G7-led price cap on Russian oil as well as cutting off the transshipment of critical dual-use goods, those which have both civilian and military purposes, said the source.

The United States and its allies have imposed sanctions on thousands of targets since Russia invaded neighboring Ukraine. The war has seen tens of thousands killed and cities destroyed.

Washington has since sought to crack down on evasion of the Western measures, including the shipment of dual-use goods through third countries to Russia.

Singapore is a major shipping hub. Insurance and other maritime service providers operating in Singapore have warned of evasion of the price cap on Russian oil, complaining that it is difficult to confirm that paperwork promising oil is bought at or below the $60 cap is accurate.

The G7 price cap on Russian crude oil, imposed in December 2022, aims to reduce Russia's revenues available for its war in Ukraine by allowing Western-supplied insurance and other services only on cargoes priced below $60 a barrel.

(Reporting by Daphne Psaledakis; Additional reporting by Timothy Gardner; Editing by Don Durfee and Leslie Adler)

Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters .

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Singapore Stock Market May Open In The Red

May 01, 2024 — 08:03 pm EDT

Written by RTTNews.com for RTTNews  ->

(RTTNews) - Ahead of Wednesday's Labor Day holiday, the Singapore stock market had moved higher in back-to-back sessions, collecting more than a dozen points or 0.4 percent along the way. The Straits Times Index now rests just above the 3,290-point plateau although it may run out of steam on Thursday.

The global forecast for the Asian markets is soft following the Federal Reserve's rate decision and statement. The European markets were down and the U.S. bourses were mixed and the Asian markets figure to split the difference.

The STI finished modestly higher on Tuesday following gains from the property stocks and industrial companies, while the financials were mixed.

For the day, the index added 10.64 points or 0.32 percent to finish at 3,292.69 after trading between 3,269.20 and 3,298.03.

Among the actives, CapitaLand Investment rallied 1.14 percent, while City Developments added 0.65 percent, Comfort DelGro sank 0.67 percent, DBS Group gathered 0.35 percent, Emperador slumped 1.16 percent, Genting Singapore skidded 1.08 percent, Hongkong Land soared 3.22 percent, Keppel Ltd gained 0.58 percent, Mapletree Pan Asia Commercial Trust dropped 0.79 percent, Mapletree Industrial Trust climbed 0.89 percent, Mapletree Logistics Trust advanced 0.75 percent, Oversea-Chinese Banking Corporation collected 0.28 percent, SATS lost 0.40 percent, Seatrium Limited skyrocketed 5.38 percent, SembCorp Industries perked 0.19 percent, Singapore Technologies Engineering rose 0.50 percent, SingTel jumped 1.28 percent, Thai Beverage surged 4.21 percent, Wilmar International plummeted 3.29 percent, Yangzijiang Financial tumbled 1.56 percent, Yangzijiang Shipbuilding spiked 2.33 percent and CapitaLand Integrated Commercial Trust and Keppel DC REIT were unchanged.

The lead from Wall Street offers little guidance as the major averages were flat on Wednesday until a spike following the Federal Reserve's monetary policy announcement. It faded quickly, however, and the markets finished mixed and little changed.

The Dow gained 87.37 points or 0.23 percent to finish at 37,903.29, while the NASDAQ slumped 52.34 points or 0.33 percent to end at 15,605.48 and the S&P 500 lost 17.30 points or 0.34 percent to close at 5,018.39.

The late-day volatility came after the Fed announced its widely expected decision to leave interest rates unchanged, citing a lack of further progress toward its 2 percent inflation objective.

Members of the Fed also reiterated they need greater confidence inflation is moving sustainably toward 2 percent before they consider cutting interest rates.

On the economic data front, payroll processor ADP released a report showing private sector employment increased by more than expected in the month of April.

Oil prices fell to a seven-week low on Wednesday after data showed an unexpected sharp jump in U.S. crude inventories last week. West Texas Intermediate Crude oil futures for June ended lower by $2.93 at $79.00 a barrel, the lowest settlement since March 12.

The views and opinions expressed herein are the views and opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Nasdaq, Inc.

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