essay on peacekeeping

Essay on Peace

500 words essay peace.

Peace is the path we take for bringing growth and prosperity to society. If we do not have peace and harmony, achieving political strength, economic stability and cultural growth will be impossible. Moreover, before we transmit the notion of peace to others, it is vital for us to possess peace within. It is not a certain individual’s responsibility to maintain peace but everyone’s duty. Thus, an essay on peace will throw some light on the same topic.

Importance of Peace

History has been proof of the thousands of war which have taken place in all periods at different levels between nations. Thus, we learned that peace played an important role in ending these wars or even preventing some of them.

In fact, if you take a look at all religious scriptures and ceremonies, you will realize that all of them teach peace. They mostly advocate eliminating war and maintaining harmony. In other words, all of them hold out a sacred commitment to peace.

It is after the thousands of destructive wars that humans realized the importance of peace. Earth needs peace in order to survive. This applies to every angle including wars, pollution , natural disasters and more.

When peace and harmony are maintained, things will continue to run smoothly without any delay. Moreover, it can be a saviour for many who do not wish to engage in any disrupting activities or more.

In other words, while war destroys and disrupts, peace builds and strengthens as well as restores. Moreover, peace is personal which helps us achieve security and tranquillity and avoid anxiety and chaos to make our lives better.

How to Maintain Peace

There are many ways in which we can maintain peace at different levels. To begin with humankind, it is essential to maintain equality, security and justice to maintain the political order of any nation.

Further, we must promote the advancement of technology and science which will ultimately benefit all of humankind and maintain the welfare of people. In addition, introducing a global economic system will help eliminate divergence, mistrust and regional imbalance.

It is also essential to encourage ethics that promote ecological prosperity and incorporate solutions to resolve the environmental crisis. This will in turn share success and fulfil the responsibility of individuals to end historical prejudices.

Similarly, we must also adopt a mental and spiritual ideology that embodies a helpful attitude to spread harmony. We must also recognize diversity and integration for expressing emotion to enhance our friendship with everyone from different cultures.

Finally, it must be everyone’s noble mission to promote peace by expressing its contribution to the long-lasting well-being factor of everyone’s lives. Thus, we must all try our level best to maintain peace and harmony.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Conclusion of the Essay on Peace

To sum it up, peace is essential to control the evils which damage our society. It is obvious that we will keep facing crises on many levels but we can manage them better with the help of peace. Moreover, peace is vital for humankind to survive and strive for a better future.

FAQ of Essay on Peace

Question 1: What is the importance of peace?

Answer 1: Peace is the way that helps us prevent inequity and violence. It is no less than a golden ticket to enter a new and bright future for mankind. Moreover, everyone plays an essential role in this so that everybody can get a more equal and peaceful world.

Question 2: What exactly is peace?

Answer 2: Peace is a concept of societal friendship and harmony in which there is no hostility and violence. In social terms, we use it commonly to refer to a lack of conflict, such as war. Thus, it is freedom from fear of violence between individuals or groups.

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December 2, 2021

Peace Is More Than War’s Absence, and New Research Explains How to Build It

A new project measures ways to promote positive social relations among groups

By Peter T. Coleman , Allegra Chen-Carrel & Vincent Hans Michael Stueber

PeopleImages/Getty Images

Today, the misery of war is all too striking in places such as Syria, Yemen, Tigray, Myanmar and Ukraine. It can come as a surprise to learn that there are scores of sustainably peaceful societies around the world, ranging from indigenous people in the Xingu River Basin in Brazil to countries in the European Union. Learning from these societies, and identifying key drivers of harmony, is a vital process that can help promote world peace.

Unfortunately, our current ability to find these peaceful mechanisms is woefully inadequate. The Global Peace Index (GPI) and its complement the Positive Peace Index (PPI) rank 163 nations annually and are currently the leading measures of peacefulness. The GPI, launched in 2007 by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), was designed to measure negative peace , or the absence of violence, destructive conflict, and war. But peace is more than not fighting. The PPI, launched in 2009, was supposed to recognize this and track positive peace , or the promotion of peacefulness through positive interactions like civility, cooperation and care.

Yet the PPI still has many serious drawbacks. To begin with, it continues to emphasize negative peace, despite its name. The components of the PPI were selected and are weighted based on existing national indicators that showed the “strongest correlation with the GPI,” suggesting they are in effect mostly an extension of the GPI. For example, the PPI currently includes measures of factors such as group grievances, dissemination of false information, hostility to foreigners, and bribes.

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The index also lacks an empirical understanding of positive peace. The PPI report claims that it focuses on “positive aspects that create the conditions for a society to flourish.” However, there is little indication of how these aspects were derived (other than their relationships with the GPI). For example, access to the internet is currently a heavily weighted indicator in the PPI. But peace existed long before the internet, so is the number of people who can go online really a valid measure of harmony?

The PPI has a strong probusiness bias, too. Its 2021 report posits that positive peace “is a cross-cutting facilitator of progress, making it easier for businesses to sell.” A prior analysis of the PPI found that almost half the indicators were directly related to the idea of a “Peace Industry,” with less of a focus on factors found to be central to positive peace such as gender inclusiveness, equity and harmony between identity groups.

A big problem is that the index is limited to a top-down, national-level approach. The PPI’s reliance on national-level metrics masks critical differences in community-level peacefulness within nations, and these provide a much more nuanced picture of societal peace . Aggregating peace data at the national level, such as focusing on overall levels of inequality rather than on disparities along specific group divides, can hide negative repercussions of the status quo for minority communities.

To fix these deficiencies, we and our colleagues have been developing an alternative approach under the umbrella of the Sustaining Peace Project . Our effort has various components , and these can provide a way to solve the problems in the current indices. Here are some of the elements:

Evidence-based factors that measure positive and negative peace. The peace project began with a comprehensive review of the empirical studies on peaceful societies, which resulted in identifying 72 variables associated with sustaining peace. Next, we conducted an analysis of ethnographic and case study data comparing “peace systems,” or clusters of societies that maintain peace with one another, with nonpeace systems. This allowed us to identify and measure a set of eight core drivers of peace. These include the prevalence of an overarching social identity among neighboring groups and societies; their interconnections such as through trade or intermarriage; the degree to which they are interdependent upon one another in terms of ecological, economic or security concerns; the extent to which their norms and core values support peace or war; the role that rituals, symbols and ceremonies play in either uniting or dividing societies; the degree to which superordinate institutions exist that span neighboring communities; whether intergroup mechanisms for conflict management and resolution exist; and the presence of political leadership for peace versus war.

A core theory of sustaining peace . We have also worked with a broad group of peace, conflict and sustainability scholars to conceptualize how these many variables operate as a complex system by mapping their relationships in a causal loop diagram and then mathematically modeling their core dynamics This has allowed us to gain a comprehensive understanding of how different constellations of factors can combine to affect the probabilities of sustaining peace.

Bottom-up and top-down assessments . Currently, the Sustaining Peace Project is applying techniques such as natural language processing and machine learning to study markers of peace and conflict speech in the news media. Our preliminary research suggests that linguistic features may be able to distinguish between more and less peaceful societies. These methods offer the potential for new metrics that can be used for more granular analyses than national surveys.

We have also been working with local researchers from peaceful societies to conduct interviews and focus groups to better understand the in situ dynamics they believe contribute to sustaining peace in their communities. For example in Mauritius , a highly multiethnic society that is today one of the most peaceful nations in Africa, we learned of the particular importance of factors like formally addressing legacies of slavery and indentured servitude, taboos against proselytizing outsiders about one’s religion, and conscious efforts by journalists to avoid divisive and inflammatory language in their reporting.

Today, global indices drive funding and program decisions that impact countless lives, making it critical to accurately measure what contributes to socially just, safe and thriving societies. These indices are widely reported in news outlets around the globe, and heads of state often reference them for their own purposes. For example, in 2017 , Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez, though he and his country were mired in corruption allegations, referenced his country’s positive increase on the GPI by stating, “Receiving such high praise from an institute that once named this country the most violent in the world is extremely significant.” Although a 2019 report on funding for peace-related projects shows an encouraging shift towards supporting positive peace and building resilient societies, many of these projects are really more about preventing harm, such as grants for bolstering national security and enhancing the rule of law.

The Sustaining Peace Project, in contrast, includes metrics for both positive and negative peace, is enhanced by local community expertise, and is conceptually coherent and based on empirical findings. It encourages policy makers and researchers to refocus attention and resources on initiatives that actually promote harmony, social health and positive reciprocity between groups. It moves away from indices that rank entire countries and instead focuses on identifying factors that, through their interaction, bolster or reduce the likelihood of sustaining peace. It is a holistic perspective.  

Tracking peacefulness across the globe is a highly challenging endeavor. But there is great potential in cooperation between peaceful communities, researchers and policy makers to produce better methods and metrics. Measuring peace is simply too important to get only half-right. 

Beyond Intractability

The Hyper-Polarization Challenge to the Conflict Resolution Field: A Joint BI/CRQ Discussion BI and the Conflict Resolution Quarterly invite you to participate in an online exploration of what those with conflict and peacebuilding expertise can do to help defend liberal democracies and encourage them live up to their ideals.

Follow BI and the Hyper-Polarization Discussion on BI's New Substack Newsletter .

Hyper-Polarization, COVID, Racism, and the Constructive Conflict Initiative Read about (and contribute to) the  Constructive Conflict Initiative  and its associated Blog —our effort to assemble what we collectively know about how to move beyond our hyperpolarized politics and start solving society's problems. 

By Michelle Maiese

September 2003  

What it Means to Build a Lasting Peace

It should be noted at the outset that there are two distinct ways to understand peacebuilding. According the United Nations (UN) document An Agenda for Peace [1], peacebuilding consists of a wide range of activities associated with capacity building, reconciliation , and societal transformation . Peacebuilding is a long-term process that occurs after violent conflict has slowed down or come to a halt. Thus, it is the phase of the peace process that takes place after peacemaking and peacekeeping.

Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs), on the other hand, understand peacebuilding as an umbrella concept that encompasses not only long-term transformative efforts, but also peacemaking and peacekeeping . In this view, peacebuilding includes early warning and response efforts, violence prevention , advocacy work, civilian and military peacekeeping , military intervention , humanitarian assistance , ceasefire agreements , and the establishment of peace zones.

In the interests of keeping these essays a reasonable length, this essay primarily focuses on the narrower use of the term "peacebuilding."  For more information about other phases of the peace process, readers should refer to the knowledge base essays about violence prevention , peacemaking and peacekeeping , as well as the essay on peace processes  which is what we use as our "umbrella" term.

In this narrower sense, peacebuilding is a process that facilitates the establishment of durable peace and tries to prevent the recurrence of violence by addressing root causes and effects of conflict through reconciliation , institution building, and political as well as economic transformation.[1] This consists of a set of physical, social, and structural initiatives that are often an integral part of post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation.

It is generally agreed that the central task of peacebuilding is to create positive peace, a "stable social equilibrium in which the surfacing of new disputes does not escalate into violence and war."[2] Sustainable peace is characterized by the absence of physical and structural violence , the elimination of discrimination, and self-sustainability.[3] Moving towards this sort of environment goes beyond problem solving or conflict management. Peacebuilding initiatives try to fix the core problems that underlie the conflict and change the patterns of interaction of the involved parties.[4] They aim to move a given population from a condition of extreme vulnerability and dependency to one of self-sufficiency and well-being.[5]

To further understand the notion of peacebuilding, many contrast it with the more traditional strategies of peacemaking and peacekeeping. Peacemaking is the diplomatic effort to end the violence between the conflicting parties, move them towards nonviolent dialogue, and eventually reach a peace agreement. Peacekeeping , on the other hand, is a third-party intervention (often, but not always done by military forces) to assist parties in transitioning from violent conflict to peace by separating the fighting parties and keeping them apart. These peacekeeping operations not only provide security, but also facilitate other non-military initiatives.[6]

Some draw a distinction between post-conflict peacebuilding and long-term peacebuilding. Post-conflict peacebuilding is connected to peacekeeping, and often involves demobilization and reintegration programs, as well as immediate reconstruction needs.[7] Meeting immediate needs and handling crises is no doubt crucial. But while peacemaking and peacekeeping processes are an important part of peace transitions, they are not enough in and of themselves to meet longer-term needs and build a lasting peace.

Long-term peacebuilding techniques are designed to fill this gap, and to address the underlying substantive issues that brought about conflict. Various transformation techniques aim to move parties away from confrontation and violence, and towards political and economic participation, peaceful relationships, and social harmony.[8]

This longer-term perspective is crucial to future violence prevention and the promotion of a more peaceful future. Thinking about the future involves articulating desirable structural, systemic, and relationship goals. These might include sustainable economic development, self-sufficiency, equitable social structures that meet human needs, and building positive relationships.[9]

Peacebuilding measures also aim to prevent conflict from reemerging. Through the creation of mechanisms that enhance cooperation and dialogue among different identity groups , these measures can help parties manage their conflict of interests through peaceful means. This might include building institutions that provide procedures and mechanisms for effectively handling and resolving conflict.[10] For example, societies can build fair courts, capacities for labor negotiation, systems of civil society reconciliation, and a stable electoral process.[11] Such designing of new dispute resolution systems is an important part of creating a lasting peace.

In short, parties must replace the spiral of violence and destruction with a spiral of peace and development, and create an environment conducive to self-sustaining and durable peace.[12] The creation of such an environment has three central dimensions: addressing the underlying causes of conflict, repairing damaged relationships and dealing with psychological trauma at the individual level. Each of these dimensions relies on different strategies and techniques.

The Structural Dimension: Addressing Root Causes

The structural dimension of peacebuilding focuses on the social conditions that foster violent conflict. Many note that stable peace must be built on social, economic, and political foundations that serve the needs of the populace.[13] In many cases, crises arise out of systemic roots. These root causes are typically complex, but include skewed land distribution, environmental degradation, and unequal political representation.[14] If these social problems are not addressed, there can be no lasting peace.

Thus, in order to establish durable peace, parties must analyze the structural causes of the conflict and initiate social structural change. The promotion of substantive and procedural justice through structural means typically involves institution building and the strengthening of civil society .

Avenues of political and economic transformation include social structural change to remedy political or economic injustice, reconstruction programs designed to help communities ravaged by conflict revitalize their economies, and the institution of effective and legitimate restorative justice systems.[15] Peacebuilding initiatives aim to promote nonviolent mechanisms that eliminate violence, foster structures that meet basic human needs , and maximize public participation .[16]

To provide fundamental services to its citizens, a state needs strong executive, legislative, and judicial institutions.[17] Many point to democratization as a key way to create these sorts of peace-enhancing structures. Democratization seeks to establish legitimate and stable political institutions and civil liberties that allow for meaningful competition for political power and broad participation in the selection of leaders and policies.[18] It is important for governments to adhere to principles of transparency and predictability, and for laws to be adopted through an open and public process.[19] For the purpose of post-conflict peacebuilding, the democratization process should be part of a comprehensive project to rebuild society's institutions.

Political structural changes focus on political development, state building , and the establishment of effective government institutions. This often involves election reform, judicial reform, power-sharing initiatives, and constitutional reform. It also includes building political parties, creating institutions that provide procedures and mechanisms for effectively handling and resolving conflict, and establishing mechanisms to monitor and protect human rights . Such institution building and infrastructure development typically requires the dismantling, strengthening, or reformation of old institutions in order to make them more effective.

It is crucial to establish and maintain rule of law, and to implement rules and procedures that constrain the powers of all parties and hold them accountable for their actions.[20] This can help to ease tension, create stability, and lessen the likelihood of further conflict. For example, an independent judiciary can serve as a forum for the peaceful resolution of disputes and post-war grievances.[21]

In addition, societies need a system of criminal justice that deters and punishes banditry and acts of violence.[22] Fair police mechanisms must be established and government officials and members of the police force must be trained to observe basic rights in the execution of their duties.[23] In addition, legislation protecting minorities and laws securing gender equality should be advanced. Courts and police forces must be free of corruption and discrimination.

But structural change can also be economic. Many note that economic development is integral to preventing future conflict and avoiding a relapse into violence.[24] Economic factors that put societies at risk include lack of employment opportunities, food scarcity, and lack of access to natural resources or land. A variety of social structural changes aim to eliminate the structural violence that arises out of a society's economic system. These economic and social reforms include economic development programs, health care assistance, land reform, social safety nets, and programs to promote agricultural productivity.[25]

Economic peacebuilding targets both the micro- and macro-level and aims to create economic opportunities and ensure that the basic needs of the population are met. On the microeconomic level, societies should establish micro-credit institutions to increase economic activity and investment at the local level, promote inter-communal trade and an equitable distribution of land, and expand school enrollment and job training.[26] On the macroeconomic level, the post-conflict government should be assisted in its efforts to secure the economic foundations and infrastructure necessary for a transition to peace.[27]

The Relational Dimension

A second integral part of building peace is reducing the effects of war-related hostility through the repair and transformation of damaged relationships. The relational dimension of peacebuilding centers on reconciliation , forgiveness , trust building , and future imagining . It seeks to minimize poorly functioning communication and maximize mutual understanding.[28]

Many believe that reconciliation is one of the most effective and durable ways to transform relationships and prevent destructive conflicts.[29] The essence of reconciliation is the voluntary initiative of the conflicting parties to acknowledge their responsibility and guilt. Parties reflect upon their own role and behavior in the conflict, and acknowledge and accept responsibility for the part they have played. As parties share their experiences, they learn new perspectives and change their perception of their "enemies." There is recognition of the difficulties faced by the opposing side and of their legitimate grievances, and a sense of empathy begins to develop. Each side expresses sincere regret and remorse, and is prepared to apologize for what has transpired. The parties make a commitment to let go of anger , and to refrain from repeating the injury. Finally, there is a sincere effort to redress past grievances and compensate for the damage done. This process often relies on interactive negotiation and allows the parties to enter into a new mutually enriching relationship.[30]

One of the essential requirements for the transformation of conflicts is effective communication and negotiation at both the elite and grassroots levels . Through both high- and community-level dialogues , parties can increase their awareness of their own role in the conflict and develop a more accurate perception of both their own and the other group's identity .[31] As each group shares its unique history, traditions, and culture, the parties may come to understand each other better. International exchange programs and problem-solving workshops are two techniques that can help to change perceptions, build trust , open communication , and increase empathy .[32] For example, over the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the main antagonists have sometimes been able to build trust through meeting outside their areas , not for formal negotiations, but simply to better understand each other.[33]

If these sorts of bridge-building communication systems are in place, relations between the parties can improve and any peace agreements they reach will more likely be self-sustaining.[34] (The Israeli-Palestinian situation illustrates that there are no guarantees, however.) Various mass communication and education measures, such as peace radio and TV , peace-education projects , and conflict-resolution training , can help parties to reach such agreements.[35] And dialogue between people of various ethnicities or opposing groups can lead to deepened understanding and help to change the demonic image of the enemy group.[36] It can also help parties to overcome grief, fear, and mistrust and enhance their sense of security.

A crucial component of such dialogue is future imaging , whereby parties form a vision of the commonly shared future they are trying to build. Conflicting parties often have more in common in terms of their visions of the future than they do in terms of their shared and violent past.[37] The thought is that if they know where they are trying to go, it will be easier to get there.

Another way for the parties to build a future together is to pursue joint projects that are unrelated to the conflict's core issues and center on shared interests. This can benefit the parties' relationship. Leaders who project a clear and hopeful vision of the future and the ways and means to get there can play a crucial role here.

But in addition to looking towards the future, parties must deal with their painful past. Reconciliation not only envisions a common, connected future, but also recognizes the need to redress past wrongdoing.[38] If the parties are to renew their relationship and build an interdependent future, what has happened must be exposed and then forgiven .

Indeed, a crucial part of peacebuilding is addressing past wrongdoing while at the same time promoting healing and rule of law.[39] Part of repairing damaged relationships is responding to past human rights violations and genocide through the establishment of truth commissions , fact-finding missions, and war crimes tribunals .[40] These processes attempt to deal with the complex legal and emotional issues associated with human rights abuses and ensure that justice is served. It is commonly thought that past injustice must be recognized, and the perpetrators punished if parties wish to achieve reconciliation.

However, many note that the retributive justice advanced by Western legal systems often ignores the needs of victims and exacerbates wounds.[41] Many note that to advance healing between the conflicting parties, justice must be more reparative in focus. Central to restorative justice is its future-orientation and its emphasis on the relationship between victims and offenders. It seeks to engage both victims and offenders in dialogue and make things right by identifying their needs and obligations.[42] Having community-based restorative justice processes in place can help to build a sustainable peace.

The Personal Dimension

The personal dimension of peacebuilding centers on desired changes at the individual level. If individuals are not able to undergo a process of healing, there will be broader social, political, and economic repercussions.[43] The destructive effects of social conflict must be minimized, and its potential for personal growth must be maximized.[44] Reconstruction and peacebuilding efforts must prioritize treating mental health problems and integrate these efforts into peace plans and rehabilitation efforts.

In traumatic situations, a person is rendered powerless and faces the threat of death and injury. Traumatic events might include a serious threat or harm to one's family or friends, sudden destruction of one's home or community, and a threat to one's own physical being.[45] Such events overwhelm an individual's coping resources, making it difficult for the individual to function effectively in society.[46] Typical emotional effects include depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. After prolonged and extensive trauma, a person is often left with intense feelings that negatively influence his/her psychological well-being. After an experience of violence, an individual is likely to feel vulnerable, helpless, and out of control in a world that is unpredictable.[47]

Building peace requires attention to these psychological and emotional layers of the conflict. The social fabric that has been destroyed by war must be repaired, and trauma must be dealt with on the national, community, and individual levels.[48] At the national level, parties can accomplish widespread personal healing through truth and reconciliation commissions that seek to uncover the truth and deal with perpetrators. At the community level, parties can pay tribute to the suffering of the past through various rituals or ceremonies, or build memorials to commemorate the pain and suffering that has been endured.[49] Strong family units that can rebuild community structures and moral environments are also crucial.

At the individual level, one-on-one counseling has obvious limitations when large numbers of people have been traumatized and there are insufficient resources to address their needs. Peacebuilding initiatives must therefore provide support for mental health infrastructure and ensure that mental health professionals receive adequate training. Mental health programs should be adapted to suit the local context, and draw from traditional and communal practice and customs wherever possible.[50] Participating in counseling and dialogue can help individuals to develop coping mechanisms and to rebuild their trust in others.[51]

If it is taken that psychology drives individuals' attitudes and behaviors, then new emphasis must be placed on understanding the social psychology of conflict and its consequences. If ignored, certain victims of past violence are at risk for becoming perpetrators of future violence.[52] Victim empowerment and support can help to break this cycle.

Peacebuilding Agents

Peacebuilding measures should integrate civil society in all efforts and include all levels of society in the post-conflict strategy. All society members, from those in elite leadership positions, to religious leaders, to those at the grassroots level, have a role to play in building a lasting peace. Many apply John Paul Lederach's model of hierarchical intervention levels to make sense of the various levels at which peacebuilding efforts occur.[53]

Because peace-building measures involve all levels of society and target all aspects of the state structure, they require a wide variety of agents for their implementation. These agents advance peace-building efforts by addressing functional and emotional dimensions in specified target areas, including civil society and legal institutions.[54] While external agents can facilitate and support peacebuilding, ultimately it must be driven by internal forces. It cannot be imposed from the outside.

Various internal actors play an integral role in peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts. The government of the affected country is not only the object of peacebuilding, but also the subject. While peacebuilding aims to transform various government structures, the government typically oversees and engages in this reconstruction process. A variety of the community specialists, including lawyers, economists, scholars, educators, and teachers, contribute their expertise to help carry out peacebuilding projects. Finally, a society's religious networks can play an important role in establishing social and moral norms.[55]

Nevertheless, outside parties typically play a crucial role in advancing such peacebuilding efforts. Few peacebuilding plans work unless regional neighbors and other significant international actors support peace through economic development aid and humanitarian relief .[56] At the request of the affected country, international organizations can intervene at the government level to transform established structures.[57] They not only provide monetary support to post-conflict governments, but also assist in the restoration of financial and political institutions. Because their efforts carry the legitimacy of the international community, they can be quite effective.

Various institutions provide the necessary funding for peacebuilding projects. While international institutions are the largest donors, private foundations contribute a great deal through project-based financing.[58] In addition, regional organizations often help to both fund and implement peacebuilding strategies. Finally, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) often carry out small-scale projects to strengthen countries at the grassroots level. Not only traditional NGOs but also the business and academic community and various grassroots organizations work to further these peace-building efforts. All of the groups help to address "the limits imposed on governmental action by limited resources, lack of consensus, or insufficient political will."[59]

Some suggest that governments, NGOs, and intergovernmental agencies need to create categories of funding related to conflict transformation and peacebuilding.[60] Funds are often difficult to secure when they are intended to finance preventive action. And middle-range initiatives, infrastructure building, and grassroots projects do not typically attract significant funding, even though these sorts of projects may have the greatest potential to sustain long-term conflict transformation.[61] Those providing resources for peacebuilding initiatives must look to fill these gaps. In addition, external actors must think through the broader ramifications of their programs.[62] They must ensure that funds are used to advance genuine peacebuilding initiatives rather than be swallowed up by corrupt leaders or channeled into armed conflict.

But as already noted, higher-order peace, connected to improving local capacities, is not possible simply through third-party intervention.[63] And while top-down approaches are important, peace must also be built from the bottom up. Many top-down agreements collapse because the ground below has not been prepared. Top-down approaches must therefore be buttressed, and relationships built.

Thus, an important task in sustaining peace is to build a peace constituency within the conflict setting. Middle-range actors form the core of a peace constituency. They are more flexible than top-level leaders, and less vulnerable in terms of daily survival than those at the grassroots level.[64] Middle-range actors who strive to build bridges to their counterparts across the lines of conflict are the ones best positioned to sustain conflict transformation. This is because they have an understanding of the nuances of the conflict setting, as well as access to the elite leadership .

Many believe that the greatest resource for sustaining peace in the long term is always rooted in the local people and their culture.[65] Parties should strive to understand the cultural dimension of conflict, and identify the mechanisms for handling conflict that exist within that cultural setting. Building on cultural resources and utilizing local mechanisms for handling disputes can be quite effective in resolving conflicts and transforming relationships. Initiatives that incorporate citizen-based peacebuilding include community peace projects in schools and villages, local peace commissions and problem-solving workshops , and a variety of other grassroots initiatives .

Effective peacebuilding also requires public-private partnerships in addressing conflict and greater coordination among the various actors.[66] International governmental organizations, national governments, bilateral donors, and international and local NGOs need to coordinate to ensure that every dollar invested in peacebuilding is spent wisely.[67] To accomplish this, advanced planning and intervention coordination is needed.

There are various ways to attempt to coordinate peace-building efforts. One way is to develop a peace inventory to keep track of which agents are doing various peace-building activities. A second is to develop clearer channels of communication and more points of contact between the elite and middle ranges. In addition, a coordination committee should be instituted so that agreements reached at the top level are actually capable of being implemented.[68] A third way to better coordinate peace-building efforts is to create peace-donor conferences that bring together representatives from humanitarian organizations, NGOs, and the concerned governments. It is often noted that "peacebuilding would greatly benefit from cross-fertilization of ideas and expertise and the bringing together of people working in relief, development, conflict resolution, arms control, diplomacy, and peacekeeping."[69] Lastly, there should be efforts to link internal and external actors. Any external initiatives must also enhance the capacity of internal resources to build peace-enhancing structures that support reconciliation efforts throughout a society.[70] In other words, the international role must be designed to fit each case.

[1] Boutros-Ghali, Boutros. An Agenda for Peace. New York: United Nations 1995 .

[1a] SAIS, "The Conflict Management Toolkit: Approaches," The Conflict Management Program, Johns Hopkins University [available at: http://www.sais-jhu.edu/resources/middle-east-studies/conflict-management-toolkit

[2] Henning Haugerudbraaten, "Peacebuilding: Six Dimensions and Two Concepts," Institute For Security Studies. [available at: http://www.iss.co.za/Pubs/ASR/7No6/Peacebuilding.html ]

[3] Luc Reychler, "From Conflict to Sustainable Peacebuilding: Concepts and Analytical Tools," in Peacebuilding: A Field Guide , Luc Reychler and Thania Paffenholz, eds. (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2001), 12.

[4] Reychler, 12.

[5] John Paul Lederach, Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies . (Washington, D.C., United States Institute of Peace, 1997), 75.

[6] SAIS, [available at: http://www.sais-jhu.edu/resources/middle-east-studies/conflict-management-toolkit ]

[7] Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis. "Building Peace: Challenges and Strategies After Civil War," The World Bank Group. [available at: http://www.chs.ubc.ca/srilanka/PDFs/Building%20peace--challenges%20and%20strategies.pdf ] 3.

[8] Doyle and Sambanis, 2

[9] Lederach, 77.

[11] Doyle and Sambanis, 5.

[13] Haugerudbraaten

[14] Haugerudbraaten

[16] Lederach, 83.

[19] Neil J. Kritz, "The Rule of Law in the Post-Conflict Phase: Building a Stable Peace," in Managing Global Chaos: Sources or and Responses to International Conflict , eds. Chester A. Crocker and Fen Osler Hampson with Pamela Aall. (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996), 593.

[20] Kritz, 588.

[21] Kritz, 591.

[22] Kritz, 591.

[25] Michael Lund, "A Toolbox for Responding to Conflicts and Building Peace," In Peacebuilding: A Field Guide , Luc Reychler and Thania Paffenholz, eds. (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc., 2001), 18.

[27] These issues are discussed in detail in the set of essays on development in this knowledge base.

[28] Lederach, 82.

[29] Hizkias Assefa, "Reconciliation," in Peacebuilding: A Field Guide , Luc Reychler and Thania Paffenholz, eds. (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc., 2001), 342.

[30] Assefa, 340.

[33] Kathleen Stephens, "Building Peace in Deeply Rooted Conflicts: Exploring New Ideas to Shape the Future" INCORE, 1997.

[34] Reychler, 13.

[35] Lund, 18.

[37] Lederach, 77.

[38] Lederach, 31.

[39] Howard Zehr, "Restorative Justice," In Peacebuilding: A Field Guide , Luc Reychler and Thania Paffenholz, eds. (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc., 2001), 330.

[41] Zehr, 330.

[42] Zehr, 331.

[44] Lederach, 82.

[45] Hugo van der Merwe and Tracy Vienings, "Coping with Trauma," in Peacebuilding: A Field Guide, Luc Reychler and Thania Paffenholz, eds. (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc., 2001), 343.

[46] van der Merwe, 343.

[47] van der Merwe, 345.

[48] van der Merwe, 343.

[49] van der Merwe, 344.

[51] van der Merwe, 347.

[52] van der Merwe, 344.

[53] John Paul Lederach, Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies, Chapter 4.

[56] Doyle and Sambanis, 18.

[59] Stephens.

[60] Lederach, 89.

[61] Lederach, 92.

[62] Lederach, 91.

[63] Doyle and Sambanis, 25.

[64] Lederach, 94.

[65] Lederach, 94.

[66] Stephens.

[67] Doyle and Sambanis, 23.

[68] Lederach, 100.

[69] Lederach, 101.

[70] Lederach, 103.

Use the following to cite this article: Maiese, Michelle. "Peacebuilding." Beyond Intractability . Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: September 2003 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/peacebuilding >.

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UN Peacekeeping and Role of Nepal

The UN has been established in order to save the posterity from the menace of war. It was founded with the primary objective of maintaining international peace and security. The UN sends the troops to conflict-zone for peacekeeping purpose. The role of Nepalese peacekeepers is highly complimented. In the recent past, however, some misconducts, in their part, tarnished their outstanding image. This paper examines the provision of UN Charter regarding global peacekeeping and UN peacekeeping endeavor. Then it analyzes the role of Nepal in UN peacekeeping.

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EssayEmpire

Peacekeeping essay.

Peacekeeping is the intervention by a third party (a neutral actor) in armed conflict, a practice utilized in both conflict management and conflict resolution. Primarily, military components, such as regular troops and military observers, intervene between warring parties and oversee truces or the implementation of peace agreements. However, as peacekeeping operations have become increasingly complex in the post-cold war era, police and other civilian components often complement the military.

The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations identifies four categories of peacekeeping: preventive missions, traditional peacekeeping, multidimensional peacekeeping, and transitional authority missions. The latter two categories differ from the first two in that they not only seek to establish a “negative” peace—that is, the abatement of military violence— but also attempt to contribute to the establishment of a sustainable peace through peace building. The latter operations thus handle a wider range of social problems considered to increase the risk of a resurgence of violence.

Since the end of the cold war, the increased debate about peacekeeping deals both with peacekeeping operations as a solution to war and a range of problems in the context of conflict and with how to manage social problems to which operations themselves contribute.

Peacekeeping as a Solution?

Interpositioning of neutral forces occurred prior to the establishment of the United Nations, whose embryonic peacekeeping role, using military observers, was in the Middle East in 1948. However, “peacekeeping” as a concept, commonly ascribed to former Canadian Foreign Minister Lester B. Pearson, began as a practice with UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold. Although peacekeeping is not specifically mentioned in the UN Charter, Hammarskjold drew upon the principles enshrined therein to handle the Suez crisis in 1956. Although the United Nations set the precedent, the number of peacekeeping operations deployed by non-UN actors exceeds the number of UN operations between 1948 and 2007. Moreover, not all operations mandated through the United Nations have been under UN command. Large international organizations, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), have at times acted on UN mandates as peacekeeping forces.

With few exceptions, operations prior to 1988 were by third-party military contingents, with the majority of interventions handling interstate conflicts by deploying troops to oversee a ceasefire or truce. With the end of the cold war and the increased focus on war-affected populations, peacekeeping operations in new conflict regions entailed additional mandates to handle the social problems created by conflict. Humanitarian emergencies, human rights abuses— including those of women’s rights and children’s rights—and civilian protection increasingly became questions of international peace and security. Ironically, with the widening of the mandate, more unintended consequences of the operation followed, and the media increasingly brought attention to the problems that peacekeeping in itself can create for the local population.

In the United Nations, the debate on reforming peacekeeping began in the early 1990s, driven foremost by the changing context of peacekeeping operations. Events that spurred the evolution of peacekeeping were operations in Srebrenica (Bosnia-Herzegovina), Somalia, and Rwanda, where deployment into these internal conflicts did not include changing the structure of the missions or securing sufficient resources to implement assignments successfully. Lessons learned involve both the nature of the mandate and rules of engagement, particularly allowing peacekeepers more latitude in the use of force beyond just self-defense. Apart from affecting the efficiency of the mission directly, weaknesses in the operation structure can have an effect on the peacekeeping staff’s behavior toward the local population. In addition, a need exists for more integrated missions.

The debate on peacekeeping practices also rages in academia, originating in its policy-oriented discipline and contesting the use of peacekeeping in conflict management and resolution. The issue is what possible benefits peacekeeping operations can have for establishing security and, in turn, if peacekeeping thereby influences the success of a conflict resolution process. Results are contradictory; some statistical studies display a positive relationship between establishment of peacekeeping operations and successful conflict resolution, while others find no such connection.

The complexity of the conflict into which a peacekeeping operation is deployed appears to be connected to the outcome in terms of success, as peacekeeping tends to be used in conflicts that are notoriously difficult to solve. Of central concern, then, are under what conditions peacekeeping operations are established and the role of the peacekeeping mission in relation to local parties in the conflict resolution process. On the one hand, critics contend that peacekeeping is completely irrelevant, since peace primarily depends upon the behavior of the warring parties; moreover, a peacekeeping operation may even have a negative effect by prolonging conflict through its conflict management and thus preventing conflict resolution. On the other hand, advocates call peacekeeping vital for ensuring resolution as well as sustainable peace, and, equally important, decreasing the suffering of the affected populations.

Peacekeeping as a Cause of Social Problems?

Besides the debate over peacekeeping’s effectiveness in conflict resolution, the implementation of peacekeeping is another growing issue. Critics attack the “quick fix” introduction of democracy and economic transformation by external parties through peacekeeping operations. Critique centers on the rapid building of new political and economic structures without sufficient local involvement or knowledge of the local context, sufficient resources, and adequate local building capacity. Such flawed operations risk creating additional local problems and increasing existing ones.

Critics also argue that democracy and economic reform require a higher degree of internal ownership and more time to develop successfully than those few years and limited resources usually granted peacekeeping operations. Furthermore, democratization and economic reform can be conflict-creating processes by themselves, particularly in an unstable post-conflict situation. The “light footprint” approach used in Afghanistan, where the international staff mainly supports local parties, is partly in response to this critique.

Initial research findings indicate that the implementation process of peacekeeping operations has contributed to a range of social problems. Sharp increases in inflation—”bubble” economies resulting from operations with budgets substantially larger than that of the host country—resulting in higher prices for food and housing; trafficking in women and children for prostitution from surrounding countries; sharp increases in prostitution and child prostitution in the host country and surrounding countries; and the spread of sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS are all serious social problems observed following peacekeeping operations. These social problems all place a high cost on the host countries— the majority of which are poor developing countries— particularly when an operation withdraws. A large number of “UN babies”—children with a local mother and a (former) peacekeeper as an absent father—is another result of many missions. The last aspect relates specifically to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Based on the mentioned effects, some researchers question the normative underpinnings of operations and the perceptions that peacekeepers hold about the local society.

The UN system has responded to the growing critique forwarded in both policy and research. For example, critique contributed to passage of UN Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), dealing with women, peace, and security, and General Assembly resolution 57/306 on investigating sexual misconduct of peacekeeping staff. Policies, codes of conducts, and training manuals have also been developed to improve interaction with the local population, although these policies remain far from sufficiently implemented.

Taken together, peacekeeping operations increasingly attempt to handle local phenomena identified by international law as social problems, such as violence against civilians and humanitarian emergencies. However, for a number of local social problems— ranging from economic and political side effects; human rights abuses and insecurity for vulnerable groups in the host country; and social traumas for children growing up without fathers—peacekeeping is part of the cause. The jury is still out on whether peacekeeping facilitates resolution of the social problem of armed conflict and war.

Bibliography:

• Chandler, David. 2001. “The People-Centered Approach to Peace Operations: The New UN Agenda.” International Peacekeeping 8(1):1-19.
• Cockburn, Cynthia and Dubravka Zarkov, eds. 2002. The Postwar Moment: Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping: Bosnia and the Netherlands. London: Lawrence & Wishart.
• Durch, William J., ed. 1994. The Evolution of UN Peacekeeping. Houndmills, England, and London: Macmillan.
• Heldt, Birger and Peter Wallensteen. 2005. Peacekeeping Operations: Global Patterns of Intervention and Success, 1948-2004. Sandoverken, Vasternorrland, Sweden: Folke Bernadotte Academy.
• Paris, Roland. 2004. At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

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100 Words Essay on Peace And Development

What is peace.

Peace is when people live without fighting, fear, or stress. It’s like a big family where everyone gets along. In a peaceful place, kids can play, go to school, and dream about their future without worry.

What is Development?

Development means making things better for everyone. It’s like helping a tiny seed grow into a big, strong tree. Development can be building schools, hospitals, and roads, or making sure all people have enough food and clean water.

Peace Helps Development

When there’s peace, it’s easier to build things and make lives better. Without fighting, countries can focus on helping people learn, stay healthy, and have good jobs. Peace is like sunshine for development; it helps it grow.

Development Supports Peace

Development makes people happier because they have what they need, like education and health. When everyone has a chance to succeed, they are less likely to fight. So, building a better world also builds peace.

Working Together

Peace and development are best friends. They work together to create a world where kids and grown-ups can live happily. By sharing and caring, we can make sure everyone has a chance to live in peace and grow strong.

250 Words Essay on Peace And Development

Understanding peace and development.

Peace and development are two big words that mean a lot for every country. Imagine a place where there is no fighting and everyone is working together to make life better. This is the dream of peace and development. When a country is peaceful, it means that people are not hurting each other, and everyone feels safe. Development means growing in a good way, like having better schools, hospitals, and roads.

The Link Between Peace and Development

Peace and development are like best friends. They need each other to do well. If a place is peaceful, it is easier for it to grow. Companies can build factories, people can go to work, and children can learn in schools without being scared. On the other hand, when a country is growing well, people are happier because they have jobs and can take care of their families, which helps keep peace.

Why Peace Matters for Growth

When there is no peace, it is hard for a place to grow. Fights can destroy buildings and make people run away from their homes. This means businesses can’t work well, and kids might not be able to go to school. So, keeping peace is very important for any country to become better and help its people live good lives.

Working Together for a Better Future

To have peace and development, everyone has to work together. Governments, people, and groups from different countries can help each other to make sure everyone lives in peace and has a chance to grow. When we all help each other, we can build a world where every person has a good life, with education, health, and happiness.

500 Words Essay on Peace And Development

Peace and development are like two sides of the same coin. When we talk about peace, we mean the absence of war or fighting. Development is about growth and making life better for people. For a society to grow and for its people to live well, it is important that there is no violence or war.

Why Peace Matters

Imagine trying to study or play when there is noise and chaos around you. It’s hard, right? The same goes for a country. Without peace, it’s difficult for any country to focus on building schools, hospitals, or roads. People need to feel safe to go to work, children need to go to school, and for all this to happen, peace is necessary.

The Role of Development

Development is about improving the lives of people. It includes things like good education, healthcare, clean water, and opportunities to work. When people have access to these things, they can lead happier and healthier lives. Development helps in reducing poverty, and when people are not poor, they tend to fight less with each other.

Peace Brings More Development

When a country is peaceful, it can spend its money on building things that make life better instead of spending it on weapons or soldiers. Companies are more likely to invest in places where there is no fighting. This means more jobs and money for the people. Also, tourists like to visit peaceful places, which brings even more money.

Development Brings More Peace

On the other hand, when people’s lives are getting better, they usually do not want to fight. If people have good jobs, they want to keep them. If their children are going to school, they want them to learn in peace. So, development can help in keeping the peace because people are busy working on their dreams and they have less reason to fight.

Challenges in Achieving Peace and Development

Even though we know how important peace and development are, achieving them is not always easy. Sometimes, people fight over things like land, money, or power. Other times, natural disasters or diseases can destroy all the hard work done towards development. It takes a lot of effort from everyone – leaders, citizens, and even other countries – to overcome these challenges.

Working Together for a Better World

To have a world where there is peace and development, everyone needs to work together. Governments need to make fair rules and ensure that everyone follows them. People need to respect each other and solve their problems without fighting. Organizations from around the world can help by giving money, advice, or other help to countries that need it.

In conclusion, peace and development go hand in hand. Without peace, it’s hard to build a better life for people, and without development, it’s hard to keep peace. It’s like planting a garden. You need the right conditions for the plants to grow. If we all do our part in creating these conditions, we can enjoy the beauty of a peaceful and developed world.

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Symposium to Explore Significance of 18th-Century Philosopher’s Essay on Perpetual Peace in Today’s World

A one-day symposium April 19, supported by the Central New York Humanities Corridor, will explore how philosopher Immanuel Kant’s 1795 essay “Toward Perpetual Peace” can help lay the foundation for lasting peace.

Philosopher Immanuel Kant’s 1795 essay “Toward Perpetual Peace” still holds significant relevance even now more than two centuries after it was first published. With ongoing wars across the globe, securing peace remains elusive.

An upcoming one-day symposium will explore how Kant’s principles can help lay the foundation for lasting peace. The symposium is supported by the Central New York Humanities Corridor , whose administrative home is based at the Syracuse University Humanities Center . The event, “ The Contemporary Relevance of Perpetual Peace, ” will be held Friday, April 19, at Cornell University, with a symposium and workshop on one of Kant’s most widely read essays, Zum ewigen Frieden (“Toward Perpetual Peace”).

The symposium, as part of the Perpetual Peace Project , is organized by Gregg Lambert , Dean’s Professor of the Humanities in the College of Arts and Sciences and a founder and co-director of the Perpetual Peace Project, and Peter Gilgen , director of the Institute for German Cultural Studies and associate professor in the Department of German Studies and Graduate Field of Comparative Literature at Cornell University.

The Perpetual Peace Project, an ongoing international forum on the concept of peace, began as an initiative of the Humanities Center in 2008.

Gregg Lambert

“The purpose of the project is to raise awareness and attention to the fact that war is not one regional issue,” Lambert says. “It is a global issue, and the number of wars only seems to increase each year.”

Open to the public, Friday’s symposium, which also is a celebration of Kant’s 300th birthday, will begin with three individual papers that examine different aspects of Kant’s treatise and its contemporary relevance.

“Kant’s popular essay was reviewed and cited as an inspiration by numerous thinkers from the start,” Gilgen says. “Anyone thinking about peace and what it means and implies had/has to take Kant’s profound remarks into account.”

The treatise served as an inspiration for the League of Nations, the first worldwide intergovernmental organization, founded in 1920, as well as its successor organization, the United Nations, in 1945.

“At the symposium, we hope to draw on a wide audience interested in Kant’s political philosophy as well as the theory and practice of peace—a topic that could not be more timely in light of the many ongoing conflicts in different parts of the world,” Gilgen says.

Peter Gilgen

The second half of the event is dedicated to a workshop on the Perpetual Peace Project.

Lambert, who is also founding director of the Syracuse University Humanities Center in the College of Arts and Sciences, and Adam Nocek , associate professor in the School of Arts, Media and Engineering, Arizona State University, and co-director of the Perpetual Peace Project, will present the workshop, which will launch the Perpetual Peace Academy. The academy will feature a curriculum created by faculty from all over the world, contributing designs of courses that they would teach in a virtual setting.

“We are really trying to engage students on all campuses and other participants in talking about the Perpetual Peace Project, and then we’re going to inaugurate the Perpetual Peace Academy,” Lambert says. “The academy will be driven by international faculty who want to contribute their ideas from across the disciplines.”

Along with his presence at the symposium, Nocek also joined Lambert in Lambert’s undergraduate seminar, Problems in Marxism: Perpetual Peace , Tuesday for a discussion with students, and other participants, about the Perpetual Peace Academy. Nocek’s time at the symposium and in the seminar is supported as part of Syracuse University’s Distinguished Visiting Collaborator (DVC) initiative of the CNY Humanities Corridor.

Vivian May, director of the SU Humanities Center and lead director of the CNY Humanities Corridor, says the scholar mini-residency bridges the Syracuse University campus with another corridor campus, a model that deepens collaborative networks.

“In conversation with Lambert, Gilgen, and a range of other interlocutors over the course of his visit,  Adam Nocek , founding director of the Center for Philosophical Technologies at Arizona State University, will discuss the importance of philosopher Immanuel Kant’s yet-to-be-realized concept of ‘perpetual peace,’” May says. “I encourage everyone who can to engage with this year’s DVC events and activities, as they offer an important opportunity for us to step back, refuse broad acceptance of violence and devastation, and actively pursue planetary peace—a peace that centers climate justice and holistic thriving.”

Since its start in 2008, the Perpetual Peace Project, structured around Kant’s six preliminary articles, has gone through three phases, with the first at Syracuse University and the United Nations in New York. This first phase included a co-edited and re-issue of a new book publication of Kant’s “Perpetual Peace” and several different events.

In partnership with the Humanities Center and the Centre for Humanities at Utrecht University in the Netherlands, the second phase from 2013-15 included a series of events commemorating the Treaty of Utrecht and a documentary film.

This latest phase has reinaugurated the project following the invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022. Lambert partnered with Nocek to kick off this latest phase, including a launch event conference at the University of Warsaw, Poland, followed by conferences at the Institute of Philosophy of the Czech Academy and the Jan Evangelista Purkyně University in Ústí nad Labem, both in the Czech Republic.

Friday’s symposium features a presentation by Gilgen, moderated by Elke Siegel, German studies, Cornell; a presentation by Patchen Markell, associate professor, government, Cornell, and moderated by Karin Nisenbaum , Renée Crown Professor in the Humanities and assistant professor, College of Arts and Sciences, Syracuse University; and a presentation by Neil Saccamano, associate professor, literatures in English, Cornell, and moderated by Verena Erlenbusch-Anderson , associate professor, philosophy, College of Arts and Sciences, Syracuse University.

For this latest phase, Lambert edited a new version of Kant’s original treatise, which has been published and is available for event participants.

Kathleen Haley

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Patriarch Sabbah: The real cause of the war in Gaza—and the only path to peace

Editor’s note: America is committed to publishing diverse views on the pressing issues of our time. For additional perspectives on the war in Gaza, read “ There Is a Right and Wrong Way for Catholics to Criticize Israel ,” by Karma Ben Johanan, and Gerard O’Connell’s interview with David Neuhaus, S.J.

We have already seen six months of war in Gaza. Now, it seems that Israel is beginning its last phase of conquest, after ordering a million and a half people to take refuge in Rafah, a border town with Egypt. Soon, there may be almost no one left in the rest of Gaza.

There have been several wars in Gaza, but this time there are thousands of human victims, and ruins like never before, and peace does not seem to be near. More than suffering, more than the loss of men and women, children and babies, humanity is lost.

Why this new war? The immediate cause is the horrific Hamas attack on Oct. 7, 2023. But another direct cause is the permanent siege imposed upon all Gazan territory in 2007, when the Hamas political party became the governing authority of the enclave. Since then, the entire territory—2.5 million people over an area of 141 square miles​​—has been under total military siege imposed by Israel and Egypt. And since Oct. 7, Israel’s military operations have limited even the most necessary humanitarian aid for Gaza, to the point that it now stands on the cusp of famine.

The real cause is the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, begun in 1948, which no peace agreement has been able to end and which the international community seems to have neglected.

Under Israeli military occupation, Gaza—and all of Palestine—has suffered thousands of deaths, thousands more taken as political prisoners, demolished houses, military checkpoints on all roads that disrupt freedom of movement and daily life, and a paralyzed, dependent Palestinian economy. In short, we are in a permanent state of war. This is the root cause of all wars in Gaza, including the one following Oct. 7. And despite the useless, inhuman violence of the present war, more will come if a just and lasting peace is not reached between the two peoples.

The war must stop without further delay because it is no longer a war. It is a massacre. But what comes after the war?

Israel, as the occupier of Gaza, must take responsibility for seeking a sustainable peace with equal justice for all. Otherwise, we will see an unnecessary defeat for all. It is time for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to be put back on the international agenda and for the global community to take responsibility for building peace, which has seemed impossible until today.

Peace means the security of Israel and, at the same time, the security of the Palestinian people. In fact, the fundamental question that arises today is: Do the Palestinian people have the right to stay at home, on their own land, in their own towns and villages? To this question, the current government in Israel has said no. Instead, Israel has been trying to forcibly displace the Palestinian people, making it virtually impossible for them to live a normal, humane life and raise their families on their own land. That cannot be a path to peace or security for anyone.

To achieve peace, we must simply admit that even in this conflict, human beings are equal. Israelis and Palestinians are equally created by God, in the image of God, and are capable of loving as opposed to killing. On this holy land, there is room for both peoples to exercise the same political rights: two states, each at home, independent, free and capable of resisting a return to war. We have experienced war for decades; we now need a new way of thinking that brings about a lasting peace.

Who is responsible for building this peace? First, the two peoples themselves, Israeli and Palestinian. Then, the international community, the friends of Israel and Palestine. The true friends of Israel are those who help Israel achieve peace. Making Israel militarily stronger, to win wars but remain insecure, is not friendship or true help to Israel.

One can ask the question: Are the two peoples capable of living in peace, each in their own state? Why not? There is much suffering and injustice in living memory, that is true. But there is also the will to live and the fundamental goodness that God has placed in everyone. God created the human being capable of life rather than death, love rather than killing.

The surest path to peace is direct engagement with the enemy, especially when two enemies share the same land. A sustainable peace cannot be brokered by outside forces. So for Israel, peace must be made first with the Palestinian people, then with all the nations in the region. But improving relations with other nations in the region, in what has been called the “ Abrahamic alliance ,” while maintaining hostilities with the Palestinian people, does not ensure peace. First comes peace at home, then it is possible with the neighbors.

It should also be noted that peace among current regimes in the region is not the same as peace with the peoples of the region. Peoples can remain enemies despite peace treaties between governments. Peace will come only when peace is made with the Palestinian people . The world powers can try to impose solutions, but these do not erase the determination of the oppressed.

Therefore, the international community must finally take the necessary steps to end the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people, and end the 1948 war with a peace treaty between the two peoples.

The world’s religions can and must help. Pray, raise your voice and act. The Holy Land is both Israeli and Palestinian, and the Christian community there is part of the two peoples. Everyone needs peace. You can help them. Christ came to bring peace to the world—and to his Holy Land, too. The church has the same mission today.

Patriarch Emeritus Michel Sabbah served as the archbishop and Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem from 1987 to 2008, the first native Palestinian to hold the office for centuries. He is a co-author of the Kairos Palestine Document and a member of the Kairos Palestine board.

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100, 150, 200, 250, & 300 Word Paragraph & Essay About Peace

Table of Contents

A Paragraph about Peace in 100 Word

Peace is a beautiful state of calm and harmony in the world. It is when there is no fighting, no arguments, and no wars. In a peaceful world, people treat each other with kindness and respect. There are no bullies, and everyone is safe and free to be themselves. In a peaceful world, animals roam freely, without fear of being hunted or harmed. Nature flourishes, with clear blue skies and clean rivers. When there is peace, children can play and go to school without worrying about violence. People work together to solve problems and make the world a better place. Peace is a precious treasure that we should all strive for.

A Paragraph about Peace in 150 Word

Peace is a beautiful thing that brings happiness and harmony to our lives. It is like a calm river flowing peacefully, where there is no hate or violence. Imagine a world where people respect and accept one another, a world where conflicts are resolved peacefully. This is the world we all crave. Peace can be found in small acts of kindness, like sharing a smile or helping someone in need. It can also be achieved through understanding and forgiveness. When we learn to listen to others without judgment, we promote peace. Peace can be found in nature too, where birds chirp, rivers gurgle, and flowers bloom without any disputes. We can find peace within ourselves by practicing mindfulness, being grateful, and letting go of anger and resentment. By promoting peace in our own lives and communities, we contribute to a more peaceful world. Let us all strive to make peace our constant companion and spread its joy to everyone we meet.

A Paragraph about Peace in 200 Word

Peace is a wonderful feeling that everyone wishes for. It is when there is no fighting or violence, only happiness and calmness. In a peaceful world, people are kind to each other and help one another. They solve their problems by talking and listening, without hurting others. Peace allows us to live in harmony with everyone, no matter where they are from or what they believe in.

When we have peace, we can play and learn without fear. We can walk outside with a smile on our faces, knowing that we are safe. Peace helps us to focus on important things like education and friendships. We can express ourselves through art, music, and sports without any worries.

Peace also brings together people from different cultures and backgrounds. It helps us to appreciate our differences and learn from each other. In a peaceful world, we can celebrate our traditions and share our stories without judgment.

In conclusion, peace is a beautiful thing that we should always strive for. It makes our lives better and the world a happier place. Let’s work together to create peace and spread love and understanding everywhere we go.

A Paragraph about Peace in 250 Word

Peace is a beautiful and serene feeling that brings harmony and happiness to our lives. It is like a gentle breeze flowing through the air, calming our souls and filling our environment with tranquility. When there is peace, people work together, respecting and understanding one another. There are no conflicts, fights, or wars. Instead, there is cooperation, empathy, and love.

In a world filled with peace, children can play freely in the parks, laughing and sharing their joys without fear. They can grow and learn in safe and nurturing environments, surrounded by the support of their families and communities. Adults can pursue their dreams and ambitions, knowing that they are free to express themselves without facing discrimination or violence.

Peace is not just the absence of war, but also the presence of justice and equality. It means that everyone, regardless of their race, religion, or gender, has the same opportunities and rights. People are treated with fairness and kindness, knowing that their opinions and beliefs are respected.

In conclusion, peace is a state of harmony and calmness that brings people together and creates a better world for everyone. It is a precious gift that we must strive to achieve and preserve. Let us all work towards building a world where peace reigns and where every person can live their lives to the fullest, free from fear and hatred. Let us work for a future in which war and conflict are a thing of the past. Together, we can create a world of love and understanding. Let us strive for a world in which everyone is treated with respect and dignity.

A Paragraph about Peace in 300 Word

Peace is a beautiful word that brings warmth and happiness to our hearts. It is a feeling of calm and serenity that fills the air. In a world that can sometimes be chaotic, peace is like a little oasis where everything is harmonious. Imagine a world without wars, without arguments, without conflicts. That is what peace brings to our lives.

Peace means living in harmony with others and treating one another with love and respect. It means finding solutions to problems through peaceful and non-violent means. In a peaceful world, people can communicate and understand each other without resorting to violence. It is about listening to each other’s opinions and finding common ground.

In a peaceful world, we can go to sleep at night knowing that we are safe and secure. We don’t have to worry about our homes being destroyed or our loved ones getting hurt. Everyone can enjoy their basic rights and live without fear.

Peace is not just about the absence of war, it is also about inner peace. When we have inner peace, we feel calm and content within ourselves. We are able to manage our emotions and handle conflicts in a peaceful manner. Inner peace helps us live a happier and more fulfilling life.

As a 4th grader, it is important to understand the value of peace and how we can contribute to creating a peaceful world. We can be kind to others, help those in need, and resolve conflicts peacefully. We can spread love and positivity wherever we go.

In conclusion, peace is a wonderful thing that we should all strive for. It brings happiness, safety, and harmony to our lives. Let’s work together to create a peaceful world where everyone can live in unity and prosperity.

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A Cheat Sheet to the Middle East’s Web of Friends and Enemies

By Daniel Levy Graphics by Gus Wezerek

Mr. Levy is the president of the U.S./Middle East Project and a former peace negotiator for Israel.

At the U.N. General Assembly in September, the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, brandished a map titled “The New Middle East” and asserted that Israel’s ties with Arab states were helping to create a corridor of peace from India through the Persian Gulf, via Israel, to Europe. A week later, the U.S. national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, declared, “The Middle East region is quieter today than it has been in two decades.”

A lot has changed in six months. The Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands — ignored in those expressions of optimism — has come back to the fore. Missiles are darting across the Middle East as the war between Israel and Hamas spills over into neighboring countries, with Iran and Israel exchanging direct missile and drone strikes for the first time.

To keep track of what is going on between some of the key players, we sketched out a social network of friends, enemies and frenemies involved in the region. Examining the web makes it clear how snarled and precarious the current situation is.

Here’s a simplified guide to the friendly , hostile and complicated dynamics between a handful of major countries and forces in the Middle East.

In one corner, so to speak, stand Israel and the United States. The U.S. government sends billions of dollars in arms and aid to Israel every year and has been the primary supporter of the country’s military. The nations’ closeness stretches back to Israel’s founding in 1948 and the Cold War, when Israel partnered with America to counter Soviet influence in the Middle East. Today, the benefits of rigid support for Israel are less obvious to the United States. Israel has built strong relations with China and has neither cut ties with Russia nor offered military support to Ukraine.

More consequentially, America’s support for Israel enables the country’s brutal treatment of Palestinians, which is deeply unpopular across the region and beyond. Iran, Syria and the Houthis, a political and armed group that controls much of Yemen, maintain a hostile position toward Israel (and vice versa). And Israel has formal diplomatic relations with just a handful of neighboring countries.

Afghanistan

No formal relations

with Israel

Arabian Sea

Israel’s primary military engagement at the moment is with Hamas, which has controlled Gaza since 2007. Hamas led the Oct. 7 attacks that killed about 1,200 Israelis.

For years, Qatar provided financial aid to Gaza at Israel’s encouragement and with American support. Mr. Netanyahu’s government now uses those payments to blame Qatar for helping Hamas stay in power — a policy that he in fact supported.

While Israel’s relationship with Qatar is complicated , the United States counts the small, natural-gas-rich state as a friend and has a large air base there. Qatar has often coordinated with the United States as a mediator in various conflicts, including the current war between Israel and Hamas. Their friendship was tested in 2017 when then President Trump supported a blockade of Q atar led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Qatar’s relationship with Saudi Arabia improved after the blockade ended in 2021, and President Biden has worked much more closely with the country than his predecessor did.

• In 2015, Saudi Arabia launched a military campaign against the Houthis in Yemen.
• Last year, Prince Mohammed helped welcome the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, back into the Arab League.
• Before the Oct. 7 attack, the Saudis were in serious talks, led by the United States, to recognize Israel.

Israel has a major incentive to strengthen relations with Saudi Arabia. Gaining the approval of the richest Arab state could open the door to recognition from other Muslim nations and, more importantly for Israel, deflect criticism of the country’s treatment of Palestinians. Saudi Arabia, for its part, would benefit from direct access to the Israeli military and technology sector. But its main interest in a pact with Israel is upgrading its relationship with Israel’s ally, the United States.

The Biden administration was initially cold toward Saudi Arabia and its ambitious crown prince. But as the United States focused more on China, Russia and Ukraine, the Arab oil juggernaut started to look like an indispensable partner in managing global and regional threats, such as Iran’s growing political power, and resumed nuclear efforts . Saudi Arabia shares many of the United States and Israel’s concerns about Iran but has kept its options open, resuming and deepening diplomatic ties with Tehran in a deal brokered last year by China.

The United States’ defeat of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Iran’s greatest regional adversary, and the power vacuums created by the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings have allowed Iran to increase its influence in the Middle East. Iran’s allies include the Houthis, militias in Iraq , President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, and Hezbollah, a political and resistance movement in Lebanon. They have all maintained or gained strength in recent years. Together with Hamas, they constitute an “axis of resistance” against Israel and the United States.

• Houthis have targeted ships in the Red Sea registered to Israel or its supporters and have been bombed by the United States in response.
• Hezbollah and Israel have exchanged intense fire across the Lebanese border, which could become the epicenter of a wider regional conflagration.
• Senior Iranian military officials were killed when Israel bombed the country’s embassy in Syria. Iran retaliated with drone and missile strikes.

Given the largely antagonistic relations in the region, further provocations by Mr. Netanyahu’s hard-right government could be all it takes to tilt the Middle East into all-out war.

Our network is far from comprehensive in its scope. Two of Israel’s neighbors with whom it has peace treaties — Egypt, which is part of mediation efforts with Hamas, and Jordan — are not featured here. In Jordan in particular, public outrage is palpable, often spilling into the streets. Anger rose a notch following Jordan’s cooperation (hesitantly acknowledged by its leadership) in responding to the April 13 Iranian drone and missile strike on Israel.

Also excluded from the graphic are countries that normalized relations with Israel, including under the Abraham Accords: Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Sudan and Morocco. These ties have proved resilient under the strain of six months of war, and the inaction of these Arab states as Israel kills tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians lays to rest any naïve notion that the Abraham Accords could help deliver Palestinian rights and freedoms.

Readers may notice that the Palestinian node in our graphic shows Hamas rather than the Fatah-led Palestine Liberation Organization and its arm of limited governance in the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority. The Authority is deeply unpopular, and continues to cooperate with Israel even as Israel entrenches its control over the Palestinians while expanding illegal settlements. Calls for political change are rife in Palestinian society, at home and abroad. Excluding Hamas from future Palestinian political arrangements is an Israeli-U.S. pipe dream .

Meanwhile, successive U.S. administrations have sought to pivot away from entanglement in the Middle East, especially in the wake of America’s disastrous invasion of Iraq, a trend accelerated by America’s sharper focus on China and now Russia. Both the Trump and Biden administrations had seen promise in a version of a Pax Americana with less of a direct role for the United States and deeper military cooperation with regional allies as deterrence, particularly against Iran and its axis. That, in turn, would necessitate closer cooperation between Israel and more Arab states.

The human cost and horror of Israel’s actions in Gaza have diminished these possibilities. Moreover, the shattering of the myth of Israeli invincibility and the Israel Defense Forces’ intelligence and operational shortcomings since Oct. 7, combined with the Israeli government’s growing extremism, render closer relations with Israel far less attractive for many Arab states.

Countries in the region have also driven de-escalation on their own in recent years. The four-state blockade of Qatar, led by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, came to an end, and the Gulf states are all back on talking terms. Turkey (also not in our network) has mended fences across most of the region. The Saudi-led military action in Yemen has been winding down. In March 2023, China brokered a breakthrough, re-establishing ties between two of the region’s heavyweights, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Our network also shows that America is still somewhat trapped in this region. (Imagine that we swapped out the United States for China or Russia; neither would be connected to any other node by a red line of hostility.) America’s options remain circumscribed while it continues a lockstep alliance with an Israel that appears unwilling to shift course on the Palestinian question and is increasingly internationally defined as an apartheid regime. Israel’s campaign in Gaza — the killing of some 14,000 children, according to the Gazan health ministry, the devastation of cities and the humanitarian crisis, all while the United States has continued to arm Israel and support it at the United Nations — may only exacerbate America’s troubles.

Amid current tensions, it’s hard to imagine a transition toward regional de-escalation that would include rights and justice for Palestinians. But the magnitude of the current war in Gaza has upended calcified strategies, and that could be a harbinger of previously unlikely openings.

More on the widening war in Israel and Gaza

What Happened to the Joe Biden I Knew?

By Nicholas Kristof

How to Be Pro-Palestinian, Pro-Israeli and Pro-Iranian

By Thomas L. Friedman

Keeping U.S. Power Behind Israel Will Keep Iran at Bay

By Reuel Marc Gerecht and Ray Takeyh

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

Daniel Levy is the president of the U.S./Middle East Project and served as an Israeli peace negotiator at the Oslo-B talks under Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the Taba negotiations under Prime Minister Ehud Barak.

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Some Principles of Peace

Our modern urbanised arrangement of vast groups of human beings—in which the city is master and the country servant—organized through tokens (money) rather than through realities—are undeniably the proximate occasion of war.

Old Principles and the New Order , by Vincent McNabb, O.P. (224 pages, Cluny Media)

The Apostle James has written: “From whence are wars and contentions among you? Are they not because of your concupiscences which war in your members? You covet and have not. You kill and envy and cannot obtain. You contend and war and you have not because you ask not” (James 4:1–3).

St. Thomas Aquinas has written: “Peace ceases when all seek what is their own.”

An intelligent observer of modern social movements has said: “Some men wrest a living from Nature and it is called work. Some men wrest a living from those who wrest a living from Nature and it is called trade. Some men wrest a living from those who wrest a living from those who wrest a living from Nature, and it is called finance.”

“ Seeing the city. ” The tears of Jesus were never shed at the sight of the countryside. The divine Woes were uttered against Corazain and Bethsaida, the divine Doom was foretold of Capharnaum and, with tears, of Jerusalem.

His choice of Bethlehem rather than Jerusalem for birth, and of Nazareth rather than Jerusalem for life, suggests the motive of those tears. That motive is seen more clearly when we realize that the Redeemer who passed over Jerusalem for birth and life chose it only for death.

There is one City of Peace, but it is the Heavenly City. Here on earth we have no abiding city; and no peace-abiding city.

The country if not divinely organized for peace is more organized for peace than for war. But the city if not humanly and deliberately organized for war is more organized for war than for peace.

A hundred facts show plainly enough how the country rather than the town is organized for peace, and the town rather than the country is organized for war.

But of these hundred facts one seems not only necessary but essential. In outline it is as follows. Only the country and nowise the town is self-sufficient. In other words, if one person dwells in the town, one person must dwell in the country. One town-dweller demands one country-dweller; although one country-dweller does not demand one town-dweller.

There is an economic sense in which the town-dweller is parasitic on the country-dweller. But there is another political sense in which the town-dweller is less parasitic than despotic.

The town-dweller must and does contrive to exert pressure upon the country-dweller. Now, it will be found immediately on examination that the town-dweller’s will can be imposed upon the country-dweller only by untrue values (the equivalent of fraud) or by unjust pressure (the equivalent of force). If this state of fraud and force is not war, it is what moralists call fitly the “proximate occasion” of war.

Only the Prince of Peace, whose birth-place was not a city but a hamlet, said: “I came not to bring peace but the sword.” How courteously is this said! The Speaker contrives to suggest that He came almost as a Muhammad to use the sword for bringing the whole world under His sway. Yet it was not He who unsheathed the sword against us. It was we from our city and citadel that unsheathed the sword against Him!

The simple country folk said: “Come let us go over to Bethlehem and see Him.” The Jerusalem city folk sent their officers to find Him and kill Him!

We must not hastily condemn these city folk, nor their King Herod. Every city, as Aristotle says, has peace for its end and aim. Even when it makes war it is making war for peace’s sake. No doubt the people over whom Herod reigned in peace had suffered so recently and so much from war that peace could hardly be bought at too great a price. If by the death of a few village children (of whom there were enough for trade) civil war could be prevented, their slaughter could not be looked upon as aught but far-sighted statesmanship.

In other words, the city with its false views of what was really “to its peace” was the proximate occasion of that contempt for human life which is the motive of the most inhuman wars.

“Urbi et Orbi.” So ran the decrees of imperial Rome: to the city first and then to the world, because the world was for the city; and not the city for the world.

There was a social quality much coveted by the “lucky” citizen of Rome, and called pax romana, Roman Peace.

Like every kind of peace, it was the effect of victory. Yet it was at best only the lower peace based on victory over others; and neither the noble peace based on victory over self, nor the noblest, Christ-like peace by sacrifice of self.

Two things allow us to see in the degrading nature of this Roman city-peace the tendency of cities to impose their will by fraud (untrue values) or by force (unjust pressure). One fact is the destruction of Jerusalem; the second fact is the construction of the Colosseum. The Holy City was destroyed by fire and sword. Its fires were almost quenched by blood.

A few years later, when thousands of Jewish war-captives had built a Colosseum for Roman games, human blood was shed as freely for Roman pleasure as ever it flowed through Roman hate.

After the manner of all peoples whom war has enriched, Rome disliked war and sought peace. 1 But this dislike for war merely meant that Rome preferred receiving something gratis to buying it at a price, especially at the price of Roman blood. During the centuries of its supremacy Rome’s principle was: Parcere Subiectis et debellare Superbos. Those who did the will of Rome and became its slaves were compensated by a secure sufficiency of worldly goods. Those who refused to do the will of Rome were war-beaten till their refusal or their life was at an end; and the Roman Eagle was again at peace!

“Peace ceases when all seek what is their own.” In laying down this social principle so epigrammatically that it seems almost a paradox, St. Thomas was no doubt recalling the words of St. Paul. To the self-opinionated Corinthian Greeks were written the words: “Let no man seek his own; but that which is another’s” (1 Cor. 10:24). To the socially proud Macedonian Greeks, fellow-countrymen of Alexander the Great, were written the words: “Let each esteem others better than themselves; each one not considering the things that are his own, but those that are other men’s” (Phil. 4:3, 4). For these Southern and Northern Greeks St. Paul’s invitation to the divine Pax Christiana, Christian Peace must have sounded like a declaration of war! They could not be expected to know at once that it was an invitation to that victory over self which alone can beget lasting and perfect peace.

St. Thomas had arrived at his doctrine of peace by meditating, not only on peace, but on the causes and hindrances of peace.

Though justice is a virtue enabling us to give others all that is theirs, it could be only the accidental (or hindrance-moving) cause of peace.

The only direct and essential cause of peace is charity, because charity is a virtue enabling us to give to others not only all that is theirs, but also something that is ours. Psychologically speaking, and as man is now found, only the motive or momentum of charity will set justice in motion.

Now psychologically speaking, and as man is now found, no men or group of men when seeking their own rights will be able to see the rights of others. Hence no man or group of men will be able to practice that justice without which peace is impossible.

A State in which each and all seek their own rights will be very effectively the Darwinian struggle for existence; or in Marxian language, “class war.” But it will be war—and not peace.

For all these reasons, latent in the principle of St. Thomas, we find ourselves with nothing but compassion for the multitudes, because peace can now be only a by-product of the modern urbanized activities to which these multitudes are directed or constrained. Everywhere the direction or government of peoples is passing as by right into the hands of the trader, whose power is through money, or of those financiers, whose greater power is over money. Yet even the most well-intentioned trader-statesman or financier-statesman will think it his first and greatest duty to his country to defend the rights of its citizens. But if peace ceases when men seek what is their own, modern statesmanship will tend always to be war or the threat of war.

To sum up. Our modern urbanised arrangement of vast groups of human beings—in which the city is master and the country servant—organized through tokens (money) rather than through realities—are undeniably the proximate occasion of war.

And modern machine-made war is mass production of commodities followed by mass destruction of men.

Et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis.

This essay is an excerpt from Old Principles and the New Order . Republished with gracious permission from  Cluny Media .

Imaginative Conservative readers may use the code IMCON15 to receive 15% off any order of not-already discounted books from  Cluny Media .

The Imaginative Conservative  applies the principle of appreciation to the discussion of culture and politics—we approach dialogue with magnanimity rather than with mere civility. Will you help us remain a refreshing oasis in the increasingly contentious arena of modern discourse? Please consider  donating now .

The featured image is “Women Going to the Woods” (1866) by Alfred Sisley, and is in the public domain, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons .

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As Taylor Swift's 'The Tortured Poets Department' drops, here's everything you need to know

A new era of Taylor Swift is near.

The artist's 11th studio album , “The Tortured Poets Department,” drops Friday.

The lead-up to release day has been littered with puzzles, Easter eggs and other hallmarks of Swift’s ever-theorizing fan base.

Here's what to know ahead of the release.

When does the album officially debut?

"The Tortured Poets Department" will be released Friday at 12 a.m. ET. It is currently available for preorder .

If you plan to stream "The Tortured Poets Department" right after its release, be prepared for potential delays. When Swift’s most recent brand new album, "Midnights" was released, Spotify briefly crashed because of intense demand.

How many tracks are there?

The album consists of 16 songs.

There will be four bonus tracks: “The Manuscript,” The Bolter,” “The Albatross” and “The Black Dog.” Each bonus track will be available on separate physical album variants and won’t be on the streaming version of the album.

Historically, Swift has made vinyl exclusives available on streaming platforms several months after their physical release.

The average track length on “The Tortured Poets Department” is 4 minutes and 4 seconds — the third longest across Swift’s discography.

The longest song on the album is “But Daddy I Love Him,” which clocks in at 5 minutes and 40 seconds. “I Can Fix Him (No Really I Can) is the shortest at 2 minutes and 36 seconds. The length of each bonus track has not yet been revealed.

Who else worked on the album?

Florence + the Machine and Post Malone are both featured artists on the album. The two are also credited as co-writers on their songs.

Aaron Dessner — songwriter, producer, and band member of The National and Big Red Machine — is one of two producers who worked on “The Tortured Poets Department,” along with Swift’s longtime friend and collaborator, Jack Antonoff. Dessner is credited as a songwriter on five of the 16 tracks on the standard album, while Antonoff co-wrote eight tracks.

Swift is credited as a songwriter on every track on the standard album, including two entirely self-written tracks: "My Boy Only Breaks His Favorite Toys" and "Who's Afraid of Little Old Me?"

Why is it called ‘The Tortured Poets Department’?

Fans were quick to note that “The Tortured Poets Department” is the longest title for a Taylor Swift album by a large margin, a distinction previously held by her third album, “Speak Now.” Before “TTPD,” “Speak Now” was her only album title consisting of more than one word.

Speculation surrounding the new album and its uncharacteristic title has primarily revolved around Swift’s 2023 breakup with British actor Joe Alwyn after their six-year relationship.

After the album announcement, a 2022 Variety interview between Alwyn and Paul Mescal resurfaced on X. The pair revealed in the interview that they were both members of a WhatsApp group chat titled “The Tortured Man Club,” prompting some fans to draw parallels between Alwyn and Swift’s upcoming album.

The true meaning of “The Tortured Poets Department” remains to be seen, but the rollout of the album has featured references to famous poems like Charles Baudelaire's “The Albatross,” among other literary references.

When can fans expect a new music video?

In a video of the “TTPD Timetable” posted on her Instagram account Tuesday, Swift announced she will release a music video at 8 p.m. ET Friday.

She did not specify which track the video would be for.

The announcement in the timetable was accompanied by 14 tally marks, leading some sleuthing Swifties to theorize that the video could be for the album’s first track, “Fortnight (ft. Post Malone), the title of which refers to a 14-day period, or the album’s 14th track, “The Smallest Man Who Ever Lived.”

What's the Spotify pop-up that's in Los Angeles?

Los Angeles Swifties celebrated release week with a pop-up library in partnership with Spotify.

The three-day event ran from April 16-18 at the Grove and featured a sneak peak at some of the album’s lyrics.

A manuscript was front and center at the installation, revealing new lyrics periodically as the pages were turned over the course of three days.

Fans took to social media to identify other potential Easter eggs in the pop-up library, such as a bust of a peace sign, a quill and fountain pens, and a globe that appeared to be pointing to Florida, the name of a track on the album.

Were there any other notable Easter eggs leading up to the release?

QR code murals appeared in cities across the world such as Melbourne, Paris, Chicago and London. Each QR code revealed a singular letter, which Swifties pieced together to spell " For A Fortnight."

In a collaboration with Apple Music, Swift sorted some of her existing discography into thematic playlists , along with audio messages from the singer. These messages seemed to confirm some fans' theories that the playlists mirrored the five stages of grief – denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance – indicating that the new album may grapple with grief or loss.

Swift later used a song from each playlist to reveal a hidden word on Apple Music each day leading up to the release of "The Tortured Poets Department."

The final word, "mortem," was revealed Thursday, hidden in the lyrics of the song "Begin Again." The secret message was "We hereby conduct this post mortem."