essay about martial law 500 words

Essay on Life During Martial Law

Students are often asked to write an essay on Life During Martial Law in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Life During Martial Law

What is martial law.

Martial law is when the military takes control of the normal running of a country. This usually happens during times of great trouble, like war or natural disasters. The usual laws are put on hold, and the military makes sure people follow their rules.

Daily Life Changes

Under martial law, daily life can change a lot. There might be a curfew, which means you can’t go outside during certain hours. Schools and shops may close, or have new rules about when they can open. People might have to show ID cards more often.

Impact on Freedom

People’s freedom is often less during martial law. They might not be able to meet up, talk freely, or protest against things they don’t like. The military can arrest people more easily, and there might be more checks on what people are doing.

Feelings of People

Living under martial law can be scary and confusing. People might not know when it will end or what will happen next. They often feel worried about their safety and the safety of their loved ones. It’s a tough time for everyone.

250 Words Essay on Life During Martial Law

Understanding martial law.

Martial law is when the military takes over the running of a country or area. This can happen during big emergencies or when there’s a lot of trouble in a country. The usual rules of the government are put on hold, and the military is in charge of keeping order and peace.

Everyday Life Changes

When martial law is declared, life changes quickly for people. They might have to follow a curfew, which means they can’t go outside during certain hours, usually at night. Schools may close, and it can be hard to buy things like food and medicine. People might not be able to travel freely, and sometimes they can’t talk or write freely about what they think or feel.

Safety and Restrictions

The military is everywhere, trying to keep things safe. But this can also mean that people have less freedom. Soldiers might check people’s ID cards on the streets or at checkpoints. Sometimes, the military can arrest people without the usual legal process.

Impact on Families

Families can find martial law scary and confusing. Parents might worry about keeping their children safe and making sure they have enough to eat. It can be a time when families have to be very strong and work together to get through each day.

Hope for the Future

Even during tough times like martial law, people look forward to when things will get back to normal. They hope for a time when the schools will open again, they can walk freely outside, and they won’t see soldiers on the streets anymore. Life during martial law is challenging, but people’s strength and hope for a peaceful future help them carry on.

500 Words Essay on Life During Martial Law

Martial law is when the military takes over the government of a country or a part of it. This usually happens during times of great trouble, like a war or when the leaders think there might be a big rebellion. When martial law is in place, the normal laws that people follow every day can be put on hold, and the military can make new rules that everyone has to obey.

Life Under Military Control

Imagine waking up to find soldiers on the streets instead of police officers. That’s what life can be like during martial law. The military has the power to control where you go, what you do, and how you do it. They can set curfews, which means you have to stay inside your home during certain hours, usually at night. If you break the rules, you might get in big trouble, and the punishments can be very harsh.

Changes in Daily Activities

Schools, shops, and businesses might have different hours or could even close down if the military thinks it’s necessary. Getting food and other important things can become harder. People might have to wait in long lines for basic supplies, and sometimes there isn’t enough for everyone. It can be a time of great uncertainty and fear, as no one knows when things will go back to normal.

Freedom and Safety

During martial law, people’s freedoms are often limited. You might not be able to say what you think or meet up with friends as you usually would. The internet and news might be controlled by the military, so it can be tough to find out what’s really happening. While some people might feel safer with the military in charge, others might be scared because the soldiers have so much power.

Families can feel the stress of martial law a lot. Parents might be worried about keeping their children safe and making sure they have enough to eat. Sometimes families get separated if someone has to go to a different place to find work or if they get in trouble with the military. This can be very sad and difficult for everyone involved.

After Martial Law

When martial law ends, people hope that life will get better, but sometimes it takes a while. Buildings and roads might need to be fixed, and the usual leaders have to work out how to run the country again. It can be a time of rebuilding and trying to make sure that the reasons for martial law don’t happen again.

Living through martial law can be a very tough experience. People’s lives change a lot, and they have to follow new rules made by the military. It can be a time of worry and not having the freedoms that people are used to. But it’s also a time when people can show how strong and brave they are, working together to get through the hard times and hoping for a peaceful future.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

• Essay on Life Cycle Of Stars
• Essay on Life Coach
• Essay on Lies And Truth

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

Happy studying!

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser .

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

• We're Hiring!
• Help Center

Reflection Paper: Two Faces of Martial Law Two Faces of Martial Law

Related Papers

ian paraguya

Kiana Feliciano

Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa

Sheila Coronel

I was a martial law baby. My generation grew up watching the unending spectacle of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Remember this was the 20th Century, long before YouTube and Netflix. I would have preferred to watch Zombie Apocalypse but that wasn’t an option. There were only five TV channels and three newspapers, all owned by Marcos cronies. We didn’t call it 'fake news' then but it was vintage 1970s propaganda—obvious and crude. I was in first grade when Marcos was first elected president. I studied across the street from Malacañang, in a school for girls run by the Sisters of the Holy Ghost. I remember that in the 1960s, the streets around the presidential mansion were busy, filled with traffic and commerce. On Thursdays, hundreds flocked to the church nearby to pray to St. Jude, patron of hopeless causes. I was barely in my teens when martial law was declared. Suddenly the streets were silenced. The palace gates were shuttered. Barbed wire barricades kept people away. T...

Shaira Jane Pacomios

Lukad: An Online Journal of Pedagogy

Beaujorne A Ramirez

This paper argues about the banality of evil that is exhibited in making sense of the Martial Law years. In the present time, sentiments about the Martial Law years projected as the good old days are continuously espoused. On the contrary, scholars and historians Primitivo Mijares, Ricardo Manapat, and Teresa Encarnacion-Tadem have continued to raise the chaos and deaths that the Marcos regime has implemented. This turmoil became possible because of the absence of opposition against the Martial Law, the reduction of the nation to a "few", the accomplices in the polarity of the rich and the poor, the role of technocrats in the regime and their subsequent alienation. From these conditions, the loss of thinking, the economic roots, and the rise of private concerns gave birth to a banality of evil during the Martial Law period. With the presence of banality of evil to describe the situation, one can see that the abuse of the Martial Law is not just the problem of perspective but an omen for the country.

Heinrich Böll Stiftung - Southeast Asia

To fact-check and counter the historical denialism of the Marcos family, there is need for a counterfactual history analysis of the failings of the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution.

Tafline Sia , Amanda Tolentino

HISTO 12 Readings in Philippine History 1st sem, A.Y. 2019-2020 Ateneo de Manila University

Rizal Buendia

Caroline Hau

This glossary, by no means exhaustive, presents potted histories of keywords and phenomena that are evocative of the Marcos era (1965-1986) in the Philippines. Terms in bold font have their own entries. Forthcoming in Iyra Buenrostro-Cabbab, Mary Grace Concepcion, JPaul S. Manzanilla, and Ruel V. Pagunsan, eds., "Remembering Martial Law"

The Journal of English Studies

Maxine Rodriguez

MARTIAL LAW IS A CONTENTIOUS socio-political and socio-historical issue in the Philippines. Survivors and historians call it the “dark chapter” of the Philippines’ recent memory, wrought with Ferdinand Marcos’ legacy of “corruption, brutality, and impunity” (Robles xv). Even with various literatures documenting the controversies of the Martial Law era, historical revisionism has led to it being reframed, valued favorably, and perpetuated as such, especially by the surviving Marcoses, their supporters, apologists, and those born after Martial Law. Revisionism is exacerbated as current president Rodrigo Duterte has publicly expressed his admiration for Marcos, forming a political alliance with the surviving members of the Marcos family which has led to the allowance of the late president’s remains to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, the national cemetery for Filipino heroes located in Taguig, Metro Manila. Social media has also been instrumental in propagating historical revis...

RELATED PAPERS

Journal of Medical Technology and Physical Therapy วารสารเทคนิคการแพทย์และกายภาพบำบัด

Nomjit Nualnetr

Plant Molecular Biology Reporter

Mahnaz Aghdasi

Anticancer research

Ahmad Najem

Paidéia (Ribeirão Preto)

Vannuzia Peres

Science of The Total Environment

Roman Prokeš

Gastrointestinal Endoscopy

Abhishek Choudhary

Journal of Molecular Endocrinology

Vittoria Rago

Nicole Macedo

Enoch Afrane Gyasi

Castilla. Estudios de Literatura

Gema Cienfuegos

Mohamed Ramy Elmaarry

Sustainability: The Journal of Record

Ernest John Yanarella

Nanda Putriana

Oman Journal of Ophthalmology

Subodhkumar Singh

Surface Science

Geoffrey Rojas

Photochemistry and Photobiology

Daniel Hernandez

EDUSTUDENT: Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan dan Pembelajaran

nur henik hikmawati

The Journal of Immunology

Jean Davoust

al-fikrah: Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan

Albert Albert

Michel Dabas

ISPRS Annals of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences

Gautam Talukdar

Revista Brasileira de Energia Solar

Amanda Mendes Ferreira Gomes

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)

Gorm Larsen

Theory and Practice in Language Studies

RELATED TOPICS

•   We're Hiring!
•   Help Center
• Find new research papers in:
• Health Sciences
• Earth Sciences
• Cognitive Science
• Mathematics
• Computer Science
• Academia ©2024

• Subscribe Now

[OPINION] Martial Law: A conflict of narratives

Already have Rappler+? Sign in to listen to groundbreaking journalism.

This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

Thirty-six years after we hounded out of office the most powerful president we have ever known, we are seeing the rise of a big lie being circulated especially among our young: the Marcos era was the best of times. Marcos Jr. ‘s spin masters seem to have learned well the oft-quoted remark of Joseph Goebbels, Adolf Hitler’s propaganda minister: if you repeat a lie often enough, especially a big lie, sooner or later people believe it. 

Aiding this subliminal subversion of the truth is a confluence of factors that taken together may have contributed to the erosion of memory over this dark period in our history.

One was the failure to make the Marcoses and their cronies accountable for their human rights crimes and the wholesale robbery of the nation’s coffers. South Africa immediately installed a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to cut through the moral complexities of assigning blame and assuage racial bitterness caused by apartheid. Very early, they understood that reconciliation can only take place when the truth is out and there is an acknowledgment of wrongdoing and justice is done. There has to be clarity and a consensus among both victim and victimizer of what actually happened.

Unfortunately, to this day we have yet to grapple with the sordidness of this part of our history and jail those already found guilty. Onlookers are baffled by our inability to hold accountable the powerful. As the Singaporean statesman Lee Kwan Yew once remarked: “It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics.”

Another reason is that the Duterte regime has succeeded in tarring those who criticize his governance as merely “dilawan,” a labeling that conveniently fends off rightful criticism and shuts off rational debate. By color-coding dissent and habitually consigning this to the dustbin of partisan politics, the overall effect has been the use of the word as an opprobrium and the consequent downplaying of what transpired in EDSA as a trivial blip in our political history.

The third, and most obvious reason for the rising belief in the Marcos myth is the failure to educate the young generation on the atrocities of this period. I asked a millennial who spent ten years of his schooling in his native province of Camarines Sur what he was actually taught. He replied that there was only a page or so in their textbook about the Martial Law period, and the teacher spoke glowingly of that era.   

I interviewed Imelda Marcos when I was 16 years old

This lack of accurate historical memory among the young has been laid at the door of my generation. I have been asked why, in the first place, we failed to do intentional story-telling as witnesses. 

My answer to this crystallized when I myself was asked by a group of young Playback theater artists to tell my own story. Unlike the stories of my contemporaries, I did not think that my own story was worth telling. I did not get clapped to jail and tortured. Nor was I forced to flee the country and migrate. But after telling the tale of how, fresh from university, the Manila Chronicle where I was starting out as a journalist was shut down, it dawned on me that  Martial Law was in fact traumatic even for those of us who were merely swept to the sidelines. I suddenly found myself out of a job. I spent the first three months of Martial Law visiting my editor and activist friends in jail. I did not feel it right to join the Daily Express , then the only newspaper that was not shut down because it was owned by a Marcos crony. So to survive I shifted to the more innocuous job of speechwriting for cabinet ministers until I finally found work that I sensed to be my long-term calling.

The reticence, I realized, was because many of us buried in our collective unconscious the hidden trauma of disillusionment, seeing our ideologies fail, our dreams for the country fade, our friends tortured and killed, our careers derailed or lost in the hollow opulence of the land of the lotus that is America. Those who bore the brunt of the Marcos reign of terror are only now able to speak out of a long silence caused by the lacerations of that memory.

WATCH: Legally, we can #NeverForget Marcos’ Martial Law

It is not true that iron rule came down hard only on a handful of insurgents. Our generation was decimated of some of its best and brightest, or sidelined from the usual paths to power, working in obscurity in pursuit of thwarted hopes for those in the margins. Even now, the whole country reels from the lingering effects of authoritarianism – the deterioration of our party system, the quality of our leadership, and the consequent collapse of what makes for real democracy in our institutions.

Marcos Jr.’s candidacy has raised fears of their cabal’s return to power. Providentially, it has also released a floodgate of narratives that may yet counter decisively the illusions sown and overturn his lead. A survey shows that more than half of registered voters are in ages 18-34, those most susceptible to the historical lies being peddled in media. But the same survey also says that family is a compelling determinant of the choices of 56% of our young people. 

Communication theory tells us that messaging flows in two steps: media creates the desired social climate, but it is relational trust in family and friends that shapes decision-making and actual behavior. It is time parents and other keepers of memory sit down their children and tell stories of that long, dark night when the evil dragon swallowed the sun, so to speak. – Rappler.com

Melba Padilla Maggay is President of the Institute for Studies in Asian Church and Culture.

[OPINION] Stop Calling Him BBM!

Add a comment

Please abide by Rappler's commenting guidelines .

There are no comments yet. Add your comment to start the conversation.

How does this make you feel?

Related Topics

Recommended stories, {{ item.sitename }}, {{ item.title }}, edsa people power revolution, even ‘pakwans’ can be ‘heroes’: martyrs and heroes as defined by bantayog foundation.

‘What are the Americans doing in Vietnam, anyway?’

Newsbreak Chats: Faith and People Power

[Bodymind] Forgiveness, Enrile, and Bongbong Marcos Jr.

[Vantage Point] Father and daughter caught in a vise of geopolitics

Checking your Rappler+ subscription...

Upgrade to Rappler+ for exclusive content and unlimited access.

Why is it important to subscribe? Learn more

You are subscribed to Rappler+

• Top Stories
• Stock Market
• BUYING RATES
• FOREIGN INTEREST RATES
• Philippine Mutual Funds
• Leaders and Laggards
• Stock Quotes
• Stock Markets Summary
• Non-BSP Convertible Currencies
• BSP Convertible Currencies
• US Commodity futures
• Infographics
• B-Side Podcasts
• Agribusiness
• Arts & Leisure
• Special Features
• Special Reports
• BW Launchpad

Millennials: rendering judgment on martial law, choosing advocacies

By Roberto Verzola

THIS essay on martial law is particularly addressed to the millennials, although it is also for  the general audience. It is both a personal and a political account. I will try to separate the personal from the political in this  story. I will tackle both, but separately.

PERSONAL MATTERS Since I was tortured by the Marcos military, martial law is obviously very personal for me. For years, I held the anger within. I wanted to write a full account for posterity, so I tried to keep every detail in memory. I did not want to forget anything. But the writing repeatedly got sidelined by more immediate demands of work and family. Perhaps as the memories tried to find a way to surface, I had nightmares about the ordeal. I would wake up in a silent scream or out of breath. Sometimes, the nightmares were vivid. At other times, they dissolved from memory as soon as I woke up.

It was like that for nearly 40 years, until the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) Alumni Association 1968-1972 asked me to contribute a chapter in their martial law book project.

Despite the tight deadline, I agreed immediately. In a few weeks, my draft was done, and the book project’s staff took over. My personal account of the martial law years, the torture ordeal in particular, was published in 2014. It is now part of the public record. Anyone can read “Lest We Forget”, my particular piece of a giant puzzle, as people try to reconstruct the Marcos martial law years and render their historical judgment.

Having written the details down, I do not have to remember them anymore. I can now leave them behind. I can now allow myself to forget.

WHY FORGET? Forgetting is my first step towards forgiving. (I can almost hear some of my dearest colleagues mumble, “No way!”)

I said this part was personal. I want to forgive. I need to forgive, not for the sake of the Marcoses, but for my own sake. For my own mental — and therefore physical — health. It is unhealthy to keep the anger and hate within for years. It is a cancer in the mind that consumes its victim.  The cancer can define one’s entire life.

In fact, I am now ready to say in public that I have personally forgiven Ferdinand Marcos — may he rest in peace — for the ordeal I went through in the hands of his military, acting under his orders. I have personally forgiven my torturers too.

SHIFTING TO THE POSITIVE Many movements today thrive on anger and hate. The typical media image of the activist is an angry young student shouting slogans at the hated police. For years, I myself have been a convenor or leading member of organizations that defined themselves in terms of what they were against, instead of what they were for.

In 2003, after the 30-day hunger strike I led against GMO corn, I finally decided to focus henceforth on positive advocacies, issues like renewable energy, organic farming, sustainable housing, macrobiotics, natural healing, low-power radio stations, free software, and so on. My daily activity today revolves around renewable energy and sustainable technologies like the system of rice intensification (SRI). There is little anger or hate in these advocacies, mostly joy and love.

That was the personal. Let us now go to the political.

POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES My personal perspective is not debatable. But my political perspective is. I welcome a debate on the following political perspective on martial law.

The 1972 martial law declaration was the product of the unique conditions of those times as well as the work of two major contending political forces.

Many factors obviously contributed to the declaration of martial law, such as international trends, economic crisis, and personal motivations. I will add an important one — we had national elections for three consecutive years. This is a truly unique incendiary condition which will not be repeated for a long time.

THREE CONSECUTIVE NATIONAL ELECTIONS In 1969, we held a presidential election. This was the election that won Ferdinand Marcos an unprecedented second four-year. The Philippine Constitution did not allow a third term. His first year was marked by lots of protest questioning the legitimacy of his election win and condemning his widespread use of “guns, goons, and gold”.

In 1970, we held another national election, a special once-in-a-lifetime-election for delegates to a Constitutional Convention (Con-con). After that election, the Con-con organized itself and met daily to draft a new constitution. The daily Con-con debates were scrutinized closely by the media and the public. It was becoming clear that Marcos wanted to extend his rule, which was impossible under the old Constitution.

In 1971, we held a third election, the senatorial and local elections. On August 21, the opposition’s senatorial line-up was nearly decimated, when their proclamation rally in Plaza Miranda was bombed. The opposition blamed Marcos; Marcos blamed the communists. In response to the bombing, Marcos authorized warrantless arrest and detention (the legal term is “suspension of the writ of habeas corpus”), targeting mostly protest leaders. The bombing and subsequent arrests, however, turned the anti-Marcos tide into a flood. This was the year I turned into a serious student activist. The flood led to a landslide victory for anti-Marcos candidates. It was a clear indication of the public mood.

These three consecutive election years made sure that that every Filipino of voting age, especially the most politically active ones, got deeply engaged in politics and debate. It kept the political pot simmering, building up the heat towards the boiling point.

THE POLITICAL DANCE OF TWO FORCES THAT BOTH WANTED A DICTATORSHIP That the political pot actually boiled over and culminated in the martial law declaration, however, was the conscious work of two major political forces.

The first was Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies. They were driven by insatiable greed as each took a big personal slice of the Philippine economy. The Marcos family got the biggest slice of all. To prolong their feasting on national wealth and income, Marcos and his cronies wanted to extend their rule indefinitely. To do this, they had to overcome the political opposition, the media, and the growing protest movement. They were apparently ready to impose a dictatorship, if that was what it took to keep the stream of ill-gotten wealth coming.

The other contributory political force was the Communist Party of the Philippines and its armed force, the New People’s Army . The CPP wanted to set up in the Philippines, through armed struggle, its own type of dictatorship, which it explicitly called a dictatorship of workers and peasants. The CPP would later turn this into a dictatorship of the proletariat, following similar models that had triumphed earlier in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, China, North Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. To implement its program to seize political power through armed struggle, the CPP had organized the NPA in 1969. Soon, the NPA was aggressively recruiting, expanding, and killing government spies and other “bad elements” in every region of the country. Where it felt strong enough, the NPA launched deadly ambushes against government soldiers.

While smaller roles were played by other political forces such as the opposition political parties, the churches, and the more loosely-organized social-democrats, it was the escalating violence and armed conflict between Marcos and CPP forces that made martial law inevitable. Martial law would sideline the weaker unarmed forces, but it would strengthen the Marcos and CPP forces. The armed Muslim separatists/autonomists gained strength too.

HOW THE CCP’S ARMED STRUGGLE HELPED BRING ABOUT MARTIAL LAW The key role of the CPP in bringing about martial law is highlighted by the following CPP armed actions:

1. For years, the CPP blamed Marcos for bombing the Plaza Miranda opposition rally. But the truth finally came out, as it invariably does. Bombing victim Senator Jovito Salonga, who almost died from the shrapnels, initially believed that Marcos ordered the bombing. Salonga collected various testimonials over the years and eventually became convinced that it was the CPP that did it. My own conversations in prison with some penitent CPP leaders and subsequent inquiries with other leaders also confirmed it. Had the CPP role remained a secret, the act would have been celebrated by the CPP leaders who ordered it as a stroke of political genius. The bombing decimated the opposition, isolated Marcos, drove him to extremes, and pushed thousands of illegalized urban activists into the underground and the open arms of the New People’s Army. CPP leaders continue to publicly deny its role in the bombing. When people speak of “historical revisionism”, be warned that this is a practice in communist movements too. (Google “Plaza Miranda bombing” for details.)

2. In 1972, the CPP implemented a daring project to secretly bring in by ship thousands of weapons and ammunition into the Philippines for its armed struggle. The weapons supposedly came from North Korea (the North Korean and CPP leaders were literally close comrade-in-arms, apparently) and were to be smuggled through MV Karagatan on the Isabela side of Luzon and MV Doña Andrea on the Ilocos side of Luzon. Unfortunately for the CPP, the military found out just in time, and only a portion of the arms shipments actually made it. While in prison, I spent many months listening to the details of the project from those who planned and implemented it. (Google “MV Karagatan Dona Andrea arms smuggling.”)

3. In the years leading to the 1972 martial law declaration, the NPA had rapidly expanded and established what it called guerrilla zones and guerrilla areas in practically every region in the country. In its most advanced areas, NPA regular forces (full-time soldiers, as opposed to part-time guerrillas) were starting to practise platoon operations for its raids and ambushes. Martial law provided a bonanza of political officers, commanders and fighters for the growing army. The CPP was following the classic Maoist model of a guerrilla war “surrounding the cities from the countryside”. Together with the forthcoming thousands of weapons from North Korea, the CPP was already anticipating the second stage of its armed struggle, the “strategic stalemate”.

Both intent on their own types of dictatorship, the Marcos and CPP forces fed on each other’s violence. Even without the CPP, Marcos was bent on staying in power anyway. Even without Marcos, the CPP was bent on waging armed struggle anyway. Together, they each provided a convenient excuse for the other’s moves. It was a vicious cycle of escalating political violence and military conflict that inexorably led to martial law. The cost in human suffering was terrible, not only among those caught in the crossfire, but also to both sides of the conflict.

THE PRO- AND ANTI-MARCOS DEBATE AMONG MILLENNIALS The debate about the Marcos martial law regime is very much alive today. It is usually most visible every August and September, as the Ninoy Aquino August 21 death anniversary (and Plaza Miranda bombing anniversary too) segues into the September 11 Marcos birthday and the September 21 martial law anniversary. Although I have personally focused on positive advocacies, I continue to belong to the anti- side of this political debate.

I would like to share my analysis of when and how this debate may be resolved among the millennial generation.

WHEN? IN 2022 In 2022, most of those who went to school in the new millennium will be of voting age.

This is the year when President Duterte’s term ends. It will therefore be the year when millennials will be participating en masse in choosing a new leader of the country.

The year 2022 will also be the 50 th anniversary of the Marcos martial law regime. Everyone, anti- and pro-Marcos alike, will be debating martial law with special intensity, given two additional contexts:

The first is Duterte’s Mindanao martial law declaration, which will presumably put many Duterte forces on the pro- side of the debate. Martial law to millennials will be Duterte-style martial law.

The second is the expected candidacy of a Marcos in 2022. Can anybody doubt that a Marcos will be running for election as the country’s new leader? The Marcoses have been preparing for this comeback for decades. They have been active on the Internet and social media for years. The 2016 vice-presidential run was the first step. They clearly have the organization, the money and the momentum.

HOW? JUDGMENT BY AN ELECTORATE OF MILLENNIALS In 2022, expect a battle royale between pro- and anti-Marcos forces, played out through the national elections and among millennials. The issue will be Marcos and martial law; the trophy, the highest elected position in the land.

The result of this political contest, like it or not, will be seen as the historical judgment of the millennial generation of Filipinos on the Marcos martial law regime.

Millennials never lived through the Marcos years nor through the EDSA revolution which overthrew Marcos. Thus, with few exceptions, they can be objective about judging the Marcoses.

Like a judge trying a crime suspect, millennials are neither suspects nor victims of the criminal act. To render a fair and objective decision, a judge must be educated properly about the law, and must study carefully the details of the case.

If the 2022 elections are seen as a public trial of the Marcos martial law regime, then the role of the crime victims is to document our ordeal in enough detail and with enough credibility for the millennials to appreciate the merits of our accusations. I have personally done my part by putting my ordeal on record. The most complete set of accounts by victims is probably held by the Commission on Human Rights. Obviously, the side of the accused will be doing its own documentation too.

It is my hope that, this early, millennials will become aware of the enormity of their historical responsibility and will prepare themselves properly for this role.

The winners of the 2022 elections can be expected to claim that “the people have spoken”. They will see election results as a vindication of their position.

A win by martial law defenders will truly be a bitter pill for martial law victims like me to swallow. An even more bitter pill would be the ensuing revision of history. As political realists say, “History is written by the victors”. Rewriting history is indeed a common affliction among those who are after political power.

BACK TO THE PERSONAL I will end by going back to my personal decision to focus on long-term positive advocacies. Consider a mixed race from the same starting point, on the same road. It can involve sprints, medium- and long-distance runs; a marathon; and the little-known ultra-marathon. The sprinters dash like mad and will know the results in a few seconds. The ultra-marathoners will be running non-stop for a few days and not all will finish the race.

The advocacies I chose are like ultra-marathons. My positive advocacies of renewable energy and sustainable technologies deal with threats to our existence as a species. Some of these, you already know, like poisons in food, global warming and climate change. But others, you may not have heard about, like the sixth wave of species extinction, gyres in oceans, and microplastics in drinking water. These issues are often “out of sight” and therefore “out of mind”. (Google them!)

Ultra-marathoners cannot join a sprint or even a long-distance run, even if they wanted to. They will exhaust themselves too soon. They can only utter short greetings and engage in brief conversation, as others pass them by. Many Duterte issues are sprints. Marcos issues are medium- to long-distance runs. I am often asked to join these advocacies. I cannot be active in many of them even if I want to. I can only engage in brief conversations like this one. You will have to choose what advocacy to focus on. You are welcome to join us ultra-marathoners.

Just the same, I recognize that we are all running on the same road, and the races we are running are all interrelated. But I suggest you stay away from violent, especially armed, advocacies. And keep your eyes open against virtual prisons too.

The author is a senior fellow of Action for Economic Reforms. During the martial law years, he was part of a group that published the Taliba ng Bayan , one of the first underground newspapers against the Marcos dictatorship. He was arrested in 1974 and spent three years in jail as a political prisoner. The original version of this essay was delivered as a speech by the author in a forum on martial law at the University of the Philippines on September 16, 2017. This version has been edited.

RELATED ARTICLES MORE FROM AUTHOR

How may the Philippines be affected by the Court of Appeals 2024 Writ of Kalikasan?

Alcohol awareness month

Is having kids bad for the planet?

The Rice Tariffication Law in a time of transition

Afp may release martial law recommendation next week, price controls, food imports, and roadmaps.

Home — Essay Samples — Law, Crime & Punishment — Constitution — Martial Law Under Field Marshal Ayub Khan [1958-62]

Martial Law Under Field Marshal Ayub Khan [1958-62]

• Categories: Constitution Pakistan

About this sample

Words: 679 |

Published: Jan 29, 2019

Words: 679 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

Cite this Essay

Let us write you an essay from scratch

• 450+ experts on 30 subjects ready to help
• Custom essay delivered in as few as 3 hours

Get high-quality help

Prof Ernest (PhD)

Verified writer

• Expert in: Law, Crime & Punishment Geography & Travel

+ 120 experts online

By clicking “Check Writers’ Offers”, you agree to our terms of service and privacy policy . We’ll occasionally send you promo and account related email

No need to pay just yet!

Related Essays

2 pages / 683 words

3 pages / 1344 words

1 pages / 376 words

6 pages / 2955 words

Remember! This is just a sample.

You can get your custom paper by one of our expert writers.

121 writers online

Still can’t find what you need?

Browse our vast selection of original essay samples, each expertly formatted and styled

Related Essays on Constitution

My right to privacy at home, in my car, and within my emails is one of the most fundamental rights protecting about who I am as a person. One of the amendments that present this right is the Fourth Amendment to the US [...]

The United States Constitution, written over 200 years ago, is often revered as a groundbreaking document that established the framework for a functional and democratic government. However, as time has passed, there is a growing [...]

The 22nd Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1951, limits the number of terms a president can serve to two terms. While this amendment was introduced with the intention of preventing an overreach of power [...]

The United States Constitution is built upon seven fundamental principles that have shaped the country's political landscape for over two centuries. These principles serve as the bedrock of the American political system, guiding [...]

The idea of Rule of Law is one of the integral building blocks of a Modern democratic society. Furthermore, the laws are made for the welfare of the people to maintain peace and harmony between the conflicting forces in society. [...]

IntroductionThe ratification of the Constitution in 1787 marked a pivotal moment in American history. It was a significant step towards establishing a strong federal government and ensuring the stability of the young nation. [...]

Related Topics

By clicking “Send”, you agree to our Terms of service and Privacy statement . We will occasionally send you account related emails.

Where do you want us to send this sample?

By clicking “Continue”, you agree to our terms of service and privacy policy.

Be careful. This essay is not unique

This essay was donated by a student and is likely to have been used and submitted before

Download this Sample

Free samples may contain mistakes and not unique parts

Sorry, we could not paraphrase this essay. Our professional writers can rewrite it and get you a unique paper.

Please check your inbox.

We can write you a custom essay that will follow your exact instructions and meet the deadlines. Let's fix your grades together!

Get Your Personalized Essay in 3 Hours or Less!

We use cookies to personalyze your web-site experience. By continuing we’ll assume you board with our cookie policy .

• Instructions Followed To The Letter
• Deadlines Met At Every Stage
• Unique And Plagiarism Free