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Imran Khan's Self-Serving Journey: Book review of "Pakistan: A Personal History"

Read this quote to a young Pakistani, and it would almost instinctively be identified as coming from the country's Islamising military dictator, General Ziaul Haq: "Pakistan came into existence as a country because of Islam and the Islamic beliefs of its founders and citizens." Ziaul Haq expressed the same thought but somewhat differently: "The ideology of Pakistan is Islam and only Islam. There should be no misunderstanding on this score. We should in all sincerity accept Islam as Pakistan's basic ideology...otherwise...this country (will) be exposed to secular ideologies." The first quote, however, comes from Pakistan's latest media icon of 'change', Oxford-educated cricket legend Imran Khan who is finally gaining some traction in Pakistan's treacherous political world after a fringe role for over 15 years.

Imran Khan's personal memoir is replete with examples of how he represents a continuum in Pakistan's non-secular establishment worldview while talking of change. Ziaul Haq's fervent anti-secular admonishment quoted above was itself just an attempt to revive the religion-based nationalism introduced by an earlier military ruler, Field Marshal Ayub Khan. Ziaul Haq felt the secularists had gained ground in the aftermath of Pakistan's division in 1971. His idiom of 'change', 'accountability' and disapproval for traditional politicians is uncannily similar to what Ayub Khan voiced in the 1960s and Imran Khan is articulating now.

Not to belabour the point, just compare the above quotes from Imran Khan and Ziaul Haq with this gem from Ayub Khan: "Such an ideology with us is obviously that of Islam. It was on that basis that we fought for and got Pakistan, but having got it, we failed to order our lives in accordance with it...The time has now come when we must...define this ideology in simple but modern terms and put it to the people, so that they can use it as a code of guidance."

Imran Khan's political views have obviously been shaped by the narrative of the military dictators under whom he grew up. He betrays an unusual tendency to believe popular conspiracy theories of the variety popularised by Pakistan's hyper-nationalists, such as some groups of newspapers and the religious political parties, notably the Jamaat-e-Islami. He blames the Americans for most of what has gone wrong with Pakistan. The references to conspiracies starts almost at the beginning of the book with the mention of the assassination of the country's first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, on page 23 and the 'mysterious' air crash that killed Ziaul Haq on pages 124-125. At a time when an overwhelming majority of Pakistanis believes that 9/11 was part of an American conspiracy to justify attacking Muslim lands, Imran Khan's predilection for conspiracy theories, though dangerous, might reflect the populist mood of the country.

Like others before him Imran tries to create a pseudo-intellectual justification for his anti-Americanism. He draws a parallel between the British rule in the subcontinent and the lack of sovereignty of British India's princely states with the current relationship between Pakistan and the US. Ironically, Ayub Khan, towards the end of his decade-long regime had called on the Americans to be Pakistan's "friends, not masters" and Ziaul Haq had complained days before his death about the US not allowing him space to reap the benefits of the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan as part of the same national narrative.

On page 48 after criticising Pakistan's English-medium schooling--of which he was a recipient for decades--and tying it to a form of neo-colonialism, Imran Khan states that in other post-colonial countries like India the government imposed one core syllabus on the entire country. A little research would have told Khan that this assertion is not true — there are two federal level systems (ICSE and CBSE) and every state in India has its own state board of education. Also, instead of doing away with English education or English schooling, India has helped deepen it further in the last six decades and benefitted from it. In a country with many languages, the English language has proved to be a unifying, not divisive, element. But such factual quibbles have little value for the ideological paradigm Khan embraces. Narratives get votes, facts do not.

Continuing with what he perceives as the long-term adverse impact of colonialism, Imran Khan also asserts that this has prevented people from wearing their traditional dress (shalwar kameez) and they continue to wear western dress (pg 51). There is no effort at determining what percentage of Pakistanis actually wore shalwar kameez before the advent of colonial rule or after independence. Had it been undertaken, Imran Khan would have discovered that in most of what is Pakistan today, various forms of dress, including dhoti or lungi (loose loincloth), may have been more common than shalwar kameez.

Imran Khan does not even attempt an anthropological or sociological inquiry while making sweeping claims. Culture for him is skin deep and depends on outward displays--what we wear or the language we speak--and not on core values and traditions. There is also no attempt to answer an obvious question: If Imran Khan is really so against the English language and education why has he published his book in English using a British publisher in London and not in Urdu through a Pakistani one?

While talking about the anti-Soviet Afghan jihad Mr Khan's views resonate the views of Pakistan's foreign and security establishments--that the mujahideen were created and funded by the Americans for their foreign policy goals and Pakistan was an unwilling victim (pg 70). That Mr Khan sympathised with the mujahideen and their views is apparent from his referring to them as "idealists" fighting for a "romantic" reason and stating that "jihad is a noble cause (pg 70)." His admiration for Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Osama bin Laden too is evident when he refers to them as people "fighting foreign occupiers" and "sacrificing a life of luxury" (pg 72). Like the Pakistani military-intelligence establishment, Mr Khan preferred the 1980s arrangement between the ISI and the CIA to the post-9/11 arrangement. "However, unlike Musharraf after 9/11, Zia never allowed the CIA to spread its network within Pakistan. It was the ISI who trained the militant groups, funded by the CIA." Pakistan's sovereignty, he seems to be arguing, was protected by Zia but sacrificed by Musharraf though how the country could retain complete independence by allowing a foreign intelligence agency's massive covert operation on its soil remains unexplained.

After declaring Islam as the basis of Pakistani nationhood, Imran Khan ventures into some discussion of the faith. But the only two Muslim scholars mentioned in his book are Shah Waliullah and Muhammad Iqbal, one with violent sectarian revivalist views and the other a modern-educated Muslim exhorting Muslims to find a new path in an era of western domination. Imran Khan does not seem to know how Shah Waliullah contributed to sectarian division in South Asian Islam by his opposition to heresies and his calls for war against the Shias. For the Oxford-educated cricketer, Shah Waliullah's views enable him to claim that just as the Mughal dynasty declined because it was "degenerative and bound to decay" all the democracies in the Muslim world today are "sham democracies" and are bound to fall (pg 79).

Playing to the Islamist-nationalist gallery in Pakistan, Imran Khan goes on to argue for an Islamic state and implementation of shariah as that is bound to ensure a just democratic welfare state (pp 80-81). A cursory reading of the 1953 report by the Justice Munir Commission would have enlightened Khan on the problems of defining Islam for purposes of governance--a point that Ziaul Haq also occasionally cited as reason for his inability to complete Pakistan's Islamisation. "Keeping in view the several definitions given by the ulema [people of knowledge]," the Munir Commission pointed out, "need we make any comment except that no two learned divines are agreed on this fundamental. If we attempt our own definition as each learned divine has done and that definition differs from that given by all others, we unanimously go out of the fold of Islam. And if we adopt the definition given by any one of the ulema, we remain Muslims according to the view of that aalim [learned scholar] but kafirs [infidels] according to the definition of everyone else."

Although Imran Khan does not like him, his book is remarkably similar to the one by General Pervez Musharraf. Both books have a surfeit of self-praise. Musharraf attempted to portray himself as the school bully turned army commando turned self-proclaimed saviour of Pakistan. Imran Khan comes out as someone who lived a hedonistic lifestyle all his life but is now trying to make up for it. His love for his mother, pride in family roots, love for cricket and constant quotations from Iqbal seem all too contrived. His attempt to show how he may not have been an observant Muslim in his youth but has become one in later years is too self-serving.

Throughout the book Imran Khan is not only disparaging about Pakistan's politicians but also about the field of politics (pg 82). One wonders how he plans to do well in a field that he hates so much. One of his many criticisms of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif is that these individuals did not have enough political and administrative experience before they entered office and hence they were bound to fail. But then he acknowledges that he does not have any experience in politics but it would be akin to swimming where after jumping in he learnt on the job (pg 186). If that is the case then why could not others too learn on the job and do equally well, if not better? And if it is not possible to learn on the job and prior experience is a must, how would Imran Khan do better?

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Pakistan: A Personal History by Imran Khan

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It may seem like sporting profanity now but Imran Khan's cricketing debut was so inauspicious that it earned him the humiliating nickname, Imran Khan't. Four decades on, and still viewed as a national treasure for leading Pakistan's cricket team to its only World Cup victory in 1992, Khan recalls the Khan't moment. He draws parallels between the slow-burn success of first career and the early disappointments of his second, in Pakistani politics.

This book, an intelligently written mix of Pakistan's history and his own autobiography, reflects on the challenges that Khan faced in cricket and later, in his humanitarian work. The lessons learnt in his previous incarnations gave momentum to his entry into politics.

Tahreek-e-Insaf (Movement for Justice), the party he founded in 1996, has faced many humbling moments - winning no seats in the 1997 elections and one in 2002 - although it is now seen as a credible alternative to the government by many Pakistanis.

A mix of personal disclosure and political analysis, the book works surprisingly well on both counts. He reflects on his sporting achievements (the rigours of test cricket become a metaphor for life), his marriage to ex-wife Jemima Khan and the strain of the hate campaign that his opponents built around her, as well as the cancer hospital he set up in memory of his late mother, and his spiritual awakening.

There are quietly heroic moments, particularly in his descriptions of the courage shown by the poor while he fundraises for the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital, and also in the extraordinary determination he shows in 1992. He took his team to World Cup victory in spite of a secret injury that would have taken him out of the game, had he declared it.

There are candid reflections too, including a half-hearted attempt to join Pakistan's arranged marriage circuit before meeting Jemima, and later, Jemima's encounter with a mystic who becomes Khan's religious guide, Mian Bahir. She is left wide-eyed as Bahir displays his visionary skills.

The political material is just as engaging. Khan sets out his ideological stall in an earnest tone, even if he describes a Pakistan that is full of darkness. He traces the journey that led him to found his party 15 years ago, quoting the forgotten ideals of Pakistan's founding fathers Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal. His description of the avaricious cabal of "dollar addicted" ruling elites, a biddable judiciary and a political system saturated by corruption is not unfamiliar – Anatol Lieven reached similar conclusions in his book earlier this year. Like Lieven, there is a note of urgency to Khan's words, calling Pakistan not yet a failed state but failing. The musical chairs leadership of feudal families and military dictators has undermined any effort towards democracy. He proposes not just political overhaul but religious reappraisal, calling for an "enlightened Islam" that is not too afraid to take as its guide the best of Western democratic values as well as Quranic scripture.

The immensity of the problems Khan outlines for Pakistan seem at times too grave and insurmountable. Khan mentions Jemima Khan's moments of despair which, he suggests, can only be met in the same spirit of 1992 - by a do-or-die attitude and an unwavering idealism: She "used to ask me how long I would keep pursuing politics without succeeding, at what point would I decide it was futile. But I couldn't answer, simply because a dream has no time frame."

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Khan has gone the extra mile to conjoin democracy with Islam and Islam with democracy, although the two stand in stark contrast to each other. Islam allows no dissent, alteration and divergence from its fundamental teachings. Democracy is all about dissent and the will of the people. It draws its strength from secularism, which does not allow interference of religion in the affairs of the state. There can be a secular state, which is undemocratic, but no democratic state can exist without secularism as its cornerstone. This, perhaps, is one of the key reasons behind Pakistan’s flawed democracy, along with the strong tribal and feudal systems that remain a dominant force in Pakistan’s politics, leaving little room for democracy to take root, flourish and deliver.

Yes, even a political science graduate can tell you that democracy is a product of the industrial revolution and a strong, educated middle-class which, unfortunately, is found wanting in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and most Muslim countries.

Khan’s personal analysis of the origin and spirit of the Pakistan Movement underlines his simplistic and superficial understanding of those times. In fact, it appears more akin to former military ruler General Zia-ul Haq’s distorted and twisted propagandist history, which still remains spart of our curriculum. For instance, Khan, in his zeal to promote the Islamic basis of Pakistan, equates Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah’s religious views with those of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi by saying that both stood on the same page vis-a-vis the role of religion in politics.

All those who have studied the Movement are aware that Jinnah opposed Gandhi’s explicit use of Hindu symbolism in politics, and argued that it would eventually divide the country. This had been Jinnah’s position even in the 1920s, when many Indian Muslims were passionately supporting the Khilafat Movement to save the Ottoman Empire after the end of World War I. The movement was backed by Gandhi and the Indian National Congress in an attempt to lend steam to their non-cooperation movement against the British Raj. But Jinnah was among those frontline leaders who openly opposed it on grounds that it was fundamentalist in nature and essentially a flawed cause. Jinnah’s position and foresight proved right when religion became the dividing line in British India, and the one-time champion of Hindu-Muslim unity had to lead the Pakistan movement to ensure the political and economic rights of Muslims living in the Muslim-majority parts of India. A treasure trove of documents, research and literature are available on these historic events, but perhaps they do not fit the narrow prism through which Khan wants us to view the Pakistan Movement.

Much in the nature of a born-again Muslim, Khan keeps revisiting themes of cultural hegemony of the West, and glorifying the traditional values and conventions at home. The confusion in his mind is glaring when in one breath he admonishes the West and its ways and, in the other, praises it for establishing “a proper welfare state.” He repeats the clichéd and overused quote of an Egyptian scholar Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), in which he says that he “saw no Muslims in Europe but a lot of Islam.”

The book remains repetitive in terms of certain themes, including the writer’s own spiritual experiences, glorification of tribal values and customs, Islam’s democratic principles which he fails to define, and the corruption of the country’s ruling elite.

Those parts of the book that deal with Imran Khan’s struggle and achievements as a professional cricketer are inspiring — especially the manner in which he fought injuries at the peak of his career and led the team to the World Cup victory in 1992.

“The moment you relax and stop pushing yourself is the moment you start going downhill,” Khan writes. “I first strove to play cricket for Pakistan, then my goal became to be my country’s best all-rounder, then the best fast bowler. From there I wanted to become the best all-rounder and the best fast bowler in the world. When I was made captain the ambition became turning the team into the best in the world….” (Page 120-121).

For Imran Khan, life is a journey of achieving one goal after another. From cricket to building the first cancer hospital, and then a university, then aiming to build two more hospitals — indeed, it is the story of a high achiever in life. Khan’s romance with politics, his years in the political wilderness and his passion to emerge as an alternate to the corrupt ruling elite, all are nicely summed up in the book.

His brief anecdotes with frontline politicians — Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto and General Zia-ul-Haq — offer an interesting read. For instance, details of a 1987 episode in which Nawaz Sharif, then chief minister Punjab, imposing himself as captain of the Pakistan side for a warm-up match against the visiting West Indian team at Lahore’s Gaddafi Stadium and actually coming out to open the innings offers an insight into General Zia’s protégé.

“None of the team could believe what we were seeing; he (Nawaz) was going to open the innings with Mudassar Nazar against the West Indies, one of the greatest fast-bowling attacks in cricket history. Nazar wore batting pads, a thigh pad, chest pad, an arm guard, a helmet and reinforced batting gloves, while Sharif simply had his batting pads, a floppy hat — and a smile… I quickly inquired if there was an ambulance ready” (Page 131-132).

The portion where he talks about building a cancer hospital in his mother’s memory is moving and underlines Khan’s tenacious nature. Although Khan has devoted a chapter to his failed marriage, many readers might wish for more details about the circumstances that led to his break-up with Jemima. But Khan remains a fiercely private person.

The tribal system, its code of honour and values are a constant refrain in the book. Khan maintains that the tribal areas were “crime free” before the upheavals of the recent years, ignoring the fact that before the start of the war on terror , the entire belt remained the epicentre of smuggling and gun-running in the region. The known criminals and absconders used to take refuge in these areas and vehicles snatched from various parts of the country landed in the tribal belt. But Khan, in his zeal to glorify tribalism and the jirga system, shuts his eyes to all these facts. He makes a passing reference to the tribal practice of ‘honour’ killings which are being endorsed by jirgas in the rural areas. In fact, he views these jirgas as an “ancient democratic system.” The oppression, the backwardness, the myopic worldview and total alienation from the modern world, all of which stem from tribalism, fail to bother the Khan.

The writer’s interpretation of the war on terror also reveals his limited understanding of local, regional and global politics. Khan argues that extremism and terrorism are the result of US presence in the region and he believes that once the US walks out of this region, terrorism will end .

Unfortunately, he fails to point out how that will happen when terrorists and terrorism have penetrated deep inside the social fabric of Pakistan. The author ignores the fact that extremism and terrorism remain a potent threat to the state of Pakistan today. This twin evil can only be fought when political forces and the establishment confront these extremist forces and defeat them both ideologically and practically.

Overall, Imran Khan’s knowledge and understanding of the history of Pakistan is deeply flawed. Consequently, one would refrain from placing Imran Khan’s Pakistan — A Personal History in the league of the greats like Jawaharlal Nehru’s The Discovery of India , or Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s The Myth of Independence , which are considered classic political literature in South Asia due to their vision, deep political and historical insight and intellectual content. It is nowhere near even Benazir Bhutto’s Daughter of the East , or Pervez Musharraf’s In the Line of Fire , which offer fresh insights, perspectives and details on issues that are critical for Pakistan.

This book review was originally published in the December 2011 issue of Newsline under the headline “Confused ‘Messiah.'”

Written by Amir Zia

Amir Zia is a senior Pakistani journalist, currently working as the Chief Editor of HUM News. He has worked for leading media organisations, including Reuters, AP, Gulf News, The News, Samaa TV and Newsline.

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Review: Pakistan: A Personal History

Those who were expecting that the oxford-educated cricketer, imran khan would bring about a paradigm shift in pakistan’s politics are likely to be disappointed if they read his book pakistan: a personal history..

Pakistan: A Personal History

Random House

Rs 599 pp 389

Imran Khan’t was the pejorative used to refer to him when he began his career as a fast bowler. He went on to prove all his detractors wrong, becoming a legend in his lifetime. The same negativity accompanied his plunge into politics. But after 15 years as a marginal player in Pakistan’s politics, the man — who once famously wore a T-shirt with the legend ‘big boys play at night’ — seems to have come into full batting form with his party, the Tehreek-e-Insaf, actually being considered a serious contender to form the next government.

Those who were expecting that the Oxford-educated cricketer would bring about a paradigm shift in Pakistan’s politics are likely to be disappointed if they read his book Pakistan: A Personal History. First, it is less a personal history than a political manifesto. Almost as if to compensate for his former playboy image, he cannot emphasise his adherence to Islam enough. “…I find it strange that in Pakistan, people who stand up for Islamic values are called rightists. Islamic values actually have more in common with leftist ideologies in terms of social equality and welfare.” Could it have escaped his attention that the sort of Islam being pushed by the fundamentalists who applauded the killing of Punjab governor Salman Taseer would not know leftist ideology if it jumped up and bit them?

In many ways, throughout the book, it is clear that Imran is less influenced by the liberal values of the West where he spent many years and has confined himself to coming up with a similar version of the vision that Ayub Khan and later Zia-ul-Haq had for Pakistan. He is not immune from the Pakistani penchant to blame others for the problems the country faces. He sees conspiracies in many of the cataclysmic events in Pakistan’s troubled history. For example, he sees dark external forces responsible for the killing of Pakistan’s first prime minister Liaquat Ali Khan and the mid-air explosion which killed Zia-ul-Haq. In some ways, Imran cannot be blamed for this. A degree of anti-Americanism, a vocal suspicion of the foreigner goes down well with the home crowd.

Imran rails against taking American aid, returning repeatedly to the theme that America’s war on terror has been at the cost of Pakistan’s honour. He is fulsome in his praise for Zia-ul-Haq as someone who protected Pakistan’s sovereignty and expresses great sympathy for the mujahideen who he says have fought the good fight to defend the national honour.

He reserves quite a bit of venom for General Pervez Musharraf, though the day may not be far when he may tie up with him politically. He is critical of Musharraf’s power-hungry behaviour and the craven manner in which he obeyed America’s dictates. Imran is largely contemptuous of politicians, he has few kind words for Benazir Bhutto or Nawaz Sharif, both civilian prime ministers in a country dominated by military rule since its existence. He is dismissive of their lack of political expertise and their inability to come to grips with administrative matters. One wonders how much the former fast bowler will be different if he were to come to power.

He, of course, is in no doubt about his ability. His narrative is punctuated at frequent intervals with praise for himself and his ‘vision’ though after reading the book, we are hard put to understand what this might be. There are touching parts in the book in which he describes his failed marriage to heiress Jemima Goldsmith. Here Imran has been every bit the gentleman, explaining how his wife became the butt of a hate campaign and ultimately, he agreed that she should go back to a life and milieu she was familiar with. He speaks with pain and longing about being separated from his children, all of which lends a human touch to an otherwise sterile, cold narrative.

He finds relevance in the message of Allama Iqbal, a source of guidance when Pakistan came into being in 1947. He regrets that Iqbal’s prayer for children, “My wish comes to my lips as supplication — May my life be lilke a lighted candle, O God,” has been forgotten today.

It is a pity that though Imran appears to have understood all that has gone wrong with Pakistan, “a country that begs and borrows for its survival had to face such humiliation sooner or later”, he does not seem to have too many answers. Perhaps, like his predecessors, he will learn on the job. Whether Pakistan has the luxury of time is another matter. But, despite the many shortcomings in this book, we cannot help but be impressed by the tenacity of the great fast bowler, his refusal to leave the field even when things looked hopeless. This is the quality that made him an inimitable captain and perhaps, this will see him through the minefield of Pakistani politics in the future.

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Pakistan: A Personal History by Imran Khan – Book Review

Indeed, for Imran Khan, life is a journey of achieving one goal after another. From cricket to building the first state of the art cancer hospital in Pakistan, and then a university and how he gained the momentum to enter politics, he encapsulates all of this in his book.

The book “Pakistan: A Personal History” by Imran Khan was written in 2011 when PTI was just taking off. So it was quiet obvious for me to suspect the book to be speaking about the national political scene. Here I must admit I was surprised to find it contrary to what I was expecting. I got the feeling that Khan was trying to explain Pakistan to the West.

One may not agree with everything that Khan has to say, but one is forced to admit that Khan has passion, drive and determination for his cause. It’s an amazing read for people to get an overview of Pakistan’s past and present. In his book, he talks about his early life along with the history of Pakistan. He starts from his childhood and sheds light on his various pursuits in life, cricket, politics & philanthropy and from there on his continued experiences that have shaped up his thoughts and beliefs. The long account of his struggles after his mother’s death, almost uninterested in politics, playboy of cricket world who leaves the life of rock and roll for a noble cause, in between marries Jemima and then falls apart is fascinating to read.

The best comes out of the book when revealed about his spiritual closeness to Allah. He writes a lot on spirituality and the essence of religion. The person who inspired Khan the most was none other than the great poet and philosopher, Muhammad Iqbal. He construes the thoughts of the great Iqbal and weighs the best that how Islam is supposed to play its role in a society.

It is obvious Khan wants to lay down his vision of what he thinks Pakistan should be, to achieve it is another debate, but the way it is written is thought-provoking. While reading the book you feel like it’s published in 2020, because Imran Khan’s point of view hasn’t changed even a bit. Throughout the book, Khan does not let go of a chance to undermine his political rivals – Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif by sharing various anecdotes while disparaging the field of politics, which, ironically, he has been very much part of since last two decades. He criticizes Bhutto and Sharif for their lack of political and administrative experience before they took the helm of power and then acknowledges the fact that he also does not have any experience in politics but his vision for his country is simple, he wants a welfare state for his people.

Lastly I would be interested to read a sequel from 2018 when Imran Khan becomes the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, to learn how his convictions have been able to influence life in Pakistan since his political slogan of “Naya Pakistan” is somewhere under the echoes of NRO.

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Quratulain ijaz

Human rights and the responsibility of social media, two million pakistani women suffering from fistula brings gender marginalisation into spotlight, you might also like more from author, beauty in simplicity, book review: the clash of civilization and remaking of world order, book review: reclaim your heart by yasmin mogahed.

Has Nawaz Sharif or Zardari ever thought of writing about their vision (if any except minting money),,,,,,

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How a cricket hero went political

What influence did the game have on where Imran Khan is today? A new book attempts to tell all

Bantam Press

These days Imran would rather not talk about cricket. His discussions are more Musharraf than Misbah, America over Ajmal. Cricket, though, is where much began

Sharda Ugra is senior editor at ESPNcricinfo

Book Reviews, Articles and Original Short Stories

Friday 23 December 2011

“pakistan: a personal history” by imran khan – book review.

3 comments:

what a amazing life journey. 10 pints

The best book by a Pakistani. Surely, the only hope for/of pakistan. Be God with you in your endeavours Imran Khan

thank you so much... I used your content after 8 years

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Pakistan A Personal History by Imran Khan – Book Review

W e have a great political leader in Pakistan who came into politics with the passion to change this country for good. That’s why his political slogan is “Tabdeeli.” He’s among the first-generation Pakistanis who were lucky enough to open their eyes in an independent country Pakistan. In his book A personal history, Khan explains how beautiful and corruption-free Pakistan used to be and how it’s slowly depleting with time. The reason is the corruption of the political parties, the rich overwhelming the poor with their burden, lack of education and a wrong representation of Muslims in the West.

As Khan started exploring Islam, he found it a peace-loving religion. But contrary to its message, Muslims are taken as terrorists in the West. He wrote this book to give people in the West a better understanding of Islam and Muslims. Apart from the explanation, Imran Khan also penned his journey from his childhood to establishing a top-notch cancer hospital in Pakistan in memory of his mother who died of cancer. When he shared his idea of building a free cancer hospital, people wouldn’t take him seriously but due to his cricket legacy, he was able to pull out donations for his hospital.

Khan also shared his cricket journey and his passion to win big for Pakistan. He discussed his world-cup victory and his dream career of playing cricket for the country. Later, he also discussed his marriage with Jemima Khan and shared regrets about marrying late after he was blessed with his first son Suleiman. Without going much into details, he also disclosed what made him call off his marriage with Jemima and how his ex-wife faced the political storm. 

There are a total of 10 chapters in this book each describing his opinions and journey in detail. The book will also take you to Khan’s spiritual journey and the role of Mian Bashir in Khan’s life. He explained how his life changed when he started studying Islam and Quran. Apart from his personal journey, you’ll get to know a lot about Pakistan’s historical events such as Salman Taseer’s murder, the Raymond Davis case and Bin Laden’s death announcement. He continued sharing the events to show how injustice prevails in Pakistan. 

There’s one complete chapter in which he has talked about Musharraf’s era and what went wrong during his period. Khan also shared Benazir’s journey, how she met Zardari, joined politics, left Pakistan and her unfortunate death. Her murder is still a mystery today.

Some pages are also full of critics of the opposition parties. Imran shared how corrupt our politicians are, especially Bhutto’s and Sharif’s families who are here to fill their pockets only and later buy lands outside Pakistan. 

Overall the book is raw and heart-touching. You would be unable to put it down if you’re interested to know about Pakistan. But if you’re looking to know the cricket journey of Imran Khan in this book then it can disappoint you a bit.  

Also Read: [ Jinnah of Pakistan Book Review ]

Khan admires Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his leadership qualities and aims to become a noble and wise leader like him. In the last chapter, Imran isn’t done praising Iqbal’s revolutionary poetry and leadership traits. He goes on to explain the poor education system in Pakistan and the need of training children for leadership and a visionary mindset.

Khan has unfolded a lot of things in this book including the corruption of his opposition parties PML (N) and PPP. He’s the only leader in Pakistan who has no family background in politics and has built everything from scratch. He knows all the areas where the country lacks and what needs to be done to make it strong.

Overall, the lesson from this book is that dream big and keep struggling to win your dreams, one day you’ll find your destination. Imran Khan is a living example of this. He not only won the world cup but also built Pakistan’s first cancer hospital. Also, he founded his political party in 1996 and now the whole nation knows about it. That’s the power of believing in yourself and your dreams. A good point to take on!

I prefer books and diaries more than phones and Facebook. Soulfully connected to Pakistan. And I passionately believe that I can change the world through blogging.

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Pakistan: A Personal History Hardcover – Oct. 17 2011

• Print length 400 pages
• Language English
• Publisher Bantam Press
• Publication date Oct. 17 2011
• Dimensions 16.03 x 3.48 x 24.13 cm
• ISBN-10 0593067746
• ISBN-13 978-0593067741
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• Publisher ‏ : ‎ Bantam Press (Oct. 17 2011)
• Language ‏ : ‎ English
• Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 400 pages
• ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0593067746
• ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0593067741
• Item weight ‏ : ‎ 798 g
• Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 16.03 x 3.48 x 24.13 cm
• #147 in Pakistani History

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Pakistan : a personal history

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Uploaded by station39.cebu on March 28, 2023

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Pakistan: A Personal History Paperback – International Edition, October 3, 2011

• Print length 400 pages
• Language English
• Publisher Bantam Press
• Publication date October 3, 2011
• Dimensions 6 x 1.19 x 9.19 inches
• ISBN-10 0593067754
• ISBN-13 978-0593067758
• See all details

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• Publisher ‏ : ‎ Bantam Press (October 3, 2011)
• Language ‏ : ‎ English
• Paperback ‏ : ‎ 400 pages
• ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0593067754
• ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0593067758
• Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.24 pounds
• Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6 x 1.19 x 9.19 inches

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