media influence on body image research paper

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Images of bodies in mass and social media and body dissatisfaction: The role of internalization and self-discrepancy

Associated data.

The data presented in this study can be found in the online repository OSF: https://osf.io/gzafh/ .

Introduction

The study examines the influence on body dissatisfaction of viewed images of bodies transmitted over mass media and social media, as mediated by the internalization of body ideals through media and self-discrepancy (the difference between the perceived actual self and the perceived ideal self).

In this study, the images of bodies individuals view in their everyday media diet are estimated using a newly developed pictorial scale for women (thinness) and men (muscularity). For participants, the perceived body image is formed through mass media (magazines, TV) and social media (Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, and Snapchat). The self-discrepancy theory is then used to explain the effect of images of bodies in the media on the internalization of these body ideals and body dissatisfaction.

Results show that Facebook and YouTube shape body ideals perceived to be prevalent in the media, negatively influencing internalization and self-discrepancy. Self-discrepancy, in turn, increases body dissatisfaction. However, for males, the perceived body ideals in the media did not affect body dissatisfaction, internalization, or self-discrepancy.

These results emphasize the importance of combining and comparing mass and social media and differentiating between female and male concerns regarding body image.

Social, political, and economic pressures establish and perpetuate notions and norms concerning body image, often equating thinness for women and muscularity for men with attractiveness ( Bessenoff and Snow, 2006 ; Shen et al., 2022 ). Representations of bodies are present in people’s everyday lives. Still, with the rise of mass media and social media, people seem to have become obsessed with images of bodies or appearance ( Groesz et al., 2002 ; Wykes and Gunter, 2005 ). Media can set and reinforce standards (e.g., the “ideal” body); provide models for social comparison; and eventually lead to psychological (e.g., body dissatisfaction), motivational (e.g., pressure to be thin or muscular), or behavioral outcomes (e.g., disordered eating, exercising, dressing; Diedrichs et al., 2011 ; Eyal and Te’eni-Harari, 2013 ). In media outlets, audiences are confronted with physically attractive models and appearance-focused content ( de Vries et al., 2016 ). In particular, social media has developed significant power in promoting attractiveness, exercise, health, and well-being, upholding appearance ideals ( Boepple et al., 2016 ; Griffiths et al., 2018 ), and increasing users’ weight concerns and body dissatisfaction ( Stice and Shaw, 2002 ; Harper and Tiggemann, 2008 ; Kleemans et al., 2018 ).

Most of the studies analyzing the association between media and body image examine the influence of the amount of media use, for example, by asking about the daily hours spent on Instagram or watching television (e.g., Marengo et al., 2018 ; Vuong et al., 2021 ; Marques et al., 2022 ). Other studies manipulate the media content experimentally ( McLean et al., 2016 ; Tiggemann et al., 2018 ; Anixiadis et al., 2019 ). Thereby, participants’ effective contact with images of bodies they encounter in their daily media consumption is not considered. While some studies compare the effects of different types of social media ( Cohen et al., 2017 ; Alberga et al., 2018 ; Griffiths et al., 2018 ; Marengo et al., 2018 ) or different mass media outlets ( Tiggemann, 2003 ), there is a lack of studies directly comparing the effects of other mass media outlets on social media outlets ( Tiggemann, 2003 ). Thus, the primary goal of this study is to expand knowledge about the impact of the actual images of bodies transmitted by media by collecting data about those images people confront in their individual diets of mass media and different social media platforms. This adds to the existing research, as not only a general influence of media use is analyzed. More specifically, the images of bodies individuals perceive to be present in their media diet are examined.

When investigating the effect of media use or media-transmitted images of bodies on dissatisfaction, it is essential to consider the mechanism between media contact and expected outcomes. One approach that describes this connection is the self-discrepancy theory, which is often used in studies on body image ( Forston and Stanton, 1992 ; Szymanski and Cash, 1995 ; Jung et al., 2001 ; Lantz et al., 2018 ; Flynn et al., 2020 ). The self-discrepancy theory posits that a discrepancy between the actual body image (how an individual believes their body looks) and the ideal body image (how an individual wants their body to look) can lead to adverse outcomes ( Higgins, 1987 ). The permanent visibility of images of bodies in the media can influence the perception of an ideal body image shaped through the internalization of these promoted images of bodies as body ideals ( Anixiadis et al., 2019 ). Thus, this study analyzes the role of internalizing body ideals and self-discrepancy through media consumption.

Even though males and females are both influenced by media, the ideal body standards differ, and so does the body image dissatisfaction between genders ( Cohane and Pope, 2001 ). Whereas women in Western societies mainly focus on thinness (e.g., Bessenoff, 2006 ; Tiggemann and Slater, 2013 ; Lang et al., 2019 ), men commonly indicate a desire to develop and maintain muscularity (e.g., Scott and Donald, 2004 ; Frederick et al., 2007 ; Stratton et al., 2015 ; Flynn et al., 2020 ). Therefore, it is essential to address men and women differently when assessing the effects of media images of bodies ( Flynn et al., 2020 ).

This study focuses on three perspectives regarding the relationship between media use and body dissatisfaction. First, we are interested in the body standards viewers perceive to be prevalent in the media that comprise their particular media diet, respecting individual differences in media consumption. Thereby, perceived body ideals will be measured in several traditional mass media (e.g., TV, magazines) and social media outlets (e.g., Facebook, YouTube, Snapchat, Instagram) to consider more than just one of the media sources shaping body standards. Second, the internalization of these body ideals and the perceived discrepancy between the actual and ideal self are introduced as mediators in the association between viewed media images of bodies and body dissatisfaction. Third, differences between women’s and men’s body ideals are considered, focusing on women’s drive for thinness and men’s drive for muscularity.

Media exposure and body image

Body image is a multifaceted phenomenon that covers an individual’s attitude, feelings, and perceptions about their body size, body shape, and esthetic feelings ( Cash, 2004 ; Wykes and Gunter, 2005 ). Regular exposure to pronounced thin or muscular bodies depicted in the media can make those bodies desirable. People see those depictions as standards to aspire to Bessenoff (2006) . When analyzing the influence of images of bodies in media outlets, most studies ask about participants’ general use of media—for example, how often they read particular magazines ( Tiggemann, 2003 ; Tiggemann and Miller, 2010 ), watch TV in general ( Harrison, 2001 ), watch specific shows on TV ( Hefner et al., 2014 ), or browse Instagram’s public content ( Stein et al., 2019 ). Those measures can indirectly indicate which kinds of body images the participants are confronted with in their individual media diet.

Other studies investigate the general media use, and specific activities participants engage with on social media. This includes editing editing selfies before posting ( McLean et al., 2015 ; Lonergan et al., 2019 ; Modica, 2020 ), the frequency of taking selfies ( Modica, 2020 ) or posting selfies ( Ridgway and Clayton, 2016 ), or the feedback individuals get on their posted pictures ( Butkowski et al., 2019 ) and their influence on body satisfaction, body surveillance, or mood. These studies account for individual media use but mostly focus on the participants’ content, not the other images of bodies they might be confronted with.

In contrast, experimental studies use curated media content depicting various body images and measuring the effect before and after exposure. Some of these studies address only internal validity ( Myers and Biocca, 1992 ; Heinberg and Thompson, 1995 ; Agliata and Tantleff-Dunn, 2004 ; Dittmar and Howard, 2004 ); more recent studies also include a good external validity in these experimental settings ( Brown and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Casale et al., 2021 ; Sumter et al., 2022 ). Accurate individual media use is of minor importance in research designs that focus on the effects of particular content. At best, media use, media awareness, or media literacy are integrated into the model as a controlling factor ( Anixiadis et al., 2019 ). Thus, the first goal of this study is to measure the perception of body standards typically viewed by media users in their individual media diet , consisting of traditional mass media and social media platforms, to ensure a high external validity. Thus, the first research question is:

• RQ1: Which media types shape the users’ perceived body image in their individual media diets?

Media content analyses have frequently shown that the body type most commonly represented in the media does not match the entire population’s range of body shapes ( Eyal and Te’eni-Harari, 2013 ). The media presents different body image cultures to men and women. For example, the media encourages women to control their weight and get thinner, mainly proliferating a culture of thinness . The media influence males, besides being thin also, to mold their bodies through exercise, proliferating a culture of muscularity ( Agliata and Tantleff-Dunn, 2004 ; Scott and Donald, 2004 ; Holland and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Boursier and Gioia, 2022 ). 1 Studies have shown the adverse effects of body ideals transmitted through mass media and social media on audiences’ body dissatisfaction ( Grabe et al., 2008 ; Ferguson, 2013 ; Holland and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Mingoia et al., 2017 ; Huang et al., 2021 ).

Media exposure to desirable body shapes negatively influences one’s body image ( Holmstrom, 2004 ; Boursier and Gioia, 2022 ; Shen et al., 2022 ), eating behaviors ( Stice and Shaw, 2002 ; Griffiths et al., 2018 ; Saunders and Eaton, 2018 ; Guo et al., 2022 ), mental health ( Kim and Sundar, 2012 ; Marengo et al., 2018 ; McCrory et al., 2022 ), and body satisfaction ( Groesz et al., 2002 ; Grabe et al., 2008 ; Ferguson, 2013 ; Burnette et al., 2017 ; Wilhelm et al., 2019 ; Vuong et al., 2021 ). This negative effect on body satisfaction was shown in mass media, like television ( Heinberg and Thompson, 1995 ; Hefner et al., 2014 ; Te’eni-Harari and Eyal, 2015 ) or magazines ( Cusumano and Thompson, 1997 ; Tiggemann, 2003 ), and over various social media platforms including Facebook ( Tiggemann and Slater, 2013 ; Meier and Gray, 2014 ; Griffiths et al., 2018 ), Instagram ( Kleemans et al., 2018 ; Marengo et al., 2018 ; Tiggemann et al., 2018 ), Pinterest ( Lewallen and Behm-Morawitz, 2016 ; Simpson and Mazzeo, 2017 ), and Snapchat ( Marengo et al., 2018 ; Saunders and Eaton, 2018 ). Thus, as a first step, we assume that idealized images of bodies in the media (thinness for women, muscularity for men) lead to greater dissatisfaction with one’s body. In this study, this association will be further explored by combining mass media and social media to analyze whether different patterns emerge. Also, the hypothesis can be tested without experimentally manipulating thin/muscular body images. High external validity enables the analysis of this well-established relationship considering everyday media use.

H1: The thinner or more muscular the viewers perceive the body ideal in the media, the stronger their body dissatisfaction.

Body ideals and internalization

Besides the direct effect of media exposure on body satisfaction, other factors can influence this relationship ( Bessenoff, 2006 ). For example, the ideal thin-internalization describes the acceptance of social standards of thinness ( Heinberg and Thompson, 1995 ; Cusumano and Thompson, 1997 ). This refers to a process described in the Tripartite Influence Model, which considers three main factors as sources of body dissatisfaction ( Thompson et al., 1999 ; Keery et al., 2004b ; Shroff and Thompson, 2006 ). Besides media, the other two factors are peers and parents. These three factors potentially influence body dissatisfaction and eating disturbances. However, they also indirectly lead to an internalization of societal appearance standards and comparison processes, shaping body dissatisfaction. The model describes, thus, sociocultural sources which can influence individuals and lead them to a negative evaluation of their bodies ( Keery et al., 2004b ; Shroff and Thompson, 2006 ). In this study, the focus lies on the media as one of these three possible influences on body dissatisfaction directly or indirectly through internalizing societal standards.

Media users can internalize body ideals they perceive to be prevalent in mass and social media. This can lead to greater body dissatisfaction when they cannot meet the typically unrealistic body ideals ( Lavender et al., 2017 ; Vuong et al., 2021 ). Meta-studies have shown that media exposure, in general, can reinforce the internalization of body ideals for both genders and many ages ( Huang et al., 2021 ; Paterna et al., 2021 ). The images of bodies perceived in the media can become personal standards of attractiveness ( Thompson and Stice, 2001 ). Individuals try to attain internalized body ideals by monitoring their body appearance ( Moradi and Huang, 2008 ; Moradi, 2010 ). Body depictions can strongly shape the internalized societal standards portrayed in the media ( Holland and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Tatangelo and Ricciardelli, 2017 ; Rousseau and Eggermont, 2018 ). Through media internalization, individuals embrace media-promoted body ideals as personal body ideals, manifesting an ideal self and increasing body dissatisfaction ( Durkin et al., 2007 ; Rodgers et al., 2014 ). Based on these studies, we test this association while considering the individuals’ perceived images of bodies in their everyday media diet and combining mass and social media outlets. As males and females process body images depicted in the media differently ( Watson et al., 2019 ), we strive to test this widely known assumption for males and females separately.

H1a: The effect of thin or muscular body depictions perceived in the media on body dissatisfaction is mediated through internalization of body ideals.

Body ideals and self-discrepancy

Besides increasing body dissatisfaction directly, internalizing body standards can emphasize the discrepancy between actual and ideal selves. Three domains of the self (actual, ideal, and ought) and two standpoints regarding the self (own and significant others) are distinguished in self-discrepancy theory. The actual self is a reflection of the beliefs about one’s attributes; the ideal self represents characteristics that one desires ( Higgins, 1987 ), and the ought self represents details that one believes one should have ( Heron and Smyth, 2013 ). People are motivated to establish consistency between the current self and the relevant self-guide, which in this context are the internalized ideals about body image ( Higgins, 1987 ). Dissatisfaction increases when there is a discrepancy between the actual self and the ideal self ( Higgins et al., 1986 ; Higgins, 1987 ; Strauman and Higgins, 1987 ). Although people differ in the degree to which they are motivated, they strive to reduce discrepancies by making their actual self match their ideal self ( Heron and Smyth, 2013 ).

Previous studies have reported different variables that have mediating effects on self-discrepancy, such as self-esteem preventing negative body image after exposure to media images ( Posavac et al., 1998 ; Dittmar and Howard, 2004 ), negative body image leading to eating disturbances ( Forston and Stanton, 1992 ), and media images of bodies leading to body dissatisfaction ( Harrison, 2001 ; Bessenoff, 2006 ). Thus, self-discrepancy can be introduced as a mediator between media body standards and body dissatisfaction. Again, this study tests whether this assumption applies to perceived images of the body in everyday media use. Comparing social media and mass media can give further insights into the connection between body images, body dissatisfaction, and self-discrepancy.

H1b: The effect of thin or muscular body images perceived in the media on body dissatisfaction is mediated through self-discrepancy.

Research model

The media can play an essential role in shaping body ideals as viewers internalize body ideals that emphasize the discrepancy between the actual and ideal self. Based on the theoretical assumptions of the self-discrepancy theory and the body of the literature, the final research model ( Figure 1 ) employs internalization and self-discrepancy as mediators between perceived body ideals in the media and body dissatisfaction. The directed hypotheses of the model are:

Research model of the influence of perceived body images in the media on body dissatisfaction, mediated through internalization, and self-discrepancy.

H2: The thinner or more muscular the viewers perceive the body in the media image, the stronger (a) their internalization of body ideals and (b) their self-discrepancy.

H3: The more the viewers internalize the media’s body ideals, the stronger their self-discrepancy.

H4: The stronger the viewers’ self-discrepancy, the stronger their body dissatisfaction.

Materials and methods

Research design and procedure.

An online questionnaire was administered to test the research model. To survey a broad demographic, a quota sample from the UK was recruited via Respondi . Following the ethical regulations, only participants over 18 years old were eligible to participate. There was no upper age limit. The participants are members of the research panel Respondi and receive a small monetary incentive for each survey they complete. The sample was not representative but balanced between males and females and covered a broad range of ages and educational backgrounds. Nevertheless, the results cannot be generalized.

The panel members received an email invitation to the survey without any information about the topic. When clicking on the invitation link, they were informed on the first page that the study would be about their use of different media and body images. Also provided was an estimated time to complete the survey and contact information in case of questions or technical problems. Before starting the study, participants received written informed consent. They were informed about the data collection, the use and anonymization of their data, and their rights to withdraw from the study at any time. 2 Only participants who accepted the informed consent could continue with the survey.

Participants then answered questions about their general media use and perception of body ideals portrayed on social media and in mass media. They had to choose a picture of a body that best corresponded to their actual and ideal selves. Afterward, they were asked about their satisfaction with their bodies. The survey ended by collecting participants’ sociodemographic information.

Participants

A total of 293 participants ( Table 1 ) from the UK were recruited. Data collection took place between June 13 and June 25, 2019. Participants needed, on average, 5 min and 29 s to complete the survey. In the sample, 53% of the participants were male ( n = 156), and a majority were over 55 years old (41%). Most participants were married (53%), and most were European/Caucasian (88%). Participants had an average body mass index of 27 (BMI; underweight < 18.5, obese ≥ 40; M = 27.35, SD = 6.51; n = 274).

Socio-demographic characteristics of the sample.

Only 15% of the participants did not use any social media platform daily, but they use social media in general. Facebook was the most-used platform, with 49% using it for 1 h a day, followed by YouTube with 45%, Instagram with 32%, and a mere 16% using Snapchat daily. The use of mass media was more common than in social media use in the sample. Only 4% of the participants reported using mass media for less than an hour daily. Television was used between 2 and 5 h a day (59%), whereas printed media was used for 1 h a day (46%).

Scale development for body ideals

Various techniques exist to measure the perception of body ideals, for example, linear, configurational, pictorial, or verbal ( Wykes and Gunter, 2005 ). In this study, a configurational rating scale method was used. These measures have proven robust and valid ( Thompson and Gray, 1995 ; Conti et al., 2013 ; Ralph-Nearman and Filik, 2018 ). The differences in body image, body ideal, and satisfaction for males and females had to be considered in building the scale. Existing scales for assessing body image either only account for one of the sexes without a corresponding equivalent for the other sex (e.g., male fit body scale; Ralph-Nearman and Filik, 2018 ), or the image scales only cover one of the ideals found in media (e.g., drive for thinness for males and females; Harris et al., 2008 ). Therefore, a new range of figures was created to capture two ideal body types often prevalent in media content. For females, the drive for thinness was chosen. For males, the drive for muscularity seems to be prevalent in different media outlets ranging from television to social media platforms, even though both drives can also be found for the other sex (e.g., Hildebrandt et al., 2004 ; Kelley et al., 2010 ). To capture females’ ideal for thinness, the scale includes 13 drawings of females that range from very thin to obese. For males, the scale consists of 13 corresponding pictures of males ranging from leptosome to overly muscular to capture males’ desire for muscularity ( Figures 2 , ​ ,3). 3 ). To compare the scales for both sexes, the higher rankings corresponded more closely with the respective ideals (1 = less thin/less muscular , 13 = thinner/more muscular ).

The newly developed body shape scale assesses women’s drive for thinness (1 = very thin, 13 = obese).

The newly developed body shape scale assesses men’s drive for muscularity (1 = leptosome, 13 = highly muscular).

Actual self and ideal self

Using pictorial body scales to assess participants’ actual and ideal selves has proven valid in diverse settings and samples (e.g., Lynch et al., 2009 ; Conti et al., 2013 ; Ralph-Nearman and Filik, 2018 ). To measure the body image of the actual self, participants were asked to choose the picture from the body image scale of their gender that best matched their actual appearance (“What do you look like right now?”; M = 5.99, SD = 2.53). The ideal self of participants’ body image was assessed by asking the participants to choose the picture that best matched the appearance they wish to have (“What would you like to look like?”; M = 7.70, SD = 2.32).

The discrepancy between the actual self and the ideal self

The discrepancy indicator was calculated by subtracting the value of the actual self from the value of the ideal self for each participant as proven to be valid in previous research (e.g., Lynch et al., 2009 ; Conti et al., 2013 ). Therefore, positive scores indicate higher values for the ideal self than the actual self (72%), and zero indicates no difference between the actual and ideal self (20%). To better interpret the variable, participants with negative scores, meaning that their actual body was thinner/more muscular than the ideal self, were excluded (8%) so that a positive coefficient indicates an unhealthy discrepancy between the ideal and actual self.

Perceived body depictions in the media

In addition to the actual and ideal self, the pictorial body image scale was also used to assess the body depictions participants encountered in their individual media diets. Participants were asked to indicate the body depiction they are usually confronted with in their media diet (“Which of the following pictures correspond best to the men/women you see most frequently in the media you use?”). This was measured separately for television, magazines, YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat.

Internalization of body ideals

The thin/muscular bodies internalization was assessed using three items of the Sociocultural Internalization of Appearance Questionnaire (SIAQ) by Keery et al. (2004b) . The scale is an extension of the validated Internalization Subscale of the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-3 ( Thompson et al., 2004 ). The scale was validated in samples from three countries and showed high internal consistency in six independent samples ( Keery et al., 2004a ). The items were adapted for females and males (“Looking at the body images in the media makes me want to lose weight/gain muscles”). M = 2.54, SD = 1.20.

Body dissatisfaction

For females, the Body Dissatisfaction Scale ( Garner, 1991 ), a sub-scale of Garner’s Eating Disorder Inventory, was used (e.g., “I think my hips are too big”). This scale is a standardized clinical evaluation of symptomatology associated with eating disorders and is thus suitable for this study’s purpose. As an equivalent scale for males, the Body Dissatisfaction Scale ( Yelland and Tiggemann, 2003 ) was used (e.g., “I think my biceps are too small”). This scale is based on the validated Body Esteem Scale ( Franzoi and Shields, 1984 ) and has shown good validity in other studies ( Yelland and Tiggemann, 2003 ). Five items out of the original nine from both scales were used. Only the statements that did not contradict one another were selected to still cover the concept as broadly as possible but with minimizing the number of items and effort of the participants ( M = 2.97, SD = 1.24, α females = 0.92, α males = 0.77; N = 292; 5-point Likert-type scale from 1 = never to 5 = always ).

Statistical analysis

To test the impact of perceived media images on self-discrepancy and body dissatisfaction, we used partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM). PLS is a causal-predictive approach to SEM that emphasizes prediction in estimating models derived based on theory and logic ( Hair et al., 2019 ; Cho et al., 2022 ). PLS-SEM readily incorporates formatively specified constructs where the indicators are designed to jointly form said constructs ( Sarstedt et al., 2016 ), which is the case for perceived body ideals in our model. Two path models were estimated based on the different body image scales (thinness for women and muscularity for men).

The results for men show that there was a negative effect of internalization on self-discrepancy (β = −0.39, SD = 0.19, p = 0.024). However, perceived media image had neither a direct nor an indirect ( via self-discrepancy) effect on body dissatisfaction. As this study focuses on the media’s role in shaping the internalization of body ideals, self-discrepancy, and body dissatisfaction, only the model based on women is included below. The null results for men are taken up again in the discussion.

The reflective measurement model results (see Figure 4 with further details in Tables 2 – 4 ) show that the construct measures exhibit sufficient internal consistency, reliability, and convergent validity (see Table 2 ). In the formative measurement model (see Table 3 ), we controlled for collinearity with the VIF values ( Hair et al., 2016 ). In the next step, we ran bootstrapping (10,000 subsamples) to assess the significance of the formative indicator weights. Weights for Facebook and YouTube were significant. As the loadings of all media perceptions (besides magazines) on perceived body image were 0.50 or larger, these indicators made a decisive contribution to the construct. They were kept in the model based on theoretical assumptions. The indicator weights answered RQ1, which asked which media outlets shape the respondents’ body images. YouTube and Facebook were the essential factors forming the perceived body ideal in the media and thus created self-discrepancy and, eventually, body dissatisfaction.

Research model for females and their drive for thinness. Indirect effect through internalization and self-discrepancy (H1a), indirect effect through self-discrepancy (H1b). * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01.

Reliabilities for reflective measured latent constructs.

AVE: Degree to which a latent construct explains the variance of its indicators (convergent validity; AVE > .5 for good fit). Composite Reliability: Measure of internal consistency reliability. Cronbach’s alpha: Measure of internal consistency reliability assuming equal indicator loadings (more conservative). Cronbach’s alpha is the lower bound, composite reliability the upper bound for internal consistency reliability. Rho: Measure for composite reliability, Rho > 0.7 for good fit.

Outer weights of formative indicators for individuals’ body images in the media.

Outer weights: Result of the multiple regression indicates the relative importance in the formative measurement model. Higher values represent stronger relative importance of the indicator. VIF, variance inflation factor quantifies the severity of collinearity among the indicators. VIF should be lower than 3 for a good fit.

Effects of body images in the media on body dissatisfaction mediated through self-discrepancy and internalization.

Model fits: saturated model SRMR = 0.07; Chi-Square = 126.84; NFI = 0.72. Estimated model: SRMR = 0.12; Chi-Square = 135.12; NFI = 0.70.

Overall, the model fit indices are relatively low (SRMR = 0.12, NFI = 0.70). In PLS models, the classical goodness-of-fit tests are not very informative, as they usually compare the covariance matrices of a saturated vs. an estimated model. With partial least square estimation, a formative indicator can be built, not referring to the covariance matrix. Literature on PLS also suggests not relying on these indices ( Henseler and Sarstedt, 2013 ). Therefore, the indices are reported for transparency, but the models were not adopted data-driven to improve model fit with assumptions possibly violating the theoretical assumptions.

H1 proposed that the thinner the body depictions are perceived in the media, the higher the body dissatisfaction will be. However, the data showed no significant direct effect of perceived thinness on body dissatisfaction (β = 0.27; SD = 0.18, p = 0.061; H1 rejected). The thinner individuals perceived the body images in the media to be correlated with a higher internalization of body ideals through media (β = 0.37, SD = 0.20, p = 0.035, H2a confirmed). However, internalization showed no effect on self-discrepancy (β = 0.05, SD = 0.02, p = 0.419; H3 rejected). A more pronounced self-discrepancy was associated with a higher body dissatisfaction (β = 0.39, SD = 0.15, p = 0.004; H4 accepted). The thinner the body images in the media were perceived to be, corresponded with a higher discrepancy between the actual self and the ideal self (β = 0.43, SD = 0.24, p < 0.037; H2b confirmed). The thinner women perceived the body depictions on YouTube and Facebook, the more pronounced they judged the difference between their actual body image and the body shape they wished to have. While the direct effect of the perceived body ideals in the media on body dissatisfaction was not significant, the indirect effect through self-discrepancy was significant (β = 0.17, SD = 0.10, p = 0.038; H1b confirmed), but not through internalization and self-discrepancy (H1a rejected; see Table 4 for more details).

Exploratory analyses

As in the PLS models, only participants with valid answers for all media outlets could be considered; a supplementary analysis was run to explore the hypotheses only for mass media. This model introduced TV and magazines as formative indicators of body image. The results show that, in particular, magazines (β = 0.71; SD = 0.34, t = 2.01, p = 0.018) and in tendency TV (β = 0.49; SD = 0.35, p = 0.083) form individuals’ media-perceived body ideal. Interestingly, this perceived body ideal formed from traditional mass media directly explains body dissatisfaction (β = 0.30; SD = 0.10, t = 2.872, p = 0.002), but the indirect effect via a pronounced self-discrepancy disappears (β = 0.05, SD = 0.07; p = 0.239). The effect of perceived body image on self-discrepancy is no longer significant (β = 0.09, SD = 0.13; t = 0.723, p = 0.235). This means that traditional media can still contribute to body dissatisfaction but not by triggering self-discrepancy beliefs.

The current study aimed to contribute to the research on the influence of media-transmitted body ideals in traditional mass and social media on body dissatisfaction. It sought to explain this effect through internalizing body ideals and perceived self-discrepancy between how one looks and wishes to look. Three relevant contributions of the study should be highlighted: First, the study used all participants’ perceived media-transmitted body ideals within the background of their actual media diet, including traditional mass media and several social media outlets. Second, this estimation took advantage of a specifically adapted image scale to assess the fragile construct of body image as intuitively as possible. Third, the measures were collected for males (muscularity) and females (thinness) within a comparatively broad sample of demographic structures.

For this study, a pictorial-figure rating scale was developed to measure females’ drive for thinness and males’ drive for muscularity. The use of a visual scale for participants to indicate their media perception maximizes the intuitiveness of the measurement. Both scales were applied in this study to measure the participants’ actual body shape, their ideal body shape, and the body shapes they are confronted with on social media and mass media. The 13 images of body shapes are a major contribution of this study to the existing literature, as pictorial rating scales have proven to be a valid and reliable way to measure body images ( Thompson and Gray, 1995 ; Ralph-Nearman and Filik, 2018 ). The scale is based on an often validated and applied pictorial scale that only consists of seven figures ( Stunkard et al., 1983 ). The newly developed scale adds intermediate figures to this scale, allowing a more nuanced measurement of body shapes. Nevertheless, the newly developed scale must be validated to fully ensure a valid and reliable measurement in future studies.

According to the self-discrepancy theory, the discrepancy between the actual and ideal body image can lead to adverse outcomes such as negative feelings or even depression ( Higgins et al., 1986 ; Higgins, 1987 ). Thus, the first hypothesis was that the thinner or more muscular the viewers perceive the body ideal to be in the media, the stronger their body dissatisfaction should be. The data of this study showed that the thinner the body images in social media are perceived to be for women, the more pronounced the discrepancy between the actual self and the ideal self. This confirms that the thinner or more muscular the viewers perceive the body ideal in the media, the stronger their body dissatisfaction (H1) and the results of previous studies on this association ( Harrison, 2001 ; Halliwell and Dittmar, 2006 ; Hefner et al., 2014 ) and underlines the importance of media in this context of body image concerns.

Through media internalization, individuals endorse media-promoted body ideals as standards of attractiveness to be attained, resulting in the manifestation of an ideal self ( Bessenoff, 2006 ). The confrontation with body ideals in the media can lead to an unrealistic ideal self, usually manifesting as social media outlets being prone to increase the internalization of body ideals ( Perloff, 2014 ; Mingoia et al., 2017 ). This assumption was tested: The effect of thin or muscular body depictions perceived in the media on body dissatisfaction is mediated through the internalization of body ideals. The results showed that the thinner body depictions in the media are perceived to be, the more robust the internalization of these ideals. However, this did not lead to a more pronounced discrepancy between the actual and ideal selves. More internalization of the media’s body ideals did not lead to a stronger self-discrepancy among viewers. This could be due to several reasons. Media internalization was considered a mediator, but it could also be argued that it is instead a trait and should be introduced as a moderator ( Bessenoff, 2006 ; Krawczyk and Thompson, 2015 ; McLean et al., 2016 ; Vuong et al., 2021 ). Additionally, the association between internalization and body dissatisfaction can be explained through self-discrepancy and other processes such as body surveillance ( Fitzsimmons-Craft et al., 2012 ), which should be considered in future studies.

The indirect effect of perceived body ideals in the media on body dissatisfaction via self-discrepancy indicates that the association between media perception and body dissatisfaction can partially be explained by triggering a pronounced gap between perceived body ideals and desired appearance. The effect of thin or muscular body images perceived in the media on body dissatisfaction is mediated through self-discrepancy. Besides media exposure, other drivers for the actual/ideal/ought self-congruency may be present. Moreover, the effect might be more pronounced if moderators introduced the association between media perceptions and self-discrepancy. These could be, for example, personality traits ( Roberts and Good, 2010 ), motives for media use ( Tiggemann, 2005 ), media literacy ( Yamamiya et al., 2005 ; Levine and Murnen, 2009 ; Anixiadis et al., 2019 ), and parasocial relationships with media characters or character liking ( Eyal and Te’eni-Harari, 2013 ; Te’eni-Harari and Eyal, 2015 ). It can also be argued that self-discrepancy and internalization of body ideals may drive or reinforce a particular media use or perception of media content ( Rousseau and Eggermont, 2018 ; Marques et al., 2022 ). However, causality cannot be proven using our non-experimental cross-sectional design.

Although numerous studies investigate the association between body image and mass media or social media exposure, there is still a dearth of literature directly comparing the effects of traditional mass media to social media ( Perloff, 2014 ). The strength of this study is that the perceived mediated body ideal was considered a formative construct, referring to an index of a weighted sum of variables of perceived body ideals in different media outlets. The data suggest that, in particular, YouTube and Facebook contribute to the media-transmitted body ideal for females, triggering self-discrepancy and eventual body dissatisfaction. Surprisingly, Instagram was not an important factor in this process, contradicting the results of other studies in which Instagram was a driver for self-discrepancy, body dissatisfaction, or other body image concerns ( Tiggemann et al., 2018 ; Anixiadis et al., 2019 ; Stein et al., 2019 ; McCrory et al., 2022 ). Traditional mass media do not play a crucial role in influencing body ideals. Social media, with its pronounced active, selective, and highly individual choice of content, triggers social comparison and eventually leads to pronounced self-discrepancy ( Marengo et al., 2018 ; McCrory et al., 2022 ).

The results for men and the media’s influence on their body dissatisfaction through body ideals with a drive for muscularity are discussed separately. For men, all media indicators had non-significant weights to form the latent variable perceived images of bodies in media. Thus, the different images of bodies perceived to be prevalent on these other media platforms do not seem to result in a general construct measuring body images in the media. Accordingly, no effects of these general body images can be found for self-discrepancy or body dissatisfaction. Studies investigating men’s body perceptions of their peer groups found that men are more likely to compare themselves to their peers than media depictions and that peers have more significant effects on body satisfaction ( Yamamiya et al., 2005 ; Ferguson, 2013 ; Piatkowski et al., 2022 ).

There are several possible explanations for our results for men. First, this study only examined men’s drive for muscularity, which limits the findings. For men, there is a dual drive to be thin and to be muscular, and they may be split between both drives ( Hildebrandt et al., 2004 ). Men were shown to have the desire to look lean with low body fat (e.g., Ricciardelli, 2012 ; Field et al., 2014 ), and the internalization of these thin ideals through media was shown to increase male body dissatisfaction ( Dye, 2016b ). It could be that rather than the drive for muscularity, a combination of both these drives for ideal body image or only the drive for thinness on the different media platforms influences men’s body dissatisfaction. The inclusion of only one of these body image desires does not cover men’s body ideals holistically and limits this study’s findings. Second, it could be that media probably influence men less, and they react differently to body ideals presented in media than females ( Watson et al., 2019 ), as shown in other studies ( Yamamiya et al., 2005 ; Ferguson, 2013 ; Piatkowski et al., 2022 ). Other factors, e.g., social comparison, could be more relevant regarding men’s body dissatisfaction. Also, the media content and other factors, for example, users’ comments, could influence men’s reactions to body images ( Kim, 2021 ). Additionally, our sample consisted of men from different age groups, while many studies are conducted with relatively young samples. This raises the question if these findings are also applicable to the general population and would need to be tested with a representative sample.

The present study has some further limitations. First, the validity of measuring media perception could be criticized. As we measured the perceived body ideals in mass media and on social media, we knew neither the exact content participants were consuming nor the amount of the overall media consumption. Therefore, the actual body depictions presented in the media could not be verified, and the participants experienced the perceived body image subjectively. Another drawback is asking for only one body ideal as an indicator of all perceived body ideals in the media. It is a broad indicator (individual yet aggregated) and just functions as a point estimator for a wide variety of body shapes to which users are exposed in their media diet. Future studies might use the scale to ask people about a range of body images rather than forcing them to choose one picture. Furthermore, both the drive for thinness and the drive for muscularity should be examined for males and females ( Kelley et al., 2010 ), as media could influence body ideals in more than just one way, and all individuals, regardless of their gender, can have a drive for thinness and/or muscularity (e.g., Dye, 2016a ; Huang et al., 2021 ). In media, different body ideals can be represented for both gender ( Huang et al., 2021 ), influencing their body dissatisfaction. Future studies should include these dual drives for thinness and muscularity for all individuals.

Second, social comparison theory was not explicitly considered. The theory establishes individuals’ need to compare themselves with others to determine their levels of abilities and success ( Festinger, 1954 ). Many studies dealing with body image and media seek to explain the influence of media exposure on body dissatisfaction with upward social comparison processes between audiences and the people represented in the media ( Field et al., 1999 ; Martin et al., 2004 ; Tiggemann and McGill, 2004 ; Bessenoff, 2006 ). In the research model of the present study, we included only the perceived body ideal in the media so no specific person would be available for social comparisons in the context of this ideal. However, social comparison theory could provide valuable insight into media influences on body dissatisfaction in future studies.

Third, the sample of the study limits the findings of this study. It was a non-representative sample, not allowing generalization of the results. However, a wide spectrum of age, BMI, and gender-balanced sample was achieved. The final sample in the analysis was relatively small, as only participants indicating body images for all kinds of media were considered. This was necessary for comparing the media outlets and the meaningful construction of the latent variable perceived body ideal. Although pairwise deletion would have resulted in different calculations, the analysis would have been based on different sample sizes, which can bias the results.

Further, the small sample size did not allow the integration of more variables into the model to, for example, control for age or BMI, as the model would have been too complex to estimate. This is a limitation to the findings, as BMI was shown to be a detrimental factor regarding body dissatisfaction ( Conti et al., 2013 ; Marques et al., 2022 ). In the exploratory analysis, we further tested a model with only mass media, television, and magazines to enhance a larger sample. Thereby, mass media was shown to influence body dissatisfaction directly. This would mean that although social media is prevalent in forming body ideals, mass media still have power in this regard.

The current study contributes to the discussion on the association between media exposure and body dissatisfaction as mediated by self-discrepancy and internalization. The study contributes to the existing literature by providing a newly developed pictorial scale with 13 images to measure females’ drive for thinness and males’ drive for muscularity. The scale was employed to measure the actual self, the ideal self, and the perceived body shapes in media. The body images individuals perceive to be present in the different media outlets could be considered. This ensures higher external validity than just examining the amount of time spent with certain media outlets. Data showed that the direct effects of perceived media-transmitted body ideals on body dissatisfaction for women are mediated through self-discrepancy but not internalization. Mainly, social media shape the body images perceived to be present for women. For men, the perceived body ideal for muscularity did not trigger internalization of body ideals, self-discrepancy, or body dissatisfaction. Future studies should continue to analyze the role of mass and social media and body image concerns while distinguishing between women’s and men’s transmitted body ideals.

Data availability statement

Ethics statement.

Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

AF and FM developed the research idea. FM performed the data collection. MM wrote the theoretical part and discussion, described the method, and conducted the data preparation. AF ran the statistical analysis and write-up, supervised the project, and performed the proofreading of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

1 Different body ideals exist for males. Besides the desire for increased muscularity, there is also the desire for weight change and reduced body fat (e.g., Drewnowski et al., 1995 ; Yelland and Tiggemann, 2003 ; Hildebrandt et al., 2004 ). However, in this study, only males’ drive for muscularity is analyzed.

2 The study was not approved by an ethics committee, as to the time of data collection the Institutional Review Board did not exist. The informed consent data collection procedure were in line with ethical guidelines and conform to the IRB directives of today.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Social Media Effects on Young Women’s Body Image Concerns: Theoretical Perspectives and an Agenda for Research

• Feminist Forum Review Article
• Published: 29 May 2014
• Volume 71 , pages 363–377, ( 2014 )

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• Richard M. Perloff 1  

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Although there is a voluminous literature on mass media effects on body image concerns of young adult women in the U.S., there has been relatively little theoretically-driven research on processes and effects of social media on young women’s body image and self-perceptions. Yet given the heavy online presence of young adults, particularly women, and their reliance on social media, it is important to appreciate ways that social media can influence perceptions of body image and body image disturbance. Drawing on communication and social psychological theories, the present article articulates a series of ideas and a framework to guide research on social media effects on body image concerns of young adult women. The interactive format and content features of social media, such as the strong peer presence and exchange of a multitude of visual images, suggest that social media, working via negative social comparisons, transportation, and peer normative processes, can significantly influence body image concerns. A model is proposed that emphasizes the impact of predisposing individual vulnerability characteristics, social media uses, and mediating psychological processes on body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. Research-based ideas about social media effects on male body image, intersections with ethnicity, and ameliorative strategies are also discussed.

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Acknowledgments

The author gratefully acknowledges the journal’s anonymous reviewers for their excellent suggestions on how to improve the paper, as well as the journal’s editor, Dr. Irene H. Frieze, and managing editor, Susan Dittrich, for their extremely helpful recommendations. In addition, I appreciate the insights contributed by Cleveland eating disorder experts Ann Hull, Dr. Tara Tozzi, and Dr. Lucene Wisniewski. Thanks are also due to Jennie A. Ford and Jessica Newell for their incisive insights on the effects of contemporary social media on young women. I also thank Dr. Patricia Burant, Jim Bagwell, Peggy Giavroutas, Crystal Prizner, Chelsea Reynolds, and Dr. Julia A. Krevans for their perceptive thoughts and ideas.

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Perloff, R.M. Social Media Effects on Young Women’s Body Image Concerns: Theoretical Perspectives and an Agenda for Research. Sex Roles 71 , 363–377 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-014-0384-6

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Examining the Relationship Between Social Media and Body Image A Review of Literature.

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Recent developments in social media have prompted researchers to investigate the potential effects its use could have on body image. The study of body image in the media is not new, but with the rapid expansion of social media use, this issue has taken on increased importance, specifically because researchers have noted that social media is a central socializing agent for adolescents in sociocultural settings (Bell et al., 2021; Colak et al., 2023; Jarman et al., 2021; Mahon & Hevey, 2021). Along with this influence, social media is, for many adolescents, their source of news, opinion, and general information (Jarman et al., 2021, p. 2279). Various works have established both positive and negative relationships between social media use and body image, which indicates the growing need to pinpoint what aspects of social media serve as a significant factor for potentially negative relationships (Akerman & Borsa, 2021; Bell et al., 2021; Colak et al., 2023; Jarman et al., 2021; Mahon & Hevey, 2021). Without understanding what aspects of social media may cause adolescents to have negative body image, researchers cannot implement preventative tactics to try and limit adverse effects on adolescents’ psychological and physical well-being.

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Akerman, L. P., & Borsa, J. C. (2022). Does accessed content matter? Social Media and body (dis)satisfaction: A moderation analysis. Paidéia (Ribeirão Preto), 32. https://doi.org/10.1590/1982-4327e3229

Bell, B. T., Taylor, C., Paddock, D., & Bates, A. (2021). Digital Bodies: A controlled evaluation of a brief classroom‐based intervention for reducing negative body image among adolescents in the Digital age. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 92(1), 280–298. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjep.12449

Colak, M., Bingol, O. S., & Dayi, A. (2023). Self-esteem and social media addiction level in adolescents: The mediating role of Body Image. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 65(5), 595–600. https://doi.org/10.4103/indianjpsychiatry.indianjpsychiatry_306_22

Jarman, H. K., Marques, M. D., McLean, S. A., Slater, A., & Paxton, S. J. (2021). Motivations for social media use: Associations with social media engagement and body satisfaction and well-being among adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 50(12), 2279–2293. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-020-01390-z

Mahon, C., & Hevey, D. (2021). Processing body image on social media: Gender differences in adolescent boys’ and girls’ agency and active coping. Frontiers in Psychology, 12. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.626763

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A diary study investigating the differential impacts of Instagram content on youths’ body image

• Hannah C. Glaser   ORCID: orcid.org/0009-0000-5353-3095 1 ,
• Sikke R. Jansma 1 &
• Hanneke Scholten   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5471-6093 1  

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Through social media like Instagram, users are constantly exposed to “perfect” lives and thin-ideal bodies. Research in this field has predominantly focused on the time youth spend on Instagram and the effects on their body image, oftentimes uncovering negative effects. Little research has been done on the root of the influence: the consumed content itself. Hence, this study aims to qualitatively uncover the types of content that trigger youths’ body image. Using a diary study, 28 youth ( M age  = 21.86; 79% female) reported 140 influential body image Instagram posts over five days, uncovering trigger points and providing their motivations, emotions, and impacts on body image. Based on these posts, four content categories were distinguished: Thin Ideal, Body Positivity, Fitness, and Lifestyle. These different content types seemed to trigger different emotions regarding body image, and gender distinctions in content could be noticed. The study increased youths’ awareness of Instagram’s influence on their mood and body perception. The findings imply that the discussion about the effects of social media on body image should be nuanced, taking into account different types of content and users. Using this information, future interventions could focus on the conscious use of social media rather than merely limiting its use.

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Introduction.

In the present age, social media is a day-to-day companion for many. Checking social media posts at the beginning and end of each day is an integral part of daily routines among our society, especially among youth. Close to all youth (we refer to adolescents and young adults between 18 and 25 years of age with the term ‘youth’, following convincing arguments of an extended period of adolescence; Arnett et al., 2014 ; Sawyer et al., 2018 ) have a smartphone and thereby the possibility to access social media platforms (Vogels et al., 2022 ). As young people are oftentimes in almost daily contact with social media, they are not simply platforms where people share highlights of their lives, but they are also outlets for identity creation (Pouwels et al., 2021 ). The content shown on these social media are powerful transmitters of societal standards, beliefs, and values, which lead to certain societal ideals. These ideals, including weight, beauty, fashion, gender, food, and fitness, have an impact on one’s body image (Burnette et al., 2017 ). Body image is referred to as “the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say, the way in which the body appears to ourselves” (Schilder, 1950 , p. 11). It is about how someone treats, feels toward, and thinks about their body (Tylka, 2011 ).

On social media platforms, individuals can be exposed to a variety of content, including images of individuals and bodies that are nearly “perfect” (Perloff, 2014 ). It has been found that the internalization of these “perfect” thin body ideals leads back to the pressure of cultural and social forces, including the urge to fulfill socially defined ideals of beauty and physical appearance and the desire to fit in (Perloff, 2014 ). The constant exposure to these “perfect” images might affect how young people view themselves and their bodies (e.g., Franchina and Lo Coco, 2018 ; Yang et al., 2020 ). Statistics show that around 20–40% of young adolescent girls report being unhappy with their bodies (Ben Ayed et al., 2019 ; Bucchianeri et al., 2013 ; Kearney‐Cooke and Tieger, 2015 ; McLean et al., 2022 ; Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2001 ). Additionally, it seems that the percentage of body image dissatisfaction increases throughout late adolescence and young adulthood (Bucchianeri et al., 2013 ; Kearney‐Cooke and Tieger, 2015 ; Quick et al., 2013 ). Body image concerns are not only observed among girls, as research showed that 20–30% of adolescent boys feel upset with their bodies (McLean et al., 2022 ; Schuck et al., 2018 ; Quick et al., 2013 ).

Previous scholars have assessed the influence of social media on body image, often in a quantitative way (e.g., Ahadzadeh et al., 2017 ; Brewster et al., 2019 ; Sebre and Miltuze, 2021 ). These studies have shown that a longer duration of social media use is related to a more negative body image, which is oftentimes connected to a higher rate of social comparison as well (Abi-Jaoude et al., 2020 ; Fardouly et al., 2015 ; Perloff, 2014 ; Richards et al., 2015 ). To better understand the relationship between social media use, social comparison, and body image, additional correlational and experimental work has been conducted. For example, Di Gesto and colleagues ( 2022 ) have shown that exposure to likes on Instagram images increases body dissatisfaction, especially among women. Another study indicated that exposure to attractive celebrity and peer images can have detrimental effects on women’s body image (Brown and Tiggemann, 2016 ). Moreover, following appearance-focused accounts on Instagram (Cohen et al., 2017 ) and engaging in appearance comparison with fitspiration images (Rafati et al., 2021 ) were related to higher body dissatisfaction, thin-ideal internalization, body surveillance, and drive for thinness.

However, it is important to highlight that correlational and experimental studies often focus on the impact of a one-time exposure to Instagram pictures, which may not fully capture the nuances of individuals’ everyday and moment-to-moment experiences (Slater et al., 2017 ). Little work has been done to comprehend the connection between the exact content youth are exposed to on social media and their body image. Therefore, this study seeks to uncover characteristics of social media content that trigger body image qualitatively and across multiple time points across weekdays. More specifically, this study will focus on the Instagram posts youth identify to trigger their body image in relation to social comparison and positive or negative emotions.

Adolescence and young adulthood

Adolescence and young adulthood are a crucial time for developing one’s identity, the perspective of oneself, and health-related attitudes and behaviors (Arnett, 2007 ; Carrotte et al., 2015 ; Crone and Dahl, 2012 ). Identity development is a “process located in the core of an individual and yet also in the core of their social context” (Erikson, 1968 , p. 22). In other words, young people are sculpting their identity based on internal processes, yet are also influenced by their context, including social media. In the present era, young people live in a hybrid reality that intricately connects digital and offline realms, making it increasingly difficult to disentangle ‘digital life’ from the contexts in which today’s youth navigate key developmental tasks (Davis and Weinstein, 2017 ; Granic et al., 2020 ). This not only challenges them to define themselves in their immediate offline environment but also to understand and form their identity, including these digital spaces. Social media platforms like Instagram offer vast opportunities for information access, exploration, and collaboration, supporting self-presentation and overall identity development (Sebre and Miltuze, 2021 ).

Body image can be defined as an integral part of our identity (Dittmar, 2009 ), given that it constitutes the subjective concept a person holds of their body as part of their self-representation (Dittmar, 2009 ; Halliwell and Dittmar, 2006 ). The representation of ourselves and of others (both in real life and on social media) can become risk factors for dysfunctional body image perceptions, especially during adolescence (Pellerone et al., 2017 ). For example, exposure to societal beauty standards on social media platforms can create significant gaps between their idealized identity presentation and their current self-beliefs. Feedback in the form of “likes” and “followers” from peers further influences their identity and self-esteem (Sebre and Miltuze, 2021 ). At this moment in time, identity development—and specifically the role of body image—in the digital age has not been researched in its full complexity (Dittmar, 2009 ; Granic et al., 2020 ).

Presenting ‘the self’ on social media

Spending time on social media means being exposed to the content of other users. A differentiation can be made between individuals presenting authentic aspects—their real selves— aspects they desire or wish to have—their ideal selves—or aspects that are not truthful—their false selves (Michikyan et al., 2014 ). One of the biggest criticisms towards current social media platforms is that they are designed to amplify performative aspects of personal storytelling and thereby cut back the opportunity for deeper interactions (e.g., Nesi et al., 2018 ). These performative aspects of social media might lead users to selectively choose to post idealized images of themselves (Manago et al., 2008 ), which might not represent their true and authentic selves and distort their sense of who they truly are (Ahadzadeh et al., 2017 ). Moreover, the use of digital manipulation (e.g., using Photoshop) heightens the exposure to content that lacks realism which in turn can lead to body dissatisfaction, eating concerns, and even cosmetic procedure attitudes or intentions (Beos et al., 2021 ; Lonergan et al., 2019 ; Wick and Keel, 2020 ). The presence of idealized images of people’s lives does not only impact the ‘poster’ of these images but can also influence other users encountering them, both passively (i.e., simply through scrolling, viewing, and monitoring of profiles) and actively (i.e., through liking, commenting, and posting; Bodroža et al., 2022 ; Thorisdottir et al., 2019 ; Verduyn et al., 2017 ).

Researchers exploring the varied effects of social media exposure on gender have observed notable gender differences. Casale and colleagues ( 2019 ) observed distinctions in the impact of exposure to same-sex attractive Instagram images on body image and dissatisfaction, with women experiencing increased dissatisfaction while men showed no significant effect. Moreover, women demonstrate higher levels of engagement on Instagram and are particularly more likely to engage in appearance-related comparisons than men, given their increased time spent on Instagram (Legkauskas and Kudlaitė, 2022 ; Twenge and Martin, 2020 ). An explanation for digital media having a more significant impact on the body image of females is deemed to be the tendency to self-objectify rooted in women’s nature (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997 ). The idea of objectification offers a framework for comprehending the consequences of being a woman in a culture that sexualizes the bodies of women. This theory holds that objectification occurs when a woman’s body is valued separately from their identity. In turn, girls and women may internalize an external perspective on their physical appearance due to experiences of objectification (Feltman and Szymanski, 2017 ), contributing to gender differences in the effects of social media exposure.

Social comparison

A reasonable explanation of why social media has an impact on someone’s body image is the concept of social comparison. Foregoing research suggests that appearance-based social comparison is triggered by social media usage (Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ). Psychologists have detected two primary motives for social comparison: self-evaluation and self-enhancement (Lewallen and Behm-Morawitz, 2016 ). Self-evaluation refers to maintaining a positive self-evaluation by comparing oneself to someone seen as inferior, which is done through downward comparison. On the other hand, self-enhancement is done to compare oneself to superior individuals for successful improvement, which is achieved by upward comparison (Lewallen and Behm-Morawitz, 2016 ). Overall, youth evaluate themselves by comparing themselves with the socio-cultural ideas presented in the media (Festinger, 1954 ). Fundamentally, this implies that comparing and exploring similar or dissimilar others helps them verify or deny aspects of their own identity, which they see as diagnostic and functional (Wood and Taylor, 1991 ).

Through social comparison, social media content can also have an impact on youths’ body image. Previous research has shown that social comparison on social media, especially in connection with thin-ideal imagery, is connected to overall increased body dissatisfaction (Aparicio-Martínez et al., 2019 ; Duan et al., 2022 ; Kleemans et al., 2016 ; Ralph‐Nearman and Filik, 2020 ). Additional research implies that especially passive social media usage is connected to greater depression symptoms, lower body image, and decreased well-being (Valkenburg et al., 2021 ; Verduyn et al., 2017 ). Studies have even found that the negative effects of social media on body image are a component that—in combination with other components—can lead to the development of eating pathologies (Abi-Jaoude et al., 2020 ; Brewster et al., 2019 ; Perloff, 2014 ; Richards et al., 2015 ; Stice and Shaw, 2002 ).

Thompson et al. ( 1999 ) created the tripartite influence model (TIM), a comprehensive framework to elucidate the origins and repercussions of thin idealization, particularly focusing on its antecedents and outcomes. According to the TIM, societal pressures promoting the idealization of thinness arise from three primary sources: family, peers, and the media. These external influences prompt individuals—mainly women—to engage in social comparison, wherein they assess their own bodies in relation to others, fostering a propensity to internalize the thin ideal as a standard of beauty (Donovan et al., 2020 ). As per the model, two primary mechanisms, the processes of appearance (social) comparison and thin-ideal internalization, contribute to a sense of dissatisfaction with one’s body (Keery et al., 2004 ). Consequently, this dissatisfaction is determined as the driving force of women pushing them to adopt unhealthy eating behaviors as they strive to achieve the perceived ideal of a thin body.

The potentially harmful effects of social media content on body image have not only been a topic of interest for researchers but have also been recognized by various groups of people in society. These people have chosen to act against these performative uses of social media by contributing towards a more positive attitude towards their body, embracing who they are, and stimulating body satisfaction. An example of this is the body positivity movement, which promotes body appreciation and diverse looks, shapes, sizes, and colors (Manning and Mulgrew, 2022 ). According to Tylka and Wood-Barcalow ( 2015 ), the body positivity concept is made up of six core elements. Namely, appreciation of the body’s uniqueness and functions, accepting one’s own body and loving it, and, in general, shifting from a narrowly defined concept of beauty to a broad one, investing in body care, inner positivity, and protecting oneself by forgetting negative body ideals. Body positivity posts on Instagram include enhancement-free pictures in which you can see body blemishes, cellulite, freckles, and stretch marks (Cohen et al., 2019 ). Research has shown that exposure to body-positive images improved the participants’ body satisfaction, body appreciation, and overall mood (Cohen et al., 2019 ; Williamson and Karazsia, 2018 ). These studies show that body-positivity content may offer a prosperous way to improve body image influences through social media.

Current study

Most studies have focused on the influence of social media use on body image, for instance, in relation to the duration of use or characteristics of the user, either in a correlational or experimental way (e.g., Ahadzadeh et al., 2017 ; Brewster et al., 2019 ; Brown and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Cohen et al., 2017 ; Di Gesto et al., 2022 ; Rafati et al., 2021 ; Sebre and Miltuze, 2021 ). The added value and novelty of the current study is that we provide a nuanced description of the type of Instagram content that triggers body image in relation to social comparison and positive or negative emotions. By means of a qualitative diary study we examine what type of content triggers youths’ body image, considering the nature of the content and how youth compare themselves with it. The chosen innovative methodology of a diary study provides day-to-day access to participants’ thoughts and emotions regarding the Instagram content they are exposed to. This approach enables an in-depth exploration of participants’ engagements and feelings at multiple time points in their natural environment (Carter and Mankoff, 2005 ; Chun, 2016 ; Gunthert and Wenze, 2012 ). We mainly focused on Instagram as it is currently one of the most popular social media platforms (Lister, 2022 ), and it primarily uses visually oriented content (Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ).

Methodology

Participants.

Our target sample size was 30 participants, as previous research has found that in more standard qualitative research (i.e., interviews), saturation was reached around 30 participants (Marshall et al., 2013 ). To be eligible for participation, participants had to be (1) frequent Instagram users (utilize the platform daily by logging in at least once a day); (2) between the ages of 18 and 25; and (3) able to read and write in English. In total, 33 participants were included in this study, of which 28 matched the inclusion criteria and completed at least 90% of the diary survey. Of the 28 participants, 6 (21%) identified as male and 22 (79%) as female. The mean age of all participants was 22 years ( M  = 21.86; SD = 1.33; range = 18–24). The sample consisted mainly of German participants ( n  = 19; 68%), a small group of Dutch participants ( n  = 5; 18%), and one participant from Spain (3.5%), Italy (3.5%), Bulgaria (3.5%), and India (3.5%) respectively. All participants were full-time students enrolled at a university.

Concerning participants’ Instagram usage, the vast majority ( n  = 13; 46.4%) used Instagram for 1–2 h a day. The three most given reasons that participants reported using Instagram were (1) to keep up with their friends ( n  = 27; 98%); (2) boredom ( n  = 15; 54%); and 3) to present themselves ( n  = 12; 44%). When asked which activities participants mostly performed on Instagram, all participants reported being active Instagram users, as 96% ( n  = 27) reported liking other Instagram posts regularly, 93% ( n  = 26) reported sending posts to their friends and engaging with them, 75% ( n  = 21) reported to save posts, and 64% ( n  = 18) reported that they commented on other posts frequently.

In this study, we were mainly interested in how different Instagram content triggers body image and accompanying social comparison and positive or negative emotions in young people. We therefore chose to conduct a qualitative diary study in which we asked multiple open-ended questions at the end of the day. We made a conscious decision to only measure for five weekdays (no weekend days) and once a day, as we used open-ended questions that took quite a long time for participants to answer each day (between 10 and 20 min per day). We wanted to balance our need to collect day-to-day rich data around how different Instagram content triggers young peoples’ body image with participant study burden and preventing high attrition rates (Janssens et al., 2018 ). The study design and procedures were approved by the ethics committee of the Faculty of Behavioral, Management and Social Sciences of the University of Twente (approval number: 220799).

Participants were recruited through convenience and snowball sampling. To specifically target individuals who met the predetermined condition of being frequent Instagram users, recruitment efforts were conducted directly on Instagram. When individuals expressed interest in participation, comprehensive information about the study design and procedure was provided, and they had the opportunity to seek clarification and ask questions. Upon confirming their interest and understanding of the study, participants then proceeded to sign informed consent and initiated the 5-day diary study. In order to ensure smooth data collection, participants received a detailed WhatsApp message regarding the study and its procedure one day before data collection started. To further prevent possible misinterpretation, a detailed instruction form (see Supplementary Materials S1 ) was attached to that message. Before the start of the diary study, each participant received a private WhatsApp message at 10 a.m., which contained a link to a baseline questionnaire and their personal participation ID to pseudo-anonymize data once all data was collected. At 6 p.m., every participant received another message reminding them to fill in the baseline questionnaire. This baseline questionnaire was used to gain a better understanding of the study sample and its demographics, such as motivation for Instagram usage. The day after the diary study started. Again, participants received the diary study link and their participation ID at 10 a.m. via WhatsApp, followed by a reminder message at 6 p.m.

Instruments

In the diary study, participants were asked to identify one post each day that influenced, triggered, or stimulated them to think about their body image. We specifically prompted them to “Identify and screenshot one post which you came across on Instagram which made you think about your body image. This can be in a positive, neutral or negative way”. After determining that post and uploading its screenshot, a series of open-ended questions were posed. These questions concerned the exact reason for choosing that post, how participants came across this post, which activities they performed with it (e.g., liked, commented, shared), if they were related or knew the creator of the post, if they felt connected with the creator, and if the participants felt more, less, or equally attractive after seeing the post. Additionally, questions regarding the posts’ effects on participants’ body image were posed. We specifically asked participants to report how the post affected their body image (positively, neutral, or negatively), how big that impact was (on a scale from 1 = no impact to 10 = high impact), and how they felt after being exposed to the post and their thoughts throughout the process of seeing it (open question). In the last diary questionnaire on day 5, participants received some additional questions that asked them to evaluate their participation in this study and how that might have impacted their view on Instagram content and their body image. This inclusion of evaluative questions aimed to gain insights into the influence of the diary study on participants’ perceptions. Please note that our initial goal was to observe how participants experienced the diary study, but we unexpectedly found interesting additional insights that we, therefore, reported in the results section.

Data analysis

To ensure anonymity, all collected data was pseudo-anonymized (i.e., reported personal information was deleted). Furthermore, the data was transferred to an Excel Sheet and structured in an easily accessible way. The meaning, relevance, and value of responses were made clear by creating unique Excel sheets for each of the 28 participants based on all of their diary study responses. The data was analyzed by means of thematic analysis (Boeije, 2009 ). In the first round, we conducted a constant comparison method based on open coding by clustering and grouping images together. In the second round, themes were identified from the image clusters, which led to four labels: Thin Ideal, Body Positivity, Fitness, and Lifestyle, to which all selected content could be selected. Additionally, other characteristics in the picture, such as the number of persons, how the person was positioned in the picture, and the pictures showing naked or covered skin, were analyzed. Furthermore, the images were coded for other characteristics, such as the sender of the post and how the participants came across the post.

Then, participants’ underlying motives for selecting the content were analyzed by looking at their comments in which they explained why they selected the content. Five different motives could be distinguished, including feeling inspired, having a desire to look like that, being motivated to change one’s own body, feeling jealous, and feeling good about oneself. Additionally, we analyzed how the content triggered the body image among the participants. This was done by analyzing the type of comparison, i.e., upward or downward comparison, the emotions, and the general impact on body image that was triggered by the content. Finally, we connected participants’ demographic information to the coded content.

Based on these steps, a codebook was developed and used, existing of nine main codes, including: “Instagram post characteristics”, “Source/Sender”, “Content category”, “Instagram post selection motive”, “Instagram post trace”, “Body image impact”, “Triggered emotion”, “Social comparison”, and “Study impact”. The complete codebook can be found in Supplementary Materials S2 .

Over the course of 5 diary study days, a total of 140 Instagram post screenshots of 28 participants were collected. Based on these posts, four categories were distinguished, namely: Thin Ideal, Body Positivity, Fitness, and Lifestyle. Overall, it was noticeable that most of the participants showed a clear pattern of chosen content and oftentimes, a dominance of one specific category. Even though present dominance of one category, most participants also reported content belonging to other established categories. The specific reporting patterns of every participant, as well as demographic information and their average daily Instagram consumption time, can be found in Supplementary Materials S3 . The majority of the selected content existed of posts created by people the participants did not know in person: most content was created by strangers, followed by celebrities, influencers, one’s social circle, brands, relatives, and other accounts (e.g., news pages and memes pages). Participants indicated that they came across the content by either following the creator, through Instagram’s suggestion and, to a lesser extent, through Instagram’s advertisements (see Table 1 ).

Content categories

The type of content that forms the largest group is the Thin Ideal category and was purely selected by female participants ( n  = 53 Instagram posts; 21 participants). Thin ideal content includes pictures of individuals who fit in the socially created thin ideal. All selected Instagram posts displayed women who showed a lot of skin. Hereby, most of them wore bikinis, underwear, skin-tight dresses, athleisure, and see-through clothing. The Instagram posts were set in a scene with a focus on the creator’s body. The Thin Ideal content category contained a mixture of mirror pictures, close-ups of specific body parts, or full-body shots taken by other people. Figure 1 showcases such a thin ideal Instagram post showing a woman in a bikini. The participant (no. 10) explained her choice by stating: “This picture shows an overly perfect body type ideal.”

Luisaviictoria, Instagram post, 2022.

The motives for participants to select thin ideal content were that they either admired this body type, thereby expressing the wish to have such a body themselves or despised the body type and emphasized they were happy with their own body. Hereby, participants both engaged in upward and downward comparisons. Upward comparison mostly triggered negative emotions, creating a feeling of unhappiness, stress, or sadness. Different than the Fitness category below, this type of comparison did not lead to a motivation to become just like the person in the picture. For instance, one participant (no. 6) reported an Instagram picture of a thin ideal corresponding female wearing a tight long sleeve and a short skirt revealing her legs. She voiced the feeling that was triggered by the content: “I am a bit stressed, and also annoyed by all the perfectionism on Instagram. It makes me feel less pretty as I am not that “perfect” as the woman in the picture”. Other examples of such were addressed by Participant 4, who explained: “Imagine how nice life could be when you are that skinny”, and Participant 8, who voiced: “I want to have a body like hers and be able to wear that nice dress”.

Participants who were negative about the thin ideal regarded it as unhealthy or undesirable. Such downward comparisons were related to positive feelings in participants’ own bodies. Participant (no. 25) chose a post of a female showing a body transformation and said: “I’m happy that I do not look like the right version of the girl.” Likewise, another participant (no. 33) selected an Instagram post of a woman corresponding to the thin ideal and stated: “Actually I feel glad that my body is not as skinny as hers. I mean, she looks great, but I personally feel happy about my own body that it is healthy.” Other comments were, for instance: “She is really small and thin and underweight. This made me think about myself in a positive way and I am glad that I am healthy and not that thin” (participant no. 5), and “I feel pleased with my body because I see that everybody is unique, which makes it so special” (participant no. 2).

Body positivity

The second largest type of content relates to body positivity, which was again exclusively reported by female participants ( n  = 45 Instagram posts; 19 participants). A diverse set of posts belong to this category, referring both implicitly and explicitly to body positivity. For instance, participants selected pictures that displayed females who did not match the thin ideal, wearing bikinis or tight clothes. Also, candid pictures were selected, which are informal pictures captured without creating a posed appearance capturing the subject in moments that convey emotion and are honest and truthful. Additionally, posts that explicitly referred to body positivity were selected, such as illustrations and quotes showing that female bodies are beautiful no matter their size. An illustrative example of this category, selected by one of the participants (no. 28), is displayed in Fig. 2 , which shows an image of different body types with the subscription ‘we shall be different, and we shall love our bodies’. The participant explained that it impacted her “Because it represents different bodies and shows that everybody is good the way it is” while further stating that “It does not matter how you look, your body is perfect, and you should love it”.

Kale.themwith.kindness, Instagram post, 2022.

Participants had both societal and personal motives for selecting content related to body positivity. Societal motives were based on body positivity as criticism of current beauty standards that are advocated in advertisements or by social media influencers. One of the participants (no. 33), for instance, motivated her selection of a picture that showcases different breast sizes and forms with: “It made me think that society often still sexualizes women’s bodies and that this is not okay. This ad is a positive step into celebrating the diversity of our bodies.”, she further stated, “[…] This made me realize that we are all perfect, no matter how we look like, and that society takes a step forward in normalizing the female body.” Another participant (no. 14) shared this opinion and disclosed her discomfort about how unrealistic the beauty standards of society are, as “this can be hard for people who are unsure about themselves”.

Personal motives of participants included the relatability of the content as well as the reassurance of one’s own body image that was triggered by the selected content. For instance, one of the participants (no. 25) selected a picture of Lena Meyer Landrut (a German celebrity), who is lying on the couch without makeup on (i.e., a candid picture). She motivated her selection by: “It’s okay to have a bad day and to feel tired. We don’t have to be perfect or always good-looking.” Furthermore, a participant (no. 29) explained her selection of a bikini picture of a woman who does not meet the standards of the thin ideal through: “Even if you don’t have the flattest tummy, you can show yourself off. She [the woman in the picture] encouraged me that there is nothing to be ashamed of.”

All participants who selected body-positive content emphasized that they were positively influenced by it, and when a social comparison was indicated, this was mostly done in a downward way. An example of a positive emotion triggered by the selected Instagram post was addressed by participant no. 3: “I selected this post because it made me feel good and happy because although the post is not flattering at all, the woman seems so confident and happy”. Another example of triggering positive emotions is illustrated by the following quote: “The picture shows some natural stretches and lines. It made me realize that natural bodies don’t look perfect. It had a positive effect on my mood” (participant 20).

The third category includes pictures related to fitness ( n  = 30 Instagram posts; 12 participants), which was selected by both men (24 posts) and women (6 posts). All screenshotted Instagram posts displayed the creators posting content in which they were posing for the camera showing off their muscles both with and without clothes or pictures of them working out in the gym. Figure 3 , selected by participant no. 15, illustrates this category. He explained that this post motivated him to go to the gym.

Davidlaid, Instagram post, 2022.

Overall, all participants who selected content within this category engaged in upward social comparison, comparing themselves to someone who they thought was looking better than themselves. However, a clear contrasting gender differentiation concerning motivation to select this type of content and expressed triggered effects were brought to light. In the case of male participants, the reason was primarily because it motivated them to go to the gym and work on their bodies. All male participants belonging to the Fitness category reported being left motivated and inspired. As an example, participant no. 7 reported on his selection of an Instagram post in which a male is powerlifting: “Because it’s an example for myself to work hard on my body and to change myself for the better”. Similarly, participant no. 21 selected an Instagram post of a male posing in a gym presenting his upper body, to which the participant stated: “That is my goal physique, I have to work out harder [and I am] motivated to do more.” Moreover, participant no. 12, who selected an Instagram post in which a male is working out and showing off his arm muscles, stated: “It motivates me to see what the body is capable of doing”. Similarly, another participant (no. 15) screenshotted a post of a male in the gym highly demanding his upper body and expressed: “I felt motivated to push myself to the limit in the gym”.

On the other hand, female participants chose fitness content as a negative reminder that they should work on themselves more, specifically their body and fitness. In comparison to males, females engaging in upward social comparison were not left remotely uplifted, yet rather negatively triggered by this type of content. As an example, participant 9 chose the content of a female influencer who is posing in her workout outfit advocating to move one’s body and expressed being “disappointed in myself [..] of how long I haven’t trained anymore”. Comparably, another female participant (no. 17) chose a post of a female in the gym taking a mirror picture showing off her physique, to which the participant explained: “It made me think about how my progress would have been if I went to the gym more often.” It made her feel: “Sad because I could have been fitter now and I would have had a better routine with gym in my life”. Adding to the list, participant 6 chose a post from a female creator in a plank position and reported the post being “an explicit call to action” as “I am not sporty enough”. Likewise, another female participant (no. 14) chose to report a post in which a new workout video was advertised and stated that “I am doing not enough sports currently” and “That I should do more sport if I want to lose weight […]”.

Different than the other categories, this last category concerns lifestyle posts ( n  = 12 Instagram posts; 6 participants). It was apparent that posts of the lifestyle category neglected physiques or other bodily aspects, thereby taking away upward or downward comparisons. More central in this category was how Instagram posts conveyed feelings and transmitted emotions. The focus of the reported Instagram pictures was primarily on the context in which the people were photographed, for instance, in a club, at a concert, out on the beach, what they are doing in the picture, or on the outfits people are wearing. Figure 4 shows an Instagram post of a singer on stage at a concert, which is illustrative for this category. The participant who selected this picture (no. 23) motivated this selection by: “I feel good that there is a scene where your body is not important; I don’t care about his body, just about his music”. As another example, participant 5 chose a picture of a person being photographed by a friend sitting in a chair with a wine glass in his hand and food on the table and said that he chose this post “because he is enjoying his life by sitting by the water and drinking wine and I would like to do that as well, it “makes me thinking of drinking with friends and having a good time”. Other posts belonging to the Lifestyle category concerns clothes and outfits. Participant 5, for instance, commented on a selected post of a girl with the motivation: “I liked her outfit and would want that too [..], I would like to shop now”. Similarly, participant 33 motivated her selection by: “I just really like her style” (participant 33).

Redlean.juice2, Instagram post, 2022.

Posts that belonged to the Lifestyle category mostly triggered neutral feelings towards one’s own body but elicited a positive overall mood. An illustrative comment on a selected picture of two celebrities taking a selfie holding each other in their arms was: “I think it made me feel good because I saw a great picture of two friends hanging out with each other. It didn’t really affect my mood about my body” (participant 7). Additionally, participant 9 chose a picture of her friend getting married and said, “It made me feel glad not to be married yet”.

Evaluations and realizations of participants

On the 5th and last diary study day, participants were asked to express their thoughts, feelings, and evaluations of this study. Out of all the collected answers, it was clear that participants were critical of the underlying mechanisms of Instagram, which, according to the participants, promote an ideal body image through the posted content and the algorithms of the platform. One of the participants (no. 2) stated: “[…] nobody is really representing themselves in a real and honest and transparent way”. Another participant (no. 24) commented “[…] Instagram only suggest good looking people and almost no normal bodies”, and participant 3 reported, “[…] it’s human to have problems. Some people don’t see that and could get serious problems because of how influencers share their perfect life”.

Participants also noticed the impact the platform had on their own moods and feelings: “There are so many pictures of influencers with perfect bodies and perfect skin. It’s crazy how many times I’ve thought to myself ‘I want to have this body´. It’s really unhealthy” (participant 26). One participant (no. 13) summarized it in an interesting way: “Most of the ads and influencers show the standard beauty standards. I knew that before, but when you start focusing on it, it is actually a bit sad. Generally, everything seems to be extreme. Either you are extremely perfect or extremely for body positivity. Nobody seems to be fine with just being themselves”.

It became apparent that after the diary study days, participants were more consciously in contact with their Instagram feed and their feelings. As an example, one participant (no. 10) said: “Automatically you compare yourself with other people you don’t even know. Sometimes that was motivating […]. But often, it made me also feel worse off about my own body, which is horrible, in my opinion. I think not seeing this kind of content too often is for sure healthier”. Moreover, it was stated that “[…] it really depends on if the person participating in this study is happy with their body or not. For me, I don’t really get affected by other people’s bodies, but people with low self-esteem can get affected by the amount of “perfect bodies” on social media” (participant 12).

Alongside expressing their thoughts on Instagram, participants also shared their opinions on the study, which were overall positive. For instance, one participant (no. 3) stated.: “I thought that it was a great idea because I got to know my body image better and […] it’s important to know and realize that you should take good care of your body”. Moreover, it was expressed that: “I got more conscious about what my body image really means to me and what type of pictures/bodies have an effect on me. […] I realized through this study that it definitely gets amplified through Instagram content, and I don’t believe it to be necessarily healthy” (participant no. 20). Similarly, another participant (no. 26) stated and learned to appreciate that: “I actually have been thinking these days about how much I actually love my body. It keeps me alive, and everybody has a different body”.

The current study aimed to explore the dynamics between the content youth are exposed to on Instagram and their body image by means of a diary study. Research up until this point has mainly investigated this relationship quantitatively (e.g., Ahadzadeh et al., 2017 ; Brewster et al., 2019 ; Sebre and Miltuze, 2021 ) and has not delved deep into the complex relationship between being exposed to social media content and body image. Previous literature suggests that online social comparison leads to negative effects on body image and body dissatisfaction (Myers and Crowther, 2009 ; Eyal and Te’eni-Harari, 2013 ; Babaleye et al., 2020 ). The current study has shown that different established content categories, entailing Thin Ideal, Body Positivity, Fitness, and Lifestyle, triggered different responses with regard to youths’ body image.

The Thin Ideal body image category was most frequently selected, and only by female participants. They oftentimes reported negative thin ideal content in relation to upward social comparison, where participants compared their own body with the images displaying bodies or single body parts most esthetic and “perfect”. This thin ideal content made them feel bad as they perceived their own bodies as not corresponding with this content, leading to a negative body image and negative feelings towards one’s body. This type of content is often referred to in studies on the negative effects of social media use on body image (Aparicio-Martínez et al., 2019 ; Holland and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Qi and Cui, 2018 ). However, it also happened that the participants compared their bodies in a downward way with thin ideal content, emphasizing that they felt more comfortable in their own bodies than the bodies represented. Such instances triggered positive feelings regarding the participants’ own body image and can be construed as possible defense mechanisms to reduce the threat of a negative sense of self (Stapel and Schwinghammer, 2004 ; Wayment and O’Mara, 2008 ). The different effects correspond with previous studies that showed a connection between upward comparisons and negative emotions (Lewallen and Behm-Morawitz, 2016 ) and a neutralizing effect of downward comparison on body images (Tiggemann and Anderberg, 2019 ).

Body Positivity content was the second most often reported category and again only by women. Content-wise, this category showed completely opposite content compared to the Thin Ideal category. The body positivity movement has switched the focus from “picture-perfect” posts (thin ideal) towards natural candid pictures in which nothing seems to be staged overly “perfectly” (Manning and Mulgrew, 2022 ). Our results indicate that the message of this movement resonates among youth, as a group of female participants was relieved that society is moving away from the “perfect” thin ideal towards valuing and recognizing all types of bodies. Here, social comparison did not take place like in the Thin Ideal and Fitness categories; it was less judgmental and more of a supporting act. The participants cheered on the senders of the images for their fight against normalizing “imperfections”. Overall, the body positivity content triggered prominent positive emotions among female participants. This is in line with other research in this field (e.g., Cohen et al., 2019 ; Williamson and Karazsia, 2018 ) and illustrates the impact of the body positivity movement.

Different than the former two categories, the third category Fitness, was made up of mostly men. Instagram posts that dominate this content category are posts of very muscular and strong men, mostly in a gym working out or posing to show off their muscle gains. These images highly correspond to the societal ideal that men are supposed to be strong, fit and trained (cf., Franchina and Lo Coco, 2018 ; Frisén and Holmqvist, 2010 ; Parasecoli, 2005 ). Although male participants engaged in upward comparison with this content, it did not trigger negative emotions like in the Thin Ideal category with female youth. Instead, male participants regarded the images as inspiration and motivation to become a better version of themselves. An explanation could be that, in general, men have a more positive body image than women and thereby experience less negative social comparisons (MacNeill et al., 2017 ; Voges et al., 2019 ). An alternative explanation could be that the societal stereotype associated with males may contribute to a reduced expression of discomfort or vulnerabilities. Borinca et al. ( 2020 ) express that the differentiation between traits traditionally considered masculine and feminine is more significant for men than for women. The emphasis on such gender distinctions is particularly driven by men’s desire to distance themselves from traits associated with femininity, as it plays a crucial role in shaping their male gender identity.

The fourth category selected by both male and female youth, but less frequently than the previous three categories, is Lifestyle. This category stood out in the way that the content was not connected to extreme bodily looks and stereotypes: being overly skinny (Thin Ideal), overly “imperfect” (Body Positivity), or being extremely fit (Fitness). Instead, this category entailed images of people in a natural way and not staged, whereby the context mattered more than the people themselves. It appeared that participants selected this type of content to oppose against the focus on physical appearance on Instagram, thereby eliminating any upward or downward comparisons. Overall, such content did not trigger a predominant positive or negative feeling toward participants’ body image; it stayed neutral. However, stepping away from a bodily focus led to a comfortable feeling consisting of not being concerned about one’s body but rather solely feeling content as one is. This category shows that body image is more than feelings and thoughts about the physical aspects of one’s body (Tylka, 2011 ). Instead, societal dynamics and contextual elements, such as the environment or activities that are displayed in the image, play a role as well. Body image trigger points might not purely originate from others’ looks but may also arise from the contextual elements in which people are being displayed (Sarwer and Polonsky, 2016 ; Tylka, 2011 ).

While the categories themselves provided interesting insights, some overarching reflections allowed us to uncover additional insights. First, the results of this study indicate that body image is a gendered phenomenon as all female participants exclusively selected Instagram pictures of women, and all male participants solely chose Instagram content of men. Furthermore, the current study showed that how Instagram affects body image differs among genders. More specifically, Thin Ideal and Body Positivity content was solely selected by women, whereas Fitness content was almost exclusively selected by men. In response to these different types of content, female participants reported both negative and positive emotions triggered through the Instagram content and how they socially engaged with it, whereas male participants only indicated positive emotions. This is in line with previous work by Casale and colleagues ( 2019 ), who showed that when men and women were exposed to same-sex attractive Instagram images, only women experienced increased dissatisfaction while men showed no significant effect.

A furthermore speculative—interpretation might be that, when it comes to body image, females could lean towards a more fixed mindset, while males may exhibit tendencies aligned with a growth mindset. Someone holding a fixed mindset believes that personal characteristics and traits cannot be changed (Walker and Jiang, 2022 ), as opposed to employing a growth mindset which refers to one’s confidence in the changeability of personal characteristics and traits, improving skills with practice and impacting attitudes and actions (Dweck and Leggett, 1988 ; Tao et al., 2022 ). According to this line of reasoning, female participants holding a more fixed mindset might feel like their body image was fixed and could not be changed, leading to more negative feelings towards themselves. Alternatively, males who held a growth mindset toward their body image might feel like they would be able to make a change and therefore experience more optimism and motivation. It is important to highlight that this conclusion is merely speculative and thus warrants future research. Overall, based on previous studies (Casale et al., 2019 ; Legkauskas and Kudlaitė, 2022 ; Twenge and Martin, 2020 ; Yurdagül et al., 2019 ) and the current study, it seems that gender plays an important role in the dynamics between exposure to Instagram content and body image, and it is therefore recommended to be included in future work.

Both within the public discourse and in the scholarly debate negative effects of social media use on youth’s body image and well-being have been pointed out by stressing the effects of detrimental (upward) social comparisons and feelings of envy (Gibbons and Gerrard, 1989 ; McCarthy and Morina, 2020 ; Pedalino and Camerini, 2022 ; Taylor and Lobel, 1989 ). The present study presents a more nuanced picture. The overall relationship between positive feelings and downward comparison was observed, but the results also highlighted instances where a positive emotional connection was established with upward social comparison. This was specifically the case in relation to the fitness category images selected by men. The discovery that “prior research has largely neglected that upward comparisons on social networking sites may also facilitate positive outcomes, specifically media-induced inspiration, a motivational state highly conducive to well-being” (Meier et al., 2020 , p. 1) aligns with findings from fellow researchers who describe upward comparisons as potential motivational “pushes” (Diel et al., 2021 ). These studies and the current study suggest that different mechanisms are in place for different people and different content. Consequently, scholarly circles may no longer note that upward or downward social comparison makes one feel a specific way but that comparison in relation to the content and personality of oneself is what drives the effect.

During the evaluation of the study on the 5th diary study day, participants reported that the study design and procedure made them more conscious about their Instagram behavior and their body image and served as a helpful tool in better understanding how they navigate through their social media. Although unintended, the diary study turned out to be some sort of intervention tool that helped increase youths’ awareness of encountered body image triggers, comprehend internal processing, and allow participants to take a step back and view their relation with Instagram more consciously. This resulted in youth finding more self-love and appreciation for themselves. These encouraging positive effects have also been found through other programs aiming at awareness creation. For example, the Mindful Self-Compassion program by Neff and Germer ( 2012 ) found positive effects on self-compassion, mindfulness, and various well-being outcomes that lasted for up to one year after participation, showcasing the power of awareness creation. Although the current study was not set up as an awareness-creation program, it seemed to have created awareness among participants and might have more long-lasting effects on our participants than previously expected.

Strengths, limitations, and recommendations

The main strength of this study is that it aimed to entangle some of the complex interactions between youths’ Instagram content consumption and their body image. As one of the first qualitative approaches used in this field, this diary study uncovered youths’ habits, engagements, motivations, and feelings regarding their social media consumption. The frequent and real-time collection of data, which is part of the diary study design, enabled us to record youths’ answers in their natural environment, which has been proven to deliver more reliable results (Carter and Mankoff, 2005 ; Chun, 2016 ).

However, there are also some limitations that need to be taken seriously. First, our study results suggested that males tend to see more Fitness content and females tend to see more Thin Ideal and Body Positivity content and that that content is also differentially affecting their body image. However, males only comprised 21% of the whole sample which might have affected the reliability and generalizability of our findings. Additionally, this sample was highly dominated by German and Dutch participants. As body image seems to be a societally created construct, results may vary depending on different cultures and parts of the world, and our results do not apply to all youth (Sarwer and Polonsky, 2016 ; Sotiriou and Awad, 2020 ; Wardle et al., 1993 ). For future research, it would therefore be valuable to employ a more diverse sampling pool embodying more diverse backgrounds and an equal distribution of gender.

Second, the prompt that we used for each diary input, in which we asked participants to think about their own body image, might have directed participants in a certain direction. The wording of the prompt matters, as it might have been the case that the prompt used in this study encouraged participants to filter out Instagram content of the same sex. We specifically prompted participants to select the content that triggered “your body image”, potentially steering participants in the direction of selecting same-sex Instagram content as they might identify most with the body image of same-sex individuals on Instagram. Additionally, as participants had to identify one Instagram post each day, participants were ‘forced’ to use Instagram each day and actively search for content that was related to their body image. In a natural setting, participants might not have used Instagram each day or might have been differently impacted due to lower awareness. It is therefore recommended to—next to the diary study design—examine youths’ social media behaviors and engagement through less awareness-creation methods such as eye tracking or data scraping (Kohout et al., 2023 ; Song and Moon, 2018 ; Vergara et al., 2020 ).

Additionally, as there is no one-size-fits-all solution, it is suggested that future studies map out profiles for youth by investigating individual patterns across various diary study days. As this study has successfully identified trends among participants and highlighted the dominance of certain content categories, future research could investigate the effects of content on youths’ body image and their emotions. (Intensive) longitudinal designs (e.g., Hamaker and Wichers, 2017 ), in particular, would be well-suited to uncover fluctuations in these influences over time, providing a deeper understanding of the evolving dynamics between social media content and adolescents’ body image and well-being. Highlighting certain individual trigger points and insights into how youth regulate their emotions most adaptively will aid the development of targeted ways to help youth encourage a positive body image (Mahon and Hevey, 2021 ). This is especially important since the content that youth are exposed to is amplified by social media algorithms (Bozzola et al., 2022 ). In other words: being exposed to a lot of thin ideal content will trigger the exposure to more thin ideal content, creating a vicious cycle of the same type of content evoking certain emotions. Such individual cycles and the prominence of harmful content that could trigger specific individuals can be turned around by helping youth controlling the content that they are exposed to, for example, by applying filters (Mahon and Hevey, 2021 ).

The focus on quantitative research in the field of social media and body image has restrained the scientific research community from making sense of how social media content affects youth and how that happens. With the current study, we aimed to gather a deeper and more nuanced understanding of young people’s body image trigger points, uncovering their origin, the type of content, and the following emotional consequences. Results revealed that different types of content (i.e., Thin Ideal, Body Positivity, Fitness, and Lifestyle) on Instagram affected youths’ body image in different ways. Highlighting the complexity of this topic, it was shown that each content category did not always have the same effect on each individual: the same content could end up in either upward or downward comparison and either positive, negative, or neutral effects on mood. The results of this study highlighted that gender plays an important role in the dynamics between exposure to Instagram content and body image, and it is therefore recommended to be included in future work. In conclusion, the findings emphasize the significance of continuing research in this field, given the omnipresence of social media platforms like Instagram in the lives of young people.

Data availability

The dataset generated during and analyzed during the current study is available in DANS Data Station Social Sciences and Humanities, https://doi.org/10.17026/SS/7M90LJ .

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• Published: 20 December 2023

Pathways from media attention and peer communication to body dissatisfaction: the moderating role of protective filtering

• Jing Ji 1   na1 ,
• Xiaoli Xiang 2   na1 ,
• Ren Chen 1 ,
• Zenghong Chen 3 &
• Jing Yan 1  

BMC Psychology volume  11 , Article number:  447 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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Negative body image is a common psychological phenomenon among young Chinese women, and merits further investigation. Peers and the media are important factors that associated with body image. This study explored how media and peers promote body dissatisfaction among young Chinese women, including the mediating role of body surveillance and the moderating role of protective filtering.

3499 women from the general China community aged 18–40 years (M = 23.44 years, SD = 1.18 years) were investigated with sociocultural attitudes towards appearance scale-3, objectified body consciousness scale and protective filtering scale. The data were analyzed by using a moderated mediation model with SPSS and the Process 4.0 macro.

Correlational analysis results indicated that body surveillance acted as a chained indirect effect between the internalization of media information and body dissatisfaction, as well as between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction. Moreover, protective filtering was demonstrated to moderate the path of media attention affecting the internalization of media information and the path of peer communication affecting peer comparisons.

Our results contribute to the understanding of the sociocultural mechanisms underlying young women’s negative body image. Furthermore, investigating the moderating effect of protective filtering is conducive to guiding future female positive body image interventions.

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Introduction

Body dissatisfaction is a body image evaluation attitude characterized by negative self-perception about body, including body size, weight, and attractiveness [ 1 ]. Social media is full of idealized and sexualized portray of women’s bodies. Compared to male groups of all ages, young adult women pay more attention to ideal beauty-related photos, videos and messages on social media, and body dissatisfaction is a pervasive problem among young adult women [ 2 , 3 ]. People’s attitude towards their own bodies not only affects their cognition but also their behavior. Body dissatisfaction can lead to a range of harms such as psychological distress, low self-esteem, and eating disorders [ 4 , 5 ]. Most studies have focused on the negative consequences of body dissatisfaction rather than its antecedents [ 6 , 7 ]. In addition, few studies have focused on the moderating effect of certain protective factors on negative body image from an information dissemination perspective.

The tripartite influence model of social culture theory is an important theory to interpret female body image which proposes that sociocultural factors affect individuals’ satisfaction with their physical appearance [ 8 ]. This crucial model has been used to investigate individuals’ body image and the negative distress caused by body dissatisfaction. Furthermore, a substantial body of research literature has proven that three main factors of the tripartite influence model (social media, peers, and parents) affect women’s negative body image through two mechanisms: internalization of the beauty-ideal and body comparison processes [ 3 ].

However, the tripartite influence model does not elaborate how internalization and comparison processes affect body dissatisfaction. The self-objectification theory emphasizes that when women are constantly exposed to information about ideal beauty of social media and negative comments on their bodies from peers, the process of self-objectification will be initiated. They examine their bodies from the perspective of observers. Such continuous monitoring of their bodies will eventually lead to body dissatisfaction and shame [ 9 ]. Meanwhile, peer influence, especially peer conversations, would stimulate appearance comparison among peers, subsequently affecting body dissatisfaction [ 10 , 11 ].

In addition, the latest research proposes that protective filtering (Women process information in a self-protective manner, internalizing most positive body image messages while rejecting and reconstructing most negative body image messages) is a protective factor against body dissatisfaction [ 4 ], thereby protecting and promoting body satisfaction among women. The term “protective filtering” was first coined by Wood-Barcalow et al. [ 11 ] based on their qualitative investigation of the characteristics of women with a positive body image. Protective filtering is defined as, “accepting information that is consistent with positive body image while rejecting messages that could endanger it”. That is to say, it is an information processing strategy conducive to the construction of positive body image and help women defend themselves against the negative effects of negative external information on body image.

Although these theories and research findings were initially developed and used in a Western socio-cultural context, it has also proved applicable in the Chinese cultural background [ 12 ]. In China, collectivism spirit is rooted in the social environment, and individuals tend to feel more social pressure to care about others judgments and thoughts [ 13 , 14 ]. Therefore, Chinese young adult women may easily be influenced by mass media and interpersonal relationships. For social media regulators, parents, and Chinese young adult woman, it is essential to understand the components of women’s body dissatisfaction. Based on the theory of the tripartite influence model of sociocultural theory, objectification theory, and previous literature on protective filtering, this study developed a hypothesized framework to better understand how media attention to appearance-related messages, peer conversation, and protective filtering influences body dissatisfaction. Particular attention was given to the role of protective filtering.

Theoretical framework and hypothesis development

The tripartite influence model.

The tripartite influence model is commonly used by scholars to explain how body dissatisfaction is formed under the influence of participation in photo-related social media platforms and peer interactions [ 15 ]. The main point of this model is that three aspects that affect body image (media, parent, and peers) including two primary mechanisms (internalization of the beauty-ideal and appearance comparison). Internalization is one of the focuses of the tripartite influence model, which means that individuals’ values and social standards are affected by social culture and social standards as their norms of behavior [ 16 , 17 ]. The media, especially social media, is a powerful driver of transmitting sociocultural beauty standards and expectations, such as ideal size, weight, and fashion. With its rapid development, the number of young adult women paying attention to information promoting the “ideal body image” is rapidly increasing. Media attention refers to exposure to or use of certain media types, most commonly television, newspaper, the Internet, or social media. Slater et al [ 18 ]. explained it as “people’ s tendency to devote cognitive effort to particular types of media messages consciously”. In the field of body image, media attention is often behaviorally manifested by spending excessive time and energy on social media related to body image, as well as actively following and searching for information related to “ideal beauty” on the internet [ 17 , 19 ]. Accumulating evidences suggest that excessive attention to the idealized societal standards of beauty created by social media may affect how individuals process body-related information, making it easier for them to form negative body images [ 20 , 21 ].

Meanwhile, a person’s values and self-image are internalized through the subtle influence of parents and significant others [ 22 ]. Research has shown that women’s attitudes towards their bodies are influenced by their parents’ memory of emotional indifference [ 23 ]. However, as women reach adulthood, they have less contact with their parents and more contact with their peers, and the influence of peers gradually strengthens. Peer communication refers to talking and discussing with peers about body image such as appearance, image and attractiveness [ 24 ]. These appearance-related communication provides an environment in which image concerns are focused upon, interpreted and subsequently come to be valued. Peer conversations about appearance are common in the daily lives of young adult women indicating that individuals focus on body image in the process of interpersonal communication. Several studies have found that when women talk more frequently about their appearance with their friends, they also have an increased sense of comparison about their bodies [ 25 , 26 ]. Furthermore, when discussing their bodies with friends, women tend to evaluate their appearance by comparing themselves with others, which is relevant to more serious negative body image and disordered eating [ 27 ]. Based on aforementioned viewpoints, we hypothesize:

H1: Media attention is positively associated with the internalization of media information.

H2: Peer communication is positively correlated with peer comparison.

The mediating role of body surveillance

Objectification theory indicates that self-objectification is the process by which women treat themselves as objects to be evaluated and internalize others’ evaluations of their own bodies [ 9 ], which has been proven to be associated with increased anxiety and dissatisfaction with their bodies [ 28 , 29 ]. Body surveillance is a behavioral manifestation of self-objectification and is commonly used to reflect the level of self-objectification [ 30 , 31 ]. Women with a higher level of self-objectification spend more time monitoring their body (i.e., body surveillance) to ensure that they conform to the ideal of social beauty [ 29 ]. The extent of body surveillance has been shown to positively correlate with the level of body dissatisfaction [ 32 ].

In addition, objectification experiences include not only women’s internalization of sexualized information conveyed by social media, but also interaction and commentary with peers about their own and others’ body appearance. On the one hand, social media often focuses on women’s body in a sexualized way, which tends to standardize the aesthetics of women’s appearance [ 33 ]. Previous studies proved that once young adult women internalize these standards, it may trigger body surveillance to monitor how one’s body is being evaluated by others, which then lead to negative psychological outcomes or perception of flaws in one’s appearance, producing body dissatisfaction [ 34 ]. On the other hand, interaction and commentary with peers about their own and others’ body appearance reinforce the intensity of body image comparisons between young adult women and their peers, which subsequently triggers body surveillance. Wang et al. [ 33 ] posited that body surveillance mediated the relationship between appearance-relevant comparison and body shame. Based on the above views, we posit the following hypotheses:

H3a: Body surveillance mediates the relationship between internalization of media information and body dissatisfaction.

H3b: Body surveillance mediates the relationship between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction.

The moderating role of protective filtering

Protective filtering was first proposed as an intervention strategy that incorporates multiple features of positive body image in a qualitative study, and is thought to help focus women’s body investment on self-care and functionality and preserve their positive body evaluation [ 11 ]. When exposed to information related to appearance in social media and direct social environment, protective filtering refers to accepting positive information that is benefit to women’s body appreciation, while rejected or reconstructed negative information [ 35 ]. That is to say, selectively filtering in positive source information and counteracting negative source information help promote and maintain their positive body evaluation [ 36 , 37 ]. For example, Andrew et al. [ 38 ] revealed that women with protective filtering strategy after viewing slim female images on social media did not compare themselves with the beauty-ideal or experience a negative change in their satisfaction with their bodies.

Furthermore, in prior body image studies [ 35 , 39 ], protective filtering was proved to be an effective intervention to lower women’s internalization of beauty-ideal and body depression. Based on fertile previous studies, it can be supposed that protective filtering can moderate the effects of external information (information from social media and peer communication) on internal cognition (such as internalization and peer comparison). Following these statements, we hypothesize:

H4a: Protective filtering moderates the effects of media attention on the internalization of media information.

H4b: Protective filtering moderates the effects of peer communication on peer comparison.

Based on the aforementioned hypotheses, the research framework is depicted in Fig.  1 .

Hypothesized model

Participants

Participants were recruited through Sojump, a questionnaire collection platform contained more than 260 million registered users in mainland China, which provides functions equivalent to Qualtrics [ 37 ] and is widely used by many Chinese researchers to conduct online surveys [ 40 ]. Since the subjects of this study were mainly women and men were not included in the study, we randomly sent the survey link and brief introduction to female registered users of Sojump via email. We obtained the informed consent of the participants through a consent page on the first page of online questionnaire, and assured them that the questionnaire contained no identifying information to ensure confidentiality. After agreeing to participate in the survey, participants began to fill out the questionnaire in a self-administered manner. Data collection consisted of two parts: a demographic survey and a series of body image questionnaires. In the demographic survey section, participants were asked to indicate their age, marital status, and educational background. After completing the questionnaire survey, all participants have received a cash reward of CNY 5 (equivalent to USD 0.7) online in exchange for their participation.

The online survey lasted three months (March 4 to May 15, 2022). In the end, a total of 4,057 questionnaires were completed. 558 questionnaires were declared invalid based on three criteria: missing data, uniform responses for all questions, and the participants’ fill-in time (less than five minutes is assessed to be unqualified). Finally, 3,499 valid questionnaires were obtained, yielding a valid response rate of 86.2%. All participants were from the general China community, aged 18–40 years (M = 23.44 years, SD = 1.18 years), and the great majority of participants (62.2%) had a college degree or higher.

Outcome measures

Beauty-ideal media attention and internalization of the beauty-ideal scale.

We used the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-3 [ 41 ](SATAQ-3) to assess the extent of media attention and internalization of the beauty ideal; the scale contains two subscales: Media Attention Subscale (including six questions, such as, “Social media is an important source for me to get information on fashion, beauty, weight loss, and more”) and Internalization Subscale (including nine questions, such as, “When I see photos of other people on social media, I compare my appearance or body to them”). The response format was a 5-point Likert scale ranging from I completely disagree (= 1) to I completely agree (= 5), higher scores in the scale reflect higher levels of media attention and information internalization. Cronbach’s α was 0.89.

Peer communication and peer comparison scale

Frequency of peer communication and peer comparison were assessed with the Peer Influence Scale drawn from the SATAQ-3 [ 41 ], which contains six items and is divided into two subscales: Peer communication scale (three questions, such as “I often talk to my friends about physical appearance”) and information internalization scale (three problems, such as “When I see pictures posted by my friends, I compare myself to them”). The response format was a 7-point Likert scale ranging from I completely disagree (= 1) to I completely agree (= 7), higher scores in the scale reflect higher degree of peer communication and information internalization. Cronbach’s α was 0.88.

Objectification body awareness scale-body surveillance subscale

Frequency of body surveillance was assessed with the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS-Body Surveillance) drawn from the Body Surveillance Scale [ 42 ], which contains eight items (e.g., “When I look in the mirror before I go out, I am often dissatisfied with how I look in the mirror”), and use the 5-point Likert scoring method (1 = completely disagree, 5 = completely agree), higher scores in the scale reflect body surveillance. Cronbach’s α was 0.86.

Protective filtering scale

Items to measure protective filtering were newly developed. Although protective filtering is an important construct for examining how individuals process and respond to appearance-related information, body image research lacks a professional quantitative protective filtering scale. Thus, the present study measured protective filtering with five items, which were modified from the work of Ornella et al. [ 4 ] and Tylka and Wood-Barcalow [ 11 ]. The first three items (such as “I accept information from social media that encourage women to be themselves and make their own body image”, “I often actively block messages, photos and videos that make me anxious about my appearance, " and “I try to relate the ideas in the body-related information or comments to my health”) were from Ornella et al. [ 4 , 43 ], which were used to investigate women’s information permitting. The last two items (such as “I don’t pay too much attention to information about ideal beauty on the Internet”, and “I ignore negative body-related information”) were from the Tylka and Wood-Barcalow [ 11 ], which were used to measure women’s information forefending or blocking out. The response format was a 7-point Likert scale ranging from I completely disagree (= 1) to I completely agree (= 7). The average score of each question was counted as the total score of protective filtering, higher scores in the scale reflect higher extent of protective filtering. Cronbach’s α was 0.86.

Body dissatisfaction scale

Frequency of body dissatisfaction was assessed with the Body dissatisfaction Scale in the SATAQ-3 [ 41 ]. The scale consists of eight items, for example “I think my natural, authentic looks and body shape are also good,” and use the 5-point Likert scoring method (1 = completely disagree, 5 = completely agree). The average score of each question was counted as the total body dissatisfaction score, with a higher score indicating greater dissatisfaction with body image. Cronbach’s α was 0.87.

Data analysis

All analyses were conducted with SPSS 26.0. Regression analysis is used to explore the influence of social media attention on the internalization of media information and the influence of peer communication on peer comparison. The hierarchical regression method was used to examine the moderating effects of protective filtering on the relationship between social media attention and media information internalization as well as between peer communication and peer comparison. PROCESS macro (Model 4) in SPSS was used to verify the mediating effect of body surveillance between the internalization of social information and body dissatisfaction, as well as between the mediating effect of body surveillance between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction.

Preliminary analyses

Pearson’s correlation was conducted (Table  1 ). The results demonstrate that media attention positively correlates with internalizing media information. Peer communication was also positively correlated with peer comparison. Meanwhile, it is worth noting that some correlations between constructs were higher than the benchmark of 0.6, so a multicollinearity test is needed. The analysis results showed that the highest VIF was 3.18, indicating that multicollinearity is not a significant problem in our dataset [ 44 ].

Main analyses

Test for mediation effect.

In Hypothesis 3a, this study proposes that body surveillance was mediators of the link between the internalization of media information and body dissatisfaction. PROCESS macro (Model 4) in SPSS was conducted to test this hypothesis. As evident from Table  2 , internalization of media information has a positive prediction on body dissatisfaction, β  = 0.87, p < 0.001 (Model 1). Internalization of media information was positively linked with body surveillance, β  = 0.73, p < 0.001 (Model 2), and body surveillance was positively correlated with the extent of body dissatisfaction, β  = 0.75, p < 0.001 (Model 3).

The indirect effect of internalization of media information on the degree of body dissatisfaction via body surveillance was 0.85 (SE = 0.02, 95% CI = [0.40, 0.45]). The CI did not include zero. Consistent with our hypothesis, the internalization of media information had a significant indirect effect on body dissatisfaction via body surveillance. The results indicates that body surveillance plays a mediating role between the internalization of media information and the level of body dissatisfaction. Therefore, it can be concluded that Hypothesis 3a was considered persuasive.

Hypothesis 3b indicated that body surveillance would play a mediating role between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction. As evident from Table  3 , peer comparison was positively correlated with body dissatisfaction, β  = 0.34, p < 0.001 (Model 1). Peer comparison was positively correlated with body surveillance, β  = 0.77, p < 0.001 (Model 2), and body surveillance was positively linked to the extent of body dissatisfaction, β  = 0.53, p < 0.001 (Model 3).

The indirect effect of peer comparison extent on the extent of body dissatisfaction though body surveillance was 0.54 (SE = 0.03, 95% CI = [0.53, 0.58]). The result indicate that peer comparison exerted a significant indirect effect on body dissatisfaction through body surveillance. This indicated body surveillance was mediators of the relationship between peer comparison and the extent of body dissatisfaction. Therefore, it can be concluded that Hypothesis 3b was regarded as valid.

Testing for Moderation Effect

In Hypothesis 4, we assumed that protective filtering would moderate the relationship between media attention and internalization of media information and moderate the relationship between peer communication and peer comparison. To examine the moderation hypothesis, a hierarchical regression was adopted to analyze the moderating role of protective filtering. First, media attention and internalization of media information were entered. Then, the interaction (media attention × protective filtering) was entered. The results demonstrated significant main effects of media attention and protective filtering on internalizing media information. The effect of the interaction term was also significant, indicating a significant moderating effect of protective filtering on the relationship between media attention and internalization of media information (Table  4 ). A simple slope test was then adopted, and associated among females with low (− 1 SD) and high (+ 1 SD) levels of protective filtering (Fig.  2 ). The results demonstrated that the link between media attention and internalization of media information was significant among female with a low level of protective filtering (β = 0.48, p < 0.001) and insignificant among female with a high level of protective filtering (β = 0.07, p > 0.05). These results supported the hypothesis of this study that protective filtering could significantly buffer the positive relationship between media attention and females’ internalization of media information.

The interaction between media attention and protective filtering on internalization of media information

To examine whether protective filtering moderates the relationship between peer communication and peer comparison, hierarchical regression was adopted to analyze the moderating role of protective filtering. First, peer communication and peer comparison were entered; then, interaction (peer communication × protective filtering) was entered. The results demonstrated significant main effects of peer communication and protective filtering on peer comparison. The effect of the interaction term was also significant, indicating that protective filtering significantly moderates the relationships between peer communication and comparison (Table  5 ). A simple slope test was then adopted, and associations were conducted among females with low (− 1 SD) and high (+ 1 SD) levels of protective filtering (Fig.  3 ). The results demonstrated that the relationship between peer communication and peer comparison was significant among female with a low level of protective filtering (β = 0.64, p < 0.001) and insignificant among female with a high level of protective filtering (β = 0.15, p > 0.05). The statistical analysis results above support the hypothesis of this study that protective filtering could significantly buffer the positive relationship between peer communication and peer comparison.

The interaction between peer communication and protective filtering on peer comparison

Overview of findings

Women’s thoughts and feelings about their appearance are complex and affected by many factors. This study combined the theoretical model of sociocultural theory, the objectification theory and the main factor (protective filtering) to examine how media attention and peer communication about appearance-related information affect women’s body image. Several key insights can be inferred from the study’s findings. First, attention to information about beauty-ideal on social media significantly and positively predicted the extent of internalization of beauty ideals, supporting Hypothesis (1) Second, peer communication of appearance-related information is positively related to peer comparison, thus supporting Hypothesis (2) Third, body surveillance played a mediating role between the internalization of beauty ideals and body dissatisfaction as well as peer comparison and body dissatisfaction, supporting Hypotheses 3a and 3b. Finally, and most importantly, protective filtering moderated both the influence of internalization of beauty- ideal information on body satisfaction and the effect of peer comparison on body dissatisfaction, supporting Hypotheses 4a and 4b. Overall, these findings not only support the integrated sociocultural model of body image but also enrich its connotations through constructs from the tripartite influence model, objectification theory and previous studies on protective filtering.

Consistent with our expectations, individuals who paid excessive attention to appearance information in mass media were more likely to have a high degree of internalization. This finding is in conformity with that of Shen et al. [ 13 ]. Furthermore, girls who discuss appearance-related information more frequently with their peers were more likely to compare their bodies to others. This finding is consistent with those of Dohnt and Tiggemann [ 9 ]. These two findings support the tenets of the theoretical model of sociocultural theory, which emphasizes that pressures from social media and peers, once internalized, can lead to feelings of anxiety about appearance or body shape. Notably, media attention about beauty-ideal and peer communication did not directly predict body dissatisfaction. The internalization of the beauty-ideal information had a chained indirect influence on the media attention and body dissatisfaction. Online media efficiently sets unrealistic standards of ideal beauty and transmit information encouraging women to aspire to it [ 45 ]. With frequent exposure to this information, Chinese young adult women with more social orientation characteristics are more easily to internalize and be influenced by these online standards. Second, peer communication has an indirect connection with body dissatisfaction. Peer communication on body appearance, especially talking about one’s appearance, brought self-evaluation motivation and peer comparison. Thus, it is reasonable to speculate that excessive communication on body shape or poor evaluation stimulates young adult women to compare themselves with peers with “good bodies” [ 25 ].

Body surveillance has been shown to play a mediating role between the internalization of media attention and peer comparison on body dissatisfaction. This crucial finding provides empirical evidence for the further integration of sociocultural and objectification theory. Firstly, our findings support that the internalization of media information is positive correlated with body dissatisfaction via engaging in greater body surveillance. According to feminist theorists [ 29 ], internalization and body surveillance are crucial components of women’s negative experiences of their bodies, and internalization provides an ideal standard for the cultural body. When women compare themselves to the standard but cannot reduce the discrepancy, they may feel bad about their bodies. Meanwhile, consistent with the findings of Vandenbosch and Eggermont’s research [ 26 ] on adolescent females, being exposed to sexually objectifying media and internalization of beauty-ideal information may causes females to assess their bodies through an observer’s perspective habitually. Finally, negative evaluations of their body would be generated through body surveillance. Considering China’s traditional patriarchal culture, women’s appearance is often associated with their social and economic benefits [ 12 ]. Chinese young adult women with beautiful appearances are likely to have more satisfying marriages and successful careers, which is also consistent with the mainstream ideology advocated by social media. When young adult women internalize information, they create a negative attitude toward their bodies through the mediation of body surveillance.

Our findings also suggested that body surveillance plays a mediating role between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction, which is consistent with the findings of previous research on the correlation between peer effect and body dissatisfaction [ 24 ]. As self-objectification theory depicts, self-objectification manifests itself behaviorally as bodily surveillance, which can cause negative influence on psychology [ 46 ]. Our study adds further empirical support for aspects of self-objectification theory and verifies the mediating role of body surveillance between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction.

Firstly, the first stages in the mediation model shows that peer comparison is positively correlated with body surveillance, which is consistent with previous findings that there was a significant relationship between peer comparison and body surveillance [ 47 ], women who frequently compared themselves to their peers showed higher levels of body surveillance. Secondly, the path from peer comparisons to body dissatisfaction was also significant. This finding can be explained by social comparison theory [ 48 ], which indicates that women frequently make appearance-related social comparisons, and that such comparisons are usually upward and horizontal. Compared to upward comparisons with unrealistic images of ideal beauty on social media, compare with peers is more realistic and feasible, because their lifestyles and resources are more similar to women’s own than celebrities. Therefore, horizontal comparisons between peers may be more common in female groups, and these horizontal body comparisons often lead to negative outcomes, such as body dissatisfaction. It is worth noting that there are also studies showing that horizontal comparison with peers is conducive to establish women’s positive feelings about their bodies to a certain extent [ 49 ]. Future studies may focus on the positive effects of peer comparison on female body image.

In addition, another core contribution of the study is the moderating effect of protective filtering on two paths (the relationship between media attention and internalization of media information and the link between peer communication and peer comparison). This finding extends the study of Halliwell [ 34 ], who used controlled trial to examine whether the protective role of body appreciation can protect women from exposure to information about negative body image in the media. First, the influence of appearance-related media attention on internalization depended on the level of personal protective filtering. When individuals strongly perceive that information will negatively affect their perception of the body and try to reject it, the link between media attention and internalization is weakened. Second, the effect of appearance-related peer communication on peer comparison depended on protective filtering. When a protective filtering approach is applied to the process of communicating about body image with peers, sense of comparison about their bodies will be diminished. Conversations and interactions with peers create a daily context for attending to, constructing, and interpreting information related to appearance or body shape. Protective filtering is defined similarly to systematic processing, which is one of the main information processing strategies in the Heuristic-Systematic Model (HSM) in the field of communication. HSM states that systematic processing means an individual makes a judgment based on thoughtful consideration of concepts and comparing those concepts to information already available [ 50 ]. Therefore, it is reasonable to speculate that women with stronger protective filtering are less likely to be negatively influenced by appearance-related peer communication in their rational information processing strategies. To some extent, this finding explains why social media and peer comparison are not always directly related to women’s body image [ 51 ].

Strengths, limitations and future directions

The findings of this study have several theoretical contributions. First of all, it investigates the impact of media attention and peer influence on negative body image and explore its underlying mechanisms. In addition, the study further enriches the body image research of women by combining the sociocultural and self-objectification models and applying them to Chinese context. This design provides us with a deeper understanding of the mechanisms of social media and peer influence on body image. Second, our study considers the protective filtering variable creatively and incorporated this positive body image cognitive strategy into the influencing factor model of negative body image, which not only enriches and expands the tripartite influence model but is also helpful in developing intervention measures to improve body image on the basis of this model.

Moreover, the study has several practical implications. First, by building awareness of surveillance behaviors, as well as structural cognitive and behavioral changes, it may be possible to prevent the internalization of these behaviors into negative body image. Second, more valuable strategies should be adopted to stimulate protective filtering in women. For example, mass media campaigns promoting positive body image can cultivate a social environment that encourages young adult women to emphasize the importance of focusing not only on their physical appearance but also on other valued domains in their lives and spending time with people who are not invested in physical appearance [ 7 ].

However, there are some limitations to this study. First, since this is a cross-sectional study, it is not possible to determine the causal relationships between the variables. Experimental methods should be applied to identify complex relationships among related variables. Second, since consumers aged 20 to 29 are the biggest users of social media Footnote 1 .the sample age of this study is also mainly concentrated in this age group. Therefore, the results of this study may not apply to women in their forties and older. In addition, the study did not include male group, which has been a growing concern in recent years. Future research may need to enrich the current findings with a more diverse sample in terms of gender, age, socioeconomic status, and ethnicity. Third, our study only verified the moderating effect of protective filtering on the process of internalization of media information and peer comparison, without investigating how protective filtering specifically affects body dissatisfaction. Future research must explore precisely the mechanisms responsible for the influence of protective filtering on negative body image. For example, self-compassion and body appreciation are highly correlated [ 52 ], those orientating cognitive processing may contribute to women’s rejection and reconstruction of negative messages from social media and promote a positive view of their body appearance.

Conclusions

In summary, this study is an important extension of the research on the mechanism of influencing factors of body dissatisfaction among young Chinese women. Meanwhile, it uncovered a positive relationship between media attention and internalization of media information, as well as between peer communication and peer comparison. In addition, the mediating role of body surveillance in the relationship between the internalization of media information and body dissatisfaction, as well as between peer comparison and body dissatisfaction, tested positive. This study provides a brand-new perspective for exploring the innovation of objectified body consciousness and expanding the scope of applicability of the tripartite influence model. Furthermore, our findings indicate that protective filtering can moderate the path of media attention affecting the internalization of media information and the path of peer communication affecting peer comparison, which has important implications for future intervention research and practice.

Data Availability

The datasets generated during and analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

We acknowledge Wanwan Yu, Mingjun Zhou for assistance with data collection and coding.

This study was supported by The Anhui Provincial Social Science Fund for Distinguished Young Scholars (2022AH020049); The Anhui Provincial Scientific Research Projects for Higher Education(2023AH010036).

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Jing Ji and Xiaoli Xiang have contributed equally to this work.

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School of Health Service Management, Anhui Medical University, Hefei, 230032, China

Jing Ji, Ren Chen & Jing Yan

Department of Ophthalmology, The Affiliated Changshu Hospital of Nantong University, Changshu, 215500, China

Xiaoli Xiang

Department of Plastic surgery, The second Hospital of Anhui Medical University, Hefei, 230601, China

Zenghong Chen

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Jing Yan and Jing Ji contributed to the conception of the study, secured funding, organized the investigation, and revised the manuscript. Jing Ji analyzed the data and wrote the original paper. Ren Chen helped data collection and analyzed the data. Zenghong Chen and Xiaoli Xiang organized the investigation and helped data collection.

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Ji, J., Xiang, X., Chen, R. et al. Pathways from media attention and peer communication to body dissatisfaction: the moderating role of protective filtering. BMC Psychol 11 , 447 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-023-01491-x

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Processing body image on social media: gender differences in adolescent boys’ and girls’ agency and active coping.

• School of Psychology, Trinity College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland

Although scholars continue to debate the influence of social media on body image, increased social media use, especially engaging in appearance-related behaviors may be a potential risk factor for body dissatisfaction in adolescents. Little research has investigated how adolescents process appearance-related content and the potential strategies they use to protect body image perceptions on social media. To investigate coping strategies used by adolescents, four qualitative focus groups were conducted with 29 adolescents (23 girls) aged 15–16 years ( M = 15.31, SD = 0.47) in mixed-gender Irish secondary schools. Thematic analysis revealed that adolescents employed many different behavioral strategies such as avoiding negative content and selecting positive content. Cognitive processing strategies such as critically evaluating body-related content, psychologically distancing from and positively reframing challenging content were also used, although less frequently. Boys appeared to exhibit greater positive agency over their bodies and social media use and tended to use more active coping styles than girls. Efforts to promote body image on social media such as body positive pages and exposing artificial social media content were considered limited in their effectiveness.

Introduction

Body dissatisfaction, defined as “a person’s negative thoughts and feelings about his/her body” ( Grogan, 1999 , p. 2) is a leading cause of eating disorders, disordered eating, low self-esteem and poor psychological wellbeing ( Stice and Shaw, 2002 ; Paxton et al., 2006 ; Cruz-Sáez et al., 2018 ). Relatively high prevalence rates of body weight dissatisfaction have been reported cross culturally among adolescent girls [Mean = 48%, Range (26–62%)] and boys [Mean = 31%, Range (15–44%)] in 26 countries ( Al Sabbah et al., 2009 ). Social media is extensively used by adolescents ( Pew Research Center, 2018 ; Rodgers et al., 2020 ) and has received a lot of research attention as a possible risk factor for body dissatisfaction ( Rodgers and Melioli, 2016 ).

While the causes of body dissatisfaction are considered multifaceted, and include biological, evolutionary, psychological and sociocultural factors ( Polivy and Herman, 2002 ; Ferguson et al., 2011 ; Fitzsimmons-Craft, 2011 ), social media is a sociocultural factor that has been suggested by some to be linked to body dissatisfaction. However, the extent to which social media influences body dissatisfaction is debated and the evidence is inconsistent; some studies find associations between social media use and body dissatisfaction ( Fardouly et al., 2017 ; Scully et al., 2020 ), others find that social media use is associated with positive body image ( Cohen et al., 2019 ), some observe no direct relationships ( Ferguson et al., 2014 ; Cohen et al., 2017 ) and others suggest that social media may indirectly influence body dissatisfaction by increasing opportunities for other predictors of body dissatisfaction such as peer competition ( Ferguson et al., 2014 ). Furthermore, the inferences that can be drawn regarding social media effects may also be limited by methodological issues in the literature, such as the inability to capture the dynamic, interactive, and personalized nature of social media within a controlled environment or failure to use appropriate controls and procedures to account for demand characteristics ( Fardouly and Vartanian, 2016 ).

Nonetheless, concurring with previous systematic reviews (e.g., Holland and Tiggemann, 2016 ), a recent meta-analysis of 63 independent samples observed a small, positive, significant relationship between social media use and body image disturbance ( Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ). It should be noted that the meta-analysis’ conclusions are constrained by the literature on which they are based, which as mentioned, has its limitations (i.e., demand characteristics, single-responder bias, common method variance, lack of preregistration, and the fact that many studies report simple bivariate correlations). These limitations may result in an over-estimate of the effect size; consequently, the small effects in this meta-analysis do not necessarily confirm the existence of effects and therefore must be considered as suggestive. 1 Even though the effect size was small, the authors noted that it is important to further explore the relationship between social media use and body dissatisfaction because social media is extensively used by adolescents. Adolescence is also a particularly vulnerable time for body image ( Voelker et al., 2015 ), and it is important to identify risk/protective factors for body dissatisfaction on social media to help foster more favorable body image during this sensitive developmental period.

Sociocultural theories of body image, such as the Tripartite model ( Thompson et al., 1999 ), propose that social media, influences body image perceptions by conveying messages that emphasize the importance of appearance and pressurize the attainment of unrealistic body ideals. These body-related messages are proposed to give rise to body dissatisfaction directly and indirectly via two mediating mechanisms: internalization of and appearance comparisons with body ideals. Body ideal internalization involves endorsing and pursuing body ideals as a personal body standard ( Thompson and Stice, 2001 ), while appearance comparisons involve evaluating one’s appearance relative to others ( Jones, 2001 ). Because the body ideals that individuals internalize are largely unrealistic and unattainable, failure to exemplify these ideals becomes a source of body dissatisfaction when these ideals are valued as a personal goal ( Thompson et al., 1999 ). Upward comparisons, comparisons with “superior” others highlight discrepancies between one’s own body and body ideals thereby giving rise to body dissatisfaction ( van den Berg et al., 2002 ).

Social media are highly visual, appearance focused platforms that extend opportunities to engage in these body dissatisfaction-inducing behaviors ( Rodgers and Melioli, 2016 ). Popular social media platforms used by adolescents such as Instagram and Snapchat ( Pew Research Center, 2018 ), contain a profusion of idealized body related content, which tend to endorse muscular ideals (characterized by a v-shaped torso, visible abs, large biceps, and low body fat,) and lean/athletic ideals (characterized by a toned body with low body fat,) for men/boys. Thin ideals (characterized by a lean physique with low body fat and a narrow waist), fit/athletic ideals (characterized by a lean and muscular physique), and curvy ideals (characterized by a thin waist and large bosom/bottom) are generally more relevant for women/girls ( Betz and Ramsey, 2017 ). Adolescents have been found to endorse and strive for these ideals, despite acknowledging the unrealistic nature of these bodies ( Edcoms and Credos, 2016 ; Burnette et al., 2017 ; Bell et al., 2019 ).

Consistent with the Tripartite model, comparisons with celebrities, sports stars, and peers who embody these ideals on social media have been reported by adolescents to give rise to feelings of body dissatisfaction ( Edcoms and Credos, 2016 ; Burnette et al., 2017 ). Additionally, posting and editing “selfies” (self-portraits of one’s face/body) on social media amplify adolescents’ tendencies to compare and critically evaluate their appearance ( Chua and Chang, 2016 ; Bell, 2019 ). Adolescent girls tend to engage more in these self-presentation behaviors than boys and tend to be far more invested and influenced by the feedback indices such as “likes” and “comments” received on these posts. Although boys tend not to be greatly affected by the number of “likes” they receive, they are concerned about receiving negative commentary from peers on social media ( Kenny et al., 2017 ).

Some studies suggest that girls’ body image perceptions are more strongly and negatively impacted by social media because they engage with and invest more in body-related content than boys ( Frisén and Holmqvist, 2010 ; McAndrew and Jeong, 2012 ; Chua and Chang, 2016 ). Boys have also been found to perceive social media as a more positive, motivating influence on their body image vs. girls who tend to report that social media exerts more negative effects on their body image ( Bell et al., 2019 ). Boys are also thought to be protected somewhat from exposure to aesthetic body ideals, because they value body functionality over aesthetics ( Grogan and Richards, 2002 ). However, recent meta-analyses suggest that the magnitude of social media’s influence on body image is the same for girls and boys ( Holland and Tiggemann, 2016 ; Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ). It has also been suggested that social media’s impact on male body image may be underestimated because of boys’ tendencies to disclose or downplay body image issues because of stigma surrounding male body image ( Griffiths et al., 2014 ). However, given the methodological issues mentioned previously, the strength of relationship between social media and body image requires more robust examination.

Although appearance-related behaviors on social media have been suggested as a risk factor for body image ( Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ), little research has investigated ways that adolescents manage challenging social media content or strategies they use to buffer the negative effects of these behaviors. It is important to understand the ways that users interact with social media, because the possible body-related outcomes arising from social media use are likely to be the result of complex, reciprocal transactions between the media content and the social media user ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2013 ; Perloff, 2014 ).

Additionally, while studies have investigated ways to protect and promote adolescent body image in general, social media is a unique sociocultural context that may require specific strategies to help improve body image ( Perloff, 2014 ). Existing approaches to addressing body-dissatisfaction on social media involve teaching social media literacy in order to reduce the credibility of media messages and subsequent body ideal internalization and appearance comparison behaviors ( McLean et al., 2017 ). Although one study found a social media literacy program to be effective in producing gains in body image outcomes in adolescent girls ( McLean et al., 2016b ), similar improvements were not observed in adolescent boys ( Tamplin et al., 2018 ); this is surprising because it would be anticipated that adolescent boys, who are largely unaware of photo-manipulation/editing of male bodies on social media ( Edcoms and Credos, 2016 ), would benefit from enhanced social media literacy. Although these findings are preliminary, meta-analyses from traditional media literacy interventions indicate that although media literacy programs are effective in increasing knowledge about the media, they do not substantially change body image outcomes ( McLean et al., 2016a ). This suggests that increasing knowledge about body ideals may not alone be sufficient to address body dissatisfaction and that other strategies/coping tools are required for adolescents to effectively manage problematic appearance-focused social media. Understanding the strategies (if any) that adolescents use can inform the design of interventions such that they target self-protective skills that are in need of cultivation or further development among adolescents. Probing adolescents’ self-protective strategies can also help identify the approaches that might be most effective in improving adolescent body image and can focus intervention efforts toward these.

Only one qualitative study (to the authors’ awareness) with 38 female adolescents aged 12–14 years has explored protective and promotive coping strategies used by adolescents on social media ( Burnette et al., 2017 ). While adolescents in this sample endorsed behaviors associated with body dissatisfaction on social media, including using photo-based platforms, engaging in appearance-related behaviors and making appearance comparisons ( Rodgers and Melioli, 2016 ), they identified several factors that helped protect their body image when using social media. Girls reported that they consciously avoided undesirable social media posts that invoked appearance comparisons or body image concerns as a way of protecting their body image. While this gave adolescents a sense of personal agency over social media use, it was not regarded as a wholly effectual strategy because it was difficult to avoid unsolicited body related content on social media. Participants also evinced high social media literacy levels as they were critical of the body ideals encountered on social media, regarding them as edited, photoshopped, and unrealistic. Participants were also aware of the concerted efforts that peers went to, to capture and post a “perfect” photo of themselves. The authors posited that adolescents’ skepticism and avoidance of idealized body-related content and their appreciation of diverse beauty standards was indicative of protective filtering.

Protective filtering is an aspect of positive body image that involves selectively internalizing messages that promote positive body image and rejecting negative body-related information ( Andrew et al., 2015 ). Protective filtering has been found to buffer the negative effects of exposure to idealized body-related content in the media in adults ( Andrew et al., 2015 ). Protective filtering also appeared to provide promotive benefits to adolescents’ body image in sample of Burnette et al. (2017) . However, it is unclear whether the findings of these focus groups are generalizable across adolescents because the sample was relatively small and came from a single-sex, private school that taught social media literacy and critical thinking skills and encouraged an ethos of body appreciation, diversity, and confidence, which was reported to facilitate this protective filtering of social media content. Outside of this study, little research has investigated if adolescents use protective filtering strategies on social media and whether these filtering skills can be fostered in adolescents, including those with negative body image.

It is also not known whether aspects of social media content may help encourage protective filtering; “body acceptance” and “body positive” messages have recently propagated the social media space and have been lauded by adult women as a promising way to buffer against problematic idealized content and decrease body dissatisfaction ( Convertino et al., 2019 ; Rodgers et al., 2019 ). It is not known whether adolescents engage with this content and whether it exerts protective effects on their body image perceptions ( Bell et al., 2017 ).

Furthermore, little is known about the strategies that adolescent boys use to protect and promote body image. To the authors’ awareness no study has investigated self-protective strategies used by adolescent boys on social media. This reflects a traditional research focus on female body image, as men/boys were thought to be less impacted by body-related issues ( Parent, 2013 ). However, body image has been recognized an increasingly important issue for boys ( Parent, 2013 ), and has been found to be influenced by social media to a similar extent in both boys and girls ( Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ). Boys and girls may face different body-related challenges and pressures on social media ( Kenny et al., 2018 ; Rodgers et al., 2020 ), and subsequently may employ different strategies to manage these pressures.

This qualitative study explored adolescents’ processing and protective filtering of social media content and whether these strategies were perceived to provide protective benefits for body image. Both adolescent boys and girls were included in the study because little is known about coping or management strategies used, especially by boys, to address gender-specific issues on social media. This study aimed to inform intervention and prevention efforts in the area of body image on social media.

Materials and Methods

Focus groups investigated how adolescents managed challenging body-related content and promoted positive body image on social media. Focus groups were used because they provide a rich and ecologically valid insight into the opinions and lived experiences of participants in their own words and from their own perspectives ( Greene and Harris, 2011 ). Focus groups were favored over one-to-one interviews for this kind of exploratory work because they facilitate greater elaboration of ideas and provide a vocabulary to discuss topics ( Heary and Hennessy, 2006 ; Greene and Harris, 2011 ). In accordance with guidelines ( Heary and Hennessy, 2002 ), single sex focus groups consisting of 6–9 participants were conducted as adolescents have been found to be more comfortable about opening up and discussing sensitive issues in single rather than mixed sex groups.

Focus groups were guided using an interview schedule, which asked adolescents about their experiences and perceptions of body image on social media, the appearance-related challenges they faced on social media and the ways they manage these challenges. The results presented below will focus on adolescents’ management of challenging appearance-related content on social media, however; a brief outline of adolescents’ perceptions/experiences of social media will be provided to contextualize adolescents’ coping strategies. Given the exploratory nature of the research, conversations were allowed to flow freely, and the researcher was free to pursue related topics if they were mentioned.

Participants

A convenience sample of 29 participants, 23 girls, and 6 boys, aged between 15 and 16 years ( M = 15.31, SD = 0.47) were recruited from two mixed sex Irish secondary schools, one urban private school and one rural community school for a study investigating adolescents’ experiences and perceptions of body image on social media. The study was only open to fourth year students who used social media and who received parental consent to participate. Participants’ ethnicity and other sociodemographic information were not recorded. Four focus groups were conducted, three with girls only and one with boys only (see Table 1 ).

Table 1 . Composition and duration of adolescent focus groups.

Focus groups were audio recorded using an Olympus WS853 voice recorder and qualitative analysis software, MAXQDA (Version 2018.1) was used to analyze the data. The interview schedule included questions such as; (1) What social media activities/behaviors do you think help/harm body image perceptions? (2) What characteristics of social media platforms promote positive body image/negatively impact body image? and (3) How do you manage challenging appearance-focused content on social media?

Full ethical approval was received from the ethics committee at Trinity College Dublin. Permission from school principals was obtained to allow the study to be hosted in schools and for students to participate in the study. Informed consent from parents and informed assent from participants was obtained prior to study commencement. Focus groups were conducted on the school premises and participants were assigned to focus groups based on their class group. Participants’ gender, age, and school attended were obtained in demographic questionnaires that participants completed prior to the focus groups. Focus groups were conducted by two female researchers; the primary researcher led the discussion, while the secondary researcher took notes and kept track of time. Focus groups lasted approximately 30–50 min and participants were offered refreshments, thanked and debriefed afterward.

Data Analysis

Focus group discussions were transcribed verbatim by the primary researcher (CM) and were analyzed using thematic analysis. The analysis was guided by six step procedure of Braun and Clarke (2006) , which involved firstly becoming familiar with the data by transcribing data, reading transcripts and listening to audio recordings (Step 1). Then, initial semantic codes were generated and assigned to the data using MAXQDA software (Step 2). Semantic coding, which involves characterization of explicit, surface meaning of content was deemed the most appropriate form of coding of the personal experiences pertinent to the research question. Data was also coded according to an essentialist/realist perspective, which assumes a unidirectional relationship between meaning and experience. This approach allows for a straightforward exploration of motivations, experiences, and meaning, which were the focus of the research questions. These codes were organized into a coding frame containing concise labels and descriptions for codes was established. Related codes were grouped together to form themes and subthemes (Step 3). An inductive approach, which allows themes to emerge from the data rather than being informed by pre-existing literature, was applied to generate themes ( Thomas, 2006 ). These themes were refined by reviewing the data at the level of the coded extracts and entire data sets to ensure that distinct, coherent themes were generated (Step 4). Themes and subthemes were assigned names and definitions (Step 5).

To verify whether these themes characterized the data, inter-rater agreement was conducted both on codes within the coding frame and final themes identified in the data. As recommended by Breen (2006) , an independent researcher (not involved in hosting focus groups) used MAXQDA to review the coded transcriptions and indicate their agreement or disagreement with each of the pre-existing codes and themes; they could also suggest additional codes and themes. The primary researcher reviewed the additional codes/themes suggested by the independent researcher and adjusted coding schemes where appropriate, in consultation with the project lead (DH). According to Breen (2006) , to attain adequate consistency (reliability), code-to-sentence matches should occur for at least 80% of cases. Agreement between coders was calculated using the Kappa Coefficient ( Brennan and Prediger, 1981 ) was high, K = 0.92, indicating good inter-rater agreement. Finally, themes were described and contextualized within relevant literature on social media and body image in adolescents (Step 6). These steps were conducted in an iterative, recursive manner.

The researcher adopted a reflexive approach and acknowledged that their own biases and backgrounds shaped the data obtained and the way it was interpreted. The researcher recognized that as a white, Irish, educated woman in her mid-twenties, she could resonate with the struggles of body image and social media pressures to pursue body ideals (insider position) and could recognize that the body-related pursuits and pressures of men/boys and adolescents may differ from her own, and that adolescents’ experience of social media content and affordances may also be divergent (outsider position; Berger, 2015 ). She also recognized that her adult and female status may have affected adolescents’ interactions and the ways they disclosed information about body image and social media ( Berger, 2015 ; Dodgson, 2019 ).

Adolescents reported that they were prolific, habitual users of social media, showing preferences for appearance focused platforms; adolescents, especially girls explicitly reported that they felt social media exerted a mostly negative influence on their body image. Girls strove to attain female body ideals, while boys largely endorsed functionality ideals; appearance comparisons tended to induce body dissatisfaction when these appearance-related goals were not met. Adolescent girls were perceived to invest more in appearance-related behaviors on social media and to experience greater levels body-related pressure, dissatisfaction and self-criticism than boys. Appearance comparisons with peers, social media influencers, and celebrities were identified as the main sources of body dissatisfaction on social media. Thematic analysis revealed two key themes, and various subthemes pertaining to the management of body image on social media by adolescents.

Theme 1: Behavioral Strategies Used to Manage Problematic Social Media Content

Avoidant strategies.

Adolescents reported using avoidant strategies and unfollowing content that contained body-ideals and reducing their social media use. Female 22 “ stopped using [social media as much] ,” while Female 21 “ unfollowed all the celebrities and people with unrealistic body goal standards ” and it was commonly reported that “ not seeing it [social media] as much helped ” (Female 21).

Avoiding social comparisons was emphasized as a core strategy to protect body image. However, some participants felt that avoidance strategies were limited in their effectiveness because it was difficult evade appearance comparisons as body-related images “ were always just popping up ” (Female 2) and body-related content was “ kind of pushed at [them] sometimes ” (Female 2) irrespective of whether they were interested in it or not.

Active Selection of Positive Content

Boys believed that they could control the outcomes of social media use by selecting content that promoted their self-image. Boys reported that they “ [did not] really get negative thoughts from looking at [social media], usually [they] just look[ed] at positive stuff ” (Male 4).

However, girls reported that they did not actively select positive content as they felt that all body-related content on social media was damaging. Even content designed to improve body image, such as body-positive content, was viewed skeptically by girls. While girls acknowledged and lauded increased efforts to promote body-acceptance, they held reservations about the effectiveness of these efforts. Participants felt that there was a huge disparity between “ the picture ,” which “ portrays a different message to what it’s captioned ” (Female 22). Participants noted that while a picture may be accompanied by a wholesome caption advocating ostensibly positive messages, the picture itself, which was often appearance/body-focused and objectified, was sending the opposite message.

Female 16 “I think that, what people say when they post something, like what they say might be positive and well-meaning but nearly the pictures themselves speak for themselves and maybe what they are promoting in the pictures isn’t healthy even though they are saying ‘self-love’.”

Participants also found it difficult to endorse messages of body acceptance when they were delivered by individuals who embodied body ideals. Participants found it difficult to reconcile “ See[ing] a very skinny woman and she says ‘love your imperfections’ ” (Female 23) because they felt that it was easy for individuals who had perfect bodies to promote the notion of body acceptance as they seemingly had reason to be happy with their bodies. Participants found it difficult to believe that these individuals struggled with body image concerns and thus were reluctant to buy into the notions of acceptance that these individuals were promoting.

Female 7 “A lot of influencers do promote like body confidence and all that but that’s kind of easy for them to say at the same time because they do have the perfect body say for Instagram and all that sort of stuff.”

Other self-acceptance content was recently noted to contain diverse body types including “ plus size models rather than just the really stick thin skinny ones ” (Female 5), which was lauded because it provided a more realistic representation of body image and body types on social media. However, body ideal content with “ skinnier ones [sic: individuals] ” was observed to “ get more positivity back than the plus size ones [individuals] would ” (Female 2) and body ideals were the main attentional draw that influenced bodily self-perceptions. Furthermore, some participants still felt that this body-diversity content reflected extreme body types such as overweight bodies and therefore failed encompass “normal” bodies such as their own.

Female 3 “Nothing’s like normal if you know what I mean.”

Researcher “Right ok, so it’s extremes of all of them kind of?”

Female 3 “Yeah, yeah.”

Researcher “So, nothing in the middle?”

Female 3 “Yeah.”

Active Selection of Alternative Platforms

Although girls felt limited in their ability to engage in positive body-related content, especially on Instagram, some girls actively chose to engage with VSCO, an alternative social media platform that was considered less damaging for body image. VSCO was favored because it was not considered to be as “serious” as Instagram and did not contain feedback indices “likes,” “comments” or hierarchical structures such as “followers,” which were problematic features of Instagram. Girls felt that they “did not feel pressure ” and could post “ a picture on VSCO with no makeup on … but would not put [the same photo] up on Instagram ” (Female 2). Female 1 noted that on “ Instagram ‐ you have to look perfect because you can see how many likes you get and people feel pressured into, they want more likes and that, but you cannot see that on VSCO .”

VSCO appeared to provide an alternative venue for girls to safely explore their body image without fears of overt judgment from others. However, its use was mentioned by girls in one school, and even among this group Instagram surpassed VSCO in terms of popularity despite the negative effects associated with Instagram.

Theme 2: Cognitive Strategies

Psychological distancing strategies.

Psychologically distancing oneself from comparison targets was a common strategy utilized by both boys and girls. Focusing on differences between the goals and values of comparison targets vs. themselves served to increase the psychological distance from these targets in boys and lessen their desire or drive to attain these bodies. Male 1 reconciled that “ They’re [celebrities/sports stars/social influencers] kind of devoting their whole life to it ,” while Male 4 concurred “ Yeah that’s their job like .” Boys felt that they too could attain these ideals if they devoted themselves to this extent but felt secure in their own bodies because they did not hold the same investment or commitment as individuals who possessed body ideals.

Some girls attained psychological distance from targets by focusing on the manipulated, edited nature of the images. Female 10 noted that celebrities/social influencers on social media “use filters ” and reconciled that “ if [she] used them[filters] [she] would look way better . ” “Know[ing] that they [celebrities/social influencers] are photoshopped ” helped her to be less affected by them because she knew they were “ unrealistic looking .” Some girls also attempted to distance themselves from comparison targets by acknowledging that although they often liked the appearance of these individuals, they felt that their features were too extreme and ill-suited to their own appearance.

Female 10 “I like the way they look but I don’t think I’d like to look as … extreme as they do. I don’t think it looks normal. But I think it looks normal with them because they all look like that, but if I walked in like them, I’d look weird, I’d look like an alien.”

While this distancing strategy worked for some, most girls noted that idealized images negatively affected them regardless of the knowledge of their manipulation and this limited the effectiveness of psychological distancing.

Reframing Strategies

Both boys and girls reported that reflective practices such as taking a step back, conducting reality checks and looking at the bigger picture enabled them to reassure themselves. Other strategies mentioned by adolescents involved reframing or putting a positive spin on challenging content. One boy suggested that focusing on goals and achievement rather than focusing on discrepancies and feeling self-pity enabled him to process social media content in a healthier way.

Male 4 “Depends on what way you view it really. If you look at it like, saying they’re this and they’re that and I’m just here, you’re not – you’re always just going to be feeling shite like. You are not going to move forward at all. If you just take – just watch whoever, take inspiration, try work yourself, if you want to be like them, work yourself towards being like them.”

In addition, accepting one’s uniqueness and viewing difference as a good rather than negative thing was identified by a female participant as a way of framing body image in a positive light.

Female 21 “I think the problem overall is that we are looking at difference as if it were a problem, we are saying “Why don’t I look like that? Why can’t I be that person?” But I think we all just have to learn to accept that we are all different and we know these facts, but we chose to ignore them!”

Ceasing to judge others and oneself was also mentioned by a few participants, however, it was acknowledged that this was difficult to achieve. Although boys appeared to be less judgmental and more accepting of their bodies with Male 4 noting “ I am grand just the way I am ,” girls struggled to accept their bodies and avoid negative critical self-evaluations, with Female 5 stating “ You have to get a certain amount of likes … or else it’s not like good enough .”

Female 19 “The more you look at the photo you’re like ‘God I hate it’ you see things that other people wouldn’t see and you’re like ‘I hate everything about it’.”

One girl stressed the value of maintaining a compassionate mindset and endorsed the notion that everyone struggles with the same issues and not to be so harsh and critical toward oneself.

Female 21 “I think we always compare ourselves to the people we see on social media, so we don’t see their flaws, because we are busy pointing out our own in comparison to theirs. We don’t realise that not everyone is perfect as well. And because of that we are kind of blind.”

Female 21 “I just think that young girls need to stop comparing themselves and to take a minute to realise that we are all the same, we are all doing the exact same thing; We are all sitting at home, scrolling. And all the likes we receive, it’s just a double tap of the finger, that person probably doesn’t probably even look at it for more two seconds, we need to stop overthinking everything.”

However, these reframing strategies were only mentioned by a few individuals in focus groups and did not typically reflect the whole groups’ responses to body-related content on social media.

Some participants, particularly girls, reported that they felt social media negatively influenced their body image perceptions. Aligning with the literature, adolescents reported that appearance-focused activities like photo sharing/editing practices and appearance comparisons with celebrities, social media influencers, and peers led to feelings of body dissatisfaction ( Edcoms and Credos, 2016 ; Rodgers and Melioli, 2016 ; Burnette et al., 2017 ).

Limiting their social media use and avoiding, unfollowing, or ignoring problematic body related content were the strategies most used by adolescents to protect their body image on social media. However, as found by Burnette et al. (2017) , these strategies were considered limited in their effectiveness because of the difficulty in avoiding ubiquitous body-related content on social media. Adolescents were aware of targeted advertising and the fact that their newsfeeds were often propagated with content that they did not necessarily want or chose to see; this limited their perceived control over social media use, especially among girls.

Aligning with these control beliefs, girls tended to report more passive responses to social media such as “putting up” with problematic content. Some boys, on the other hand, reported that they actively sought out and selected positive content that inspired them to exercise or helped them improve in some way. It should be noted that the number of boys in the present study was relatively small. Adolescent girls did not appear to engage in such active selection strategies as they felt that any content related to body image exerted negative effects on them, including content designed to promote positive body image. Adolescent girls’ reservations about body positive/acceptance content is notable as it contrasts with the endorsement of the protective effects of this content for body image in the literature (e.g., Convertino et al., 2019 ; Rodgers et al., 2019 ); given the recency of its emergence, the limitations of body positive content may not have been extensively documented in the literature or it may be the case that this kind of content resonates with adult women but not adolescents. Although the influence of body positive content on adolescent body image perceptions requires further research, these findings indicate that adolescent girls experienced social media as a largely negative and disempowering space for body image.

However, VSCO was a photo-sharing platform that was preferred by some girls to Instagram because it did not contain feedback indices such as likes, comments, followers and subsequently did not put as much appearance-related pressure on girls. VSCO has not previously featured in body image research and is worthy of further research attention because it represents a platform that may contain protective features for body image, namely the lack of hierarchical popularity structures or feedback indices.

Some girls distanced themselves from body ideals by reminding themselves that body ideals were not attainable – a strategy also noted by Burnette et al. (2017) . However, most girls reported that their knowledge of unrealistic body ideals did little to protect their body image perceptions and they continued to compare despite this awareness. Girls also achieved psychological distance from body ideals by reasoning that while they admired certain body features on others, they did not desire them themselves because these features would be incompatible with their own appearance. Adolescent boys in this sample reported deprioritizing the importance of the muscular ideal and distancing themselves from comparison targets as a way of protecting body image perceptions. This low investment in body-related content was also identified by Holmqvist and Frisén (2012) as a feature that supported adolescent boys’ body image.

Adolescents exhibited a repertoire of strategies to protect and promote body image. The use of these strategies by adolescents and their perceived effectiveness varied. Passive and avoidance strategies were most commonly used but were limited in terms of perceived effectiveness, while active and acceptance strategies were considered effective but were least commonly employed, especially by girls. As these active and acceptance-focused strategies are considered components of positive body image ( Holmqvist and Frisén, 2012 ), enabling adolescents to employ more active cognitive processing and reframing strategies may enhance their resilience to social media content.

Adolescents in this sample did exhibit aspects of protective filtering (as observed by Burnette et al., 2017 ), in that they were critical of the extreme natures of body ideals and attempted to psychologically distance from and reduce comparisons with these ideals. They also expressed an appreciation of body diversity on social media. However, protective filtering involves both the rejection of negative body-related messages and the endorsement of positive messages ( Andrew et al., 2015 ). Contrasting with the findings of Burnette et al. (2017) , high social media literacy levels did not always serve protective effects for body image and adolescent girls in this sample were largely unable to internalize positive body-related messages and struggled to accept/appreciate their own bodies.

Boys appeared to hold more positive perceptions of social media’s influence on body image, processed body-related content in “protective ways” and exhibited higher levels of body-acceptance than girls. Mirroring the findings of the national study of adolescent boys in the United Kingdom of Edcoms and Credos (2016) , boys in this sample were less aware of photo-editing and manipulation of images of male bodies on social media and viewed body ideals as attainable with sufficient hard work and effort. It may be the case that social media is experienced as a less pressurizing and more motivating space for boys, encouraging them to hold these more positive evaluations of social media. Alternatively, boys may have deemed it acceptable to report beliefs that body ideals were attainable and that they were not negatively affected by social media in order to adhere to masculine gender roles of self-reliance and dominance ( Gattario and Frisén, 2019 ). Boys may also be less aware of manipulation/editing strategies or less critical in perceptions of body ideal attainability and this might protect them from feelings of disempowerment and dissatisfaction when exposed to body-related content.

Nonetheless, some boys and girls reported self-criticism, self-blame, and body-dissatisfaction from social media comparisons and for perceived failures to adhere to desired body standards. Knowledge/information about body ideals did not always appear to change how individuals felt about their body image. This suggests that enhancing social media literacy and knowledge is not alone sufficient to mitigate tendencies to engage in appearance comparison and body ideal internalization behaviors and help individuals to internalize positive body-related messages. Furthermore, relying on body positive/body acceptance content to promote positive body image is also not sufficient given adolescent girls’ skepticism of this content and its ability to improve their body image perceptions.

Self-compassion approaches are purported to target and change how individuals feel about their bodies by addressing self-criticism and shame at the root of body dissatisfaction ( Gilbert and Irons, 2005 ; Gilbert, 2010 ). Instead of trying to inhibit appearance comparisons like media literacy approaches, compassion focused approaches (e.g., Neff, 2003 ; Gilbert, 2009 , 2014 ) try to reduce the self-criticism arising from comparisons – an approach, which may be particularly beneficial in light if the highly self-critical attitudes held particularly by adolescent girls about their bodies. Compassion focused approaches have been found to be effective in reducing body dissatisfaction and disordered eating, in addition to promoting body appreciation and positive body image in adults ( Braun et al., 2016 ; Rahimi-Ardabili et al., 2018 ). However, the ability of compassion-focused approaches to improve body image outcomes has not been investigated in adolescents ( Rahimi-Ardabili et al., 2018 ).

Compassion-focused approaches may be particularly useful for improving adolescent body image on social media, as they can provide individuals with the skills to reframe self-critical thoughts and enhance their resilience to negative body-related messages on social media. Self-compassion may also enable adolescents, especially girls, to internalize positive body-related messages and foster greater levels of body appreciation ( Andrew et al., 2016 ). They therefore represent a new and potentially promising alternative for tackling body image concerns in adolescents.

Limitations

Although this study sought to capture a diversity of viewpoints by recruiting from heterogenous schools that differed in terms of school status (private vs. public) and school size (medium-large and small), the sample size of this study was small which limits the transferability of the findings. Furthermore, very few boys participated in the study, which further limits the conclusions that can be made about social media’s influence on their body image perceptions. Due to study, time pressures a pragmatic decision was made to proceed with the analysis and write-up with the imbalanced gender split. This difficulty in recruiting male participants has been noted in the research in this area, and it may be indicative of male stigma around body image and a reluctance among adolescents to discuss it as a topic ( Griffiths et al., 2014 ; Edcoms and Credos, 2016 ). Future research needs to identify ways of circumventing this stigma and encouraging boys to discuss body image and social media, because far less is known about adolescent boys’ experiences of social media and body image vs. girls, despite the finding that body dissatisfaction is a prevalent and problematic issue among boys and one that is influenced by social media use ( Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019 ).

The focus group design may have influenced participant’s responses such that they may have provided socially desirable answers that may not have reflected personal opinions, or their opinions may have been swayed by or suppressed because of dominant members of the group. 2 This may be particularly true of boys, who are less likely to disclose body image concerns because of social norms, which dictate that body image is not an issue for males ( Hargreaves and Tiggemann, 2006 ; Yager et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, as the focus groups were conducted by female researchers only, boys may have been reluctant to discuss gender differences related to body image ( Allen, 2005 ), while girls, may have been more expressive of their concerns because they tend to prefer same-sex female facilitators ( Yager et al., 2013 ).

Some adolescents, especially girls, indicated that social media led them to feel dissatisfied with their bodies. Boys and girls appeared to employ different strategies to manage to address the gender-specific challenges they encountered online. Boys appeared to exhibit more agency and active coping strategies, which contrasted with girls who were less optimistic about their ability to control social media outcomes and who struggled to interpret body-related information in a positive, self-protective way. Future research should examine these gender differences in larger samples across diverse contexts.

Data Availability Statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by School of Psychology, Trinity College Dublin. Written informed consent to participate in this study was provided by the participants’ legal guardian/next of kin.

Author Contributions

CM conceived, planned, and carried out the study, analyzed the data, and wrote the manuscript with input from DH, who was involved in the planning and supervision of the study. Both the authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial and not-for-profit sectors.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

We would like to acknowledge colleagues Ms. Selin Akkol-Solakoglu who assisted with focus groups and Ms. Molly Light who assisted with inter-rater agreements and the School of Psychology, Trinity College Dublin for their support.

1. ^ We wish to thank a reviewer of the paper for highlighting this issue.

2. ^ We would like to thank the reviewer for highlighting that demand characteristics may have influenced participant responses such that respondents are likely to just go with the theme of the questions, rather than spontaneously come to the conclusion that social media influences them in negative ways.

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Keywords: body image, adolescent(s), social media, body dissatisfaction, positive body image, coping strategies

Citation: Mahon C and Hevey D (2021) Processing Body Image on Social Media: Gender Differences in Adolescent Boys’ and Girls’ Agency and Active Coping. Front. Psychol . 12:626763. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.626763

Received: 06 November 2020; Accepted: 19 April 2021; Published: 21 May 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Mahon and Hevey. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Ciara Mahon, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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A Systematic Review of Research on The Influence of The Media on Body Image

2022, CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research - Zenodo

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Media Influences on Body Image Dissatisfaction: the Moderating Role of Collectivism vs. Individualism

• Yu Du UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN

Body image is a multidimensional construct that reflects attitudes and perceptions about an individual’s physical appearance under the cultural norms and ideals rather than on actual body dimension. Previous research argues that body image problems are linked to many potentially harmful behaviors and mental illnesses, such as obsessive exercise, low self-esteem, substance abuse and eating disorders. Early study primarily focuses on analyzing and comparing body image dissatisfaction of women in particular countries. However, cross-cultural studies need to move on from simply comparing the absolute levels to investigating the relationships between several variables. It is still unclear about the influences of specific cultures, namely collectivism vs. individualism, on both thin-ideal media effect and body image dissatisfaction. There is no integrated research analyzing how various levels of acculturation and different cultures interact, thus further influencing women’s body image dissatisfaction. The underlying psychological mechanisms that resulted from acculturation are still less explored.

Current study hypothesized that thin-ideal media exposure increases women’s body image dissatisfaction. Additionally, thin-ideal media and cultures were predicted to interact. Collectivist group with high acculturation differed from the collectivist group with low acculturation and fell close to the individualist group in body image dissatisfaction. Thus, researcher predicted that thin-ideal media effects on body image dissatisfaction were stronger for females in collectivist group with low acculturation than for the other two culture groups. In general, women living in the collectivistic societies would report more body image dissatisfaction than those living in the individualistic societies.

This study used a 3 x 2 x 2 mixed design to examine the moderating role of collectivism vs. individualism on media influences on body image dissatisfaction among 133 female college students, aged from 18 to 23 years old, attending the University of Texas at Austin.

The results indicated that thin-ideal media significantly increased women’s body image dissatisfaction, whereas healthy media decreased women’s body image dissatisfaction. In general, women living in the collectivistic society reported more body image dissatisfaction than women living in the individualistic society. Contrary to the prediction, body image dissatisfaction of women in the collectivistic group with high acculturation did not differ from those in the collectivistic group with low acculturation. Therefore, the moderating role of acculturation was not found.

Author Biography

Yu du, university of texas at austin, how to cite.

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