a research proposal on domestic violence

How to Write a Research Proposal for Domestic Violence

Psychology Graduate Schools With Specialization in PTSD

To gain a place in a postgraduate college course, such as a master's degree or Ph.D., you must present a proposal outlining what you would like to research and why. Domestic violence affects real lives in the U.S. and worldwide, making it a pertinent subject for study. Find out what specific requirements the school has before applying some basic guidelines to write a successful research proposal on the subject.

Write a title, having studied the latest scholarly material and made an informed decision about what you would like to research. Your title does not need to explain every aspect of the proposal, but should reflect the main content. For example: "Cultural Factors of Domestic Violence among Eastern European Immigrants" or "The Impact of Domestic Violence on Preschool Children."

Write your first paragraph, detailing the topic you wish to study and why you consider it important. You must convince the committee that the subject is worth investing in. Cite any evidence, such as recent studies, that prove the need for research.

Write a hypothesis, if the program requires it. This states the theory you intend to test or demonstrate through your research. For example, your hypothesis might claim that the declining economy of a particular region has an effect on rates of domestic violence among young families.

Write your next few paragraphs, putting your topic into historical and academic perspective. Include the latest research on domestic violence, from books and scholarly journals. Relevant publications include "Journal of Family Violence," "Journal of Family Studies" and "Violence Against Women," and any resources specific to your academic field, such as psychology, sociology or health care.

Write a section about what research methods you will use. Likely methodology for research into domestic violence will include interviews, for example, but your proposal should show awareness of the safety and ethical issues involved for participants. You also need to address practical concerns, such as cost and time.

Write your final section about your expected conclusions and how you and others will use the results. For example, research into domestic violence could affect the way counselors, police officers and other professionals are trained to deal with such situations.

• Describe other research in your own words, rather than quoting directly, as this shows you understand the source material.

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Dave Koenig has written professionally since 2005. His writing interests include the arts, film, religion and language. Koenig holds a Bachelor of Arts in Biblical-theological studies from Manchester University and a Postgraduate Certificate of Education in religious studies from Lancaster University.

EDITORIAL article

Editorial: new perspectives on domestic violence: from research to intervention.

• 1 Department of Psychology, University of Turin, Turin, Italy
• 2 School of Health and Social Work, University of Hertfordshire, Hertfordshire, United Kingdom

Editorial on the Research Topic New Perspectives on Domestic Violence: from Research to Intervention

In a document dated June 16th 2017, the United States Department of Justice stated that Domestic Violence (DV) has a significant impact not only on those abused, but also on family members, friends, and on the people within the social networks of both the abuser and the victim. In this sense, children who witness DV while growing up can be severely emotionally damaged. The European Commission (DG Justice) remarked in the Daphne III Program that 1 in 4 women in EU member states have been impacted by DV, and that the impact of DV on victims includes many critical consequences: lack of self-esteem, feeling shame and guilt, difficulties in expressing negative feelings, hopelessness and helplessness, which, in turn, lead to difficulties in using good coping strategies, self-management, and mutual support networks. In 2015 the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights affirmed that violence against women can be considered as a violation of human rights and dignity. Violence against women exists in each society and it can be related to any social, economic and cultural status and impact at the economic level. It includes physical, sexual, economic, religious, and psychological abuse.

Although men experience domestic violence by women, the rate of DV among women is much higher than that of men, especially in the category of being killed due to DV.

Recent studies have shown that between 13 and 61% of women (15–49 years old) report to have been physically abused at least once by an intimate partner. Domestic Violence takes place across different age groups, genders, sexual orientations, economic, or cultural statuses. However, DV remains largely under-reported due to fear of reprisal by the perpetrator, hope that DV will stop, shame, loss of social prestige due to negative media coverage, and the sense of being trapped with nowhere to go:

Hence, it is estimated that 90% of cases of DV continue to be identified as a non-denounced violence.

The aim of this Special Issue of Frontiers of Psychology is to gather updated scientific and multidisciplinary contributions about issues linked to domestic violence, including intimate partner violence (IPV). We encouraged contributions from a variety of areas including original qualitative and quantitative articles, reviews, meta-analyses, theories, and clinical case studies on biological, psycho-social and cultural correlates, risk and protective factors, and the associated factors related to the etiology, assessment, and treatment of both victims and perpetrators of DV.

We hope that this Special Issue will stimulate a better informed debate on Domestic Violence, in relation to its psychosocial impact (in and outside home, in school, and workplace), to DV prevention and intervention strategies (within the family and in society at large), in addition to specific types of DV, and to controversial issues in this field as well.

The Special Issue comprises both theoretical reviews and original research papers. 7 research papers, 6 reviews (policy and practice review, systematic review, review and mini-review) and 1 methodological paper are included.

The first section comprises 2 systematic review and 3 original research papers focused on factors associated with Domestic Violence/Intimate Partner Violence/feminicide. Velotti et al. conducted a systematic review focused on the role of the attachment style on IPV victimization and perpetration. Several studies included failed to identify significant associations. The authors suggest to consider other variables (e.g., socioeconomic condition) that in interaction with attachment styles could explain the differences found between the studies. Considering the clinical contribution that these findings can provide to the treatment of IPV victims and perpetrators, future studies are needed. From a systematic review conducted by Gerino et al. focused on IPV in the “golden age” (old age), economic and educational conditions, younger age (55–69), membership in ethnic minorities, cognitive and physical impairment, substance abuse, cultural and social values, sexism and racism, were found as risk factors; depression emerged as risk factor and consequence of IPV. However, social support was identified as main protective factor. Also help-seeking behaviors and local/national services had a positively impact the phenomenon. Furthermore, the role of the parental communication was highlighted ( Rios-González et al. ) In that mothers encourage daughters to engage in relationship with ethical men, while removing from their representation attractive features and enhancing the double standard of viewing ethical man as unattractive vs. violent and attractive man. Fathers' communication directed toward young boys supports the dominant traditional masculinity, objectifying girls and emphasizing chauvinist values. These communicative dynamics impact males' behavior and females' choice of the partner while increasing the attraction toward violent men, and thus influencing the risk to be involved in IPV episodes.

Furthermore, factors associated with multiple IPV victimization by different partners were identified. From the study of Herrero et al. , experiencing child abuse emerged as a main predictor (“conditional partner selection process”). Similarly, adult victimization perpetrated by other than the intimate partner influences multiple IPV episodes. Moreover, this phenomenon is more frequent among younger women and those with lower income satisfaction. Length of relationship and greater psychological consequences to previous IPV are positively associated with multiple IPV episodes, while previous physical abuse is negatively related with subsequent victimization. The risk of multiple IPV episodes is reduced in countries with greater human development, suggesting the role of structural factors.

Regarding reasons of feminicide, passion motives assume the main role, followed by family problems, antisocial reasons, predatory crimes that comprise sexual component, impulsivity and mental disorders. The risk of overkilling episodes is higher when the perpetrator is known by the victim and when the murder is committed for passion reasons ( Zara and Gino ).

The second section includes papers focused on IPV/DV in particular contexts (one research paper, two reviews). Within separated couples, where conflicts are common, both men and women experience psychological aggression. However, some particularities emerged: women started to suffer of several kinds of psychological violence that was aimed to control (complicating the separation process), dehumanize and criticize them. Men report only few forms of violence experienced (likely due to the men's social position that narrows their disclosure opportunity), which mainly concern the limitation of the possibility to meet children ( Cardinali et al. ). Regarding same-sex couples ( Rollè et al. ), both similarities and differences in comparison with heterosexual couples emerged. IPV among LGB people is comparable or even higher than heterosexual episodes. Unique features present in same-sex IPV concern identification and treatment aspects, mainly due to the absence of solutions useful in addressing obstacles to help-seeking behaviors (related to fear of discrimination within LGB community), and the limitation of treatment programs tailored to the particularities of the LGB experience. Similarly, within First Nation's communities in Canada, IPV is a widespread phenomenon. However, the lack of preventing programs and the presence of intervention solutions that fail to address its cultural origins, limit the reduction of the problem and the recovery of victims. Klingspohn suggests the development of interventions capable to guarantee cultural safety and consequently to reduce discrimination and marginalization that Aboriginal people experience with mainstream health care system and which limit help-seeking behaviors.

The third section comprises two reviews and one research paper concerned with the impact of Intimate Partner and Domestic Violence. The systematic review conducted by Onwumere et al. highlighted the financial and emotional burden that violence perpetrated by psychotic patients entails for their informal carers (mainly close family relatives). Moreover, the authors identified within the studies included positive association between victimization and trauma symptoms, fear, and feeling of powerless and frustration.

Among people who suffered of Domestic Violence with a romantic or non-romantic partner who became their stalker, stalking victimization entails physical and emotive consequences for both male and female victims. Females suffered more than males of depressive and anxiety symptoms (although for both genders symptoms were minimal), while males experienced more anger. Furthermore, both genders adopted at least one “moving away” strategy in coping with stalking episodes, and the increasing of stalking behaviors determined a reduction in coping strategies use. This latter finding is likely to be due to the distress experienced ( Acquadro Maran and Varetto ).

Children abuse—which occurs often in Domestic Violence—results in emotional trauma as well as physical and psychological consequences that can negatively impact the learning opportunities. The school staff's ability to identify abuse signals and to refer to professionals constitute their main role. However, lack of skills and confidence among teachers regarding this function emerged, and further training for the school staff to increase support provided to abused children is needed ( Lloyd ).

Lastly, the fourth section includes two papers (one review and one methodological paper) that provide information on intervention and prevention programs and one research paper which contributes to the development and validation of the Willingness to Intervene in Cases of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women (WI-IPVAW) Scale. Gracia et al. The instrument demonstrated—both in the long and in its short form—high reliability and construct validity. The development of WI-IPVAW can contribute to the evaluation of the t role that can be played by people who are aware of the violence and understand attitudes toward IPV that can influence perpetrator's behavior and victim disclosure. The origin of violence within intimate relationship during adolescence calls for the development of preventive programs able to limit the phenomenon. The mini-review conducted by Santoro et al. highlighted the necessity to consider the relational structure where women are involved (history of poly-victimization re-victimization), and the domination suffered according to the gender model structured by the patriarchal context. Moreover, considering that violence can occur after separation or divorce, requires in child custody cases the evaluation of parenting and co-parenting relationship. This process can provide an opportunity to assess and treat some kind of violent behavior (Conflict-Instigated Violence, Violent Resistance, Separation-Instigated Violence). According to these consideration, Gennari et al. elaborated a model for clinical intervention (relational-intergenerational model) useful to address these issues during child custody evaluation. The model is composed of three levels aimed at understanding intergenerational exchange and identify factors that contribute to safeguard family relationship. This assessment process allows parents to reflect on information emerged during the evaluation process and activate resources useful to promote a constructive change of conflict dynamics and violent behaviors.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thanks all the authors and the reviewers who contributed to the present article collection, for their dedication to our topics and to their readiness to share their knowledge, and thus to increase the research in this field; KathWoodward, Specialty Chief Editor of Gender, Sex, and Sexuality Studies that believed in our project, and to Dr. Tommaso Trombetta for his collaboration during last year.

Keywords: domestic violence, intimate partner abuse, intimate partner violence (IPV), gender violence against women, same sex intimate partner violence, systematic review, perpetrator and victim of violence, perpetrator

Citation: Rollè L, Ramon S and Brustia P (2019) Editorial: New Perspectives on Domestic Violence: From Research to Intervention. Front. Psychol. 10:641. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00641

Received: 25 February 2019; Accepted: 07 March 2019; Published: 28 March 2019.

Edited and reviewed by: Kath Woodward , The Open University, United Kingdom

Copyright © 2019 Rollè, Ramon and Brustia. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Luca Rollè, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

SAFETY ALERT:  If you are in danger, please use a safer computer and consider calling 911. The National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1-800-799-7233 / TTY 1-800-787-3224 or the StrongHearts Native Helpline at 1−844-762-8483 (call or text) are available to assist you.

Please review these safety tips .

Research & Evidence

NRCDV works to strengthen researcher/practitioner collaborations that advance the field’s knowledge of, access to, and input in research that informs policy and practice at all levels. We also identify and develop guidance and tools to help domestic violence programs and coalitions better evaluate their work, including by using participatory action research approaches that directly tap the diverse expertise of a community to frame and guide evaluation efforts.

Safety & Privacy in a Digital World

Immigrant Survivors of Domestic Violence  

Teen Dating Violence

Housing and Domestic Violence

Domestic Violence in LGBTQ Communities

Trans and Non-Binary Survivors

The Difference Between Surviving & Not Surviving

Earned Income Tax Credit & Other Tax Credits

For an extensive list of research & evidence materials check out the research & statistics section on VAWnet

The Domestic Violence Evidence Project (DVEP) is a multi-faceted, multi-year and highly collaborative effort designed to assist state coalitions, local domestic violence programs, researchers, and other allied individuals and organizations better respond to the growing emphasis on identifying and integrating evidence-based practice into their work. DVEP brings together research, evaluation, practice and theory to inform critical thinking and enhance the field's knowledge to better serve survivors and their families.

The Community Based Participatory Research Toolkit  (CBPR) is for researchers and practitioners across disciplines and social locations who are working in academic, policy, community, or practice-based settings. In particular, the toolkit provides support to emerging researchers as they consider whether and how to take a CBPR approach and what it might mean in the context of their professional roles and settings. Domestic violence advocates will also find useful information on the CBPR approach and how it can help answer important questions about your work.

For over two decades, the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence has operated  VAWnet , an online library focused on violence against women and other forms of gender-based violence.  VAWnet.org  has long been identified as an unparalleled, comprehensive, go-to source of information and resources for anti-violence advocates, human service professionals, educators, faith leaders, and others interested in ending domestic and sexual violence.

Safe Housing Partnerships , the website of the Domestic Violence and Housing Technical Assistance Consortium , includes the latest research and evidence on the intersection of domestic and sexual violence, housing, and homelessness. You can also find new research exploring different aspects of efforts to expand housing options for domestic and sexual violence survivors, including the use of flexible funding approaches, DV Housing First and rapid rehousing, DV Transitional Housing, and mobile advocacy.

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Domestic violence research topics.

The list of domestic violence research paper topics below will show that domestic violence takes on many forms. Through recent scientific study, it is now known that domestic violence occurs within different types of households. The purpose of creating this list is for students to have available a comprehensive, state-of-the-research, easy-to-read compilation of a wide variety of domestic violence topics and provide research paper examples on those topics.

Domestic violence research paper topics can be divided into seven categories:

• Victims of domestic violence,
• Theoretical perspectives and correlates to domestic violence,
• Cross-cultural and religious perspectives,
• Understudied areas within domestic violence research,
• Domestic violence and the law,
• Child abuse and elder abuse, and
• Special topics in domestic violence.

100+ Domestic Violence Research Topics

Victims of domestic violence.

Initial research recognized wives as victims of domestic violence. Thereafter, it was acknowledged that unmarried women were also falling victim to violence at the hands of their boyfriends. Subsequently, the term ‘‘battered women’’ became synonymous with ‘‘battered wives.’’ Legitimizing female victimization served as the catalyst in introducing other types of intimate partner violence.

• Battered Husbands
• Battered Wives
• Battered Women: Held in Captivity
• Battered Women Who Kill: An Examination
• Cohabiting Violence
• Dating Violence
• Domestic Violence in Workplace
• Intimate Partner Homicide
• Intimate Partner Violence, Forms of
• Marital Rape
• Mutual Battering
• Spousal Prostitution

Read more about victims of domestic violence .

Part 2: Research Paper Topics on

Theoretical Perspectives and Correlates to Domestic Violence

There is no single causal factor related to domestic violence. Rather, scholars have concluded that there are numerous factors that contribute to domestic violence. Feminists found that women were beaten at the hands of their partners. Drawing on feminist theory, they helped explain the relationship between patriarchy and domestic violence. Researchers have examined other theoretical perspectives such as attachment theory, exchange theory, identity theory, the cycle of violence, social learning theory, and victim-blaming theory in explaining domestic violence. However, factors exist that may not fall into a single theoretical perspective. Correlates have shown that certain factors such as pregnancy, social class, level of education, animal abuse, and substance abuse may influence the likelihood for victimization.

• Animal Abuse: The Link to Family Violence
• Assessing Risk in Domestic Violence Cases
• Attachment Theory and Domestic Violence
• Battered Woman Syndrome
• Batterer Typology
• Bullying and the Family
• Coercive Control
• Control Balance Theory and Domestic Violence
• Cycle of Violence
• Depression and Domestic Violence
• Education as a Risk Factor for Domestic Violence
• Exchange Theory
• Feminist Theory
• Identity Theory and Domestic Violence
• Intergenerational Transfer of Intimate Partner Violence
• Popular Culture and Domestic Violence
• Post-Incest Syndrome
• Pregnancy-Related Violence
• Social Class and Domestic Violence
• Social Learning Theory and Family Violence
• Stockholm Syndrome in Battered Women
• Substance Use/Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence
• The Impact of Homelessness on Family Violence
• Victim-Blaming Theory

Read more about domestic violence theories .

Part 3: Research Paper Topics on

Cross-Cultural and Religious Perspectives on Domestic Violence

It was essential to acknowledge that domestic violence crosses cultural boundaries and religious affiliations. There is no one particular society or religious group exempt from victimization. A variety of developed and developing countries were examined in understanding the prevalence of domestic violence within their societies as well as their coping strategies in handling these volatile issues. It is often misunderstood that one religious group is more tolerant of family violence than another. As Christianity, Islam, and Judaism represent the three major religions of the world, their ideologies were explored in relation to the acceptance and prevalence of domestic violence.

• Africa: Domestic Violence and the Law
• Africa: The Criminal Justice System and the Problem of Domestic Violence in West Africa
• Asian Americans and Domestic Violence: Cultural Dimensions
• Child Abuse: A Global Perspective
• Christianity and Domestic Violence
• Cross-Cultural Examination of Domestic Violence in China and Pakistan
• Cross-Cultural Examination of Domestic Violence in Latin America
• Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Domestic Violence
• Cross-Cultural Perspectives on How to Deal with Batterers
• Dating Violence among African American Couples
• Domestic Violence among Native Americans
• Domestic Violence in African American Community
• Domestic Violence in Greece
• Domestic Violence in Rural Communities
• Domestic Violence in South Africa
• Domestic Violence in Spain
• Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago
• Domestic Violence within the Jewish Community
• Human Rights, Refugee Laws, and Asylum Protection for People Fleeing Domestic Violence
• Introduction to Minorities and Families in America
• Medical Neglect Related to Religion and Culture
• Multicultural Programs for Domestic Batterers
• Qur’anic Perspectives on Wife Abuse
• Religious Attitudes toward Corporal Punishment
• Rule of Thumb
• Same-Sex Domestic Violence: Comparing Venezuela and the United States
• Worldwide Sociolegal Precedents Supporting Domestic Violence from Ancient to Modern Times

Part 4: Research Paper Topics on

Understudied Areas within Domestic Violence Research

Domestic violence has typically examined traditional relationships, such as husband–wife, boyfriend–girlfriend, and parent–child. Consequently, scholars have historically ignored non-traditional relationships. In fact, certain entries have limited cross-references based on the fact that there were limited, if any, scholarly publications on that topic. Only since the 1990s have scholars admitted that violence exists among lesbians and gay males. There are other ignored populations that are addressed within this encyclopedia including violence within military and police families, violence within pseudo-family environments, and violence against women and children with disabilities.

• Caregiver Violence against People with Disabilities
• Community Response to Gay and Lesbian Domestic Violence
• Compassionate Homicide and Spousal Violence
• Domestic Violence against Women with Disabilities
• Domestic Violence by Law Enforcement Officers
• Domestic Violence within Military Families
• Factors Influencing Reporting Behavior by Male Domestic Violence Victims
• Gay and Bisexual Male Domestic Violence
• Gender Socialization and Gay Male Domestic Violence
• Inmate Mothers: Treatment and Policy Implications
• Intimate Partner Violence and Mental Retardation
• Intimate Partner Violence in Queer, Transgender, and Bisexual Communities
• Lesbian Battering
• Male Victims of Domestic Violence and Reasons They Stay with Their Abusers
• Medicalization of Domestic Violence
• Police Attitudes and Behaviors toward Gay Domestic Violence
• Pseudo-Family Abuse
• Sexual Aggression Perpetrated by Females
• Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity: The Need for Education in Servicing Victims of Trauma

Part 5: Research Paper Topics on

Domestic Violence and the Law

The Violence against Women Act (VAWA) of 1994 helped pave domestic violence concerns into legislative matters. Historically, family violence was handled through informal measures often resulting in mishandling of cases. Through VAWA, victims were given the opportunity to have their cases legally remedied. This legitimized the separation of specialized domestic and family violence courts from criminal courts. The law has recognized that victims of domestic violence deserve recognition and resolution. Law enforcement agencies may be held civilly accountable for their actions in domestic violence incidents. Mandatory arrest policies have been initiated helping reduce discretionary power of police officers. Courts have also begun to focus on the offenders of domestic violence. Currently, there are batterer intervention programs and mediation programs available for offenders within certain jurisdictions. Its goals are to reduce the rate of recidivism among batterers.

• Battered Woman Syndrome as a Legal Defense in Cases of Spousal Homicide
• Batterer Intervention Programs
• Clemency for Battered Women
• Divorce, Child Custody, and Domestic Violence
• Domestic Violence Courts
• Electronic Monitoring of Abusers
• Expert Testimony in Domestic Violence Cases
• Judicial Perspectives on Domestic Violence
• Lautenberg Law
• Legal Issues for Battered Women
• Mandatory Arrest Policies
• Mediation in Domestic Violence
• Police Civil Liability in Domestic Violence Incidents
• Police Decision-Making Factors in Domestic Violence Cases
• Police Response to Domestic Violence Incidents
• Prosecution of Child Abuse and Neglect
• Protective and Restraining Orders
• Shelter Movement
• Training Practices for Law Enforcement in Domestic Violence Cases
• Violence against Women Act

Read more about Domestic Violence Law .

Part 6: Research Paper Topics on

Child Abuse and Elder Abuse

Scholars began to address child abuse over the last third of the twentieth century. It is now recognized that child abuse falls within a wide spectrum. In the past, it was based on visible bruises and scars. Today, researchers have acknowledged that psychological abuse, where there are no visible injuries, is just as damaging as its counterpart. One of the greatest controversies in child abuse literature is that of Munchausen by Proxy. Some scholars have recognized that it is a syndrome while others would deny a syndrome exists. Regardless of the term ‘‘syndrome,’’ Munchausen by Proxy does exist and needs to be further examined. Another form of violence that needs to be further examined is elder abuse. Elder abuse literature typically focused on abuse perpetrated by children and caregivers. With increased life expectancies, it is now understood that there is greater probability for violence among elderly intimate couples. Shelters and hospitals need to better understand this unique population in order to better serve its victims.

• Assessing the Risks of Elder Abuse
• Child Abuse and Juvenile Delinquency
• Child Abuse and Neglect in the United States: An Overview
• Child Maltreatment, Interviewing Suspected Victims of
• Child Neglect
• Child Sexual Abuse
• Children Witnessing Parental Violence
• Consequences of Elder Abuse
• Elder Abuse and Neglect: Training Issues for Professionals
• Elder Abuse by Intimate Partners
• Elder Abuse Perpetrated by Adult Children
• Filicide and Children with Disabilities
• Mothers Who Kill
• Munchausen by Proxy Syndrome
• Parental Abduction
• Postpartum Depression, Psychosis, and Infanticide
• Ritual Abuse–Torture in Families
• Shaken Baby Syndrome
• Sibling Abuse

Part 7: Research Paper Topics on

Special Topics  in Domestic Violence

Within this list, there are topics that may not fit clearly into one of the aforementioned categories. Therefore, they are be listed in a separate special topics designation. Analyzing Incidents of Domestic Violence: The National Incident-Based Reporting System

• Community Response to Domestic Violence
• Conflict Tactics Scales
• Dissociation in Domestic Violence, The Role of
• Domestic Homicide in Urban Centers: New York City
• Fatality Reviews in Cases of Adult Domestic Homicide and Suicide
• Female Suicide and Domestic Violence
• Healthcare Professionals’ Roles in Identifying and Responding to Domestic Violence
• Measuring Domestic Violence
• Neurological and Physiological Impact of Abuse
• Social, Economic, and Psychological Costs of Violence
• Stages of Leaving Abusive Relationships
• The Physical and Psychological Impact of Spousal Abuse

Domestic violence remains a relatively new field of study among social scientists but it is already a popular research paper subject within college and university students. Only within the past 4 decades have scholars recognized domestic violence as a social problem. Initially, domestic violence research focused on child abuse. Thereafter, researchers focused on wife abuse and used this concept interchangeably with domestic violence. Within the past 20 years, researchers have acknowledged that other forms of violent relationships exist, including dating violence, battered males, and gay domestic violence. Moreover, academicians have recognized a subcategory within the field of criminal justice: victimology (the scientific study of victims). Throughout the United States, colleges and universities have been creating victimology courses, and even more specifically, family violence and interpersonal violence courses.

The media have informed us that domestic violence is so commonplace that the public has unfortunately grown accustomed to reading and hearing about husbands killing their wives, mothers killing their children, or parents neglecting their children. While it is understood that these offenses take place, the explanations as to what factors contributed to them remain unclear. In order to prevent future violence, it is imperative to understand its roots. There is no one causal explanation for domestic violence; however, there are numerous factors which may help explain these unjustified acts of violence. Highly publicized cases such as the O.J. Simpson and Scott Peterson trials have shown the world that alleged murderers may not resemble the deranged sociopath depicted in horror films. Rather, they can be handsome, charming, and well-liked by society. In addition, court-centered programming on television continuously publicizes cases of violence within the home informing the public that we are potentially at risk by our caregivers and other loved ones. There is the case of the au pair Elizabeth Woodward convicted of shaking and killing Matthew Eappen, the child entrusted to her care. Some of the most highly publicized cases have also focused on mothers who kill. America was stunned as it heard the cases of Susan Smith and Andrea Yates. Both women were convicted of brutally killing their own children. Many asked how loving mothers could turn into cold-blooded killers.

Browse other criminal justice research topics .

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Research Designs in the Real World: Testing the Effectiveness of an Intimate Partner Violence Intervention

Approximately one-third of women experience intimate partner violence (IPV) in their lifetimes. [1] Many women call the police when their partners become violent or when the violence becomes more frequent or severe. [2] The criminal justice response can hold people accountable, but it is not designed to attend to the safety needs of victim-survivors in the same way that domestic violence advocacy agencies are equipped to do.

The Lethality Assessment Program (LAP) is an innovative intervention that occurs at the scene of a police-involved IPV incident and provides risk assessment, followed by advocacy services, for victim-survivors who are at high risk of being killed by their intimate partners. At the program's core is a collaborative partnership between law enforcement agencies and local domestic violence service providers. Police departments and advocacy agencies throughout the U.S. are adopting the LAP, [3] but before the current study, little was known about how well this intervention works.

Our NIJ-funded study was the first rigorous evaluation of the LAP. Our objective was to assess the effectiveness of this promising intervention while maintaining the integrity of the LAP and adhering to our ethical principles as researchers and helping professionals. Therefore, choosing the most appropriate research design was paramount.

Developed by the Maryland Network Against Domestic Violence, the LAP brings law enforcement and local domestic violence service providers together to empower IPV victim-survivors in self-care decisions. Near the end of the investigation at an IPV incident scene, the police officer administers a brief risk assessment screen ("Lethality Screen") to gauge the victim-survivor's level of risk for being killed by the person committing the IPV. [4] If a victim-survivor screens in as "high risk," which means having an increased risk of being killed by the intimate partner, then the police officer calls the local domestic violence hotline at a collaborating advocacy organization for information on planning for the victim-survivor's safety ("Protocol Referral").

See "A Closer Look at the Lethality Assessment Program"

Choosing a Research Design

In our evaluation of the LAP, we examined the intervention's two main goals: (1) decrease the frequency and severity of violence and (2) increase rates of emergency safety planning and help-seeking among women who participate in the intervention. To determine whether the LAP was achieving these goals, we used a quasi-experimental research design in which we could compare two similar groups of people: one group that received the LAP intervention and another group that did not.

Randomized controlled trials (RCTs), also called "true experimental designs," are generally considered the gold standard for evaluation studies because RCTs can rule out alternative explanations for the findings. (See the related article, " Services for IPV Victims: Encouraging Stronger Research Methods to Produce More Valid Results ," in issue 274 of the NIJ Journal. ) In RCTs, the researchers can be relatively certain that any changes found are caused only by the intervention, not by outside influences, because RCTs have three basic characteristics:

• The intervention occurs before measuring the outcome of interest.
• The intervention is given to only some of the participants in the study, creating a comparison.
• The people in the study are randomly assigned into either a group that receives the intervention or a group that does not. Random assignment theoretically ensures that the groups' characteristics are the same before the intervention and that any differences in outcomes between the groups are due to the intervention.

Our ethical obligations as researchers are respect for persons (self-determination), beneficence (do not harm, and maximize the benefits of research), and justice (people should be treated equally). [5] Because the women in our study faced a high risk for homicide due to the fact that they were victims of high-risk IPV cases, we did not feel that we could meet our ethical obligations as researchers or professionals by using an RCT. For instance, if we employed an RCT to evaluate the LAP, we would need to:

• Locate women at the scene of a police-involved IPV incident who would screen in as high risk according to the Lethality Screen.
• Randomize these women into either a group that receives the intervention or a group that does not.
• Gather data from all the women.
• Administer the LAP to the intervention group.
• Gather data from all the women again.

See "Working With Institutional Review Boards"

We could have recruited women at the scene of a police-involved IPV incident, administered the Lethality Screen to determine the women's eligibility, randomized high-risk victim-survivors into intervention and control groups, interviewed the women, placed those in the intervention group on the telephone with a hotline counselor and interviewed everyone again at some follow-up point. In this process, all of the intervention steps would remain intact.

But the LAP is more than the sum of its parts. If we used an RCT design, researchers — not police officers — would administer the Lethality Screen and conduct the Protocol Referral. The intervention would not be administered at the scene of an IPV incident because too many intervening steps would need to occur (first we would need to determine eligibility, and then we would randomly assign the women to groups). Furthermore, practical considerations, such as where the intervention would occur and how to conduct such an intervention with women in high-risk situations, would make study administration difficult.

Moving the LAP out of the field and into a controlled setting would have diminished it in such a way that it would not have been the same intervention. Thus, we agreed that for this research to truly evaluate the LAP, police officers must administer both the Lethality Screen and the Protocol Referral at the scene of an IPV incident for women in the intervention group. Therefore, we would interview women as soon as possible after the police intervened and ask them about their victimization and help-seeking behavior both before and after the incident date.

Still, we struggled with randomization to groups, an important component of an RCT. We considered having officers randomize women into intervention and control groups at IPV incident scenes. However, instructing officers to conduct the LAP with a random selection of participants was logistically impractical. Officers might have chosen to provide the intervention to a participant assigned to the control group, or they might have chosen not to provide the intervention to a participant assigned to the intervention group. [6] After being trained on the LAP, officers might also use intervention techniques with the non-intervention group, either consciously or subconsciously.

We considered randomly assigning the intervention by police jurisdiction, but this also made little practical sense. First, there were only two large population centers in the state where we conducted the research, and the regional and geographic differences between them were too large to consider them equivalent. As we moved forward, we discovered that participating jurisdictions had very different operating procedures, implementation fidelity and referral rates. Second, our police and advocacy partners were participating, in part, to receive training and technical assistance on the LAP. To provide this to some partners and not to others — or even to stagger it — would have hindered our researcher-practitioner partnership.

The professional imperatives of our research team (made up of doctoral-level social workers and nurses) and of our advocacy partners also made the idea of random assignment ethically untenable. Both social workers and nurses have ethical obligations to enhance the well-being of research participants and uphold their dignity and worth; the primary commitment of both professions is to help others. [7] Determining that women were at high risk for domestic homicide and then withholding a potentially helpful intervention from a randomized group would have been unethical because it placed women's lives at risk. [8]

Self-determination is also an important ethical consideration for social workers and nurses. For that reason, we strongly believed that the women should be able to decide independently whether to participate in the intervention, the study or both without one decision affecting another. We wanted the women to be able to choose whether to answer the questions on the Lethality Screen. If they screened in as high risk, they could then choose whether to talk on the phone with the hotline advocate. We also believed that women should be given the choice to participate in the research study regardless of whether they engaged in any aspect of the intervention. Thus, women who received the intervention could choose whether to participate in the study, and women who participated in the study could choose whether to receive the intervention.

In an RCT, a person's ability to receive the intervention is generally contingent upon his or her choice to participate in the study. But because of random assignment, the choice to participate does not guarantee receiving the intervention. In other words, the women might choose to participate in the study in hopes of receiving the intervention, but intervention assignment is not guaranteed. Some RCT designs have attempted to ameliorate this by providing the intervention to the control group after the study ends. But given the high level of risk faced by potential participants and the length of our study (at least six months), we felt that it was important not to withhold or delay intervention for women who wanted to receive it.

Using a Quasi-Experimental Design

Without random assignment to groups, the study became quasi-experimental; specifically, the study was a nonequivalent-groups quasi-experimental field trial. The groups were nonequivalent because there was no random assignment. Instead, we used an historical comparison group across a previous period.

To create a historical comparison group, we asked the police officers, before training them on the intervention, to refer IPV victim-survivors to researchers when the women evidenced a manifestation of danger (as outlined in the sidebar " A Closer Look at the Lethality Assessment Program ") and were willing to speak to a researcher over the telephone. During the study interview, we administered the Lethality Screen but did not score it so that, during analysis, we could determine which women were at high risk and would be included in the comparison group (i.e., those not receiving the intervention). This ensured that high-risk victim-survivors who later received the intervention would be compared with high-risk victim-survivors who did not.

After we trained the police officers and the advocates on the intervention, the officers then completed the LAP at IPV incident scenes and referred women to the study if the women were willing to have researchers contact them — whether or not the women answered the questions on the Lethality Screen, were determined to be high risk, or talked on the phone to an advocate. Thus, officers pre- and post-intervention used the same criteria to refer women to the study to ensure that the two groups were as similar as possible.

Because we used a historical comparison group, we needed to be particularly attentive to any changes that occurred in participating communities between the times of recruitment of the comparison and intervention groups, such as a high-profile domestic homicide or the closing of a local shelter, because these might affect research outcomes. There were no events that led us to believe that the two groups would differ; however, without random assignment, there were no built-in assurances that they would be similar.

Indeed, the comparison and intervention groups differed in several ways. There were statistically significant differences between the comparison and intervention groups in marital status, immigration status and categories on the Danger Assessment (an IPV risk assessment). We controlled for these differences statistically in our data analysis. However, because participants were not randomly assigned to groups, differences may have existed between the groups that we did not measure and thus could not control statistically.

The risk that we faced with the quasi-experimental research design was that some difference between the groups that we did not measure led to more or fewer protective actions, help-seeking, or frequency and severity of violence among the intervention group but not among the comparison group. Were this to occur, we might have attributed these differences to the LAP when they should instead have been attributed to some other factor. For example, we do not know whether any woman in the comparison group would have agreed to speak with the hotline advocate had she received the intervention. Perhaps the intervention group had some unmeasured characteristic (that the comparison group did not) that affected the women's willingness to participate in the LAP, their decision to take protective actions or their experiences of violence. If that were the case, our research findings would be attributed to the LAP when they should be attributed to this characteristic.

Replication — that is, conducting a similar study with different participants in a different location or with different researchers — is one way to determine whether the results of a study are valid, reliable and generalizable.

• Valid findings are accurate: If researchers can replicate study results, then it is more likely that the results reflect real differences between groups or real changes due to an intervention.
• Reliable findings are consistent: The same or similar results are found again and again.
• Generalizable results will translate to different locations and populations: For instance, an intervention is effective in Oklahoma and Maryland, among Native American women and African American women, and so forth.

Currently, NIJ and the Office on Violence Against Women are collaborating to evaluate two lethality and high-risk assessment models, including the LAP. Two sites will implement the LAP and be rigorously evaluated over the next three to five years.

How Effective Is the LAP?

Our evaluation of the LAP found that women in the intervention group did, indeed, engage in more protective strategies both immediately after the intervention (e.g., seeking domestic violence services, removing or hiding their partners' weapons) and when we interviewed them approximately seven months later (e.g., applying for and receiving protection orders, obtaining something to protect themselves, seeking medical attention due to violence, going someplace where their partners could not find them). In addition, women in the intervention group had experienced significantly less frequency and severity of violence than women in the comparison group at the follow-up interviews.

To design and conduct this research study, we needed to balance the challenges of engaging in quasi-experimental field research against the requirements of a tightly controlled true experimental design. RCTs have the benefit of controlling for extraneous variables within the design itself and are therefore considered the gold standard for knowing whether an intervention is effective. However, as we discussed above, RCTs require a highly controlled research environment that was neither practical nor desirable in this particular case, which highlights that there is not a single approach to effectiveness trials. To maintain the integrity of the LAP and meet the ethical imperatives of the researchers and community partners, a quasi-experimental design was necessary. Although this design opens the door to outside influences that could affect research outcomes, we believe that this pragmatic field trial provided the best possible information about the effectiveness of the LAP.

About This Article

This article was publishes as part of NIJ Journal No. 275, released July 2015.

For more information, read the final report, " Police Departments' Use of the Lethality Assessment Program: A Quasi-Experimental Evaluation ."

[note 1] IPV is defined here as rape, physical violence or stalking by a current or former intimate partner. Black, Michele C., Kathleen C. Basile, Matthew J. Breiding, Sharon G. Smith, Mike L. Walters, Melissa T. Merrick, Jieru Chen, and Mark R. Stevens, The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey: 2010 Summary Report , Atlanta, Ga.: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, November 2011.

[note 2] Felson, Richard, Steven F. Messner, Anthony Hoskin, and Glen Deane, "Reasons for Reporting and Not Reporting Domestic Violence to the Police," Criminology 40 (3) (2001): 617-648.

[v3] Virginia Department of Criminal Justice Services, Review of Lethality Assessment Programs (LAP) , October 2013.

[note 4] Messing, J.T., J. Campbell, J.S. Wilson, S. Brown, and B. Patchell, " The Lethality Screen: The Predictive Validity of an Intimate Partner Violence Risk Assessment for Use by First Responders " , Journal of Interpersonal Violence (May 11, 2015) [epub ahead of print].

[note 5] National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research, The Belmont Report: Ethical Principles and Guidelines for the Protection of Human Subjects of Research, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1979.

[note 6] For example, in the Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment, a seminal NIJ-funded randomized control trial on the effectiveness of arrest, officers delivered the intended intervention between 72.8 percent and 98.9 percent of the time, depending on the intervention assigned. Sherman, Lawrence W., and Richard A. Berk, " The Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment" , Police Foundation Reports, April 1984.

[note 7] American Nurses Association, Code of Ethics for Nurses with Interpretive Statements, Silver Spring, Md.: American Nurses Association, 2010; and National Association of Social Workers, NASW Code of Ethics (Guide to the Everyday Professional Conduct of Social Workers), Washington, D.C.: National Association of Social Workers, 2014.

[note 8] Although the LAP had not been vigorously evaluated, the LAP had been implemented in at least 43 jurisdictions during 2007, the year before the study began. Today, hundreds of jurisdictions across 31 states are using the LAP. The Maryland Network Against Domestic Violence compiles information about participating jurisdictions. During 2007, 3,304 Lethality Screens were administered and 58.2 percent (1,923) of victim-survivors screened in as high risk. Of those victim-survivors who screened in as high risk, 53.6 percent (1,030) talked to the hotline advocate. Of those victim-survivors who talked to the hotline advocate, 25.5 percent (263) went into the collaborating domestic violence agency seeking services (Maryland Network Against Domestic Violence, Lethality Assessment Statistical Information, LAP Report, October 2008). Although experimental research looking at participant outcomes was needed, the research team believed that the available information indicated that the LAP was connecting women with needed resources.

About the author

Jill Theresa Messing is an associate professor in the School of Social Work at Arizona State University. Jacquelyn Campbell is a professor and the Anna D. Wolf Chair in the Johns Hopkins University School of Nursing. Janet Sullivan Wilson is an associate professor in the College of Nursing at the University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center.

Cite this Article

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Domestic Violence Research Proposals Samples For Students

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During studying in college, you will surely have to pen a lot of Research Proposals on Domestic Violence. Lucky you if linking words together and turning them into relevant content comes naturally to you; if it's not the case, you can save the day by finding an already written Domestic Violence Research Proposal example and using it as a model to follow.

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IRWGS Research

Domestic Violence

About our research.

Domestic violence (DV) is a severe problem in the Houston region, with high rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) and other forms of family and gender-based violence. This report presents initial findings from a study conducted by the University of Houston Institute for Research on Women, Gender & Sexuality ( UH  IRWGS) in collaboration with local DV service providers and highlights the need for a comprehensive and collaborative approach to addressing DV in the region. The study’s findings reveal a significant gap between the demand for DV services and the capacity of existing providers, emphasizing need for increased resources to expand services and support survivors.

Latest Research

A Comprehensive Strategy for Addressing Domestic Violence in Houston: A Call for Collaboration and Investment

Grant Writing Academy

How to Write a Grant Proposal for Domestic Violence Support Services

Crafting a persuasive plea: mastering the art of grant proposals for domestic violence initiatives.

Domestic violence is an issue that touches millions of lives worldwide. Organizations that offer support services play an essential role in providing victims with the assistance they need.

Thanks for reading Grant Writing Academy Newsletter! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.

In the realm of domestic violence, victims often depend on the support and resources offered by organizations that provide protection, counseling, legal aid, and other essential services.

These organizations, in turn, often rely on grants to fund their programs. Writing an effective grant proposal can be the difference between continued vital services and a reduced ability to help victims.

Let’s explore a comprehensive approach to crafting a compelling grant proposal for domestic violence support services.

1. Understand Your Target Audience:

Before you even begin to write, research potential grantors. Understand their goals, previous grants awarded, and what they look for in successful applications. Tailoring your proposal to resonate with a specific grantor can significantly enhance your chances of success.

2. Statement of Need

Begin by painting a vivid picture of the domestic violence situation in your community. Use statistics, survivor stories, and any other relevant data to illustrate the gravity of the issue. Highlight the gaps in current services and emphasize the urgent need for intervention.

3. Project Description

Provide a clear and detailed outline of what you aim to achieve with the grant money. Include:

Goals & Objectives: State the overarching goals and specific objectives. For instance, "Our goal is to provide immediate shelter to 200 domestic violence survivors this year. Objectives include expanding the current shelter by 50 beds and hiring two additional counselors."

Methodology: Describe how you plan to achieve these goals. For instance, partnering with local contractors for the shelter expansion or initiating a hiring drive for the counselors.

Timeline: Offer a realistic timeline for your project milestones.

3. Demonstrate Your Qualifications

Why is your organization the best fit for addressing this issue in your community? Highlight your team's experience, past achievements, and any partnerships you have formed that enhance your capability. Also, if your organization has been recognized or accredited by professional bodies or institutions, make sure to include that information.

Elaborate on why your organization is well-suited to address this issue. Showcase:

Prior successful interventions or programs.

Collaborations with other organizations or agencies.

Testimonials from survivors or community members.

Highlight any gaps in current services and how your organization plans to fill them.

4. Detailed Budgeting

Funders want to know where their money is going. Provide a clear, itemized budget that outlines how funds will be used. Include direct costs, such as salaries or renting facilities, and indirect costs, like administration or utility bills. Ensure every dollar can be accounted for and justified in terms of its contribution to your objectives.

5. Evaluation Metrics

How will you measure the success of your program? Detail the key performance indicators you will monitor, whether it’s the number of individuals assisted, cases of re-abuse reduced, or success stories of victims rebuilding their lives. This not only shows potential funders that you have a plan in place, but it also emphasizes your commitment to results.

6. Stakeholder Involvement

How are you involving the community and other stakeholders in your efforts? Highlight any collaborations, community outreach, or feedback mechanisms you’ve set up. Demonstrating that you are working cohesively with others amplifies your project's potential for success.

7. Testimonials and Case Studies

Share stories of individuals who have benefited from your services. A heartfelt testimonial or a detailed case study can resonate deeply, making the plight of victims more tangible and the value of your services indisputable.

8. Continuity and Sustainability

Convince potential funders that your organization isn’t just looking for a short-term fix. Lay out plans for the long term. How will you ensure your services continue even after the grant funds have been used? Addressing sustainability can significantly enhance your proposal's appeal.

9. Professional Presentation

Remember, the presentation matters. Your proposal should not only be compelling in content but also professionally laid out. Proper formatting, clarity, and error-free writing showcase your dedication and seriousness.

10. Call-to-Action & Additional Resources

End your proposal with a compelling call-to-action. Encourage your grant reviewers to act promptly. Furthermore, if you're genuinely keen on mastering the art of grant writing beyond the basics, consider investing in resources that offer a deep dive into advanced techniques and strategies.

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Conclusion:

Writing a grant proposal for domestic violence support services requires more than just outlining your needs—it demands passion, precision, and a commitment to impact. By leveraging the steps above, not only will you capture the attention of potential funders, but you'll also position your organization as a beacon of hope in the fight against domestic violence.

Remember, every grant proposal is an opportunity to change lives. Make every word count. And if you wish to master this craft, don’t forget to grab your copy of the " Advanced Grant Writing Book. "

Don’t forget to explore the wealth of grant writing resources available on Amazon. Or better yet, consider diving deep with the Grant Writing Academy website to access a multitude of opportunities and learn more about the art and science of grant writing.

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“Blokes run religious institutions”: Can religion be enlisted as an ally in the prevention of domestic violence?

Sarah Wendt and Josephine Clarke

• X (formerly Twitter)

Both researching and discussing domestic violence in religious contexts has been difficult for a range of reasons — some of which include the diversity of religions themselves, fear of offending on the part of researchers, and the inherently personal nature of spirituality. In fact, very little research about domestic violence within religious contexts exists in the Australian context.

Nevertheless, we have learned that some faith leaders may minimise and ignore abuse; others report they do not know how to respond to abuse, or else focus on relationship counselling, prayer, and worship as ways of addressing the problem. We have also begun to understand and recognise spiritual abuse as a tactic of domestic violence through the stories of women victims.

In other words, despite limitations, research has established that identification with a religion plays a significant role both in defining women’s experiences of domestic violence and in shaping the way religious organisations attempt to respond to that abuse.

Why theology needs to be “in bounds”

What hasn’t been directly asked by researchers, however, is how religious identification influences men’s perpetration of domestic violence? Julia Baird writes :

The fundamental problem remains, though: the fact that blokes, in the main, run religious institutions. This means while leaders might say domestic abuse is abhorrent, they have not treated it with particular urgency, or preached about it often, if at all.

We agree with her here. She is making a structural feminist argument that points to the gender inequality that is present in leadership hierarchies and norms within religions — as well as, we would argue, in many other institutions in our society.

In our research we have found that most religious leaders, communities, families, and congregations tend to express concern, worry, and opposition to violence against women. Being opposed to domestic violence — or calling it “abhorrent”, as Baird puts it — is a sentiment most of us share and we found it was often articulated in interviews we conducted. So why is it not being addressed overtly in religious contexts? We think theology has something to do with it.

Theological beliefs and their accompanying practices cannot be “out of bounds” for public discussion or relegated to the private sphere. We cannot recoil from such beliefs and practices if we want to address domestic violence within religious contexts because they shape the socio-cultural gendered relationships within those contexts. Hence there needs to be a sustained exploration of the interface between faith, family, institutions, and domestic violence to advance our understanding of and solutions available within religious contexts.

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Faith leaders have significant influence through their role as spiritual advisers — an influence that has the potential of challenging and shifting oppressive and misogynist attitudes that both contribute to and sustain domestic violence . It is this potential we want to explore.

We have drawn this insight through partnering with the Lutheran Church of Australia (LCA) and the Anglican Diocese of Adelaide. We contend that it is possible to explore gendering practices to explain domestic violence in religious contexts, and it is possible to delve into theological beliefs and religious practices to ascertain how men use violence — and that doing so offers possibilities to see clergy and church communities as allies in the effort to achieve societal change.

“So heavily invested in male power and privilege”

Through our research we have learned that many religious leaders, families, and communities understand domestic violence as physical abuse — which is the kind of abuse usually described as “abhorrent”. We also learned that the complexity and insidious nature of psychological, social, financial, and spiritual abuse was much more difficult to identify and discuss within religious contexts (participants did not mention sexual abuse, which requires a thorough analysis and interpretation in its own right). We would argue that this has something to do with theological beliefs.

Theological teachings enable men who perpetrate domestic violence to understand and justify their behaviour through interpretations of divinely sanctioned inequality between men and women. These constructions of a hierarchy of genders influence intimate partner relations and households, and therefore keep domestic violence an unspoken, unrecognised, or even justified phenomenon.

Many Lutheran pastors spoke to us about the theological narratives that shape gender expectations. They described these expectations as having a long history and forming constructions of identity for men, women, and family life. Pastors used phrases such as gender expectations being “deep”, “strong”, and “powerful”. They associated men and masculinity with “privilege” and being “not emotional”, and women and femininity with “service” and being “relational” and “emotional”.

Some Lutheran pastors explained that when alternatives to such constructions are proposed, such as gender equality, they are received as threats to theological teachings (mostly by men). Pastors spoke about how men with a Lutheran upbringing are struggling to understand alternative narratives because they potentially disrupt their own sense of self. Questioning male power and privilege is difficult because the theological and identity investment is constructed as “truth” that cannot be changed or cannot be wrong — it is divinely ordained:

People are so heavily invested in male power and privilege it’s just so much to give up … So it’s asking a lot for people to consider another way of being … When you are talking about mutuality and equality of women, some men get really anxious about the language of equality, why is he positioned differently now, he believes theologically his needs come first, but he loves her and provides for her but she has to be submissive to him because the scriptures tell him to do that. Now if we introduce some narrative that says that how he understands his wife is not adequate, he has now hurt her by not letting her be equal … he can’t bring himself to admit that he did that … Therefore, you’ll find people motivated by things that you’ll never understand … He is being taken to a place he doesn’t want to go, cannot comprehend.

Lutheran pastors explained that when the gender hierarchy is questioned, fear emerges for religious men. They often justify belief in gender inequality and their acts of domestic violence because they are afraid of their relationship with God and afraid of losing their identity within their communities. Sin brings shame before God and in front of congregational peers.

Therefore, if interpersonal gendered exchanges within the family, which subscribe to gendered expectations of relationships that they have been taught and known throughout their lives, are called “abusive”, pastors explained this can be overwhelming for couples — not least because the men perceive that their relationship with God stands to be compromised. Hence, it is men’s understanding of what they believe God is like and how they believe God wants them to behave that needs challenging. And this task is inescapably theological.

Gender, theology, and the interpretation of the Bible

Gender performances and gendered hierarchies featured heavily in the stories of clergy that we heard when they offered their explanations and concerns about domestic violence. If we are going to make inroads into addressing and stopping domestic violence, particularly in religious contexts, this requires engagement with theological gender constructions that are maintained through male interests in family life, and how specific conceptions of gender are reinforced by religion and endorsed by their understanding of God’s will.

The pastors we interviewed could identify and explain theological references and biblical teachings that men who commit domestic violence use to justify their behaviour. These pastors could also challenge these teachings that purport to justify male privilege. They could also offer alternative biblical interpretations that challenge gender inequality — for example, by explaining the history of a particular translation of a biblical text, or the meaning of the original languages, or how these texts reflected prevailing cultures of day, or through reflection on hermeneutical injustice and the silencing of women.

All of which suggests that the justification for domestic violence in religious contexts can be taken away by theologically addressing belief in divinely sanctioned gender inequality.

Domestic violence and the role of pastoral care

Needless to say, this requires theological leadership in those religious communities. Providing such leadership can, of course, be difficult, and many pastors we interviewed have faced resistance and backlash with religious institutions. Nevertheless, the centrality of theological teachings in people’s lives cannot be underestimated — this is why it is important to explore theologically informed and clergy-centred interventions as a way of addressing domestic violence and associated gendered ideas.

For example, we spoke to a Christian man who was perpetrating domestic violence and was struggling with the possibility of divorce. He talked about the ways in which he sought help to keep his marriage intact — such as reading the Bible, counselling, and reaching out to pastors. It was only when his pastor explained to him “Now you’re putting God’s law, ‘Thou shalt not divorce’, above God’s grace” that he found he could finally accept the divorce.

In our interview, some clergy also provided us with examples of how they engaged theologically with men who were committing domestic violence, providing us some insight into the influence and power of religious beliefs and practices in the lives of men who use violence. For example, a Lutheran pastor shared a time when he debated Ephesians 5:21 with a man who tried to use that biblical verse to justify his violence:

I have drawn attention to Ephesians 5:21 and explained submission is mutual and voluntary and this passage is not a good Christian wife as an obedient follower of her husband. I gently tried to show that Christian marriage (and relationships generally) involve mutual respect, trust, service and honouring. Submission as described in the Bible is mutual and voluntary and cannot be mandated.

In our most recent work with clergy and church workers in the Anglican Diocese of Adelaide, many participants explained pastoral care — that is, the provision of spiritual support in a way informed by theological teachings — as having healing potential for those experiencing domestic violence and potentially enabling attitudinal and behaviour change in the perpetrators. The was large consensus across the interviews that responding to domestic violence required specialist assistance and hence support from human service organisations beyond the church. However, what the church members believed they could offer was pastoral care. As one person told us:

We are not trained in counselling at high levels, but we are there as someone who is able to listen and support and be present. And I think that’s the gift of church pastoral care, is that we’re able to be at that lower level, just present with people, which then means we’ve got to know the skill set, which is not solving problems. It’s not giving advice. It’s not trying to do therapy because that’s not what we’re there for, but we are there for being, a listening ear, present. And being able to offer off a prayer and ritual.

The importance of religious adherence and ritual in bringing people comfort when they were experiencing domestic violence, participants explained, provided a response that was about community, being close to God, and sharing learnings that come from Jesus Christ and the reading of the Bible. These insights from pastors and congregation members provide insight into the role that religious communities can play in responding to domestic violence.

The importance of theological leadership

We recognise that extensive research has shown that many clergy are simply not equipped to harness the beliefs and practices of their religious traditions to safely help an abuser, and clergy often feel caught between the demands of their religious traditions to discourage divorce or advocate for the “natural” gender order. Clergy and church workers need to be equipped to uphold the safety of others, as well as their own safety in responding.

It would be naïve and unsafe not to think about religious leadership critically because forms of gendered discourse enable men individually and collectively to determine what does and does not count as violence — as Julia Baird succinctly put it, “blokes run religious institutions”. We agree that to address domestic violence also requires significant structural and cultural change, as well as a broader conversation about the exclusion of women from public ministry and religious leadership. The practices of gender-based exclusion cannot be disassociated from efforts to prevent and respond to domestic violence.

But we are also pointing to the need to theologically engage with those forms of biblical interpretation that repress gender equality. It is theological leadership that can facilitate such engagement. If we are going to make inroads into stopping domestic violence and addressing broader gender inequality, we need to include theological beliefs and religious practices in our analysis of the conditions which allow domestic violence to take place. Foremost among the beliefs that need to be challenged is the notion that the exercise of male power and privilege is not abusive — after all, coercive control becomes harder to identify, and the safety of women is severely compromised, when gender-based power relations are ignored or given divine sanction.

If you need to get in touch with a domestic violence support service, you can contact the 1800 RESPECT national helpline : 1800 737 732.

Sarah Wendt is Professor of Social Work in the ARC Centre for Excellence for the Elimination of Violence Against Women at the University of Melbourne.

Josephine Clarke is a Research Fellow in the Department of Social Work and with the ARC Centre for Excellence for the Elimination of Violence Against Women at the University of Melbourne.

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Evan Stark obituary

Sociologist whose research on coercive control led to new criminal justice responses to domestic abuse

In his book Coercive Control: How Men Entrap Women in Personal Life (2007), the American sociologist Evan Stark, who has died aged 82, developed a new understanding of domestic abuse that has since been taken up by governments, justice systems, activists and survivors around the world. Incidents of physical assault, he argued, were only the most visible part of domestic abuse.

Drawing on 30 years of research as a forensic social worker, he documented a broader and more devastating pattern of manipulative behaviours and subjugation, closer to kidnapping or slavery, that he called “coercive control”. His book showed in detail how abusive men use coercive control to subvert women’s autonomy, isolate them from friends and family and deny them access to the basic resources needed by most people.

Stark revealed a phenomenon that he explained had been hiding in plain sight. His research helped to show that coercive control is domestic abuse at its most dangerous: its presence or absence is a better indicator of a future homicide than the existence of physical violence alone.

Recognition of that fact has led governments around the world to introduce new criminal offences, based on Stark’s work. With the Serious Crime Act of 2015, England and Wales became the first jurisdiction in the world to criminalise coercive control. By 2021, Scotland , Northern Ireland, and Ireland had all followed suit. New South Wales, Australia passed coercive control laws in 2022 and Canada is expected to pass similar legislation this year.

These criminal justice reforms not only have the potential to save lives but also help abused women reframe their views about themselves. Recognising coercive control as a criminal offence counters the gaslighting so typical of coercive control, which can make women blame themselves for the abuse. Beyond a legislative context, Stark also shaped the scholarly understanding of abuse and its representation in the media. “Coercive control” is now a key term used internationally.

Stark was born in a housing cooperative in Queens, New York . His mother, Alice (nee Fox), worked as a secretary for the civil rights leader A Philip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, the first successful Black union in the US. Evan’s father, Irwin Stark, was a writer, teacher, and pacifist. Evan attended Roosevelt high school in Yonkers, going on to study sociology at Brandeis University, where he also became involved in the civil-rights movement as a student representative of CORE, the Congress of Racial Equality.

After graduating from Brandeis in 1963, he pursued his PhD at the University of Wisconsin, but his graduate fellowship was withdrawn in 1967, in retaliation for his role as a leader of protests against the war in Vietnam. From 1971 to 1975, Stark was an assistant professor of sociology at Quinnipiac University, in Hamden, Connecticut. He later earned his PhD at the State University of New York, Binghamton, in 1984, and a master’s in social work at Fordham University. He then established an independent private practice in forensic social work.

In 1977 Stark married Anne Flitcraft, an American doctor and an early researcher of the epidemiology of domestic abuse, focusing on the implications of abuse on women’s health. In 1978 the couple travelled to Britain to visit one of the first refuges - Chiswick Women’s Aid, in west London, which was set up by Erin Pizzey in 1971. They also visited safe houses operated by Women’s Aid in the Midlands.

On returning to the US, they worked with a small group to found a shelter in New Haven, Connecticut. In the following decade, Stark and Flitcraft influenced local and national policy in the US, co-chairing the task force on domestic violence prevention within the US Surgeon General’s Workshop on Violence and Public Health in 1985.

From 1995, Stark became a professor at Rutgers University, in Newark, New Jersey, and turned his attention to the legal and theoretical implications of his earlier grassroots work. He began to give expert evidence for abused women in criminal and civil trials, gaining an extensive knowledge of the experiences of survivors that formed the basis of the theory and reform proposals that he put forward in Coercive Control.

Stark retired from teaching at Rutgers in 2012, and in the following years devoted himself to his legal work. He spoke extensively on the need to reform traditional criminal justice responses to domestic abuse.

It was the UK and the Commonwealth that proved to be initially most receptive to his ideas. His keynote address at the Scottish Women’s Aid 30th birthday celebrations, in 2006, first convinced campaigners in Scotland that a new approach to the criminalisation of domestic abuse was needed.

Seven years later, while Stark was Leverhulme visiting professor at the University of Edinburgh, Bill Walker, a Scottish MSP, was convicted of 23 assault charges against three of his former wives and a step-daughter. As the Scottish judge Kathrine Mackie sentenced Walker to the maximum permitted punishment (one year’s imprisonment), she echoed Stark’s research in her summing up. What was most notable about Walker’s abuse, she wrote, was the bullying and coercive behaviour that was not in itself criminal at that time.

In 2019 Stark flew to London to give expert evidence at the court of appeal in the case of Sally Challen , who had killed her husband in 2010 and was sentenced to life in prison for murder. After the criminalisation of coercive control in England in 2015, Challen had appealed her conviction, arguing that her husband had engaged in “controlling or coercive behaviour”. Stark’s evidence helped the court and the public understand the impact of the coercive control on Sally and her murder conviction was quashed .

Stark was a disciplined writer, often starting his work before sunrise and was renowned among friends and family for his stories and acerbic wit. He circulated annotated lists of the literature that had moved him each year, sometimes running to three pages in length, which were famous among colleagues, family and friends. He also loved to play the piano, especially jazz standards and musicals, singing loudly and often with no prior warning. He was sometimes the oldest personon the dance floor by several decades.

Stark is survived by Anne and their sons, Sam, Daniel and Eli; a son, Aaron, from his first marriage, to Sally Connolly, which ended in divorce; three grandchildren, Adrian, Ezra, and Ash; and his sister, Joyce.

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