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Writing a Compelling War Essay: Crafting a Powerful Narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022

Writing a compelling war essay can be a daunting task. It requires a deep understanding of the subject matter and a keen sense of story-telling to craft a powerful narrative that captures the essence of the Russia Ukraine War 2022. In this blog article, we will explore the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the historical context of the war, and the elements of a powerful essay. We will also look at strategies for researching and presenting the evidence in the essay, as well as tips for writing and editing the essay. Finally, we will discuss how to review the essay before submission.

Understanding the conflict between Russia and Ukraine

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine is not a new one. In fact, the two countries have been at odds since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Russia has long been an ally of Ukraine, with the two countries sharing both a cultural and political history. However, tensions have been escalating in recent years due to the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the ongoing war in eastern Ukraine.

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine is primarily driven by geopolitics and economics. Russia sees Ukraine as a strategic buffer against the West and as a potential market for its energy resources. Ukraine, on the other hand, is keen to assert its independence from Russia and has sought to strengthen its ties with the West. This has led to a number of clashes between the two countries, including the current ongoing conflict in the Donbas region of Ukraine.

The Russia Ukraine War 2022 is a major event in world history and has had a profound impact on both countries. It is, therefore, important to understand the conflict and its implications in order to write a compelling war essay.

Historical context of the Russia Ukraine War and its implications

In order to write a powerful narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022, we should understand the historical context of the conflict. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine dates back to the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, when Ukraine declared its independence from Russia. The two countries have since been locked in a tense and often hostile relationship, with Russia attempting to reassert its influence over Ukraine and Ukraine striving to maintain its independence.

The conflict escalated in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea, sparking outrage in the international community. This led to the imposition of sanctions on Russia by the European Union and the United States. In response, Russia has continued to support separatist forces in eastern Ukraine, leading to the ongoing war in the Donbas region.

The Russia Ukraine War 2022 is the culmination of this long and bitter conflict. The war has had far-reaching implications, not only for the two countries involved, but for the entire region and beyond.

Crafting a powerful narrative: Elements of a compelling War Essay

Writing a powerful narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022 requires an in-depth understanding of the conflict and its implications. A compelling war essay should include a clear thesis statement and well-structured argument. It should also include evidence to support the argument, as well as an analysis of the sources used.

In order to craft a powerful narrative, it is necessary to understand the key elements of a compelling war essay. These include:

-A clear and concise thesis statement -An understanding of the historical context of the conflict -A well-structured argument -Evidence to support the argument -An analysis of the sources used -A conclusion that ties together all the elements of the essay

By incorporating these elements into the essay, it is possible to craft a powerful narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022.

Analyzing and evaluating the sources used in the essay

To writing a compelling war essay, using reliable sources that provide accurate information is important. It is also important to analyze and evaluate the sources in order to determine their credibility.

When analyzing sources, we should consider the source’s reliability, accuracy, and relevance. Sources should be reviewed for bias and possible errors. It is also important to look at the date of publication and the author’s credentials.

When evaluating sources, we need to consider the evidence presented in the source. Does the evidence support the argument? Is the evidence presented in a fair and balanced manner? Does the evidence contradict or support other sources?

By analyzing and evaluating the sources used in the essay, it is possible to ensure that the argument is supported by reliable evidence.

Writing an effective thesis statement

The thesis statement is the cornerstone of any essay,  a thesis statement should clearly and concisely state the main argument of the essay. It should also be specific and clearly identify the focus of the essay.

When writing a thesis statement for a war essay, we should consider the scope of the essay. The thesis statement should be broad enough to cover all the elements of the essay, but not so broad that it becomes vague or unfocused.

It is also important to take a stance on the issue. The thesis statement should make a clear and unambiguous argument. It should not be vague or open-ended.

By writing an effective thesis statement, it is possible to set the stage for a powerful and compelling narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022.

Structuring the essay: outlining and introduction, body, and conclusion

Once the thesis statement has been written, structure the essay into an introduction, body, and conclusion. The introduction should provide an overview of the essay, as well as a brief explanation of the thesis statement.

The body of the essay should include evidence to support the argument, as well as an analysis of the sources used. It should also include a discussion of the implications of the war.

The conclusion should tie together all the elements of the essay and provide a brief summary of the argument. It should also include a call to action, if applicable.

By outlining the essay and structuring it into an introduction, body, and conclusion, it is possible to create a powerful narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022.

Strategies for researching and presenting the evidence for the essay

In order to write a compelling war essay, it is important to research the subject thoroughly and present the evidence in a clear and concise manner.

When researching for the essay, we need to use a variety of sources, including primary and secondary sources. Primary sources, such as news articles, are direct sources of information about the war. Secondary sources, such as books and academic journals, provide an in-depth analysis of the conflict.

When presenting the evidence, it is important to be clear and concise. Evidence should be presented in a logical order, with each point supporting the argument. Also don’t forget to cite all sources used in the essay.

By following these strategies for researching and presenting the evidence, it is possible to create a compelling narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022.

Writing and editing the essay

Once the research has been completed and the evidence has been presented, it is time to write the essay. Our essay should be clear and concise. The argument should be well-structured, with each point building on the previous one.

It is also important to use language that is appropriate for the subject matter. The tone of the essay should be appropriate for the topic, and the language should be clear and concise.

Once the essay has been written, the final step in writing a war essay is editing and proofreading. Editing involves making changes to the structure, tone, and content of the essay. Proofreading involves checking essay for any errors in grammar, punctuation, and spelling.

By writing and editing the essay, it is possible to craft a powerful narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022.

Reviewing the essay before submission

Before submitting the essay, we need to review it carefully. It is important to make sure that the essay is well-structured and that the argument is clear and concise. The used sources are reliable and accurate. Essay is within the word limit and that it follows the instructions provided by the instructor.

By reviewing the essay before submission, it is possible to ensure that the essay is of the highest quality.

Writing a compelling war essay about the Russia Ukraine War 2022 requires a deep understanding of the conflict and its implications.

While crafting a compelling war essay, it is necessary to understand the elements of a powerful narrative and to analyze and evaluate the sources used. It is also necessary to write an effective thesis statement and structure the essay into an introduction, body, and conclusion. Author should research and present the evidence in a clear and concise manner. Finally, a complete review the essay before submission.

Writing a powerful narrative of the Russia Ukraine War 2022 can be a daunting task, but it is possible with the right approach. By following the tips outlined in this blog article, it is possible to craft a compelling war essay that captures the essence of the war.

By Lily James

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Thesis Statements

What is a thesis statement.

Your thesis statement is one of the most important parts of your paper.  It expresses your main argument succinctly and explains why your argument is historically significant.  Think of your thesis as a promise you make to your reader about what your paper will argue.  Then, spend the rest of your paper–each body paragraph–fulfilling that promise.

Your thesis should be between one and three sentences long and is placed at the end of your introduction.  Just because the thesis comes towards the beginning of your paper does not mean you can write it first and then forget about it.  View your thesis as a work in progress while you write your paper.  Once you are satisfied with the overall argument your paper makes, go back to your thesis and see if it captures what you have argued.  If it does not, then revise it.  Crafting a good thesis is one of the most challenging parts of the writing process, so do not expect to perfect it on the first few tries.  Successful writers revise their thesis statements again and again.

A successful thesis statement:

• makes an historical argument
• takes a position that requires defending
• is historically specific
• is focused and precise
• answers the question, “so what?”

How to write a thesis statement:

Suppose you are taking an early American history class and your professor has distributed the following essay prompt:

“Historians have debated the American Revolution’s effect on women.  Some argue that the Revolution had a positive effect because it increased women’s authority in the family.  Others argue that it had a negative effect because it excluded women from politics.  Still others argue that the Revolution changed very little for women, as they remained ensconced in the home.  Write a paper in which you pose your own answer to the question of whether the American Revolution had a positive, negative, or limited effect on women.”

Using this prompt, we will look at both weak and strong thesis statements to see how successful thesis statements work.

While this thesis does take a position, it is problematic because it simply restates the prompt.  It needs to be more specific about how  the Revolution had a limited effect on women and  why it mattered that women remained in the home.

Revised Thesis:  The Revolution wrought little political change in the lives of women because they did not gain the right to vote or run for office.  Instead, women remained firmly in the home, just as they had before the war, making their day-to-day lives look much the same.

This revision is an improvement over the first attempt because it states what standards the writer is using to measure change (the right to vote and run for office) and it shows why women remaining in the home serves as evidence of limited change (because their day-to-day lives looked the same before and after the war).  However, it still relies too heavily on the information given in the prompt, simply saying that women remained in the home.  It needs to make an argument about some element of the war’s limited effect on women.  This thesis requires further revision.

Strong Thesis: While the Revolution presented women unprecedented opportunities to participate in protest movements and manage their family’s farms and businesses, it ultimately did not offer lasting political change, excluding women from the right to vote and serve in office.

Few would argue with the idea that war brings upheaval.  Your thesis needs to be debatable:  it needs to make a claim against which someone could argue.  Your job throughout the paper is to provide evidence in support of your own case.  Here is a revised version:

Strong Thesis: The Revolution caused particular upheaval in the lives of women.  With men away at war, women took on full responsibility for running households, farms, and businesses.  As a result of their increased involvement during the war, many women were reluctant to give up their new-found responsibilities after the fighting ended.

Sexism is a vague word that can mean different things in different times and places.  In order to answer the question and make a compelling argument, this thesis needs to explain exactly what  attitudes toward women were in early America, and  how those attitudes negatively affected women in the Revolutionary period.

Strong Thesis: The Revolution had a negative impact on women because of the belief that women lacked the rational faculties of men. In a nation that was to be guided by reasonable republican citizens, women were imagined to have no place in politics and were thus firmly relegated to the home.

This thesis addresses too large of a topic for an undergraduate paper.  The terms “social,” “political,” and “economic” are too broad and vague for the writer to analyze them thoroughly in a limited number of pages.  The thesis might focus on one of those concepts, or it might narrow the emphasis to some specific features of social, political, and economic change.

Strong Thesis: The Revolution paved the way for important political changes for women.  As “Republican Mothers,” women contributed to the polity by raising future citizens and nurturing virtuous husbands.  Consequently, women played a far more important role in the new nation’s politics than they had under British rule.

This thesis is off to a strong start, but it needs to go one step further by telling the reader why changes in these three areas mattered.  How did the lives of women improve because of developments in education, law, and economics?  What were women able to do with these advantages?  Obviously the rest of the paper will answer these questions, but the thesis statement needs to give some indication of why these particular changes mattered.

Strong Thesis: The Revolution had a positive impact on women because it ushered in improvements in female education, legal standing, and economic opportunity.  Progress in these three areas gave women the tools they needed to carve out lives beyond the home, laying the foundation for the cohesive feminist movement that would emerge in the mid-nineteenth century.

Thesis Checklist

When revising your thesis, check it against the following guidelines:

• Does my thesis make an historical argument?
• Does my thesis take a position that requires defending?
• Is my thesis historically specific?
• Is my thesis focused and precise?
• Does my thesis answer the question, “so what?”

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Ten Theses on Russia in the 21st Century

Reflections on hybrid administration, algorithms for exiting the conflict, and how to govern the world’s most complex country

Thesis 1: The future of Russian governance is neither necessarily democratic nor strictly non-democratic. This choice is likely too binary for Russia’s extremely complex realities. Instead, a future Russia may well be – and perhaps should be – decidedly hybrid, drawing promiscuously on the best in 21st century structures and practices from around the world.

Russia is a very young country – even if most people, including many Russians, forget that this Russia, in its post-Soviet incarnation, is only just completing its third decade. It is therefore naturally still solidifying and indeed inventing, improvising and legitimating its governing institutions, not to mention forming (with inconsistent success) its future political elites. The country’s constitutional youth, coupled with its present unique internal and international pressures, means that Moscow can look non-dogmatically westward and eastward alike (and elsewhere besides) to adopt the best in governing approaches, even as it indigenizes these and ends up with its own idiom – as is, by history and mentality alike, the Russian wont.

Let me propose that there are two dominant governing paradigms in the world today – on the one hand, the democratic tradition or, more tightly, what I would call ‘argumentative governance’; and on the other, ‘algorithmic governance.’ Argumentative governance prevails in the presumptive West – the deeply democratic countries of North America, Western Europe and indeed much of the EU, Australia and New Zealand. Algorithmic governance is led almost exclusively by the dyad of modern China and Singapore. Most of the remaining countries in the world – in the former Soviet space, the Middle East (including Israel), the Americas, Africa, and much of Asia (including India) – are still in what might be called the ‘voyeur’ world, still stabilizing, legitimizing or relegitimizing their governance regimes and institutions according to one tradition or the other, or actively borrowing from, and experimenting with, both.

Argumentative (or democratic) governance is characterized by fairly elected governments that are constantly opposed, challenged or corrected by deeply ingrained institutions (like political oppositions, the courts or other levels of government) or broad, activist estates (like the media, the academy, and various non-governmental organizations and groupings, not excluding religious organizations). Algorithmic governance, however, is characterized by the centrality of a smaller, select, highly professional group of national ‘algorithm-makers’ who, having been selected largely through intense filtering based principally on technical and intellectual (and perhaps ideological) qualifications (the so-called ‘smartest people in the room’), are constitutionally and culturally protected in their ability to generalize these algorithms throughout the country over the long run. Algorithmic governance lays claim to legitimacy via the securing of visible, concrete results in the form of consistently rising material wealth, advanced physical infrastructure, and general public order and stability – and indeed the rapidity (and predictability) with which such outcomes are realized and real-life problems are solved.

What would hybrid Russian governance look like in the 21st century? Answer: It would draw on the obvious strengths of the dominant algorithmic and argumentative governance models, while guarding against the major weaknesses of each of these idioms.

Argumentative governance, on the other hand, maintains its legitimacy via procedural argument in the contest for power among political parties, and in the information provided to power through various feedback loops. A large number of these argumentative regimes are federal in nature (just as the number of federal regimes globally has grown markedly over the last couple of decades), and so centre-region relations are both another source of procedural argument and a type of feedback to power (from the local to the general or macro).

What would hybrid Russian governance look like in the 21st century? Answer: It would draw on the obvious strengths of the dominant algorithmic and argumentative governance models, while guarding against the major weaknesses of each of these idioms. What are the key strengths of the algorithmic system that Russia should wish to adopt? First and foremost, Russia must invest in properly creating, over time (the next 15-20 years), a deep policy elite, meritocratically recruited and trained, to populate all its levels of government, from the federal centre in Moscow to the regional and municipal governments. Such a deep, professional post-Soviet policy elite is manifestly absent in Russia today, across its levels of government – a problem that repeats itself in nearly all of the 15 post-Soviet states.

Second, Russia must develop a credible long-term national planning capability (as distinct from the current exclusively short-term focus and occasional rank caprice of Russian governments, pace the various longer-term official national strategies and documents), led by the said algorithmic policy elite at the different levels of government, and implemented with great seriousness across the territory of the country.

Third, Russia requires an intelligent degree of very gradual decentralization (rapid decentralization being potentially fatal to national unity, or otherwise fragmenting the country’s internal coherence across its huge territory) and, if necessary or possible, a degree of genuine federalization of governmental power across the Russian territory.

Fourth, Russia’s policy elites must foster the development (and protection) of many more feedback mechanisms from citizens to political power in both the federal centre and in regional governments – not for purposes of democratic theatre or fetish, but rather to avoid making major or even existentially fatal policy mistakes, or indeed to correct policy mistakes and refine the governing algorithms in the interest of on-the-ground results and real-life problem-solving (a major imperative in Chinese algorithmic governance today, where the governing elites, as with past Chinese emperors, are, whatever their intellect, said to be excessively ‘far away’). These feedback loops – from the media, the academy, various groups and, evidently, from all Russian citizens – help to ensure that even the smartest algorithm-makers in the future policy elite do not make catastrophic mistakes based on information that is wholly detached from realities on the ground in Russia, across its massive territory.

Uncontrolled or excessively rapid federalization or decentralization, of course, could lead to the breakup of the country or to generalized chaos (a fact well underappreciated outside of Russia) – so strong are the centrifugal and also regionalized ethnic forces across Russia’s huge territory and regional diversity.

Thesis 2: Beyond this decentralization, Russia should ideally federalize substantively, even if the country is already, according to its present constitution, formally federal. At a minimum, as mentioned, the country must before long effectuate a gradual, controlled decentralization. Uncontrolled or excessively rapid federalization or decentralization, of course, could lead to the breakup of the country or to generalized chaos (a fact well underappreciated outside of Russia) – so strong are the centrifugal and also regionalized ethnic forces across Russia’s huge territory and regional diversity. Unintelligent or careless federalization, for its part, could lead to excessive ethnic concentration, to the detriment of the legitimacy of the federal centre in Moscow and the overall governability of the country – including through the destruction of the critical informational feedback to the centre provided by citizens and local governments in decentralized regimes.

Critically, because there is no felt – instinctual or cultural, rather than intellectual – understanding of how federalism works in any of the post-Soviet states – most of which are not only unitary but indeed hyper-unitary states, built on strict ‘verticals’ of power – it is perhaps appropriate (if not inevitable) that Russia should end up, through iteration and trial and error (the only way of doing policy in Russia), with what the Indians call a federal system with unitary characteristics.

Thesis 3: Mentality is critical to the future of Russia. There once was a ‘Soviet person.’ But what is a ‘Russian’ person, mentally, in the post-Soviet context? Answer: He or she is still being moulded. The Soviet collapse left Russians with at least three types of anomie or general disorientation – strategic, moral and, to be sure, in identity. All three species must be reckoned with – not with fetishistic searches for single national ideas, but rather through deliberate investments in real institutions and public achievements, and through long-term, patient investment in the legitimation of these institutions and achievements, both inside Russia and, to a lesser degree, internationally. Indeed, part of this investment and legitimation must involve the fostering of a far deeper and more robust policy culture in Russia’s intelligentsia, among its still-venerable specialists in various professional disciplines, and for its younger people, who are both the future algorithm-makers and drivers of the feedback mechanisms that are essential to the effective governance of the country. Such a policy culture is dangerously underdeveloped in today’s Russia, which militates against effective pivots to either of the argumentative or algorithmic traditions, and indeed against the creation of a uniquely Russian hybrid governance this century.

Russia has an opportunity to play a pivotal role in constructing a wide array of interstitial bridges and mechanisms that would help both to give its strategic doctrines greater and more constructive focus, and to drive the country’s institutional and economic development this century.

Thesis 4: What of Russia and Europe this century? The conflict between the West (especially Europe) and Russia that erupted over Ukraine in 2014 and that endures, without foreseeable resolution and in multiplying manifestations in several geographic theatres, can be properly and fundamentally understood as having originated in what I would call an ‘interstitial problem’ – that is, as the result of two regional regimes and geopolitical gravities (the EU to the west and Russia or, more loosely, the Eurasian Economic Union to the east) pulling ferociously, in opposite directions, on a poorly governed space (Ukraine), with weak institutions and unstable legitimacy at its own centre (the said problem of the ‘youth’ or ‘newness’ of all post-Soviet states). How can this be fixed? Answer: by creating, to the extent possible, a ‘Europe 2.0’ framework that interstitially – and tendon-like – binds Moscow with Brussels, or indeed the Eurasian and European planes, via Kiev. The ‘thickness’ of the binding mechanisms may well be de minimi s to start, comprising strictly confidence- or trust-building measures and renewed economic exchange, and evolving over time to bona fide security and political arrangements.

To be sure, with the EU significantly weakened by several concurrent crises (Brexit, refugees, economic stasis, the Ukrainian crisis and Turkish authoritarianism at its borders, the growing presence of Eurosceptic governments on the Continent, and now the Catalan crisis), an emerging strategic perspective from Moscow would seem to be that the ‘European’ option or pivot is now no longer on the table for Russia, even if the vision of constructing a common space between Lisbon and Vladivostok has been, with varying degrees of intensity and coherence, in the strategic psyche of, and expressed in many public statements by, Russian leaders going back to Mikhail Gorbachev (‘Big Europe’) in the late Soviet period through to Vladimir Putin from the early 2000s.

As Europe 1.0 transforms, it seems inevitable that, if peace is to be maintained on the continent, and if Russia is to avoid accidental or even narcissistic isolation and find economic and intellectual openings to Europe, then this Europe 2.0, although facially improbable today, will still have to be ‘invented’ and engineered. As such, there is a distinct strategic opportunity here for Moscow, if it is smart and plays its cards properly, to play a key role in its formulation and erection. Indeed, as Russia, on top of its juxtaposition with the EU, shares borders with several existing, emerging or potential economic and political blocs or international regimes in Asia-Pacific, the Middle East and even, via the melting Arctic, North America (a juxtaposition still underappreciated in North American capitals), Russia has an opportunity to play a pivotal role in constructing a wide array of interstitial bridges and mechanisms that would help both to give its strategic doctrines greater and more constructive focus, and to drive the country’s institutional and economic development this century. Moreover, to the extent that collision between two or more of these international blocs or regimes may, as with the Ukrainian case, lead to conflict – including, in extreme scenarios, nuclear conflict early this century – the opportunity for intellectual and strategic leadership in such interstitial ‘knitting,’ as it were, by Russia assumes a world-historical character.

Thesis 5: Russia has a serious succession problem. If this is not negotiated properly and carefully, it could result in civil conflict or chaos, and even the breakup of the country into several parts. (This is a fact that, as mentioned, is deeply misunderstood outside of Russia.) The absence of ‘argumentative’ institutions in Russia, including the peculiar weakness and superficiality of its political parties, means that the identity of, and nature of the contest and process for determining, the next President and other strategic leaders of Russia are not uncontroversially clear. This, again, is not a question of democratic fetish, but indeed one about the ability of the centre in Moscow to project legitimacy across the entire gigantic territory and population of the country. In the absence of a process deemed legitimate and a persona who, in succession to President Putin, is able to command the agreement of the masses to be governed by him (or her), there is a non-negligible risk of civil destabilization of the country. What’s more, should the presidency end more suddenly, for whatever reason, then the country could be seriously destabilized, as the process of relegitimation of the centre in succession will not have been triggered in time.

It is in the interest of Russian leaders to make the succession process extremely plain to the Russian people immediately. It is also manifestly in the interest of outside countries to understand this succession challenge – not least in order to be disabused of any interest in destabilizing the Russian leadership artificially, in the knowledge that a weak governing legitimacy in the aftermath of President Putin (or any Russian president, for that matter) could create not only wholesale chaos in Russia, but indeed major shockwaves in global stability (beginning at Russia’s 14 land and three maritime borders, and radiating outward).

Thesis 6: The creation of a true policy and political elite in the Singaporean or Chinese algorithmic idiom requires significant, long-term investment in education, and the creation of top-tier educational institutions, from kindergarten to the post-secondary levels. The USSR, for all its pathologies, obviously possessed such institutions (including ‘policy’ and administration academies through its Higher Party School). Russia, as a new state, does not. On top of world-class institution-building in education, Russia must, in order to improve the feedback mechanisms of the argumentative tradition, invest in, and deliver, renewed institutions of politics (including federalism), economics (including credible property rights protection), the judiciary (including serious judicial protection of the legitimate constitutional powers of different levels of government), as well as in other spheres of Russian social life (including the religious sphere).

Thesis 7: How to solve the Ukraine conflict and, by extension, Russia’s conflict with the West? We have discussed this extensively in past issues of GB . Moreover, 21CQ has itself, for the last three and a half years, been leading the track 1.5 work around the world, in leading capitals on three continents – from Moscow and Kiev to Paris, Washington, Ottawa and New Delhi – to find ‘exit’ algorithms for this conflict. The recent surge in interest in a peacekeeper-led exit from the conflict has direct roots in 21CQ’s work since the days immediately after the Ukrainian revolution, the Crimean annexation and the start of the Donbass war.

Still, at the time of this writing, I confess that the window for any clean, comprehensive resolution of this conflict may by now have passed (something that both leading Russians and Ukrainians know fairly well, even if some Western analysts may not yet). In 2014 and 2015, a winning algorithm for resolution, in my judgement, would have seen the insertion into the Donbass region (at the ceasefire line and along the Russo-Ukrainian border) of neutral peacekeepers (led by peacekeepers from Asian countries – non-NATO, but also not from the post-Soviet space – that are respected in both Ukraine and Russia), constitutional reform in Ukraine (including possible federalization in toto – recalling the aforementioned need for most post-Soviet states to decentralize or federalize – and/or special status or special economic zones for several regions of the south and east of Ukraine, in concert with the enshrinement of an Australian-style indissolubility clause for the Ukrainian union in the national constitution), and, finally, strong guarantees regarding the permanent non-membership of Ukraine in NATO (including through a possible UN Security Council resolution). These steps would have been accompanied by the removal (at least by the EU) of economic sanctions not related to Crimea.

Today, the paradox of the Ukraine conflict is as follows: Ukraine cannot succeed economically or even strategically without re-engagement with Russia (no amount of Western implication or goodwill will make up for the loss of Russian engagement); Russia cannot succeed (or modernize) economically without the removal of sanctions, and without a deeper reconnection with the EU; and the coherence of Europe suffers for the disengagement and economic weakness of Russia, as well as for the Ukrainian crisis at its borders. No resolution is currently in sight because both Ukraine and Russia remain ‘two houses radicalized’ in respect of this conflict, with key Western capitals not understanding (or believing) sufficiently the finer details of the conflict and its genesis, with Moscow gradually becoming ‘used to’ the economic sanctions and the renaissance of tensions with the West (including in its domestic political narrative), and with the government in Kiev increasingly weak and unstable, and therefore unable either to deliver major domestic reforms or make decisive moves to resolve the Donbass war. In addition, the accelerating disintegration of the Middle East, in Syria and beyond, has grossly complicated any prospects of exit from the crisis – effectively fusing together the European theatre with the Western Asian theatre. (The crisis in North Korea, if it erupts into war, may turn out to be yet another theatre of secondary conflict between Russia and Western countries.)

Leaving aside Russia’s succession issue, there is a clear risk of systemic collapse in one or both of Ukraine (for political and/or economic reasons) and Russia (more likely for economic reasons) in the near to medium term. Collapse of either country’s system would be devastating for both countries, as well as for European and global stability (including in nuclear terms). Ukrainian collapse would accelerate the slide toward direct military confrontation between Russia and NATO.

Only a systemic solution is possible to the conflict, and yet I do not believe that Europe is sufficiently strong and united at present to be able to drive a solution. The US, for its part, is politically unable to relieve Russia of sanctions, and so Moscow will not see much utility in the American play except insofar as Washington can play a role in pushing or incentivizing Kiev to make or not make certain moves. Therefore, the ‘solution’ to the conflict can for now only be partial , rather than general and global. In my assessment, it is Asia – particularly China, or perhaps India – and not Western countries that must play the pivotal role here. (Indeed, Moscow could cleverly seduce both New Delhi and Beijing, geopolitical rivalry between the two oblige, to play co-leads in this partial resolution.) The two key elements of the winning partial algorithm could include:

i. to stop the fighting, neutral peacekeepers from leading Asian countries (starting with China or India, but perhaps also Indonesia and Singapore) and a police or constabulary force in the Donbass region, as well as along the Russia-Ukraine border; and

ii. to rebuild and stabilize Ukraine, reconstitute the Ukrainian-Russian-European relationship (in new, interstitial terms), heavy Russian state reinvestment into all of Ukraine, and, concurrently, heavy Ukrainian reinvestment into all of Russia, with both countries combining economically to rebuild the Donbass in particular – all with significant loan guarantees from the new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the new BRICS bank, the Chinese and Indian governments proper, and with opportunistic but possibly subordinate participation by the EU (including through Donbass-specific sanctions relief for Russia), the US, Canada and other units and countries.

Issues like NATO guarantees of non-membership for Ukraine and also the future status of Crimea, as well as global sanctions relief for Russia, all require deep and coherent Western engagement, and so are not on the table for the foreseeable future. The above algorithm also insulates the Ukraine conflict somewhat from the Middle Eastern conflict – or, in other words, delinks, diplomatically, the resolution of the Ukraine conflict from that of the even less soluble Middle Eastern theatre.

Thesis 8: Despite its cultural dynamism and deep intelligentsia, Russia’s economy is unacceptably primitive. Natural resources and energy products will continue to dominate this economy for the foreseeable future, just as they did in the last century – which also makes the national economy and the federal and regional budgets exceedingly vulnerable to significant commodity price swings (with no serious countervailing revenue sources in sight). However, what appears to be missing in Russia today, in addition to proper investment in infrastructure across the territory, is a matching of state purpose, deep entrepreneurial talent, and large-scale venture investment in export-oriented sectors outside of commodities – the predictable result of which is a disproportionate dearth of great, global Russian companies and brands (again, outside of the commodities sector). And so here the model for Russia is likely Israel, from which algorithmic countries like Singapore have borrowed heavily in fashioning their own state-private sector models. Applied to the Russian context, that model would seem to commend two critical reform vectors for Russian industrial policy: first, the creation of a handful of national educational, military or technical-scientific institutions (elite or quasi-elite) that are able to develop an achievement-oriented mindset among Russia’s young adults, as well as lifelong friendships and ‘thick’ professional networks among these people; and second, assurances that the Russian state, with minimal bureaucratic friction, is positively disposed to giving entrepreneurs from the ‘class’ of young achievers passing through these institutions a first contract (procurement), initial funding, or indeed future contracts of scale.

Thesis 9: A key aspect of the argumentative paradigm of governance is that the marginal value of human life is greater in the societal geist of argumentative states than in that of algorithmic states, given the high importance ascribed to procedure and feedback to political power from citizens. This larger marginal value of life is given expression through very robust constitutional and cultural bulwarks for protecting human life, which is viewed in absolute terms. By contrast, algorithmic states, especially of the Asian ilk, may, at least implicitly, attach greater instrumentality to human life – that is, viewing human life as being in the service of, or subordinating to, the preferred Asian freedom: not freedom from government repression, but instead freedom from chaos. The Singaporeans and Malaysians, for instance, refer to the fear of chaos and death, in the Hokkien idiom, as kiasi, in response to which extreme or radical private or public measures may occasionally need to be taken: consider the death penalty or, more commonly, the use of standing emergency laws and measures. An individual life or, short of that, what Westerners view as fundamental rights, may, on this logic, need to be compromised or traded in the service of the more important general protection and freedom from chaos. This may lead to swifter and less compunctious resort to peremptory punishment (like the death penalty) for what might, in the argumentative states of the West, be considered micro-torts (including some drug offences), or to draconian emergency laws and prerogatives in response to perceived threats of a political ilk (including terrorism).

The policy implication for Russia is that the ‘care’ given to each individual Russian citizen (or the value of the individual Russian life) can be improved indirectly or circuitously – that is, that improvement may come not necessarily through direct legislative, regulatory, judicial or jurisprudential changes (and certainly not from well-intentioned rhetoric and nice proclamations), but indeed through investment in some of the ‘argumentative’ institutions themselves – including through improvement of the health and sophistication of the various estates, from political parties to Russian civil society (and even Russian businesses), that provide the feedback from the governed to the governors, thereby removing some of the edge from the bureaucratic leviathan as it touches the human condition in all corners of the country.

On this same logic of increasing the value of individual life, increased investment in argumentative institutions can arguably lead to better, more porous relations between the ethnic Russian majority and the many important minorities of Russia – from the Tatars, Chechens and Ingush, to the Jews, Ukrainians and Armenians.

The key question for Russian statecraft in the early 21st century is whether, allowing for limited corruption as an informal institution, the governing classes can move the country to greater wealth and stability, improving meaningfully and substantially the daily lives of citizens (and the perceived value of those lives).

Thesis 10: Excellent Russian public policy and administration will never wholly eliminate Russian public corruption. Russian corruption – narrowly conceived – can, to a limited extent, be seen as an informal institution of Russian state and society. In this, Russia is not that far removed from many countries and societies around the world, including the more advanced countries of Northeast and Southeast Asia (or also Israel and India). Instead, the key question for Russian statecraft in the early 21st century is whether, allowing for limited corruption as an informal institution, the governing classes can move the country to greater wealth and stability, improving meaningfully and substantially the daily lives of citizens (and, as mentioned above, the perceived value of those lives). Evidently, it would be best to improve the lot of citizens with negligible corruption, as is the standard in the argumentative states of North America or Western Europe. And just as manifestly, it is unacceptable to remain corrupt while the quality of life for Russians stagnates or deteriorates. But the story of leading algorithmic pioneers like Lee Kuan Yew or, on a more serious scale, Deng Xiaoping, is not one of perfunctory non-corruption – as that would likely remove all lubrication from the administrative system, institutional inertia oblige – but instead public achievement and policy-administrative delivery to citizens in the context of significant corruption that, over time, enjoys a demonstrably downward trajectory.

The paradox of Russian public administration as it applies to matters military versus non-military is instructive in this regard. In Russia, short-term military or emergency orders or decrees (or algorithms) are typically dispatched with remarkable rapidity and efficacy (demonstrating a prodigious national organizational ability to scale very quickly). And yet long-term plans and projects (including military procurement) are delivered with notorious inefficiency, slowness and procedural corruption. For these long-term projects, presidential decrees are issued, with considerable regularity, even to repeat or remind the bureaucratic system about the existence of still-unfulfilled past presidential decrees. Quaere : What type of strategic, policy and administrative seriousness and quality would Russia need to be able to deliver on the long term but prosaic with the same inspiration with which it delivers on various emergency prerogatives? Can the country maintain its focus (and cool)? Can it develop a professional leadership class across the country, at different levels of public power, that has a ‘synoptic vision’ that is sufficiently vast to incorporate Russia’s endless complexity while constantly iterating and refining this vision through citizen input and feedback? Can this class of people both populate and in turn discipline the administrative apparatus of the state? And, whatever the compromises it may require en route, can it deliver the goods for the Russian people?

Irvin Studin is Editor-in-Chief & Publisher of Global Brief Magazine.

(ILLUSTRATION: ARMANDO VEVE)

• Winter 2018
• Irvin Studin
• Russian strategy

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• Hypotheses on the implications of the Ukraine-Russia War

Barry Posen provides his perspective on the implications of the war in Ukraine. His analysis is available here  and was published in Defense Priorities .

How will the war in Ukraine shape international politics? In principle there are two ways to address this question. The first is simply to extrapolate into the future any actions or reactions that we can observe today. The second, which is explored below, is to organize our thinking theoretically, to ask what may turn out to be the long-term effects of the major causes set in motion by the war. I organize the discussion in terms of a theory of international politics—realism, mainly structural realism. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine serves as another reminder that war remains an ever-present danger in an international system that is anarchic—ie, devoid of any central authority with the wherewithal to protect states from aggression. States must therefore prepare to defend themselves. In the heady aftermath of the liberal West’s victory over the Soviet empire, and the apparent triumph of the US-led, liberal world order, many instead believed that interstate war would become a thing of the past. States now face strong incentives to reembrace tried and tested tools of self-preservation developed in earlier times.

Full story by Barry Posen is available here:  https://www.defensepriorities.org/explainers/hypotheses-on-the-implications-of-the-ukraine-russia-war

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How to Write War Essay: Russia Ukraine War

Understanding the Purpose and Scope of a War Essay

A condition of armed conflict between nations or between groups living in one nation is known as war. Sounds not like much fun, does it? Well, conflicts have been a part of human history for thousands of years, and as industry and technology have developed, they have grown more devastating. As awful as it might seem, a war typically occurs between a country or group of countries against a rival country to attain a goal through force. Civil and revolutionary wars are examples of internal conflicts that can occur inside a nation.

Your history class could ask you to write a war essay, or you might be personally interested in learning more about conflicts, in which case you might want to learn how to write an academic essay about war. In any scenario, we have gathered valuable guidance on how to organize war essays. Let's first examine the potential reasons for a conflict before moving on to the outline for a war essay.

• Economic Gain - A country's desire to seize control of another country's resources frequently starts conflicts. Even when the proclaimed goal of a war is portrayed to the public as something more admirable, most wars have an economic motivation at their core, regardless of any other possible causes.
• Territorial Gain - A nation may determine that it requires additional land for habitation, agriculture, or other uses. Additionally, the territory might serve as buffer zones between two violent foes.
• Religion - Religious disputes can stem from extremely profound issues. They may go dormant for many years before suddenly resurfacing later.
• Nationalism - In this sense, nationalism simply refers to the act of violently subjugating another country to demonstrate the country's superiority. This frequently manifests as an invasion.
• Revenge - Warfare can frequently be motivated by the desire to punish, make up for, or simply exact revenge for perceived wrongdoing. Revenge has a connection to nationalism as well because when a nation has been wronged, its citizens are inspired by patriotism and zeal to take action.
• Defensive War - In today's world, when military aggression is being questioned, governments will frequently claim that they are fighting in a solely protective manner against a rival or prospective aggressor and that their conflict is thus a 'just' conflict. These defensive conflicts may be especially contentious when conducted proactively, with the basic premise being that we are striking them before they strike us.

How to Write War Essay with a War Essay Outline

Just like in compare and contrast examples and any other forms of writing, an outline for a war essay assists you in organizing your research and creating a good flow. In general, you keep to the traditional three-part essay style, but you can adapt it as needed based on the length and criteria of your school. When planning your war paper, consider the following outline:

Introduction

• Definition of war
• Importance of studying wars
• Thesis statement

Body Paragraphs

• Causes of the War
• Political reasons
• Economic reasons
• Social reasons
• Historical reasons
• Major Players in the War
• Countries and their leaders
• Military leaders
• Allies and enemies
• Strategies and Tactics
• Military tactics and techniques
• Strategic planning
• Weapons and technology
• Impact of the War
• On the countries involved
• On civilians and non-combatants
• On the world as a whole
• Summary of the main points
• Final thoughts on the war
• Suggestions for future research

If you found this outline template helpful, you can also use our physics help for further perfecting your academic assignments.

Begin With a Relevant Hook

A hook should be the focal point of the entire essay. A good hook for an essay on war can be an interesting statement, an emotional appeal, a thoughtful question, or a surprising fact or figure. It engages your audience and leaves them hungry for more information.

Follow Your Outline

An outline is the single most important organizational tool for essay writing. It allows the writer to visualize the overall structure of the essay and focus on the flow of information. The specifics of your outline depend on the type of essay you are writing. For example, some should focus on statistics and pure numbers, while others should dedicate more space to abstract arguments.

How to Discuss Tragedy, Loss, and Sentiment

War essays are particularly difficult to write because of the terrible nature of war. The life is destroyed, the loved ones lost, fighting, death, great many massacres and violence overwhelm, and hatred for the evil enemy, amongst other tragedies, make emotions run hot, which is why sensitivity is so important. Depending on the essay's purpose, there are different ways to deal with tragedy and sentiment.

The easiest one is to stick with objective data rather than deal with the personal experiences of those who may have been affected by these events. It can be hard to remain impartial, especially when writing about recent deaths and destruction. But it is your duty as a researcher to do so.

However, it’s not always possible to avoid these issues entirely. When you are forced to tackle them head-on, you should always be considerate and avoid passing swift and sweeping judgment.

Summing Up Your Writing

When you have finished presenting your case, you should finish it off with some sort of lesson it teaches us. Armed conflict is a major part of human nature yet. By analyzing the events that transpired, you should be able to make a compelling argument about the scale of the damage the war caused, as well as how to prevent it in the future.

Tired of Looming Deadlines?

Get the help you need from our expert writers to ace your next assignment!

Popular War Essay Topics

When choosing a topic for an essay about war, it is best to begin with the most well-known conflicts because they are thoroughly recorded. These can include the Cold War or World War II. You might also choose current wars, such as the Syrian Civil War or the Russia and Ukraine war. Because they occur in the backdrop of your time and place, such occurrences may be simpler to grasp and research.

To help you decide which war to write about, we have compiled some facts about several conflicts that will help you get off to a strong start.

Russia Ukraine War

Russian President Vladimir Putin started the Russian invasion in the early hours of February 24 last year. According to him. the Ukrainian government had been committing genocide against Russian-speaking residents in the eastern Ukraine - Donbas region since 2014, calling the onslaught a 'special military operation.'

The Russian president further connected the assault to the NATO transatlantic military alliance commanded by the United States. He said the Russian military was determined to stop NATO from moving farther east and establishing a military presence in Ukraine, a part of the Soviet Union, until its fall in 1991.

All of Russia's justifications have been rejected by Ukraine and its ally Western Countries. Russia asserted its measures were defensive, while Ukraine declared an emergency and enacted martial law. According to the Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the administration's objective is not only to repel offensives but also to reclaim all Ukrainian land that the Russian Federation has taken, including Crimea.

Both sides of the conflict accuse the other of deploying indiscriminate force, which has resulted in many civilian deaths and displacements. According to current Ukraine news, due to the difficulty of counting the deceased due to ongoing combat, the death toll is likely far higher. In addition, countless Ukrainian refugees were compelled to leave their homeland in search of safety and stability abroad.

Diplomatic talks have been employed to try to end the Ukraine-Russia war. Several rounds of conversations have taken place in various places. However, the conflict is still raging as of April 2023, and there is no sign of a truce.

World War II

World War II raged from 1939 until 1945. Most of the world's superpowers took part in the conflict, fought between two military alliances headed by the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, and the Axis Powers, led by Germany, Italy, and Japan.

If you'd like to explore it more in-depth, consider using our history essay service for a World War 2 essay pdf sample!

After World War II, a persistent political conflict between the United States, the Soviet Union, and their allies became known as the Cold War. It's hard to say who was to blame for the cold war essay. American citizens have long harbored concerns about Soviet communism and expressed alarm over Joseph Stalin's brutal control of his own nation. On their side, the Soviets were angry at the Americans for delaying their participation in World War II, which led to the deaths of tens of millions of Russians, and for America's long-standing unwillingness to recognize the USSR as a genuine member of the world community.

Vietnam War

If you're thinking about writing the Vietnam War essay, you should know that it was a protracted military battle that lasted in Vietnam from 1955 to 1975. The North Vietnamese communist government fought South Vietnam and its main ally, the United States, in the lengthy, expensive, and contentious Vietnam War. The ongoing Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union exacerbated the issue. The Vietnam War claimed the lives of more than 3 million individuals, more than half of whom were Vietnamese civilians.

American Civil War

Consider writing an American Civil War essay where the Confederate States of America, a grouping of eleven southern states that seceded from the Union in 1860 and 1861, and the United States of America battled each other. If you're wondering what caused the civil war, you should know that the long-standing dispute about the legitimacy of slavery is largely responsible for how the war started.

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

After over a century, the Israel-Palestine conflict has evolved into one of the most significant and current problems in the Middle East. A war that has claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people destroyed their homes and gave rise to terrorist organizations that still hold the region hostage. Simply described, it is a conflict between two groups of people for ownership of the same piece of land. One already resided there, while the other was compelled to immigrate to this country owing to rising antisemitism and later settled there. For Israelis and Palestinians alike, as well as for the larger area, the war continues to have substantial political, social, and economic repercussions.

The Syrian Civil War

Pro-democracy protests broke out in southern Deraa in March 2011 due to upheavals against oppressive leaders in neighboring nations. When the Syrian government employed lethal force to quell the unrest, widespread protests calling for the president's resignation broke out.

The country entered a civil war as the violence quickly increased. After hundreds of rebel organizations emerged, the fight quickly expanded beyond a confrontation between Syrians supporting or opposing Mr. Assad. Everyone believes a political solution is necessary, even though it doesn't seem like it will soon.

Russia-Ukraine War Essay Sample

With the Russian-Ukrainian war essay sample provided below from our paper writing experts, you can gain more insight into structuring a flawless paper.

Why is there a war between Russia and Ukraine?

Final Words

To understand our past and the present, we must study conflicts since they are a product of human nature and civilization. Our graduate essay writing service can produce any kind of essay you want, whether it is about World War II, the Cold War, or another conflict. Send us your specifications with your ' write my essay ' request, and let our skilled writers help you wow your professor!

Having Hard Time Writing on Wars?

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Sentiment Shifts and a New Approach to Strategic Narratives Analysis: Russian Rhetoric on Ukraine

• Juris Pupcenoks , Scott Fisher , Graig Klein
• Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, The George Washington University
• Advance Publishing
• View Citation

Additional Information

How do countries’ strategic narratives (SNs) evolve during conflicts? Are changes in sentiment in diplomatic communication related to kinetic developments? This paper assesses Russian rhetoric toward Ukraine from 2004 to 2019 by qualitatively and quantitively analyzing nearly 3,000 statements by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. During this time, Russian identity narratives changed from projecting an identity of a good neighbor and hegemon to an enemy of the Ukrainian regime—while portrayals of Ukraine evolved from that of a strategic partner to a violator of international law and aggressor. Changes in sentiment either follow policy changes, pinpoint important kinetic developments, or indicate political openings.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia-Ukraine conflict'

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Davydov, Igor. "The Crimean Tatars and their influence on the 'triangle of conflict' Russia-Crimea-Ukraine." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FDavydov.pdf.

MIELNICZUK, FABIANO PELLIN. "IDENTITY AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IN THE POST-USSR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4983@1.

Bakke, Peter Christian. "Framing Ideologies in the 2013-2014 Ukrainian Crisis: How Opposing Movements use Culture to Characterize the Issues." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51805.

Ene, Ivan. "Republic of Moldova and the transnistrian conflict the impact of NATO and the European Union enlargements on the dispute resolution process." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FEne.pdf.

Bialecki, Melissa. ""They Believe the Dawn Will Come": Deploying Musical Narratives of Internal Others in Soviet and Post-Soviet Ukraine." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1493923081977843.

Kolli, Johanna. "Cyberkonflikten i Ukraina : Cyberattacker som instrument i tvingande diplomati." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-154147.

Soukup, Michelle Marie. "STRUGGLES BETWEEN UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN IDENTITY: THE PEACE CONUNDRUM, THE ROLE OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH, THE EAST VERSUS THE WEST AND THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-428019.

Mija, Valeriu. "A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.

Marinuta, Vitalie Nicon. "Evolution of Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova: prospects for its solution." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMarinuta.pdf.

Nilsson, Linnea. "Russia's exercise of power : A comparative case study of Russia's use of command power, soft power and smart power in Georgia and Ukraine." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85574.

Hašková, Barbara. "Assessment of the Effects of Sanctions on trade between the EU and Russia." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201905.

Chernousov, Pavel. "Economic Sanctions and International Conflicts: The Case of Russia In Comparative Perspective." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34925.

Sitniece, Katrīna Marija. "The Power of Values in Determining Interstate Threat Perception." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445527.

Nygren, Isak. "The Gothic versus the Russian. The conflict between the Church of the Goths and the Russian Orthodox Church : A comparison between the Church of the Goths (and similar churches) and the Moscow Patriarchate." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-26798.

Kao, Yun-ya, and 高韻雅. "EU’s Power, Role and Strategy of Mediation in Russia-Ukraine Gas Dispute and Russia-Georgia Conflict." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/78922392314833113095.

Cummings, Victoria. "Effect of trade in strategically significant sectors on the likelihood of conflict." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/33054.

Lutsenko, Oleksandr. "Ruské hybridní aktivity na Ukrajine: anektování Krymu a válka na Donbase." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448234.

Greene, Owen J., K. Morris, and M. Paasiaro. "Advice on Portfolio Development in the Eastern Partnership region and Russia: implications of Ukraine conflicts." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17096.

Tymchuk, Halyna. "NATO a evropská bezpečnost na východě: Dopad ukrajinsko-ruského konfliktu na NATO doktrínu a strategii Ukrajiny." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-434693.

游雅韻. "A study on the political implications of natural gas conflicts between russia and ukraine: the cases in 2006 and 2009." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/23421445263723512406.

Chen, Yu-Ching, and 陳右青. "Conflicts between Principles of Self-determination and the National Interest of Great Powers-the Policies of U.S. and Russia upon Ukraine and Scotland." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/60651719421564257694.

• News and Statements by President Bacow

Statement on the Russian Invasion of Ukraine

Let me begin by offering my thanks to the Davis Center and the Ukrainian Research Institute, its co-sponsors, and our panelists. Universities are built to bring people together, and technology has increased our capacity to draw audiences from around the world. This gathering exemplifies our convening strength—and its tremendous value.

On Friday, I wrote the director and executive director of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute of my deep concern about the capricious and senseless invasion of Ukraine. Since then, the situation has deteriorated further. Over the weekend, members of our community rallied at the heart of our campus and spoke clearly and forcefully against the crisis.

Now is a time for all voices to be raised.

The deplorable actions of Vladimir Putin put at risk the lives of millions of people and undermine the concept of sovereignty. Institutions devoted to the perpetuation of democratic ideals and to the articulation of human rights have a responsibility to condemn such wanton aggression.

Harvard will continue to support in whatever ways we can members of our community who face grave uncertainty. We will continue to share knowledge of Ukraine and advance understanding of its culture, history, and language. And we will continue to speak against cruelty, and to act with compassion as we hold to hope for resolution—and for liberation. 

Today the Ukrainian flag flies over Harvard Yard.  Harvard University stands with the people of Ukraine.

Opening remarks at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies and Ukrainian Research Institute at Harvard University event, Rapid Response Panel: Ukraine Under Attack .

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• How to Write a Thesis Statement | 4 Steps & Examples

How to Write a Thesis Statement | 4 Steps & Examples

Published on January 11, 2019 by Shona McCombes . Revised on August 15, 2023 by Eoghan Ryan.

A thesis statement is a sentence that sums up the central point of your paper or essay . It usually comes near the end of your introduction .

Your thesis will look a bit different depending on the type of essay you’re writing. But the thesis statement should always clearly state the main idea you want to get across. Everything else in your essay should relate back to this idea.

You can write your thesis statement by following four simple steps:

• Start with a question
• Write your initial answer
• Develop your answer
• Refine your thesis statement

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Table of contents

What is a thesis statement, placement of the thesis statement, step 1: start with a question, step 2: write your initial answer, step 3: develop your answer, step 4: refine your thesis statement, types of thesis statements, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions about thesis statements.

A thesis statement summarizes the central points of your essay. It is a signpost telling the reader what the essay will argue and why.

The best thesis statements are:

• Concise: A good thesis statement is short and sweet—don’t use more words than necessary. State your point clearly and directly in one or two sentences.
• Contentious: Your thesis shouldn’t be a simple statement of fact that everyone already knows. A good thesis statement is a claim that requires further evidence or analysis to back it up.
• Coherent: Everything mentioned in your thesis statement must be supported and explained in the rest of your paper.

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The thesis statement generally appears at the end of your essay introduction or research paper introduction .

The spread of the internet has had a world-changing effect, not least on the world of education. The use of the internet in academic contexts and among young people more generally is hotly debated. For many who did not grow up with this technology, its effects seem alarming and potentially harmful. This concern, while understandable, is misguided. The negatives of internet use are outweighed by its many benefits for education: the internet facilitates easier access to information, exposure to different perspectives, and a flexible learning environment for both students and teachers.

You should come up with an initial thesis, sometimes called a working thesis , early in the writing process . As soon as you’ve decided on your essay topic , you need to work out what you want to say about it—a clear thesis will give your essay direction and structure.

You might already have a question in your assignment, but if not, try to come up with your own. What would you like to find out or decide about your topic?

For example, you might ask:

After some initial research, you can formulate a tentative answer to this question. At this stage it can be simple, and it should guide the research process and writing process .

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Now you need to consider why this is your answer and how you will convince your reader to agree with you. As you read more about your topic and begin writing, your answer should get more detailed.

In your essay about the internet and education, the thesis states your position and sketches out the key arguments you’ll use to support it.

The negatives of internet use are outweighed by its many benefits for education because it facilitates easier access to information.

In your essay about braille, the thesis statement summarizes the key historical development that you’ll explain.

The invention of braille in the 19th century transformed the lives of blind people, allowing them to participate more actively in public life.

A strong thesis statement should tell the reader:

• Why you hold this position
• What they’ll learn from your essay
• The key points of your argument or narrative

The final thesis statement doesn’t just state your position, but summarizes your overall argument or the entire topic you’re going to explain. To strengthen a weak thesis statement, it can help to consider the broader context of your topic.

These examples are more specific and show that you’ll explore your topic in depth.

Your thesis statement should match the goals of your essay, which vary depending on the type of essay you’re writing:

• In an argumentative essay , your thesis statement should take a strong position. Your aim in the essay is to convince your reader of this thesis based on evidence and logical reasoning.
• In an expository essay , you’ll aim to explain the facts of a topic or process. Your thesis statement doesn’t have to include a strong opinion in this case, but it should clearly state the central point you want to make, and mention the key elements you’ll explain.

If you want to know more about AI tools , college essays , or fallacies make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples or go directly to our tools!

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A thesis statement is a sentence that sums up the central point of your paper or essay . Everything else you write should relate to this key idea.

The thesis statement is essential in any academic essay or research paper for two main reasons:

• It gives your writing direction and focus.
• It gives the reader a concise summary of your main point.

Without a clear thesis statement, an essay can end up rambling and unfocused, leaving your reader unsure of exactly what you want to say.

Follow these four steps to come up with a thesis statement :

• Ask a question about your topic .
• Write your initial answer.
• Develop your answer by including reasons.
• Refine your answer, adding more detail and nuance.

The thesis statement should be placed at the end of your essay introduction .

Cite this Scribbr article

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McCombes, S. (2023, August 15). How to Write a Thesis Statement | 4 Steps & Examples. Scribbr. Retrieved April 16, 2024, from https://www.scribbr.com/academic-essay/thesis-statement/

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Scripps Senior Theses

The russia-ukraine war: the second cold war.

Madeline Levine , Scripps College Follow

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Politics and International Relations

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2023 Madeline P Levine

Under the guise of a “special military operation,” Russian forces invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The immediacy with which the United States rallied support for Ukraine within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), the United Nations (“UN”), and the European Union (“EU”) raised speculation: Is Russia-Ukraine the beginning of a second Cold War? Did the Cold War actually end in the 1990s? Is Ukraine the first proxy war in a series of more to come between the United States and Russia? This thesis will address the first question by identifying and analyzing the characteristics that distinguished the Cold War from earlier conflicts, how the Russia-Ukraine War compares, and the implications of the Russia-Ukraine war on the global order.

Recommended Citation

Levine, Madeline, "The Russia-Ukraine War: The Second Cold War?" (2023). Scripps Senior Theses . 2208. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/2208

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Statement on Russia’s War against Ukraine

We at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University are horrified by the Russian military attack on Ukraine and the pain and suffering it is imposing on Ukrainians and all those who hold them dear. 

The attempt by the Russian president to resolve longstanding grievances with both the Ukrainian government and the post–Cold War international order through violence is a grave mistake. The future historians of Russia, Europe, and Eurasia will describe this dark moment as a regrettable, avoidable turning point of twenty-first century geopolitics.

Since our founding as the Russian Research Center, the Davis Center has sought to understand Russia and the broader Eurasian region with all the tools scholarship has to offer. Not surprisingly, in 75 years we have grown into a community with close ties to the region we study. The social scientists, humanists, and artists in our midst have spent time, energy, and emotion building relationships with these countries and the people who love them. It is devastating to see the Russian government turn against its neighbor Ukraine, with whom it shares part—though far from all—of its history. 

The present-day Davis Center fosters understanding through dialogue, research, and scholarly exchange. Although geopolitical harmony has eluded us for many decades, we have always hoped for and promoted peaceful mutual understanding. Simmering violence in eastern Ukraine and elsewhere in the post-Soviet world has been alarming for years, but the Russian invasion of Ukraine marks a definitive change in the political trajectory of the region. 

The Davis Center stands with the people of Ukraine and with the many people around the world who are and will be harmed by this war.

Rawi Abdelal Herbert F. Johnson Professor of International Management, Harvard Business School Director, Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies

Alexandra Vacroux Executive Director, Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies

February 25, 2022

See also: Statement on Suspension of Linkages with Russian Institutions of Higher Education (March 9, 2022)  

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• Foreignization and Domestication in Translation on the Example of Alice in Wonderland  Kostiuchenko, Mariia ( University of Oregon , 2022-10-04 ) In this thesis I would like to compare the principles of domestication and foreignization in translation using the examples of the Russian translations of Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (commonly just ...
• Maximilian Voloshin between Spirit and Matter  LEONENKO, ELENA ( University of Oregon , 2021-09-13 ) This thesis considers in tandem the verbal and visual production of the Russian modernist poet and artist Maximilian Voloshin (1877-1932), whose work, I argue, was polarized between the spiritual and the material realms. ...
• From Aral-Sea to Salt-Soil in Abdizhamil Nurpeisov's "Final Respects". Gender, Kazakh Ecocriticism and the Soviet Modernisation Mirage in the Steppe.  Zabel, Verena ( University of Oregon , 2021-09-13 ) In my thesis, I am analysing Soviet Kazakh writer Abdizhamil Nurpeisov's novel Final Respects. I argue that Nurpeisov's novel presents both environmentalist criticism and a multivocal description of Soviet Kazakh identity. ...
• The Networked Public Sphere in Moscow: How Young Adults Navigate Social Media and the Online Space  Smith, Kyle ( University of Oregon , 2020-12-08 ) In this thesis I examine how social media and the internet function as an alternative to Habermas’ public sphere and their potential to facilitate public discourse in the Russian Federation. Using in-depth interviews ...
• Arcadian Ruins: Remains of the Past in Contemporary Russian Art  Vikulina, Nadezhda ( University of Oregon , 2020-09-24 ) This thesis considers the subversive ways contemporary Russian art offers of looking at the ruins left by the recent Soviet past. It focuses on works of poetry and photography that capture the transformation of the landscape ...
• From Prophecy to Parody: Shamakha in the Russian Romantic Imagination  Jalilov, Murad ( University of Oregon , 2019-09-18 ) This thesis seeks to explore the role of the Azerbaijani city of Shamakha and the image of its ruler, the Shamakhan Queen in Pavel Katenin’s "Kniazna Milusha" and Alexander Pushkin’s "Skazka o Zolotom Petushke". In order ...
• Akram Aylisli, Village Prose, World Literature  Orte, Peter ( University of Oregon , 2019-09-18 ) This thesis takes Akram Aylisli’s Farewell, Aylis as an occasion to dwell on World Literature. Tracing Aylisli’s development as a Soviet writer of Azerbaijani “village prose,” I follow the displacements of the village ...
• Aspectual Prefix Variation in the Novel Russian Verbs  Gordeeva, Ksenia ( University of Oregon , 2019-01-11 ) The study compared prefix variation in novel verbs to prefix variation in standard Russian. Thirty-seven native speakers of Russian participated in the designed experiment. The experiment elicited the perfective verbs ...
• The Physiology of Literature: A.A. Ukhtomskii and the Principle of the Dominant  Osadchuk, Svetlana ( University of Oregon , 2018-09-06 ) THESIS ABSTRACT Svetlana R. Osadchuk Master of Arts
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 Title: The Physiology of Literature: A.A. Ukhtomskii and The Principle of The Dominant Russian ...
• Russia's Hybrid Warfare: The Prowess and Limitations of Putin's (In)Visible Hand in Estonia and Latvia  Casselman, Rachel ( University of Oregon , 2017-09-06 ) Russia’s recent increase in acts of aggression against bordering nations is concerning. After Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula, many wondered if the world should anticipate a Baltic intervention. This ...
• Can the United States and Russia Cooperate? Analyzing the results of bilateral and multilateral cooperation on the Syrian conflict  Ward, Peter ( University of Oregon , 2017-09-06 ) The discourse regarding US/Russia relations focuses intensely on the competitive nature between these two powers. Policy makers echo strategies of the past by making recommendations which embrace competitiveness and mutual ...
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• Poetics of Lev Tolstoy's Kholstomer  Forehand, Paul ( University of Oregon , 2014-09-29 ) This thesis contains an analysis of the ways in which form and content are combined to create significance within a text, as well as an exploration of the ways in which the mechanics of didactic fiction convey this ...
• Gender Assignment of Russian Indeclinable Nouns  Wang, Qiang ( University of Oregon , 2014-09-29 ) This thesis analyzes the grammatical gender assignment of Russian indeclinable nouns. Chapter I focuses on gender and agreement in Russian nouns. Previous assignment models failed to account for the non-neuter gender of a ...
• Representations of Revolution and Revolutionaries in Early Twentieth Century Russian Literature  Moore, Rick ( University of Oregon , 2014-09-29 ) The representation of Revolution and revolutionaries develops as one of the main themes in Russian literary texts of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It would not be an overstatement to say that most active ...

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Naval Postgraduate School

Where Science Meets the Art of Warfare

Student Thesis Explores Russian Tactics to Influence U.S. Nuclear Perceptions

Rebecca Hoag   |  April 21, 2020

U.S. Army Maj. Trisha Wyman prepares to present her master’s thesis research during the annual Defense Analysis Research Week. Wyman, a December 2019 graduate of the university, performed a detailed analysis of a Russian disinformation campaign designed to shape U.S. perceptions of nuclear capabilities.

Russian meddling in the United States’ affairs gained media attention in the U.S. following the 2016 presidential election, but the superpower has been manipulating foreign media for decades, says U.S. Army Maj. Trisha Wyman, a recent graduate of the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS). Her thesis, through the university’s Department of Defense Analysis, thesis focused on Russia’s calculated dissemination of nuclear strategy propaganda via Twitter to strike fear and encourage conflicting viewpoints in Americans. It’s difficult to definitely say U.S. residents have fallen for Russian bots and trolls, says Wyman, but they may be successfully confusing the facts surrounding U.S. and Russian nuclear capabilities.

Wyman has been fascinated by Russia and Soviet Union history for a long time, but she never did any formal research on it until her undergraduate thesis which focused on the Soviet-Afghan War. She then was assigned to the U.S. Army’s Security Force Assistance Foreign Weapons Course, which naturally involved understanding at Russia’s weaponry. 

Adversarial threats are not just in physical weapons anymore, of course, so for her NPS master’s thesis, Wyman additionally chose to examine open source information of Russia’s use of social media to infiltrate organizations, as Russia has historically done.

“Here, my studies focused not just on data analysis but also on counterproliferation,” she explains. “So basically, the nexus of my interests fell into this research topic.”

In her thesis, Wyman dove into the history of Soviet Union and Russian use of media manipulation to persuade policy and public opinion in other countries. She found India was a susceptible playground for Russia's media and internet organizations to try different propaganda techniques and bot technologies. Because of the invention of the Internet and Wild West social media channels, Moscow has poured money into their “cybernetic” strategies. 

Wyman specifically looks at how Russia strategized the media attention around their Status-6 (also called Poseidon or Kanyon) -- an autonomous, nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed underwater vehicle under development. Information on Status-6 was “accidently” leaked by Russian media on Twitter in 2015, and Russia used methods and principles of authority, scarcity, channeled attention, threats and sexual lures to create a larger-than-life image of the weapon. 

Information spread by Russian media, bots and trolls suggested Status-6 would soon have the capability to blow up the whole U.S. East Coast. While U.S. policy statements of Status-6 prior to the leak suggested the weapon was still many years away from being effective, Wyman says, this information didn’t circulate as seemingly well as Russia’s misinformation.) Wyman says Russia’s goal was to give the impression that Russia was a nuclear powerhouse Americans should fear. They want Americans to think that the cost of going to war with Russia would be too high to consider.

The reveal of Status-6 flared up the pro- versus anti-nuclear weapons conversation in the U.S. and made the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty between the U.S. and Russia appear weak to some Americans. When the Trump Administration pulled out of the treaty last year, it not clear whether or not the Russians’ campaign influenced the choice. But, as Wyman notes, it is a potential indicator of Russia’s cybernetics being successful in swaying a populace’s perceptions.

Russia has focused its effort and resources into this net-warfare, Wyman reports. In her thesis, Wyman tracked reach of different Twitter accounts believed to be run by either potential Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) bots Russian media itself or trolls.

Although gaining large amounts of Twitter data proved difficult, the data Wyman did gain via the NPS Common Operational Research Environment (CORE) Lab informed her research on the topic. She found Russia’s methods to stir up trouble via Twitter concerningly effective. Surprisingly, she says, research on this topic was few and far between. 

“I think studying what they’re doing in the information space is extremely important to understand what they’re trying to achieve,” Wyman urges.

She found that it’s easier for Russia to spread a narrative because of their media censorship and their authoritarian nationalism. While she emphasizes the importance of America’s freedom of speech, she says it makes it hard for the U.S. to develop a centralized message throughout its social media platforms. A lack of centralized image along with a lack of social media laws can make it difficult for the U.S. to get on top of the netwar.

“Whoever is going to maximize synchronizing and having a common narrative that’s consistent and persistent, I think is really going to dominate and win [the netwar],” Wyman says.

Wyman plans to keep an eye on this research field as she continues her Army service. She’s currently a visiting scientist at Lawrence Livermore National Lab until she begins her next assignment in the summer. She hopes more people will take up this research topic for the sake of national security. Personally, she intends to use what she’s learned to educate her future soldiers and teams about Russian information warfare.

“I will be able to apply what I’ve learned with social media, data analytics and social network analysis...really everything from my research,” Wyman says. “I’ll be able to look at my research methodology and apply that to problem sets in the future and, of course, enable my soldiers and my teams to do the same thing.”

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U.S. Department of the Treasury

United states and united kingdom take action to reduce russian revenue from metals.

New Prohibitions Issued on Aluminum, Copper, and Nickel

WASHINGTON — Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury, in coordination with the United Kingdom, issued two new prohibitions to disrupt the revenue that Russia earns from its export of aluminum, copper, and nickel. 

This new action prohibits the import of Russian-origin aluminum, copper, and nickel into the United States, and limits the use of Russian-origin aluminum, copper, and nickel on global metal exchanges and in over-the-counter derivatives trading. This action solidifies Treasury’s follow through on the  G7 Leaders’ Statement to reduce Russia’s revenues from metals. 

“Our new prohibitions on key metals, in coordination with our partners in the United Kingdom, will continue to target the revenue Russia can earn to continue its brutal war against Ukraine,” said Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen. “By taking this action in a targeted and responsible manner, we will reduce Russia’s earnings while protecting our partners and allies from unwanted spillover effects.”

“Disabling Putin’s capacity to wage his illegal war in Ukraine is better achieved when we act alongside our allies,” said Jeremy Hunt, United Kingdom Chancellor of the Exchequer. “Thanks to Britain’s leadership in this area, our decisive action with the U.S. to jointly ban Russian metals from the two largest exchanges will prevent the Kremlin funnelling more cash into its war machine.”

To implement this policy, Treasury has issued a  new determination under E.O. 14068 prohibiting the importation into the United States of aluminum, copper, and nickel of Russian Federation origin produced on or after April 13, 2024 (the “metals”).  Treasury also issued a  complementary determination  under Executive Order (E.O.) 14071 that prohibits the exportation, reexportation, sale, or supply to any person located in the Russian Federation of (1) warranting services for the metals produced on or after April 13, 2024 on a global metal exchange and (2) services to acquire the metals produced on or after April 13, 2024 as part of the physical settlement of a derivative contract.  

As a result of today’s collective actions, metal exchanges, like the London Metal Exchange (LME) and Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME), will be prohibited from accepting new aluminum, copper, and nickel produced by Russia. Metal exchanges provide a central role in facilitating the trading of industrial metals around the globe. By taking joint action, the United States and UK are depriving Russia and its metals producers of an important source of revenue.

For more information on the implementation of today’s action, please see OFAC’s  Frequently Asked Questions 1168 through 1172 .

Click here to read the Determination under E.O. 14068: Prohibitions Related to Imports of Aluminum, Copper, and Nickel of Russian Federation Origin .

Click here to read the Determination under E.O. 14071: Prohibitions on Certain Services for the Acquisition of Aluminum, Copper, or Nickel of Russian Federation Origin .

Russia calls for restraint, speaks to Iran after strikes on Israel

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• Russia calls for restraint, says very concerned
• Says Israeli-Palestinian conflict must be solved
• Lavrov speaks to Iranian foreign minister
• Moscow scolds Israeli envoy

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Reporting by Guy Faulconbridge, Editing by William Maclean

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As Moscow bureau chief, Guy runs coverage of Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Before Moscow, Guy ran Brexit coverage as London bureau chief (2012-2022). On the night of Brexit, his team delivered one of Reuters historic wins - reporting news of Brexit first to the world and the financial markets. Guy graduated from the London School of Economics and started his career as an intern at Bloomberg. He has spent over 14 years covering the former Soviet Union. He speaks fluent Russian.

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Norway’s health minister resigns after plagiarism accusation in latest scandal to rock the Cabinet

Norwegian Minister of Health and Care Ingvild Kjerkol sobs during a press conference at the Prime Minister’s office SMK in Oslo, Norway, Friday April 12, 2024. Norway’s health minister resigned Friday, the second Norwegian government member to step down this year amid allegations they plagiarized academic works. (Cornelius Poppe/NTB Scanpix via AP)

FILE - Minister of Health and Care Ingvild Kjerkol sits in the parliamentary chamber in Oslo, Wednesday Jan. 17, 2024. The center-right opposition in Norway on Thursday called for the resignation of Norway’s Health Minister Ingvild Kjerkol after an academic plagiarism probe ruled that she cheated in her thesis from 2021. It was the latest case of unethical behavior in Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store’s center-left government which took office in October 2021. (Ole Berg-Rusten/NTB via AP, File)

Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store, right, looks at Norwegian Minister of Health and Care Ingvild Kjerkol during a press conference at the Prime Minister’s office SMK in Oslo, Norway, Friday April 12, 2024. Norway’s health minister resigned Friday, the second Norwegian government member to step down this year amid allegations they plagiarized academic works. (Cornelius Poppe/NTB Scanpix via AP)

Norwegian Minister of Health and Care Ingvild Kjerkol reacts during a press conference at the Prime Minister’s office SMK in Oslo, Norway, Friday April 12, 2024. Norway’s health minister resigned Friday, the second Norwegian government member to step down this year amid allegations they plagiarized academic works. (Cornelius Poppe/NTB Scanpix via AP)

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COPENHAGEN, Denmark (AP) — Norway’s health minister resigned Friday, the second Norwegian government member to step down this year amid allegations they plagiarized academic works.

Ingvild Kjerkol resigned a day after a probe by Nord University in Bodoe in northern Norway, where Kjerkol, handed in her master thesis in 2021, concluded that “there is a not insignificant amount of plagiarism in her master’s thesis.”

“We have come to the conclusion that Ingvild should resign as minister,” Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre told a press conference. He said the probe had concluded the plagiarism was “intentional.”

Kjerkoll said she and a co-author “did not intend to plagiarize other people’s assignments.”

“Although it hurts not to be believed, we have to deal with the fact that (the university) is of a different opinion,” she said at a joint press conference with Gahr Støre.

The 48-year-old Kjerkol has been in office since October 2021 when Gahr Støre presented a coalition government of his own Labor party and the junior Center Party.

Kjerkol is the second government member to be entangled in academic plagiarism allegations this year.

In January, Sandra Borch stepped down as minister for research and higher education after a student discovered that parts of Borch’s master’s thesis, including spelling mistakes, were copied without attribution from a different author.

Gahr Støre’s coalition has seen the departure of several ministers in recent months over other wrongdoings. In September, it was revealed that the husband of then Foreign Minister Anniken Huitfeldt had been trading in stocks for years behind her back and that could potentially enrich her.

In September, the ruling social democratic Labor party was defeated in local elections by the conservative Hoeyre, the main opposition party, for the first time since 1924. The party, which for decades was Norway’s largest party in local elections, came in second in the Sept. 11 elections for local councils in Norway’s 356 municipalities and 11 counties .