independent africa case study congo essay

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay for Grade 12 and Grade 11 History.

This page contains an answer guide to the below History Essay Questions (memo):

• What were the ideas that influence the independent states Congo and Tanzania?

After attaining independence Congo and Tanzania were faced with economic, social, and political challenges although there were successes that Mobuto and Nyerere gained in trying to improve the living standards for blacks.

Table of Contents

Do you agree with this statement? Use appropriate evidence to support your argument.

[Plan and construct an original argument based on relevant evidence using analytical and interpretative skills.]

Candidates should indicate whether or not they agree with the statement and support their answer with relevant historical evidence. Candidates must specifically look at the economic, social and cultural challenges facing both countries after independence.

MAIN ASPECTS

Candidates should include the following aspects in their response:

Introduction: Candidates should critically discuss the successes and challenges facing Tanzania and the Congo with specific reference to their economic, social and political development after gaining independence from colonial rule.

ELABORATION ECONOMY

• The Congo and Tanzania inherited a single-product economy from their colonisers.
• Tanzania followed a socialistic economic model.
• Congo followed a capitalistic model.
• Both countries struggled to develop their respective economies.
• Nyerere adopted an African Socialism model outlined in the Arusha Declaration which led to the nationalisation of industries and land.
• Its aim was to cut ties with Western countries and create self-sufficiency and self- dependency.
• Society would be stable and free of economic inequalities.
• Mobuto initially nationalised industries using the Zairianisation policy – which involved taking farms and businesses from the foreign owners who were replaced by Congolese.
• When it failed due to lack of skills and poor management he adopted a capitalistic model and returned businesses to foreign owners.
• Nyerere introduced Villagisation or Ujaama.
• A rural community with farming/collective labour.
• Lack of tools, water and management skills led to resistance which the police and military forces could not control.
• This led to destruction and abandonment of fields.
• Tanzania remained the poorest and most underdeveloped country.
• Tanzania reduced corruption of government officials through the “Leadership Code”.
• Both countries had to accept foreign aid and allow investments which Nyerere initially viewed as neo-colonialism.

SOCIAL CHALLENGES:

• Both countries inherited a colonial education system that promoted Eurocentric values
• Both countries were challenged by skills shortages; only a few technicians and engineers were available.
• Both countries were taught European history and languages, the African content was regarded as inferior and not taught. Tanzania:
• Promoted Swahili (local language) over English
• Introduced a massive literacy campaign that saw illiteracy drop drastically (from 80% to 20%) between 1961 and 1981
• Nyerere produced, ‘Education for Self-Reliance’ (1967) which promoted basic literacy in primary schools in all rural areas. Congo:
• Inherited only 14 university graduates
• Expanded its higher education system
• Increased primary education from 1,6 million to 4,6 million people between 1960 and 1974
• Unlike Swahili in Tanzania, French remained the language of instruction in Congo. Africanisation:

Villagisation (Ujamaa) in Tanzania embraced traditional community values based on self-reliance

Zairianisation in Congo replaced experienced Belgian human resources with local people and replaced European names with local names, e.g. Congo to Zaire

POLITICAL ASPECTS

• Attaining independence through democratic elections (the Congo 1960) J. Kasavubu became President and P. Lumumba became the prime minister
• After holding multi-party elections at independence, the Congo became a one- party state within the first five years after gaining the independence
• Mobuto Sese Seko remained as president for life until his death in 2007
• Mobuto Sese Seko created a kleptocracy where a group of appointed public officials abused their position for financial gain
• Brought back African values
• Strong centralised government
• Political stability (though based on authoritarianism)
• Any other relevant response
• Attaining independence through democratic elections (Tanzania 1961: J. Nyerere – amended the constitution to become President (1962)
• Smooth transition (peaceful change/racial harmony/commitment to promotion of human equality and dignity
• After holding multi-party elections at independence, it became a one-party state
• Nyerere remained as president between the 1960s and 1970s
• Nyerere introduced the Leadership Code in the Arusha Declaration which demanded high levels of integrity from public officials
• African socialism/ Ujamaa was appropriate for inhabitants
• Establishment of the United Republic of Tanzania (1964)
• Centralised and unitary state
• Any other relevant response Conclusion: Candidates should tie up their arguments with relevant conclusions.

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HISTORY T1 W6 Gr. 12: INDEPENDENT AFRICA: THE CONGO

INDEPENDENT AFRICA: THE CONGO

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Comparative Study: Tanzania and Congo Following Independence During the 1960s and 1970s

A Comparative Study of Tanzania and Congo Following Independence During the 1960s and 1970s - with reference to social, political and economic changes withing the two nations

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Topic 2: Independent Africa

Sep 14, 2014

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Topic 2: Independent Africa. Grade 12 CAPS History. Topic 2: Independent Africa (overview). How was independence realised in Africa in the 1960s and 1980s?

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• liberation movements
• cold war divisions
• state takes partial control

Presentation Transcript

Topic 2: Independent Africa Grade 12 CAPS History

Topic 2: Independent Africa (overview) How was independence realised in Africa in the 1960s and 1980s? • Comparative case studies to illustrate the political, economic, social and cultural successes and challenges of Africa 1960-1980: Congo and Tanzania (Essay Question) • Africa in the Cold War:Case Study Angola (Source Based Question)

What was the impact of the internal and external factors of Africa during the time? Africa in the Cold War Case Study: ANGOLA

Where in the world is Angola? ANGOLA

Where in Africa is Angola located? Angola

Map of Angola Cabinda

KEY CONCEPTS The following concepts are relevant to this case study. 1. Cold War - was an ideological conflict between the USA and the Soviet Union, after World War 11 (not a direct fighting between super powers) 2. Communism - is a political and economic system whereby the state takes full responsibility for its citizens. Centrally controlled economic and political system which is an alternative to capitalism. 3. Socialism -The involvement of state in the economy. State takes partial control of the means of production but allows for some private ownership. 4. Democracy: A political system in which all citizens are free to elect representatives to establish a multi-party government.

Key concepts (continued) 5. Neo-colonialism - (neo-meaning new or revived colonialism) paradoxically Africa with its rich resources enriched foreign powers in a one-sided relationship (exploitation) which favoured the former colonial powers. African nations were given political independence but did not attain economic freedom. 6. One-Party State - System of government where only one political party is legally permitted to exist/function. 7. Dictatorship – An individual ruler who takes total control of all state power. Often results in the creation of a personality cult through the use of security forces to eliminate all forms of opposition. 8. Civil War - War between civilians within a country. 9. African Nationalism - An intense commitment to liberate Africans from colonial rule. 10. Perestroika - Economic restructuring & Glasnost – Political openness (introduced by Gorbachev).

How Africa was drawn into the Cold War • African decolonization occurred during the Cold War. • Both US and USSR used aid packages, technical assistance and even military assistance to liberation movements to draw African countries into their spheres of influence. • Angola is rich in minerals: Oil, diamonds, gold, uranium, copper + fishing industry – a very desirable colony and ally.

Angola :Colonialism and Independence • Portuguese presence / trade in Angola from the 1480s • Berlin Conference 1885: control formalised • 1951: Portugal considered Angola to be an oversees province of Portugal: Policy of Assimilation • Portugal rejected calls for Independence from 1950s • War of Independence (1961 – 1974) • Coup by pro-democracy army officers in Portugal 1974 • Jan. 1975: Alvor Accords: to prepare for take over by 3 liberation movements (were not honoured). • Elections set for 11/ 11 1975 (did not happen)

Angola: colonialism and Independence

Civil War Broke out in 1974 In 1974 each of the three liberation movements declared themselves the official government from their separate capital cities.MPLA:UNITA:FNLA: Angola’s civil war soon became a proxy in which East and West played out their Cold War politics.

Civil war broke out in 1974 Luanda damaged by the civil war

Reasons for international involvement in Angola • USSR: to support liberation from colonialism; strategic importance of Angola; a communism base in the region; within reach to give financial and military support to SWAPO. • USA: Policy of containment – feared the spread of communism in the region; secretly sent arms to FNLA and UNITA. USA’s Clark Amendment ‘76 called for reduction of involvement in Angola - repealed in 1985 and funding for resumed: NB: Angola has OIL. • Cuba: Castro wished to spread the revolution (US vigilantly preventing this in South America) , sent military assistance to MPLA from 1966; Number of troops deployed increased to a peak of 50 000 in late 1980s. • China: committed to anti-imperialist struggle + to prevent spread of USSR’s influence. • South Africa: NP’s policy of destabilisation in region to stop spread of communism ; to destroy SWAPO bases.

Impact on regional stability • Cold war Divisions in region Pro-west = UNITA and FNLA vs Pro-East = MPLA • Congo (Zaire) became a base for FNLA and provided troops and vehicles. • Namibia: 966 UN Security council Resolution 435; SA supported UNITA through SWA; villages destroyed, Angolan refugees. • Zambia: Received aid from USA, UNITA raided Zambia to pillage resources; Angolan refugees; Benguela railway line closed – hampered exports.

Significance of Cuito Cuanavale (1987 – 1988) SADF helped by UNITA and FNLA attempted to take control of Cuito Cuarnivale (small town of strategic importance) Who Won? (Multi-perspectivity) Viewpoint 1: • Defeat for Angolan Army (Fapla) by UNITA + SA • USSR & Cuba forced to withdrew from Angola Viewpoint 2 • SA(SADF) defeated by Angolan army (Fapla) and Cuban forces and forced to withdraw. • Liberation of SWA (Namibia)

Changing nature of international relations • 1988: New York Treaty, negotiated independence of Namibia • Withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola • 1989: Gbadolite Accord (famous handshake – dos Santos and Savimbi) • 1991 (31 May): Bicesse Peace Accords • 1992 (September) elections to be supervised by UNO UNITA refused to accept MPLA victory – war resumed. • 1994 (November)Lusaka protocol(international pressure) • 1998 (December) Fourth MPLA congress • 2002 (22 February) Savimbi killed • 2002 (4 April) Luena Memorandum of Understanding

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Introduction

The First and Second Congo Wars from 1996-1997 and 1998-2003 respectively, have often been considered by historians to be Sub-Saharan Africa’s World Wars. These conflicts have had repercussions on The Democratic Republic of the Congo such that it has not yet fully recovered in the modern era. Each of these respective conflicts experienced sweeping peace agreements with large international participation, and each peace agreement subsequently ended in failure. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest geographic country with the most significant deposits of natural resources in the region, yet it ranks 52 nd out of 54 countries in GDP per Capita by the International Monetary Fund’s annual World Economic Outlook. [1] In addition, the country maintains one of the lowest Freedom House scores in both political rights and civil liberties. [2] Analyzing these peace agreements in conjunction with unique factors to the DRC such as; brutal colonialism, ethnic fracture, and corruption, can provide insight into areas of success and causation of failure in these conflicts.

Colonialism’s Lasting effects on Peace and Stability

It is essential to ground any discussion of modern history in the DRC on study of colonial rule and the vast generational repercussions it placed on the society. Belgian rule of the Congo was markedly brutal leaving deep scars upon the society. Belgium, and its King Leopold II, viciously abused Congolese people creating a society of slavery where the populace was afraid to oppose his role. [3] Leopold believed he could unite the Congo which was deeply divided between Catholic and secular ideologies through French and Flemish traditions including forced language transition. [4] He created a private military group known as the Force Publique which terrorized Congolese laborers forcing extraction of resources. The Force Publique is known to have killed or tortured the families of workers to instill enough fear suppressing any inklings of rebellion. [5]

Belgium ruled the Congo as its official African colony from 1908 until it finally gained independence in 1960. In the latter half of its rule, Belgium instituted policies of urbanization, economic development, educational reform, and an expanded healthcare system.4 However, the colony was still designed to generate wealth for its colonizer leading to forced labor and exploitation.

The Congo experienced 83 years of direct colonial rule which has formed deep transgenerational trauma that exists to this day. Generational trauma is the theory a society or group of people can inherit the pain and suffering of their ancestors subsequently internalizing emotional attachments and generating psychological identity to their ancestor’s trauma. [6] Analysis of modern day conflicts in this region must utilize this theoretical concept to interpret some level of causation. It is evident that decades after the fall of colonial rule, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its people still harbor emotionally traumatic experiences and real societal scars from occupation. Crisis of identity permeates throughout all levels of the society, leading Congolese peoples to turn to violence multiple times throughout history as they lack proper recourse to repair their cultural traditions.

Zaire and Mobutu

The Belgian-Congo officially gained independence on June 30, 1960, declaring itself the Republic of the Congo and holding democratic elections. Patrice Lumumba was elected as the first Prime Minister of the newly independent nation and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected President. However, political chaos quickly ensued later known as the Congo Crisis. This constituted a five-year period from 1960-1965 of political instability and civil wars within the country that saw the nation divided into three parts. Kasa-Vubu led the most powerful political party Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) and quickly dismissed Lumumba from his position as Prime Minister to gain power. This chaos allowed Joseph Mobutu who had been declared the head of the Army by Lumumba to forcibly remove Lumumba from office where he was subsequently executed in 1961 by an American and Belgian backed execution squad of Belgian nationals. Utilizing the resulting power struggle between Tshombe and Kasa-Vubu, Mobutu instituted a coup resulting in his sole leadership. [7] It is important to note that this power struggle was a proxy-war between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War, with further foreign influence and destabilization efforts on both sides. [8]

Mobutu renamed the country to the Republic of Zaire in 1971. His rule was initially met with widespread support as he generated peace and stability for the newly formed nation. The stability and African nationalism of Mobutu’s regime veiled the severe corruption, widespread human rights violations, political repression, and rampant clientelism that defined his rule. [9] Mobutu faced immense amounts of pressure internally in the 1990s which ultimately forced him to flee the country during the First Congo War in 1997.

Mobutu’s regime is synonymous with corruption, becoming an illustrative example of a trend that has swept through sub-Saharan Africa in subsequent years. Corruption, cronyism, and clientelism were so widespread during this period that their effects have destabilized the state in modern times. While the subsequent wars are the result of a variety of factors, it is undeniable that the extreme corruption of the Mobutu regime created a country which was perfectly situated to experience violent conflict and massive societal upheaval.

Rwandan Genocide

War may have always been brewing in The Congo, but the aftermath of the Rwandan Genocide acted as the official powder keg to spark the conflict. The civil war saw the Tutsi and Hutu ethnic groups engage in a four-year long struggle for control of Rwanda. Extremist factions in the Hutu government eventually gained power and enacted a genocide against Tutsi, Twa, and moderate Hutu in the country. Approximately 500,000 to 1 million people were slaughtered by the Hutu in just 100 days from April 7 th , 1994 to July 15 th , 1994. The Rwandan government quickly collapsed following the genocide as the Tutsi RPF forces won the Civil War by July of 1994. [10]

The victorious RPF formed a government ousting the Hutu and declaring intent to persecute those responsible for the genocide. By 1996 approximately two million Hutu’s had poured into The Congo fleeing repercussions of the War. They set up refugee camps along the border that housed hundreds of thousands of Hutus. [11] These camps were effectively controlled by the former Hutu regime and military including those who had orchestrated the genocide. These individuals plotted a return to power in Rwanda and a re-ignition of conflict. Zaire provided support and sanctuary to these leaders and by 1996 Hutu military forces were launching steady attacks on Rwanda.           

The resulting wars known as the First and Second Congo Wars, or “Africa’s World War” are directly correlated with ethnic tensions that had been brewing for generations in the region. Deep hatred between Hutu and Tutsi exploded into all-out war pitting nine countries and numerous rebel groups against one another in brutal, often chaotic, combat from 1996-2003. Unweaving this complex web of alliances, ethnic groups, and political objectives can provide significant insight into the successes and failures of the resulting peace agreements in both conflicts.

First Congo War

In 1996 with support from Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi, Laurent Kabila led anti-Mobutu forces in capturing large swaths of territory in Eastern Zaire. During this march, Rwandan forces massacred an estimated 200,000 Hutu refugees. [12]

Kabila’s AFDL (Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo) acted as the figurehead for this conflict, but the war was ultimately of Rwanda and Uganda’s making. Zaire proved too weak to oppose the alliance of AFDL, Rwanda and Uganda who took the capital of Kinshasa in 1997, as Mobutu fled the country. Kabila declared himself President in May of 1997, changing the name of the nation from Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo and violently cracking down on opposition. [13]

Second Congo War

Regional alliances collapsed in 1998 as Kabila ousted Rwandan and Ugandan military allies whom he had relied upon to retake The Congo just a year earlier. Kabila turned away from his Tutsi allies, closely embracing the Hutu who are a smaller ethnic subgroup of the larger Bantu speaking peoples who make up an estimated 80% of the DRC. [14] Rwanda subsequently provided military support to the Banyamulenge Tutsi a small ethnic group in Eastern Congo, utilizing ethnic tensions in the region to invade the country. Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi subsequently launched a successful offensive into The DRC capturing large areas of land in the eastern part of the Country. [15]

The DRC allied itself with Zimbabwe, Namibia, Chad, Angola, and Sudan, as well as Anti-Ugandan and Anti-Rwandan militias such as the LRA or Lord’s Resistance Army and FDLR or Democratic Forces for Liberation of Rwanda. A chaotic conflict ensued; with rebel groups often splintering and switching sides as a brutal guerrilla war continued for five years with mass atrocities across the conflict. [16]

Peace Agreements

The UN subsequently responded by facilitating the development and implementation of four peace agreements. The Lusaka Agreement created the first brief ceasefire in 1999 and was built upon following the end of the War in 2003. The Sun City Agreement, signed in April of 2002, provided a framework for governance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo formalizing democratic institutions and elections. [17] The Pretoria Accords signed July of 2002 subsequently created the first peace deal between Rwanda and the DRC, requiring dismantling of Hutu militias and the Rwandan withdrawal from the DRC. [18] Finally, the Luanda Agreement signed in September of 2002 created peace between Uganda and the DRC as Uganda agreed to also withdraw troops from the DRC. [19]

These peace agreements formalized an end to the conflict but have not resulted in the end of violence. While the State actors no longer engage in direct conflict Rwanda, Uganda, and the DRC all are actively backing rebel groups who continue the fight to this day. In addition, in 2002 just months after peace agreements were formalized, an estimated 60-100,000 Bambuti pygmies were massacred by Congolese backed groups. [20]

Lusaka Agreement

The first attempt at peace came in 1999 as the UN sent diplomats who created the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement which was signed by the 6 major warring nation states in the region. The UN then deployed 5,000 peacekeeping troops to monitor the ceasefire agreement. However, a large flaw quickly appeared in this agreement as they did not account for the rebel groups who continued the conflict as they were not given a seat at the negotiating table. [21]

Terms of the cease-fire as addressed in the executive summary are: “cessation of hostilities, establishment of a joint military commission (JMC) comprising representatives of the belligerents, withdrawal of foreign groups, disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating of combatants, release of prisoners and hostages, re-establishment of government administration and the selection of a mediator to facilitate an all-inclusive inter-Congolese dialogue. The agreement also calls for the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force to monitor the ceasefire, investigate violations with the JMC and disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate armed groups.” [22]

Critics of the cease-fire often cite the slow deployment of peacekeeping forces and corruption of Laurent Kabila as the key elements that prevented the successful cessation of the conflict. The terms of the agreement are quite effective in de-militarizing and preventing continued conflict. If this agreement were to have been implemented successfully it could have paused hostilities potentially saving thousands of lives and allowing time for conflict practitioners to work towards a long-standing agreement.

Laurent Kabila’s assassination opened the door for renewed interest in the Lusaka Agreement as peacemakers believed his son Joseph Kabila was amenable to the terms and provisions. [23] They alleged Laurent Kabila felt threatened by the Lusaka Agreement as it would destroy his power over the country. [24] The international body failed to address the ethnically driven nature of the conflict as they singularly focused on the political elite. The Lusaka Agreement is the first to demonstrate the clear lack of understanding on the part of international actors in accepting the fractured nature to such a conflict as they instead chose to apply practices of mediation that are acceptable in other less fragmented parts of the world. Peace attempts in this conflict display a trend of lack of comprehension for the unique challenges posed by a large-scale conflict in the Congo region.

Unfortunately, this agreement did not address any of the primary factors that led to conflict and the continuation of hostilities. This was clearly a strategic choice as the international community believe that a pause would give them time to prevent the re-ignition of war, but ultimately history has shown that concrete efforts to address the root causes were required to develop an effective cease-fire. In a war such as this, all sides must be included in a peace process or else it will ultimately end in failure. The UN’s oversight in excluding rebels from the peace process, combined with the weak provision of the Agreement itself, lead to the ultimate continuation of conflict.

The Sun City Agreement

The Sun City agreement is unique in that it set forth to unite conflicting elements within The DRC by creating a unified government. The provisions of this agreement sought to create a positive and transformative political climate for a country that had experienced massive political upheaval over multiple decades. The ensuing negotiations were designed to facilitate dialogue within the country and create an effective democratic system. This has ultimately failed as the Democratic Republic of the Congo continues to be one of the worst offenders on personal and political rights in Africa.

This agreement as its provisions were rather simplistic and designed to transition a conflict-government to a stable post-conflict State. It contained three articles designed to coalesce the fragmented political parties in the Congo which included; re-enforcing the provisions of the Lusaka Agreement, institution of a transitional government, and acknowledgement of the international community’s role in the peace process. [25] While the agreement contained 36 additional adopted resolutions by the parties involved, these all seek to support the three articles contained in the document. The resolutions are far more encompassing in their scope and nature; however, the problem lies with the overarching guidelines of the agreement. The political fragmentation in the DRC included parties backed by rival State actors, extremists, corporations, ethnic groups, and criminal enterprises. In simply instructing these parties to form a government and follow the Lusaka Agreement, the UN failed in its responsibility as mediator to institute sweeping political change. The agreement reads as more of a pat on the back for their effort than a document seeking to formalize a post-conflict State.

Freedom House provides an extremely effective in country report of a State’s political rights and civil liberties. It ultimately assigns a score out of 100 based upon these factors. In its 2019 Freedom in the World Report the organization provided the DRC a score of 15/100. [26] This is one of the lowest scores in their report proving that the Sun City agreement was ultimately ineffective in establishing lasting democratic institutions with political and civil liberties. The Sun City agreement proved to be far too simplistic for the complex and chaotic nature of political realities in the DRC.

 A successful agreement would have assigned concrete political procedures and democratic election protocols, quickly enacting these upon the conclusion of the Second War. Instead of simply re-affirming a past agreement and suggesting transitional democratic elections, the UN should have instituted strict rules to be enforced by a multi-national coalition of democracies and regional states. Fight for political power was a core factor that lead to both Congolese Wars. In failing to properly address the inevitable political power grab that would develop following the end of the War, the UN failed to develop an effective agreement. The Sun City agreement has very few redeemable qualities when examined.

Pretoria Accords and Luanda Agreement

The Pretoria Accords set forth to create a permanent peace agreement between Rebel groups and the DRC. Similarly, the Luanda agreement intended to establish permanent peace between Uganda and the DRC. These agreements have both been successful in preventing formalized combat and are held in high regard amongst foreign governments and institutions such as the United Nations. They are heralded as successful peace processes that ended the conflict ushered in peace across the sub-continent. However, while the successes of these peace processes should be studied and built upon, they did not completely solidify an end to conflict in the region. Each agreement lacked concrete provisions to enforce peace, allowing for continued violence across the country. The DRC has since devolved into a proxy for multiple conflicting parties utilizing non-state actors to continue the conflict over ethnic and resource-based grievances. However, it has not resumed full-scale war proving the limited success of both agreements.

Pretoria Accords

The Pretoria Accords or Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo as it is tilted by the UN sought to “provide a power-sharing formula and transitional arrangements until elections are held” but was really the driving force behind peace between the DRC and Rwanda. Participants in the agreement included; the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), the Congolese Rally for Democracy/Liberation/National Movement (RDC/ML), the Mai-Mai, and civil society. Interestingly this agreement included the DRC as the only State actor with rebel groups linked to Rwanda, Uganda, and the DRC itself, representing the other parties. Provisions contained within set forth to; end hostilities, formulate transition objectives, implement institutions, set the powers of the three branches of government, and create a military council including all rebel groups. [27]

The Pretoria Accords most successful element was the inclusion of non-state actors involved in the conflict. International peace agreements often exclude non-state actors leading to continued feeling of otherizing for those groups justifying further violence. In his book Making Peace Last, Robert Ricigliano discusses the extreme frustration in the DRC peace process as “one step forward, two steps back”. He and his team of conflict practitioners examined the feedback loop of the negotiation process determined the failures of peace attempts were; “simply working to strengthen the national level negotiations” they discovered that “the real driving force was regional sub-conflict”. [28] This analysis by an expert in the field of sustainable peacebuilding displays the essential nature of focusing on the regional conflicts within the larger War when implementing peace. The Pretoria Accords, while still having flaws, should be built upon as it is the only peace process to focus on these regional conflicts and ensure the participation of all groups involved. The UN made some very successful choices in this process which if expanded in other processes, could have resulted in maintainable peace that works within a systematic peacebuilding process.

If the Accords included a peace process between the States of the DRC and Rwanda, it could have potentially secured peace between these nations. In 2012 the rebel group M23 seized the regional capital of Goma. A subsequent U.S. House of Representative’s Committee on Foreign Affairs investigation in 2015 determined Rwanda had directly controlled the group. [29] This is clear evidence that Rwanda and the DRC continue a proxy war in Eastern Congo that the Pretoria Accords did little to quell. The Peace process may have halted the currently active rebel groups in 2003, however the modern States have continued to sponsor and control new fighting forces as a Cold War-esque conflict exists in the country. The Pretoria process somewhat stemmed the tide of violence between non-state actors but lead to the continuation of the proxy war.

Luanda Agreement

In direct contradiction to the focus of regional conflicts in the Pretoria Accords, the Luanda Agreement focused entirely on peace between the DRC and Uganda. The peace deal included; withdrawal of Ugandan troops from the DRC, state sovereignty, diplomatic cooperation, and social/economic cooperation between nations. [30] This peace process similarly to the Pretoria Accords, is looked upon favorably by the international community as a successful deal that ensured regional peace and stability. It is the direct cause of the cessation of violence between the DRC and Uganda which had been ongoing for decades. The deal certainly has had resounding successes in peace between States but has proved unsuccessful in the regional conflicts around the border between the two nations.

The agreement suffers from the exact opposite successes and failures of the Pretoria Accords; in that it excluded non-State actors leading to continued violence but simultaneously included State actors successfully implementing national peace. Uganda continues to secretly sponsor and control rebel groups in Eastern Congo, but to a lesser degree than Rwanda.

The combined lessons learned in both the Luanda and Pretoria agreements could have been built upon to establish lasting peace between nations and non-state actors. The UN and other foreign conflict practitioners should have formatted each agreement to include the formalized States involved in the conflict, as well as every rebel group.

Future Conflict Resolution

Successes in the peace process in the DRC have been few and far between. The two major successes in the aforementioned peace deals were; the end to formalized State on State conflict in the region, and the engagement of non-state actors in the peace process. However, even these successes are challenged by events in recent years where violence continues to rage on in the eastern part of the country. Future peace deals will need to be massive enterprises tackling the largest issues present in the country and surrounding regions. There needs to be a targeted effort by the international community and the DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda to acknowledge and address the main problems facing each nation to reach a reasonable stage of peace. It is nearly impossible to create an effective peace deal that will solve these issues, however, outlining them creates the possibility to analyze and construct a systematic process to start progress towards this goal.

Corruption and Resource Plundering

The largest intractable source of conflict in the region continues to be the fight for the rich natural resources of the Congo. This has led to the Democratic Republic of the Congo becoming one of the world’s most corrupt states with the leaders in political and military positions trading their power for payoffs. The excellent documentary Virunga which premiered in 2014 provides unparalleled on the ground insight into this problem. The documentary displays evidence of foreign oil companies, mainly SOCO International, plundering Eastern Congo for-profits. The company pays off any corruptible officials that get in their way while simultaneously funding and sponsoring rebel groups to enact violence and instability. They also allegedly attempt to assassinate individuals who get in their way such as Virunga National Park Chief Warden Emmanuel de Merode who was shot in an assassination attempt in 2014. It has also become clear that corporations continue to provide financial support to rebel groups when it suits their interests. SOCO officials are secretly filmed bribing and mentioning illegal acts, while simultaneously supporting the racist neocolonial position that foreign entities should rule over the region. [31] The corporation in the documentary illustrates a microcosm of a greater problem of resource stealing and corruption in the country. Recently this has transformed into state-sponsored resource extraction by entities linked to China who trade the rich resources in the country for economic support projects such as infrastructure.

The film outlines just one region and the natural resource present there. The Congo is so rich in natural resources that it contains various elements desired by foreign entities. These include; precious metals such as diamonds, rare minerals needed in modern technology, and fossil fuels such as oil and gas. Foreign companies and states care little for peace and stability in the region seeking only to extract these resources for profit. Simultaneously many Congolese officials hold immense amounts of power and are easily corruptible leading to the perfect storm of payoffs and bribery. Successful and sustainable peace in the Congo requires these foreign companies to be held accountable for their illegal actions while simultaneously allowing the Congolese people to benefit from the economic prosperity obtainable in the resources and the protection of natural environments where they lie. This would require comprehensive internal and external oversight and the willingness of the UN or other international bodies to prosecute large powerful corporations in international court. The DRC is experiencing cold colonialism as corporate and State entities enact similar policies to Belgian rule in the early 1900s. This is much more difficult to contend with as these groups hide their involvement well but must be countered if there is a reasonable expectation of peace development.

Good Governance and the Rule of Law

The DRC currently lacks comprehensive governance and would need to change for stability and peace. The UN defines eight characteristics leading to good governance in a democratic system including; “it is participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective/efficient, equitable/inclusive and follows the rule of law”. [32] effective peace deals must to build upon the provisions in the Lusaka agreement to transition the DRC into a stable democracy that contains the listed elements. It must restructure its system to focus on de-centralized local political jurisdictions within a greater centralized national system. Starting small in this way at the local level will allow for the facilitation of dialogue and democratic processes that lead to greater participation and accountability in the country. The DRC must also make transparency a key priority to eliminate corruption as mentioned in the previous section.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the Congo must institute a strict and comprehensive legal code that holds all citizens accountable for their actions. The first step in this process should be to institute a universal code of human rights which the country currently lacks. Without this, any legal constitutions would be invalid as individuals can continue violent action disregarding basic human rights. Transition into such a system must begin at the local level as authorities across the country are given leeway to enforce basic laws. This would then ideally transition to the greater legal system, which could institute comprehensive criminal prosecution and a standard legal code. It is important to mention that this legal system must encompass all citizens of the DRC as it is easy for the country to continue systems of corruption, nepotism, and clientelism within a loose legal framework.

In recent years democracy has come under heavy criticism from outside sources who claim that it can lead to continued violence due to its complex and often slow nature. Articles such as: Liberal Peace and Peace-Building: Another Critique [33] and Across the Globe, a Growing Disillusionment With Democracy [34] , outline this concept in detail. It is important to note that polls suggest citizens in the DRC still overwhelmingly support democracy, but this may change with a little substantial transformation in coming years. With the rising influence of China, a more authoritarian, potentially communist, ideology may develop in the country. This is certainly not ideal but would likely lead to faster progress in development and economic stability. The more enticing prospect for the Congo is that they utilize their unique strengths and challenges to develop a new system of governance similar to democracy but that is superior in solving the need for rapid growth and development, while respective of the fragmented ethnocultural society in the country. Such a governmental system is difficult to conceptualize and would require the local citizenry’s unique perspectives and expertise to develop. The international community could help guide the country in this regard but could not overtly control the process as it would need to organically develop.

Ethnic Tension

The current trajectory of best practice in the field of Conflict Analysis points towards the idea that competing ethnic groups often engage in conflict due to their “otherizing” of their opponents. These groups form around similarities in socio-cultural practices creating ethnic tenants which when challenged result in conflict. Utilizing psycho-social study, practitioners have often attempted to understand the complex web of relationships that form social groups in order to combat inevitable violence between them. [35] This however has been challenged recently by some practitioners who through study of post-conflict societies discovered a distinct lack of otherizing in conflict. Gearoid Millar describes this a 2012 study of Sierra Leona where former combatants viewed each other as brothers or friends rather than the “other”. [36] It is essential to conduct full studies into the many ethnic groups involved in this conflict to determine their unique psycho-social relationships to one another. Strategies for attempting resolution cannot be suggested and employed until practitioners hold a clearer understanding of this element of the conflict.

Programs and policies must furthermore be constructed to stop retaliation, while addressing the wrongs committed in the conflict. It is important to balance the desire for retribution with forgiveness to build a future societal structure around positive elements of the competing ethnic groups, minimizing the differences that lead to violence. John Paul Lederach stresses the importance of this balance and building relationships through reconciliation by identifying opposing seemingly incompatible ideas, allowing those ideas space to exist, and embracing them. He additionally stresses the importance of truth and justice in this process as he describes “Mercy alone is superficial. It covers up. It moves on too quickly”. [37] Justice cannot exist without mercy however; the ethnic groups will ultimately need to move past their tensions and forgive one another.

This process is difficult to implement. It will take years of hard work and effort on the part of international peace actors, local communities, and governmental institutions; however, it is possible to unify the competing ethnic groups into a stable societal structure that can transcend the conflict between them. It is equally important to remember the rural ethnic groups such as the pygmy people in this process as they cannot be subjected to further ethnic cleansing or hatred by the larger groups within the country.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo presents one of the most challenging post-conflict peace processes in the world. The country’s complex web of political, societal, ethnic, and economic differences creates an extremely fragmented culture with justifiable cause for continued violence by its many groups. The challenges presented here do not cover the full breadth of intricacies involved in this conflict, but they do represent the largest causes of intractable conflict in the region.  With the correct application of new policies, building upon the successes in the peace accords that have come before, and the implementation of some of the suggestions mentioned in this article, it is reasonable to assume the DRC could become a champion of peaceful transition in Africa.

Works Cited

Agreement between the DRC and Uganda on withdrawal of Ugandan Troops, Cooperation and Normalization of Relations between the two countries (Luanda Agreement), The   Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, September 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-luandaagreement2002

Ceasefire Agreement (Lusaka Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1999, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-lusaka-agreement99

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: A LONG-STANDING CRISIS SPINNING OUT OF CONTROL. (1998). Amnesty International , Index number: AFR 62/033/1998.

Foa R., & Mounk Y., (September 2015) Across the Globe a Growing Disillusionment with  Democracy, The New York Times. Retrieved from:          https://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/opinion/across-the-globe-a-growing d...

Freedom House (January, 2019). The Democratic Republic of the Congo Country Report, Freedom in the World 2019

GANN, L., & Duignan, P. (1979). THE FORCE PUBLIQUE. In The Rulers of Belgian Africa,1884-1914 (pp. 52-84). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.       doi:10.2307/j.ctt13x17wv.9

Gerard, E., & Kuklick, B. (2015). The Congo of the Belgians. In Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba (pp. 5-18). Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press. Retrieved April 22, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt21pxknd.7

Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pretoria Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, July 2002, United Nations Treaty  available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-agreementontransition2002

Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies.Vick, K.    (2001, January 23). The Ascendant Son in Congo. The Washington Post. Retrieved from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/01/23/the-ascendant... congo/d12ca608-752c-4527-8ecd-cf1388143f17/

Millar, G. (2012). ‘Our brothers who went to the bush’: Post-identity conflict and the experience  of reconciliation in Sierra Leone. Journal of Peace Research, 49(5), 717–729. doi:10.1177/0022343312440114

MONUC United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (24 February 2000). Retrieved from:           https://peacekeeping.un.org/mission/past/monuc/mandate.shtml

Penketh, A. (2004, July 7). Extermination of the pygmies. The Independent.  Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/extermination-of-the-pyg...

Prunier, G. (2014). The Rwanda Crisis History of a Genocide. London: Hurst & Company.  https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/extermination-of-the-pyg... 552332.html

Rentjens, F. (2009). The Great African War: Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996–2006. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511596698

Reyntjens, F. (1999). Briefing: The Second Congo War: More than a Remake. African Affairs,98(391), 241-250. Retrieved April 24, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/723629

Ricigliano, R. (2016). Making peace last: a toolbox for sustainable peacebuilding. London:Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

Saideman, S. (2001). Understanding the Congo Crisis, 1960–1963¹. In The Ties That Divide: Ethnic Politics, Foreign Policy, and International Conflict (pp. 36-69). NEW YORK:       Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/said12228.6

Scramble for the Congo Anatomy of an Ugly War. (20 December 2000). International Crisis  Group. Retrieved from: https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/democratic           republic-congo/scramble-congo-anatomy-ugly-war

STANARD, M. (2011). The Inheritance: Leopold II and Propaganda about the Congo. In Selling the Congo: A History of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the Making of Belgian Imperialism (pp. 27-46). LINCOLN; LONDON: University of Nebraska Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1df4g39.7

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND  INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS before the COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN          AFFAIRS, House of Representatives 114th Cong. 1 (2015) (Serial Number 114-113). Retrieved From: https://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150520/103498/HHRG  114-FA16-Transcript-20150520.pdf

Turner, T. (2001). The Death of Laurent Kabila. Institute for Policy Studies. Retrieved from   https://ips-dc.org/the_death_of_laurent_kabila/

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2000). "Ch. 10: The Rwandan genocide and its aftermath" (PDF). State of the World's Refugees 2000. Retrieved From:  https://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3ebf9bb60.pdf

Virunga. (2014). Directed by Orlando von Einsiedel, Distributed by Netflix

Volkan, V. D. (1997). Blood Lines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Weissman, S. M. (2014). What Really Happened in Congo? The CIA, the Murder of Lumumba,  and the Rise of Mobutu. Foreign Affairs, 93(4). doi: 10.1163/2468          1733_shafr_sim160090032

World Economic Outlook (April 14 th , 2020). Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, What is Good Governance?, (n.d.) United Nations Economic and Social Commission for   Asia and the Pacific. Retrieved from: https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/files/goodgovernance.pdf

Young, C., & Turner, T. (2012). The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State. Madison (Wis.): The  University of Wisconsin Press.

Zenonas T. (June, 2012) Liberal Peace and Peace-Building: Another Critique The GW PostResearch Paper retrieved from www.thegwpost.com

[1] World economic Outlook, (April 14 th , 2020). Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund,

[2] Freedom House (January, 2019). Freedom in the World 2019 – PDF

[3] STANARD, M. (2011). The Inheritance: Leopold II and Propaganda about the Congo. In Selling the Congo: AHistory of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the Making of Belgian Imperialism (pp. 27-46). LINCOLN; LONDON: University of Nebraska Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1df4g39.7

[4] Gerard, E., & Kuklick, B. (2015). The Congo of the Belgians. In Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba (pp. 5-18). Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University Press. Retrieved April 22, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt21pxknd.7

[5] GANN, L., & Duignan, P. (1979). THE FORCE PUBLIQUE. In The Rulers of Belgian Africa, 1884-1914 (pp. 52-84). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt13x17wv.9

[6] Volkan, V. D. (1997). Blood Lines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism. Boulder, CO:   Westview.

[7] Saideman, S. (2001). Understanding the Congo Crisis, 1960–1963¹. In The Ties That Divide: Ethnic Politics, Foreign Policy, and International Conflict (pp. 36-69). NEW YORK: Columbia University Press. doi:10.7312/said12228.6

[8] Weissman, S. M. (2014). What Really Happened in Congo? The CIA, the Murder of Lumumba, and the Rise of Mobutu. Foreign Affairs , 93(4). doi: 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim160090032

[9] Young, C., & Turner, T. (2012). The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State. Madison (Wis.): The University of Wisconsin Press.

[10] Prunier, G. (2014). The Rwanda Crisis History of a Genocide. London: Hurst & Company.

[11] United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2000). "Ch. 10: The Rwandan genocide and its aftermath" (PDF). State of the World's Refugees 2000. Retrieved From: https://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3ebf9bb60.pdf

[12] DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: A LONG-STANDING CRISIS SPINNING OUT OF CONTROL. (1998). Amnesty International , Index number: AFR 62/033/1998.

[13] Reyntjens, F. (2009). The Great African War: Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996–2006. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511596698

[14] The World Factbook: Congo, Democratic Republic of the. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/print_c...

[15] Reyntjens, F. (1999). Briefing: The Second Congo War: More than a Remake. African Affairs, 98(391), 241-250. Retrieved April 24, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/723629

[16] Scramble for the Congo Anatomy of an Ugly War. (20 December 2000). International Crisis Group. Retrieved from https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/democratic-republic-co...

[17] Inter-Congolese Negotiations: The Final Act (Sun City Agreement) , The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 02 April 2002,  United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-suncity-agreement2003

[18] Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pretoria Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, July 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-agreementontransition2002

[19] Agreement between the DRC and Uganda on withdrawal of Ugandan Troops, Cooperation and Normalization of Relations between the two countries (Luanda Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, September 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-luandaagreement2002

[20] Penketh, A. (2004, July 7). Extermination of the pygmies. The Independent. Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/extermination-of-the-pyg...

[21] MONUC United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (24 February 2000). Retrieved from: https://peacekeeping.un.org/mission/past/monuc/mandate.shtml

[22] Ceasefire Agreement (Lusaka Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1999, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-lusaka-agreement99

[23] Turner, T. (2001). The Death of Laurent Kabila. Institute for Policy Studies. Retrieved from https://ips-dc.org/the_death_of_laurent_kabila/

[24] Vick, K. (2001, January 23). The Ascendant Son in Congo. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/01/23/the-ascendant...

[25] Inter-Congolese Negotiations: The Final Act (Sun City Agreement) , The Democratic Republic of the Congo, 02 April 2002,  United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-suncity-agreement2003

[26] Freedom House (January, 2019). The Democratic Republic of the Congo Country Report, Freedom in the World 2019

[27] Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Pretoria Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo, July 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-agreementontransition2002

[28] Ricigliano, R. (2016). Making peace last: a toolbox for sustainable peacebuilding. London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

[29] SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS before the COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, House of Representatives 114th Cong. 1 (2015) (Serial Number 114-113). Retrieved From: https://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA16/20150520/103498/HHRG-114-FA16-Transcript-20150520.pdf

[30] Agreement between the DRC and Uganda on withdrawal of Ugandan Troops, Cooperation and Normalization of Relations between the two countries (Luanda Agreement), The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, September 2002, United Nations Treaty available from https://peacemaker.un.org/drc-luandaagreement2002

[31] Virunga . (2014). Directed by Orlando von Einsiedel, Distributed by Netflix

[32] What is Good Governance?, (n.d.) United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Retrieved from: https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/files/good-governance.pdf

[33] Zenonas T. (June, 2012) Liberal Peace and Peace-Building: Another Critique The GW Post Research Paper retrieved from www.thegwpost.com

[34] Foa R., & Mounk Y., (September 2015) Across the Globe a Growing Disillusionment with Democracy, The New York Times. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/opinion/across-the-globe-a-growing-disillusionment-with-democracy.html

[35] Volkan, V. D. (1997). Blood Lines: From Ethnic Pride to Ethnic Terrorism. p. 19-30 Boulder, CO:  Westview.

[36] Millar, G. (2012). ‘Our brothers who went to the bush’: Post-identity conflict and the experience of reconciliation in Sierra Leone.  Journal of Peace Research ,  49 (5), 717–729. doi: 10.1177/0022343312440114

[37] Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies.

The Intractable Conflict Challenge

Our inability to constructively handle intractable conflict is the most serious, and the most neglected, problem facing humanity. Solving today's tough problems depends upon finding better ways of dealing with these conflicts.   More...

Selected Recent BI Posts Including Hyper-Polarization Posts

• Massively Parallel Peace and Democracy Building Roles - Part 2 -- The first of two posts explaining the actor roles needed for a massively parallel peacebuilding/democracy building effort to work, which combined with an earlier post on strategy roles, makes up the current MPP role list.
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HISTORY PAPER 1 GRADE 12 QUESTIONS - NSC PAST PAPERS AND MEMOS JUNE 2016

HISTORY P1 GRADE 12 JUNE 2016 NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE INSTRUCTIONS AND INFORMATION

• This question paper consists of SECTION A and SECTION B based on the prescribed content framework in the CAPS document. SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS QUESTION 1: THE COLD WAR: THE ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR QUESTION 2: INDEPENDENT AFRICA: CASE STUDY – ANGOLA QUESTION 3: CIVIL SOCIETY PROTESTS FROM THE 1950s TO THE 1970s – CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT SECTION B: ESSAY QUESTIONS QUESTION 4: EXTENSION OF THE COLD WAR: CASE STUDY – VIETNAM QUESTION 5: INDEPENDENT AFRICA: COMPARATIVE CASE STUDY – THE CONGO AND TANZANIA QUESTION 6: CIVIL SOCIETY PROTESTS FROM THE 1950s TO THE 1970s: THE BLACK POWER MOVEMENT
• SECTION A consists of THREE source-based questions. Source material that is required to answer these questions will be found in the accompanying ADDENDUM of sources.
• SECTION B consists of THREE essay questions.
• Answer TWO questions as follows:
• At least ONE (1) must be a source-based question and at least ONE (1) must be an essay question.
• Candidates are advised to spend about an hour on each question.
• When answering questions, candidates should apply their knowledge, skills and insight.
• Merely rewriting of the sources as answers will be to the disadvantage of candidates.
• Questions and subsections of questions must be numbered clearly and correctly using the same numbering system used in the question paper.
• Write neatly and legibly.

SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS Answer at least ONE question, but not more than TWO from this section. Source material to be used to answer these questions is contained in the ADDENDUM.

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QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE CREATION OF NEW SPHERES OF  INTERESTS INTENSIFY COLD WAR TENSIONS BETWEEN  THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS AND THE  UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AFTER 1945? Study Sources 1A, 1B, 1C and 1D to answer the questions that follow. 1.1 Refer to Source 1A. 1.1.1 Using information from the source and your own knowledge, define the concept, communism. (1 x 2) (2) 1.1.2 What, according to Marx, was wrong with capitalism? (1 x 1) (1) 1.1.3 Explain Stalin’s comment towards capitalism in the context of the Cold War in Europe. (2 x 2) (4) 1.1.4 Give TWO reasons from the source, why Stalin asked for sacrifices on the part of the Soviet people. (2 x 1) (2) 1.2 Use Source 1B. 1.2.1 What, according to the source, were the two threats that prompted Churchill to deliver the ‘Iron Curtain’ speech? (2 x 1) (2) 1.2.2 Why, according to Churchill, did Russia want to extend her sphere of involvement in Europe? (1 x 1) (1) 1.2.3 Explain whether you would consider Churchill’s speech biased. (2 x 2) (4) 1.3 Consult Source 1C. 1.3.1 Using the source, mention THREE ways that would serve as solutions for the economic situation of the European countries. (3 x 1) (3) 1.3.2 Why did the USA get involved in Europe during the Cold War? Give TWO reasons for the answer. (2 x 2) (4) 1.3.3 How, according to the source, did the USA intend to fight communism? (3 x 1) (3) 1.4 Refer to Source 1D. 1.4.1 What messages does the cartoon convey regarding Stalin’s attitude towards the Marshall Plan? (2 x 2) (4) 1.4.2 Identify what the sickle and hammer emblem symbolises on the back of Stalin’s shirt. (1 x 2) (2) 1.4.3 Using visual clues in the source and your own knowledge, explain why Stalin had to play this ‘game’ as a defender. (2 x 2) (4) 1.4.4 Use the source and your own knowledge to provide the name of the programme that was used by Stalin to counter the Marshall Plan. (1 x 2) (2) 1.5 Refer to Sources 1C and 1D. Explain how the information in Source 1D differs from Source 1C regarding the conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. (2 x 2) (4) 1.6 Using information from the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining how the creation of the spheres of interest intensified the Cold War tensions between USSR and USA after the Cold War. (8) [50] QUESTION 2: WHY DID CUBA BECOME INVOLVED IN THE ANGOLAN CIVILWAR? Study Sources 2A, 2B, 2C and 2D and answer the following questions. 2.1 Refer to Source 2A. 2.1.1 What TWO reasons according to the source does Deutschman suggest to explain why Cuba became involved in in the Angolan Civil War? (2 x 1) (2) 2.1.2 Identify any THREE arguments in the source, given by Risquet, to support his claim that Cuba became involved in Angola to support the MPLA government. (3 x 1) (3) 2.1.3 Who, according to the source, was the leader of the Angolan government in 1975? (1 x 1) (1) 2.1.4 How, according to Risquet, have the Soviet Union and Cubans worked together to support the Angolan government? (2 x 2) (4) 2.2 Refer to Source 2B. 2.2.1 What is Casto referring to when he says ‘African blood flows freely through our veins’? (1 x 2) (2) 2.2.2 Against which TWO countries did Cuba defend the MPLA government? (2 x 1) (2) 2.2.3 Explain why Castro believes that it was the duty of Cubans to defend the new (MPLA) government of Angola. (2 x 2) (4) 2.3 Study Source 2C. 2.3.1 What does Kaunda’s description of the Soviet and Cuban involvement in Angola imply about the relationship between these two countries? (2 x 2) (4) 2.3.2 What reason did Vorster give for saying that Angola is NOT an ‘independent black African country’? (1 x 2) (2) 2.3.3 Explain why Vorster believed that the Cuban presence in Angola was a threat to South Africa. Support your answer with evidence from the source. (2 x 2) (4) 2.4 Study Sources 2B and 2C. Explain why these two sources present such different viewpoints with regard to Cuba’s involvement in Angola. Use evidence from both sources in your answer. (2 x 2) (4) 2.5 Refer to Source 2D. 2.5.1 Which two visual clues in this source help us to identify the two foreign countries involved in Angola, as Cuba and the Soviet Union? (2 x 1) (2) 2.5.2 What message does this cartoon convey about the involvement of Cuba and the Soviet Union in Africa? Support your answer with reference to the visual clues. (2 x 2) (4) 2.5.3 Comment on the usefulness of this source for a historian researching the involvement of Cuba in the Angolan Civil War. (2 x 2) (4) 2.6 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) in which you identify and explain the different reasons given for Cuba’s involvement in the Angolan civil war. (8) [50] QUESTION 3: WHAT WAS THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LITTLE ROCK NINE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DESEGREGATION OF SCHOOLS IN THE USA? Study Sources 3A, 3B and 3C to answer the following questions. 3.1 Refer to Source 3A. 3.1.1 Quote evidence from the source which suggests that the African American students were harassed. (2 x 1) (2) 3.1.2 Why do you think the African American students were turned away by the National Guard? (1 x 2) (2) 3.1.3 How, according to the source, did the President react when the students were again turned away by the National Guard? (2 x 1) (2) 3.1.4 Why do you think the white mob attacked the African American journalists? (2 x 2) (4) 3.1.5 What evidence from the source suggests that the National Guard and the police were not in favour of the integration of Central High School? (3 x 1) (3) 3.1.6 Explain whether the actions of the police can be justified. (2 x 2) (4) 3.2 Consult Source 3B. 3.2.1 Define the concept integration in the context of the struggle for civil rights in the USA. (1 x 2) (2) 3.2.2 Why, according to the source, does Martin Luther King praise President Eisenhower? (2 x 1) (2) 3.2.3 What historical event does Martin Luther King respond to in his telegram? (1 x 1) (1) 3.2.4 “The pen of history will record that when the small and confused minority that oppose integration with violence will have to see that your actions has been of great benefit to our nation”. Explain the accuracy of this statement. (2 x 2) (4) 3.2.5 What does King’s telegram tell you about his attitude towards violence? (1 x 2) (2) 3.2.6 Explain the usefulness of this source to a historian studying the events that unfolded at Little Rock Nine Central High School. (2 x 2) (4) 3.3 Compare Sources 3A and 3B. Explain how President Eisenhower and Governor Faubus reacted to the Little Rock Nine incident. (2 x 2) (4) 3.4 Use Source 3C. 3.4.1 What historical incident is shown in the photograph? (1 x 2) (2) 3.4.2 Explain the significance of the Little Rock Nine incident in the struggle for civil rights in the USA. (2 X 2) (4) 3.5 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining the significance of the Little Rock Nine in the struggle for school desegregation. (8) [50] SECTION B: ESSAY QUESTIONS Answer at least ONE question, but not more than TWO questions from this section. Your essay should be about THREE pages long.

QUESTION 4: EXTENTION OF THE COLD WAR: CASE STUDY – VIETNAM 4.1 Explain to what extent was the USA successful in the Vietnam War. Use relevant historical evidence from the period 1965 to 1975 to support your answer. [50] QUESTION 5: INDEPENDENCE IN AFRICA IN THE 1960s AND 1980s: CONGO AND TANZANIA 5.1 Compare and critically discuss the political successes and challenges experienced by Congo and Tanzania after independence. [50] QUESTION 6: CIVIL SOCIETY PROTESTS FROM THE 1950s T0 1970s: BLACK POWER MOVEMENT 6.1 “The only way we gonna stop them white men from ‘whuppin’ us is to take over. What we gonna start saying now is Black power!” Assess the validity of this statement by referring to the role and impact of the Black Power Movement in the 1960s. [50]

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Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay for Grade 12 and Grade 11 History.

This page contains an answer guide to the below History Essay Questions (memo):

• What were the ideas that influence the independent states Congo and Tanzania?

After attaining independence Congo and Tanzania were faced with economic, social, and political challenges although there were successes that Mobuto and Nyerere gained in trying to improve the living standards for blacks.

Do you agree with this statement? Use appropriate evidence to support your argument.

[Plan and construct an original argument based on relevant evidence using analytical and interpretative skills.]

Candidates should indicate whether or not they agree with the statement and support their answer with relevant historical evidence. Candidates must specifically look at the economic, social and cultural challenges facing both countries after independence.

MAIN ASPECTS

Candidates should include the following aspects in their response:

Introduction: Candidates should critically discuss the successes and challenges facing Tanzania and the Congo with specific reference to their economic, social and political development after gaining independence from colonial rule.

ELABORATION ECONOMY

• The Congo and Tanzania inherited a single-product economy from their colonisers.
• Tanzania followed a socialistic economic model.
• Congo followed a capitalistic model.
• Both countries struggled to develop their respective economies.
• Nyerere adopted an African Socialism model outlined in the Arusha Declaration which led to the nationalisation of industries and land.
• Its aim was to cut ties with Western countries and create self-sufficiency and self- dependency.
• Society would be stable and free of economic inequalities.
• Mobuto initially nationalised industries using the Zairianisation policy – which involved taking farms and businesses from the foreign owners who were replaced by Congolese.
• When it failed due to lack of skills and poor management he adopted a capitalistic model and returned businesses to foreign owners.
• Nyerere introduced Villagisation or Ujaama.
• A rural community with farming/collective labour.
• Lack of tools, water and management skills led to resistance which the police and military forces could not control.
• This led to destruction and abandonment of fields.
• Tanzania remained the poorest and most underdeveloped country.
• Tanzania reduced corruption of government officials through the “Leadership Code”.
• Both countries had to accept foreign aid and allow investments which Nyerere initially viewed as neo-colonialism.

SOCIAL CHALLENGES:

• Both countries inherited a colonial education system that promoted Eurocentric values
• Both countries were challenged by skills shortages; only a few technicians and engineers were available.
• Both countries were taught European history and languages, the African content was regarded as inferior and not taught. Tanzania:
• Promoted Swahili (local language) over English
• Introduced a massive literacy campaign that saw illiteracy drop drastically (from 80% to 20%) between 1961 and 1981
• Nyerere produced, ‘Education for Self-Reliance’ (1967) which promoted basic literacy in primary schools in all rural areas. Congo:
• Inherited only 14 university graduates
• Expanded its higher education system
• Increased primary education from 1,6 million to 4,6 million people between 1960 and 1974
• Unlike Swahili in Tanzania, French remained the language of instruction in Congo. Africanisation:

Villagisation (Ujamaa) in Tanzania embraced traditional community values based on self-reliance

Zairianisation in Congo replaced experienced Belgian human resources with local people and replaced European names with local names, e.g. Congo to Zaire

POLITICAL ASPECTS

• Attaining independence through democratic elections (the Congo 1960) J. Kasavubu became President and P. Lumumba became the prime minister
• After holding multi-party elections at independence, the Congo became a one- party state within the first five years after gaining the independence
• Mobuto Sese Seko remained as president for life until his death in 2007
• Mobuto Sese Seko created a kleptocracy where a group of appointed public officials abused their position for financial gain
• Brought back African values
• Strong centralised government
• Political stability (though based on authoritarianism)
• Any other relevant response
• Attaining independence through democratic elections (Tanzania 1961: J. Nyerere – amended the constitution to become President (1962)
• Smooth transition (peaceful change/racial harmony/commitment to promotion of human equality and dignity
• After holding multi-party elections at independence, it became a one-party state
• Nyerere remained as president between the 1960s and 1970s
• Nyerere introduced the Leadership Code in the Arusha Declaration which demanded high levels of integrity from public officials
• African socialism/ Ujamaa was appropriate for inhabitants
• Establishment of the United Republic of Tanzania (1964)
• Centralised and unitary state
• Any other relevant response Conclusion: Candidates should tie up their arguments with relevant conclusions.

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Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay

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Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay Up until the early 1960s, Tanzania and the Congo were both governed by European colonial powers. African social institutions and culture had been destroyed and devalued by colonialism. Following decolonization, the leaders of Tanzania and the Congo both encouraged social, economic, and cultural growth inside their own nations.

Economic Similarities

• underdeveloped economies at the time of their independence
• majority peasant population, small scale subsistence farmers
• had few qualified technicians and engineers
• Neither had well developed infrastructure (roads, railway links)
• nationalised land and industry
• relied on the export of primary products, and were thus badly effected by the drop in raw materials prices in the 1970s
• neither had oil reserves, thus the increase in oil prices in the 1970s negatively impacted industrialisation and transportation
• struggled to develop manufacturing industry post-independence
• come the 1980s both relied on loans from foreign countries and institutions to avoid bankruptcy
• both struggled to develop economically
• Neither country saw significant increases in the standard of living for the majority of its people
• Congo economic crisis: copper bonanza ends, expropriated businesses bankrupt or ruined by mismanagement, high inflation, fuel shortages, huge debts, falling revenues
• Tanzania economic crisis: ujamaa villages were a failure – food production fell dramatically, the issue compounded by a drought that lead to famine, had to import food, which exhausted foreign reserves — trade deficit widened, foreign debt increased, high inflation

Economic Differences

• After his initial attempts at nationalisation with his policy of Zairianisation failed, Mobutu implemented a capitalist economic model in the Congo, while Nyerere adopted an African socialist model.
• While the Congo encouraged and relied heavily on foreign investments from the early 1960s, receiving support from the West and the US; Nyerere attempted to remain economically independent and free of neo-colonialism, arguing that foreign aid resulted in donor pressure, undermining a nation’s ability to be independent and self reliant., which is what he declared his aim in the Arusha Declaration (1967)
• Mobutu aimed to industrialise the Congo, to process their own raw materials and develop an industrial base. Nyerere, on the other hand, believed that industrialisation was a mistake and introduced Ujamaa, a villagisation project aimed to make the nation self-sufficient in terms of food and develop the peasant agricultural economy.
• The Congo’s economy was characterised by kleptocracy and nepotism, leading to the development of a rich and powerful elite, whereas Tanzania made attempts to reduce corruption of government officials through a ‘Leadership Code’.
• The economy of the Congo produced vast differences in wealth between rich and poor, while Tanzania attempted to minimise this economic inequality.
• When the its economy crashed in the 1980s, the Congo relied on aid from the USA, while Tanzania relied on loans from the IMF (International Monetary Fund) and World Bank

Social and Cultural Similarities

• The legacy of colonialism was very apparent, with Western ideals and ideas more highly valued than African ones and Western legal and government systems in place, instead of the local customs and laws. Schools used European curricula and produced an educated elite who rejected their own culture.
• There was a lack of education in general, and thus high illiteracy rates and a shortage of skilled workers. The Congo focused on primary education and Tanzania focussed on rural schooling, aiming to improve basic literacy.
• Both Nyerere and Mobutu promoted Africanisation in their respective nations.

Social and Cultural Differences

• In the Congo there were a small number of educated elite who were favoured by the system, which was rife with corruption and nepotism, while Nyerere’s Leadership Code prevented the development of a privileged elite in Tanzania, promoting the growth of a nation of equals. He believed in “Education for Self-Reliance” and aimed to provide a basic education for all in an attempt to change the elitist, colonial-based education system, requiring university students to do community service in rural areas.
• Nyerere encouraged Africanisation in Tanzania through the implementation of Ujamaa villages, which promoted African co-operative community values and aimed to reverse the trend in unequal classes, and he also promoted Swahili as the national language. Mobutu promoted Africanisation in the Congo through his policy of authenticité, by changing many of the old European names to African ones, such as renaming the nation “Zaire”, and by making people adopt African names to replace their Christian ones. He encouraged people to wear African clothing, play and listen to African music and eat African food.

Leadership Styles

Good leadership is characterised by upholding rule by law, looking after the interests of all citizens of the country, holding free and fair multi-party elections, protecting the civil and human rights of all people, promoting political stability and national coherence.

• Mobutu set himself up as soul guide and mentor to the country
• His ideology of “Mobutuism” had the full force of the law behind it and he ruled by decree, controlling all appointments and government revenue

Leadership Styles Similarities

• Mobutu Sese Seko (Congo) came into power by a military coup whereas Nyerere (Tanzania) was elected.
• Both Mobutu and Nyerere introduced one-party states
• In both countries opposition parties were silenced and there was evidence of imprisonment and human rights violations of those who spoke against the leadership
• Both leaders emphasised the importance of Africanisation of their political systems (they regarded democracy as ‘un-African’ and a western imposition)
• Both Sese Seko and Nyerere took pride in building their nations and vigorously promoted the pride of being Zairian or Tanzanian

Leadership Styles Differences

• The period after independence in the Congo was characterised by violence and political upheaval; In Tanzania there was little conflict at independence and the country remained politically stable.
• The Congo was highly fragmented along ethnic lines with leaders competing against
• each other; Under Nyerere’s leadership, Tanzania was unified as a single country, he encouraged a national identity and there was very little ethnic conflict.
• Mobutu created a kleptocracy were a group of appointed public officials abused their position for financial gain whereas Nyerere introduced the ‘Leadership Code’ in the Arusha Declaration which demanded high levels of integrity from public officials
• Mobutu Seso Seko was extravagant and enjoyed expensive clothes and built himself palaces while Nyerere’s leadership style was one of personal integrity and humbleness
• Mobutu Sese Seko aligned himself with the West while Nyerere adopted a policy of non-alignment with either capitalist or communist countries
• During Mobutu’s time in office he promoted capitalism and foreign investment but inflation rates reached 100% and social welfare was cut; Nyerere promoted Ujaama, African Socialism and self-sufficiency, but the economy collapsed in the late 1970s and Tanzania was forced to take IMF loans and accept structural adjustment programmes / both countries accepted foreign aid.

Political Policies Similarities

• introduced one-party systems of governance
• believed in a centralised, stable and unitary system of government
• held elections
• emphasised the importance of Africanisation (Zairenisation and villagisation respectively)
• In both countries opposition leaders were silenced, imprisoned and in some cases killed to maintain ‘stability’
• Zairianisation (replaced foreigners with Zairians) failed due to (inexperience/ corruption/mismanagement/neglect)
• Application of retrocession (replacing Zairians with foreigners)
• The Congo continued to earn foreign currency from mining and the export of minerals during this period but the wealth was concentrated in the hands of a small elite
• The Congo did not diversify its economy so it remained heavily reliant on prices paid for export goods
• The Congo continued to remain heavily reliant on foreign aid and loans from its supporters in the west which created a dependency syndrome
• Nyerere attempted to resist neo-colonialism by nationalising industries and not attempting to modernise the economy using foreign aid or loans
• Ujaama , the economic and social policy of ‘familyhood’, resulted in the economy becoming stagnant
• Villagisation (collective villages) improved service delivery/attempted to create a more stable society that was largely free from economic inequalities
• Farmers refused to leave their ancestral land therefore agricultural production fell
• Arusha Declaration (abolished exploitation/led to the reduction of income gap between the poor and the rich/ownership of the country’s resources) Most nationalised companies went bankrupt
• Exports dropped rapidly
• By 1980s Tanzania depended on foreign aid and had been forced to take loans from the IMF leading to heavy reliance on foreign capital

Example Essay

How did Mobutu and Nyerere address the political, economic, social and cultural problems facing their countries after independence?

Up until the early 1960s, Tanzania and the Congo were both governed by European colonial powers. African social institutions and culture had been destroyed and devalued by colonialism. Mobutu and Nyerere, the leaders of the Congo and Tanzania, respectively, supported their countries’ political, economic, social, and cultural development.

Tanzania remained largely politically stable during the immediate post-independence period while the Congo experienced violence and upheaval. Both the Congo and Tanzania began as multi-party governments but soon changed to one-party systems because Mobutu and Nyerere both supported a centralized, stable, and unitary form of governance. In both nations, opposition parties were suppressed, their leaders were imprisoned, and occasionally they were put to death in the sake of maintaining national “stability.” Mobutu ruled as a brutal dictator, establishing himself as the country’s sole leader and mentor and creating a system in which kleptocracy, nepotism, and corruption were ingrained. Nyerere adopted a more sincere strategy and required high standards of integrity from all public servants in the Arusha Declaration by introducing the “Leadership Code.” They both emphasized the significance of the Africanization of their countries’ political systems, deeming democracy to be “un-African,” and promoted and developed each nation’s political system in accordance with their personal ideas and viewpoints.

Both leaders worked to improve the extremely weak economies that colonialism had left in these two African countries. Both nations relied on the production and export of primary goods, but while Nyerere saw industrialization as a mistake and instead concentrated on Tanzania’s peasant agricultural economy, aiming to make Tanzania food self-sufficient, Mobutu concentrated on industrializing the Congo so they could process their own raw materials (primarily minerals). While Nyerere developed an African socialist system and discouraged international investment out of concern that donor pressure might cause Tanzania to lose its independence—he intended to make the country self-reliant—Mobutu followed a capitalist economic model and promoted foreign investment in the Congo. While Mobutu and Nyerere had different perspectives on foreign engagement, particularly Western foreign involvement, they both aspired to advance the economy of their own countries.

The economy of the Congo was characterized by nepotism and cronyism, which trickled down from Mobutu himself at the top. The vast majority of government and public officials were corrupt, and bribes were used to get things done most of the time. As a result, the gap between the wealthy and the poor grew significantly. However, Nyerere attempted to lessen economic disparity in Tanzania and curb government corruption with the “Leadership Code” he created. Both their transportation and manufacturing sectors suffered as the price of oil increased in the 1970s because neither country had any oil reserves. Tanzania was forced to rely on loans from the IMF and World Bank while the Congo was forced to rely on foreign aid from the USA when their economies crumbled in the 1980s. Both countries ultimately failed to develop and recover their economies, even though Tanzania’s approach to its economy appeared to be far fairer and more equal than the corruption that was endemic in the Congo.

With schools employing European curricula and producing an educated elite that disregarded their own culture, colonialism’s legacy was quite evident in both countries. This educated elite in the Congo was by far the minority and was given preference by the corrupt and nepotistic system. With his conviction in “Education for Self-Reliance,” Nyerere sought to end the presence of this elite by encouraging Tanzania’s development into a nation of equals. While Mobutu converted the free elementary education system in the Congo into a fee-paying one, he worked to ensure that everyone had access to a basic education and mandated that university students complete community service in rural areas. The formation of distinct socioeconomic classes in the Congo is a result of the respective leaders’ divergent attitudes to education, whilst Tanzania remained largely equal, with 97% of children attending primary school.

Mobutu and Nyerere both saw the Africanization of their countries as being of utmost importance. Through his authenticité policy, Mobutu encouraged people to adopt African names in place of their Christian ones and promoted Congolese music, food, clothes, and culture. He also changed the names of significant locations, such as the Congo, to “Zaire.” The establishment of Ujamaa communities by Nyerere emphasized African cooperative community principles and sought to halt the rise of unequal classes. He also promoted Swahili as the country’s official language. Mobutu and Nyerere both fostered African culture in their countries through their different strategies, aiding in the social and cultural advancement of their respective countries.

It is obvious that, despite the similarity of their post-independence republics, the Congo and Tanzania’s various presidents adopted completely different strategies to advance the political, economic, social, and cultural advancement of their countries. Even though their goals occasionally coincided, Mobutu’s tended to be more self-serving than Nyerere’s, which had an impact on his choice of strategy.

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History Grade 11

Independent africa comparative case study: the congo and tanzania essay.

Independent Africa comparative case study: the Congo and Tanzania Essay for Grade 12 and Grade 11 History.

This page contains an answer guide to the below History Essay Questions (memo):

• What were the ideas that influence the independent states Congo and Tanzania?

After attaining independence Congo and Tanzania were faced with economic, social, and political challenges although there were successes that Mobuto and Nyerere gained in trying to improve the living standards for blacks.

• 1.1 SYNOPSIS
• 2.1 ELABORATION ECONOMY
• 2.2 SOCIAL CHALLENGES:
• 2.3 POLITICAL ASPECTS
• 3 Questions and Answers

Do you agree with this statement? Use appropriate evidence to support your argument.

[Plan and construct an original argument based on relevant evidence using analytical and interpretative skills.]

Candidates should indicate whether or not they agree with the statement and support their answer with relevant historical evidence. Candidates must specifically look at the economic, social and cultural challenges facing both countries after independence.

MAIN ASPECTS

Candidates should include the following aspects in their response:

Introduction: Candidates should critically discuss the successes and challenges facing Tanzania and the Congo with specific reference to their economic, social and political development after gaining independence from colonial rule.

ELABORATION ECONOMY

• The Congo and Tanzania inherited a single-product economy from their colonisers.
• Tanzania followed a socialistic economic model.
• Congo followed a capitalistic model.
• Both countries struggled to develop their respective economies.
• Nyerere adopted an African Socialism model outlined in the Arusha Declaration which led to the nationalisation of industries and land.
• Its aim was to cut ties with Western countries and create self-sufficiency and self- dependency.
• Society would be stable and free of economic inequalities.
• Mobuto initially nationalised industries using the Zairianisation policy – which involved taking farms and businesses from the foreign owners who were replaced by Congolese.
• When it failed due to lack of skills and poor management he adopted a capitalistic model and returned businesses to foreign owners.
• Nyerere introduced Villagisation or Ujaama.
• A rural community with farming/collective labour.
• Lack of tools, water and management skills led to resistance which the police and military forces could not control.
• This led to destruction and abandonment of fields.
• Tanzania remained the poorest and most underdeveloped country.
• Tanzania reduced corruption of government officials through the “Leadership Code”.
• Both countries had to accept foreign aid and allow investments which Nyerere initially viewed as neo-colonialism.

SOCIAL CHALLENGES:

• Both countries inherited a colonial education system that promoted Eurocentric values
• Both countries were challenged by skills shortages; only a few technicians and engineers were available.
• Both countries were taught European history and languages, the African content was regarded as inferior and not taught. Tanzania:
• Promoted Swahili (local language) over English
• Introduced a massive literacy campaign that saw illiteracy drop drastically (from 80% to 20%) between 1961 and 1981
• Nyerere produced, ‘Education for Self-Reliance’ (1967) which promoted basic literacy in primary schools in all rural areas. Congo:
• Inherited only 14 university graduates
• Expanded its higher education system
• Increased primary education from 1,6 million to 4,6 million people between 1960 and 1974
• Unlike Swahili in Tanzania, French remained the language of instruction in Congo. Africanisation:

Villagisation (Ujamaa) in Tanzania embraced traditional community values based on self-reliance

Zairianisation in Congo replaced experienced Belgian human resources with local people and replaced European names with local names, e.g. Congo to Zaire

POLITICAL ASPECTS

• Attaining independence through democratic elections (the Congo 1960) J. Kasavubu became President and P. Lumumba became the prime minister
• After holding multi-party elections at independence, the Congo became a one- party state within the first five years after gaining the independence
• Mobuto Sese Seko remained as president for life until his death in 2007
• Mobuto Sese Seko created a kleptocracy where a group of appointed public officials abused their position for financial gain
• Brought back African values
• Strong centralised government
• Political stability (though based on authoritarianism)
• Any other relevant response
• Attaining independence through democratic elections (Tanzania 1961: J. Nyerere – amended the constitution to become President (1962)
• Smooth transition (peaceful change/racial harmony/commitment to promotion of human equality and dignity
• After holding multi-party elections at independence, it became a one-party state
• Nyerere remained as president between the 1960s and 1970s
• Nyerere introduced the Leadership Code in the Arusha Declaration which demanded high levels of integrity from public officials
• African socialism/ Ujamaa was appropriate for inhabitants
• Establishment of the United Republic of Tanzania (1964)
• Centralised and unitary state
• Any other relevant response Conclusion: Candidates should tie up their arguments with relevant conclusions.

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Grade 10 History

Questions and answers based on bantu education act for revision.

Questions and Answers based on Bantu Education Act for Revision:

• 1 Why do you think Bantu Education Act or Law is interesting or important to know
• 2 What are the main disadvantages of Bantu Education Act
• 3 What were the long-lasting consequences of Bantu Education

Why do you think Bantu Education Act or Law is interesting or important to know

The Bantu Education Act, 1953 (Act No. 47 of 1953; later renamed the Black Education Act, 1953) was a South African segregation law that legislated for several aspects of the apartheid system. Its major provision enforced racially separated educational facilities.

What are the main disadvantages of Bantu Education Act

Below are the main disadvantages of the Bantu Education Act

• low funding and expenditures to black schools,
• a lack of numbers and training of black school teachers,
• impoverished black school conditions and resources,
• a poor education curriculum.

What were the long-lasting consequences of Bantu Education

Long-lasting consequences of the Bantu Education Act include unequal access to educational and professional opportunities

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