hypothesis meaning in pashto

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English definition for hypothesis

1. n. a tentative theory about the natural world; a concept that is not yet verified but that if true would explain certain facts or phenomena

2. n. a message expressing an opinion based on incomplete evidence

3. n. a proposal intended to explain certain facts or observations

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Meaning for hypothesis found in 56 Languages.

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English to Pashto Meaning of hypothesis - فرضيه

فکر, فرضيه, د ګمانونو, له پرتلي

I finally have time to test my HYPOTHESIS about the separation of water molecules...

You have a backup HYPOTHESIS ?

Let's say for a moment that I accept the bath-item-gift HYPOTHESIS .

Okay. All right. Let's assume your HYPOTHESIS .

Meaning and definitions of hypothesis, translation in Pashto language for hypothesis with similar and opposite words. Also find spoken pronunciation of hypothesis in Pashto and in English language.

What hypothesis means in Pashto, hypothesis meaning in Pashto, hypothesis definition, examples and pronunciation of hypothesis in Pashto language.

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• Published: 28 August 2023

The diminutive morphological function between English and Pashto languages: a comparative study

• Afzal Khan   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8705-9205 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  10 , Article number:  536 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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• Language and linguistics

This study aimed to investigate the phenomenon of diminutive morphological function in terms of productivity, similarities, and differences in inflectional bound morphemes between English and Pashto, particularly in the categories of nouns and adjectives. The study also aims to examine the possible influence of ancient languages, such as Greek, on the diminutive morphological function and productivity of these two languages. It is generally assumed that languages descending from similar parental groups share the same diminutive function and productivity pattern in marking morphological mechanisms such as number, gender, and case. Different online sources, libraries, and publication papers were consulted to make a comparison between these two varieties. The findings revealed that both English and Pashto retain a morphological function, but English uses limited inflectional morphemes. Pashto, on the other hand, employs a wide range of suffixations, particularly in marking the diminutive aspect, and that differentiates it from English in semantic and pragmatic expressions. The findings aligned with the initial hypothesis developed that languages descending from similar parental groups use a similar pattern of morphological mechanisms. The only difference is that English drops the inflections to a greater extent because it underwent different phases of modifications, while Pashto still retains the inflections and, in turn, reveals greater productivity. Moreover, the findings disclosed that Pashto is closer to Greek in its inflectional nature and functioning of diminutives than English.

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Introduction

Morphology relates to the function of productivity in a language, and in turn, the speakers’ lexical entry probes the interlocutors to access the unconscious lexical entry of the mental lexicon during communication. The speakers’ unconscious morphological rules function to decompose a lexical unit and predict its features for pragmatic and productivity purposes in a given context. Inflectional morphemes are a kind of affixes attached to the end of the words to indicate grammatical functions (Khan and Sohail, 2021 ; Shamsan and Attayib, 2015 ). These affixes do not affect the syntactic construction of a language but add to the meaning and enhance the grammatical effects of the language. The relationship of words in a structure in comparison to other words is largely indicated by the inflectional endings of morphemes. The errors in the acquisition of L2 in terms of morphological features are largely committed by L2 learners due to the interference of their L1 (Nazary, 2008 ). This study pinpoints the diminutive morphological function between English and Pashto by highlighting similarities and differences through contrastive analysis that helps the learners and teachers identify the points where the morphological errors occur and adopt preemptive measures to enhance the effect of L2 acquisition. The study also sheds light on the effects of productivity between the two languages as a result of the diminutive morphological function and the influence of high inflectional languages. It also brings forth significant aspects of the morphological mechanism involved in the pragmatic and semantic context that helps researchers and linguists to explore it further. Given the delimitations of the study, the current study is limited to the Yousafzai dialect of the Pashto language particularly, spoken in major parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Other dialects may have different diminutive morphological functions and productivity mechanisms, but this study could be generalized to all speakers who are native to the Pashto language in any part of the world.

The diminutive function of morphology

Diminutives are defined as cross-cultural linguistic segments which contribute semantically and pragmatically to the meaning of size. However, it is generally believed that diminutives refer to expressing the entity in a small connotation. Though diminutives’ semantic and pragmatic function goes much beyond the narrow sense, it explains ‘small’, ‘young’, ‘incomplete’, and ‘insignificant’. Moreover, some languages show the diminutive strategy by employing prefix diminutives and others through suffix diminutives (Gibson et al., 2017 ; Grandi, 2015 ; Jurafsky, 1996 ). Diminutive refers to smallness and loveliness (Wang, 2020 ). Diminutive becomes effective when the social distance between the speakers is minimal as it conveys affection, cuteness, smallness, contempt, and familiarity (Drake, 2018 ; Schneider, 2003 ). The diminutive function of morphology is present in languages such as English, Dutch, and Russian that help in segmenting the lexical constituents used by infants such as ‘horsie’, ‘doggie’, and ‘birdie’ (Kempe et al., 2007 ).

This study is only concerned with examining the diminutive function of inflectional morphemes in English and Pashto and the possible influences of other high inflectional languages on them, such as Greek. According to Yule ( 2016 ), the study of Morphology is to examine forms in a language instead of relying only on ascertaining words. The diminutive function of morphology exists in many parts of the world through employing suffixes in languages like English uses ‘ling’, ‘let’, and ‘iely’; German uses ‘chen’ and ‘lein’; Farsi uses ‘cheh’, and ‘ak’; Spanish uses ‘itola’; and Italian uses ‘ino’, ‘ettola’, and ‘ellola’ (Drake, 2018 ). English is said to have no diminutives (Khaled, 2018 ; Wierzbicka, 2009 ). English has an analytical diminutive marking mechanism that denotes a few lexical markers in distinctive forms such as ‘tiny’, ‘small’, and ‘little’ before the noun categories (Bin Mukhashin, 2018 ; Naciscione, 2010 ). The morphological process of a language plays a significant role in the composition of syntactic units, but when it comes to the diminutive and productivity function, it is more crucial; a language that has more than one form with a similar meaning distinguishes it from other languages in terms of productivity (Aronoff, 1976 ). It is intuitive to realize that the productivity effect of cuteness and smallness in English is expressed by using the inflectional suffixes such as ‘i’, and ‘iely’ in words like ‘Nicky’, ‘Lizzy’, and ‘Bobby’. English speakers do not use less-productive morphemes for nicknames such as ‘ling’ and ‘let’ in ‘Robbling’ and ‘Nicklet’ (Aronoff, 1976 ), for example.

Given its strength, morphology permits the language to espouse new lexemes from the current vocabulary through derivational morphology or to modify the syntactic features of a lexeme by way of its usage in a particular situation via inflectional morphology. Speakers tend to unconsciously learn the combinations of morphemes and suffixations by heart (Manova and Knell, 2021 ). The current study only focuses on the inflectional bound morphemes in the categories of nouns and adjectives to reflect the comparative function of diminutives in them. The complexity in acquiring inflectional morphemes in the English language by Pashto speakers arises due to the different linguistic affiliations and syntactic structures they encounter. Ali et al. ( 2016 ) argue that due to the complexity and dissimilarity in the inflectional patterns of English and Pashto, Pashto-speaking L2 learners find it difficult to learn English morphology.

Von Humboldt and von Humboldt ( 1999 ) have classified the contemporary vernaculars concerning the morphological and productive features in place, in the whole world today, into three main diverse groups: one is “isolating”; second is “agglutinative”; and the third is “inflectional”. Palmer ( 1984 ) states that Chinese is a good illustration of isolating language it does not have morphology. While agglutinative languages are those where the entire linguistic features take place distinctly in a linguistic construction, like the Swahili language, in which the words in sentences do not have patterns of any kind. Finally, coming inflectional languages whose syntactic components are composed together cannot be parted in the real sense of using the language, such as in Greek and Latin languages (Palmer, 2001 ).

Moreover, morphology is divided into two main branches; one is known as derivational morphology, and the second is called inflectional morphology. Both of these branches are characterized by their unique features. Inflectional morphology has got nothing to do with the construction to form new lexemes. Rather, it functions to demonstrate the grammatical aspects like’s of the lexemes to produce specific lexical items for agreement with other linguistic elements in the desired sentence. Conversely, unlike inflectional morphology, derivational morphology deals with the formation of words and the changes that words undergo when they make other categories. Inflectional morphemes do not change the category of the words but mark the agreement and check the features in a given construction, such as the morpheme ‘s’ attached to the word’ book demonstrates the plural number in a given construction. Different languages employ different inflectional strategies, influencing their productivity and diminutive function.

Joseph ( 2005 ) states that Pashto and English are two distinct verities descending from the same Indo-European Family. Momma and Matto ( 2009 ) argue that historical linguistics reveals these two vernaculars to have identical historical connections with the same parental languages, such as the West Germanic Group and that further branched into the Indo-Iranian sub-group where Pashto finds its origin. Therefore, investigating the diminutive inflectional aspects through contrastive analysis would reveal significant insights into these two languages and show the point of similarity and dissimilarity, a branch of Comparative Linguistics.

Previous studies mainly focused on showing the inflectional similarities and differences between English and Pashto. The diminutive morphological function between English and Pashto has not received attention from previous scholars. The current study focuses on examining the similarities and differences in inflectional bound morphemes in nouns and adjectives, focusing on the diminutive functions of these categories and investigating the possible influences of Greek and other natural languages like Bantu and Swahili on them.

In addition, the study attempts to reveal the nature of productivity concerning the diminutive features in both these languages and pinpoint possible measures to avoid issues faced by Pashto speakers in learning English as an L2. The study also has implications for the interlocutors of both languages to help them communicate more effectively cross-culturally through semantic and pragmatic contexts (Khan and Sohail, 2021 ). The study helps teachers, text designers, administrators, and L2 learners understand the problematic areas and plan well for effective learning and teaching of these languages.

Review of literature

Due to the unavailability of relevant studies concerning the diminutive morphological function between English and Pashto, the following available studies are reviewed on other languages, such as Spanish, Persian, Azerbaijani, Chinese, Bantu, and Arabic. It is generally assumed that the numerous inflections with a wide range of diminutive functions in Pashto make it morphologically diverse from other languages descended from the same group, thereby posing difficulties to learners in acquiring English in L2 settings. It is pertinent to mention that English is considered analytical regarding the diminutive function and employs a few lexical markers such as ‘tiny’, ‘little’, and ‘small’ (Bin Mukhashin, 2018 ). Conversely, Pashto has a system of synthetic diminutives that uses different inflectional morphological processes; the meaning of the word undergoes changes, but the word remains intact such as the word ‘motor’ (car). In diminutive pejorative expression, it changes to ‘motorgy’ (a small car) to convey a distaining expression. Similarly, in depreciating expression, the word ‘sigrat’ (cigarette) modifies to ‘sigratgy’ (a small and disdaining sigrat). Pashto is morphologically rich and is the most conservative vernacular among other languages in this family in the region. Pashto has preserved the archaic features that the rest of the languages have almost lost by way of their development over time (Zuhra and Khan, 2009 ). But, so far, no attention has been paid to the diminutive morphological function of Pashto by previous scholars, and in this regard, this study fills the gap and adds to the body of literature.

Hägg ( 2016 ) examined the expression of synthetic diminutives in English and Spanish to reveal the formation’s productivity and denote these languages’ semantic features. The study used two corpora: Corpus of Historical American English and Corpus del Español, along with some academic texts, newspapers, and magazines. The findings demonstrated that Spanish is more productive than English in inflecting different categories regarding diminutive morphological function. The study also revealed that Spanish has strong features about diminutives that enable it to convey a wide range of meaning through different inflectional formations as opposed to English. Wang’s ( 2020 ) study on the Lingchuan dialect’s appellations in China revealed that adding the inflection ‘zi’ mainly to the names or nicknames in Chinese increases intimacy between the interlocutors regarding diminutive expression. However, the meaning of this expression is not much obvious.

Kazemian and Hashemi ( 2014 ) investigated the inflectional bound morphemes of English, Azerbaijani and Persian languages to demonstrate variations and similarities in these languages. The findings revealed that several inflections functioned to mark grammatical categories in each language. Significant findings revealed that the Azerbaijani language retains more inflections in comparison to English and Persian. However, there were some commonalities in the patterns of inflections in all these three languages. English and Persian demonstrated a significantly irregular pattern of inflections in nouns and verb categories for marking plurality, but Azerbaijani witnessed extensive patterns of inflections in all categories of words, which enables the pragmatic and diminutive aspects of it to be broader compared to English. Moreover, the findings demonstrated that numerous operations of inflections that make it difficult for L2 learners to acquire the English language exist in Azeri and Persian. The study suggests that teaching English to native speakers of Azeri and Persian requires an in-depth understanding of these issues to effectively teach L2 learners.

Salim ( 2013 ) investigated the morphological features of the noun category in Arabic and English to reveal the differences between them. The study aimed to show the differences that would help L2 teachers be well-versed in the areas where the two languages differ. The findings revealed that every root word in the Arabic language is significant and retains three different phonological aspects. Through morphological affixation in Arabic, internal vowel modification occurs and causes infinite derivation for the formation of noun and verb classes. The morphological system of Arabic compared to English is very complex, which may cause problems for students learning English as L2. The findings demonstrated that English nouns have two numbers: singular and plural, but Arabic have three numbers: singular, plural and dual. English inflects the nouns only for genitive cases, while Arabic inflects them for three cases: nominative, accusative, and genitive. The findings revealed glaring differences between English and Arabic in morphological construction. The diminutive morphological function is not only to bring modification to the form in a given language but facilitate productivity and meaning connotations (Arabiat and Al-Momani, 2021 ; Hazimy, 2006 ). The diminutive morphological function in the Arabic language predominantly enhances the effect of revealing contempt and belittlement, targeting the decrease or smallness of an expression in a given context. It includes several expressions such as the reduction of size; quantity; disparagement (reducing someone’s respect), and psychological barriers such as pity, gentleness, and endearment (Yahya, 2012 ). Differences in forms lead the L2 learners to the barriers they encounter in acquiring a target language (Baker, 1992 ). Understanding these variations would help the interlocutors to communicate effectively in cross-cultural interaction and enable the L2 learners to acquire either of these languages without facing any problems.

Ibrahim ( 2010 ) examined the process of noun formation in Standard English and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) to demonstrate their similarities and differences and reveal their productivity features. The data for the study was collected from different sources and analyzed to demonstrate the morphological formation of nouns in both languages for productivity purposes. The findings demonstrated some universal similarities between the languages, such as affixation, blending, and formation of onomatopoeic expressions. The study also revealed that Modern Standard Arabic showed influences of foreign languages (borrowing) in the process of forming noun categories. The study revealed eight major morphological affixations that make MSA more productive than English, which uses limited morphological processes to form the noun category. Thus, the findings illustrated that language with extensive inflectional morphological affixations espouses greater productivity in terms of diminutive functions.

Joseph ( 2005 ) suggests that ‘one of the initial language families to be familiar with, and accordingly the most meticulously examined of all so far, is the family that Greek belongs to or recognized by means of the Indo-European language family. This view regarding the genesis of these languages is further reinforced by “Grimm’s law about phonetic modification”, keeping in view their phonetic resemblances and systematic variations. According to early linguists like Gamkrelidze and Ivanow ( 1990 ), their reconstruction is based on ancestral Indo-European languages. The linguists’ view largely depends on Grimm’s Law about Lautverschiebung, i.e., sound modification, which refers to a group of consonants in languages that predictably displace one another due to the evolutionary nature of languages and enhance the aspects of pragmatic productivity.

English inflectional morphology is generally considered by its simplicity, which is revealed by its widespread use of default, base or uninflected forms. The inflectional morphology in English influences nouns, pronouns, verbs, and adjectives, besides a few adverbs (Karaminis and Thomas, 2010 ; McCarthy, 2002 ). These inflectional morphemes function similarly for all lexemes. Nonetheless, there also exist some irregular morphemes. For instance, the words ‘take’ and ‘took’ create difficulties for non-native English language learners. English belongs to the West-Germanic branch of languages that are descended from the Indo-European group. Moreover, the West-Germanic branch is of particular interest for the reason that it is the branch from which the English language is derived (Baugh and Cable, 1993 ). In this way, Pashto seems inherently associated with the same group of languages, although it is a branch of the Iranian sub-group. Its main bordering languages currently consist of languages such as Persian, Tajik, Balochi, Kurdish, and Ossetian, spoken in the surrounding areas of Afghanistan (Habibullah and Robson, 1996 ).

Valeika and Buitkiene ( 2003 ) state that inflection in gender in old English was largely grammatical because nouns were disconnected by their grammar. Concerning morphological construction, old English is divided into three main distinct classes. For instance, masculine categories consisted of words such as ‘stan’ (stone), feminine ‘duru’ (door) and finally, ‘reced’ (house) used to indicate the neuter class. In this regard, the formal or grammatical gender disappeared over time with the loss of inflections in English. This aspect of dropping inflection in English seems to have largely decreased semantic and pragmatic productivity in it.

The gradual changes over time in the English language can be divided into three main historical periods regarding inflections that led to the reduction in its productivity. Baugh and Cable ( 1993 ) categorized these periods as (1) 450 to 1150 A.D., the Old English period, or the period of high inflections in the language when the endings in word forms like nouns, verbs, and adjectives were inseparable in terms of inflections; (2) 1100 to 1500 A.D., the Middle English period; and (3) 1500 to date. The Modern English and Middle English periods are considered the periods of “leveled inflection” or the periods of “loss of inflection”.

Many linguists have tried to find out the gender scheme of Indo-European languages in order to demarcate how these two kinds of gender, the grammatical gender and the biological gender, are communicated in a language in terms of inflections and pragmatic productivity (Corbett, 1991 ). Although gender is believed in some way to be unpredictable because it is a societal construct and not universal, some languages, such as Pashto, have strong gender inflections. In contrast, others, such as Persian, have totally lost them (Fernández, 2011 ).

Palmer ( 1984 ) believes that the Proto-language, a sub-branch of the Indo-European language family Greek, seems to be ‘highly inflectional in nature based on its grammatical composition as it cannot be separated’. He argues that the features of morphemes that exist in the Greek language can be classified into aspects like tense, gender, number, person, and case. Also, he associates the morphological structure of the English language with that of Greek by locating similarities and differences.

The available reviewed literature regarding the diminutive morphological function between English and other languages revealed that certain similarities and differences exist between them. These differentiate English in terms of morphological aspects and productivity from other languages worldwide. The reviewed studies identified a drastic gap in which no attention has been paid to the important aspect of comparison between English and Pashto to show the diminutive morphological function and reflect the semantic and pragmatic features of productivity in them.

Methodology

For the investigation, this research followed a qualitative design. The study is based on library research, where the researcher consulted different books about the target languages besides examining former studies on the characteristics of diminutive morphological analysis on some of the world languages. The study adopted the textual and archival interpretative analysis technique (Arabiat and Al-Momani, 2021 ). The design of the study is based on the framework of the Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis (CAH) proposed by (Lefer, 2011 ) and developed by (Krzeszowski, 2011 ; Chesterman, 1998 ; James 1980 ). The data of this study comprises the language segments of English and Pashto that include inflectional morphemes in two-word classes in terms of diminutive function with relation to nouns and adjective categories. Furthermore, personal observation for this data collection seemed preferable and suitable because of the researcher’s extensive exposure to the Pashto language as his First Language (L1) and English as a Second Language (L2), as well as the language of the researcher’s profession, i.e., being a teacher of English (Linguistics) for about 14 years. Traditional research methodologies and approaches such as recordings, interviews, and questionnaires do not suffice for the required information. Therefore, the researcher investigated comparative analysis through personal observation as a native speaker of Pashto and triangulated the analysis by consulting previous research findings and available literature on these two languages. The current study explores the following research questions:

What are the similarities and differences in diminutive morphological function and productivity between English and Pashto in nouns and adjective categories?

What is the degree of foreign influence of high inflectional languages, such as Greek, on the diminutive morphological function in English and Pashto?

The textual and archival interpretative analysis technique (Arabiat and Al-Momani, 2021 ) was adopted for this study. The reason for choosing this design was to compare and contrast the morphological function of diminutives in English and Pashto, which required a deeper understanding that could only be achieved through a corpus-based approach, as suggested by Arabiat and Al-Momani ( 2021 ). This methodology allowed for a comprehensive analysis of the data collected from various sources, including libraries and literary figures, to gain a better understanding of the similarities and differences in the diminutive morphological function of the two languages. The textual and archival interpretative analysis technique was deemed suitable for this research as it allowed for a detailed examination of the data and provided a means to interpret the findings in a meaningful way.

The corpus selection process prioritized peer-reviewed journals that focused on the function of morphology between English and Pashto. As no single study had been conducted to reveal the diminutive morphological function between these two languages, a review of available studies was necessary. Different libraries, such as Swat Public Library and Hazara University Library, were searched to find relevant studies. Over 80 corpus studies were consulted, and irrelevant studies were excluded and not cited in this study. Online research papers and theses were also reviewed, but only a few of them provided information on the morphological aspects of these languages, as cited in the text and the reference section of this study. To gain further insight into the investigation, the researcher approached literary figures in Pashto literature. Due to ethical considerations, the names of these individuals cannot be mentioned in this study.

Data analysis and interpretation

The data is presented in the tables by incorporating two techniques known as linear tables and a theoretical discussion. The tables contain illustrations of inflectional morphemes in English and Pashto languages. Each table illustrates different uses of the morphemes for a specific way of speech in these languages, such as marking nouns. The instances demonstrated in the tables are additionally clarified by analytical discussion. Every aspect of a peculiar inflection in a certain word class is reasonably argued from various perspectives to determine the similarities and differences of morphology in English and Pashto concerning the diminutive function and productivity aspect of them.

Analysis and discussion

The findings revealed that the processes regarding the function of inflectional morphemes, particularly bound class morphemes, in Pashto and English, inflections like ‘s’ in English and ‘una’ in the Pashto language can never be used distinctly as meaningful segments in isolation. Rather, these morphemes can be seen attached to the nouns to mark plurality (Khan et al., 2016 ). In terms of inflectional morphology, Pashto has very extensive inflections by way of the phonological composition of its words. Consequently, the lexemes ending with ‘l’ sounds are constantly inflected with the inflection ‘una’, e.g., ‘pul’ a singular noun ending with ‘l’, changes to ‘Puluna’ in Pashto. The inflexion pattern for forming the plural in Pashto is morphologically more complex and productive than in English, where simply an’s’ or ‘es’ morpheme is added.

Similarities and differences between English and Pashto

The English language typically follows the addition of ‘s’ as an inflection. However, certain exceptions exist, for example changing the vowel sound of ‘man’ to ‘men’, ‘thesis’ to ‘theses’ and ‘analysis’ to analyses’. On the other hand, Pashto morphology largely depends on animacy, gender and the case of declensions in forming plurality (Lange, 2015 ). The masculine and feminine, direct and oblique cases are the distinguishing characteristics of Pashto. The final segment of the noun and the initial segment of the suffixes that attach to the words often change phonologically by forming plural in the Pashto language (David, 2013 ). Table 1 provides examples regarding the cases of declensions in the Pashto language and shows various inflectional patterns in the formation of nouns and level of productivity through the reduplication of the diminutive function.

Pashto is rich in inflections compared to English since it employs several diminutives in a variety of ways, while English uses just a few. Almost every noun category, which is similar in function to Bantu, refers to singular and plural and shows smallness, but the pragmatic context varies from that of English. In Pashto, smallness is often associated with demonstrating contempt, such as the word ‘motor’ being used for a single car, ‘motary’ for many cars and ‘motargay’ referring to a small car that conveys a pejorative sense. The noun ‘halak’ as demonstrated in Table 1 , refers to a boy, ‘halak an ’ is used for plurality and ‘halak oty ’ is employed for conveying a pejorative connotation. Most of the time, the inflections ‘ty’, ‘tay’, ‘gy’and ‘gay’are suffixed to the noun category in Pashto to denote the diminutive function with certain exceptions such as the noun ‘kor’ is used for a house, ‘kor akay ’ is used to convey the singular diminutive expression, while ‘kor oona ’ is employed for plural houses and the diminutive inflected form for the plural is ‘koraky’. The findings demonstrated that Pashto is rich in inflections as opposed to English and has various ways of expressing a particular meaning depending on the speaker’s intention. Moreover, the findings are dissimilar to the previous studies (Yahya, 2012 ) on the diminutive function between English and Arabic. In the Arabic Language, the diminutive largely reduces the size, quality, and quantity of an expression, but Pashto reflects an extensive mechanism in interaction. The study aligns with the findings by (Aronoff, 1976 ) that a language that has more than one form makes it dissimilar to other languages and creates the features of productivity in it.

Pashto has a vocative case used for addressing a person or thing, such as ‘halak’ used for a ‘boy’, but the vocative case is ‘halak a ’ and similarly, ‘spay’ is a noun meaning a dog, but in the vocative case, it changes to ‘spy ia ’. The vocative is a direct expression by the speaker to the addressee. Historically, the vocative case was the dominant feature of the languages descending from the ‘Indo-European family’, but over time they have lost it, though some of them, like modern Greek, Albanian and the Baltic languages such as Lithuanian, and Latvian still retain it. Almost all names about humans or animals are used with the inflectional morpheme like ‘a’ at the ending of the word, mostly in the case of masculine names, which denotes marking of the vocative case in proper masculine nouns in Pashto. On top of that, Pashto uses the vocative case to convey a diminutive function by employing an inflection form, such as the word ‘spa ia ’ (dog) is used for calling someone’s attention in a pejorative sense when the speaker shows anger to the addressee. Though the singular form of the word is ‘spay’ (dog), when changing it to a vocative case, it is inflected with ‘ ia ’ inflection and the meaning is changed. This feature of Pashto seems to be the sole diminutive function by employing a vocative case, using animal names to convey the highest contempt for humans, including both males and females. Even at times, the Pashto speakers use ‘Khar a ’ (donkey) as a vocative expression for the word ‘khar’ (donkey) to call the attention of someone with extreme abhorrence. The findings regarding the diminutive function of English are similar to the previous study conducted by (Karaminis and Thomas, 2010 ; McCarthy, 2002 ), which revealed that English inflectional morphology is generally considered by its simplicity, which is manifested by its widespread use of default, i.e., base or uninflected forms.

On the contrary, the vocative case is almost dropped in Modern English, although the meaning is communicated differently in a semantic context, such as ‘ Jim , are you serious?’’ and ‘ Alice , come here’ (Moro, 2003 ). In Modern English, the vocative expression is communicated through the nominative case and is distinct in the rest of the sentence by putting commas. Historically, Old English prefaced vocative expression in poetry and prose by using ‘O’ such as ‘ O ye of little faith’ (Beare and Mathers, 1981 ).

However, the Pashto language is more inflectional than English, as demonstrated by the findings in Table 1 . While English mainly confines itself to three kinds of inflections in forming plurality in noun categories such as ‘s’, ‘es’ and ‘zero’, Pashto has an oblique case as well as diminutives in noun categories that function differently from the diminutives available in English. English diminutives function to show the small size of the entity by adding suffixes like ‘-let’ as in ‘book let ’ which means a small book, ‘-ling’ as in ‘duck ling ’ used for a small duck, ‘-ock’ as in ‘hill ock ’ used for a small hill, ‘-ette’ as in ‘novel ette ’ used for a small novel with fewer pages, and ‘-net’ as in ‘coro net ’ meaning a small crown (Dehham and Kadhim, 2015 ). Diminutives are not a common feature of Standard English as found in other world languages. Wierzbicka ( 2009 ) argues that the form of productive diminutive in English rarely exists except in the isolated general forms used by the children such as ‘doggie’, ‘handies’ and ‘girlie’.The diminutives in semantic and pragmatic contexts extend beyond narrow perceptions and associations of meaning, such as in the English glossary. The diminutive morphological function of Pashto revealed a closer resemblance to the Bantu language researched by (Gibson et al., 2017 ), who argue that diminutives in Bantu entail encoding pejoration, affection, and admiration, as well as communicate disdain and contempt, which are the prospective uses alongside a mere concept of ‘young’. For example, in the Bantu language, the noun ‘or u vyo’ is used for a knife, but adding an inflection such as ‘o ka ruvyo’ changes the meaning to a small knife and adding another inflection like ‘o u tuvyo’ changes the meaning to represent knives.

Modern English mainly follows a predictable pattern for forming plurality in noun categories by adding affixes such as ‘s’, ‘es’, ‘en’, and zero morphemes. The affixation of ‘en’ for the formation of plurality in English is irregular inflection; zero morphemes are confined to several noun class words such as ‘sheep’ and ‘deer’. Moreover, the addition of the suffix ‘s’ to nouns like ‘table’, ‘dog’, ‘cat’, etc., turns them into plural, i.e., ‘tables’, ‘dogs’, and ‘cats’. English inflects the noun by ‘es’ and changes it to plural, such as the word ‘watch’, by adding ‘es’, turns into plural. The pattern of vowel alteration exists in the formation of plurality in certain English nouns, and the vowel structure undergoes changes, but the morphological patterns stay the same such as ‘goose’ changes into ‘geese’. The inflection of vowel alterations, also known as ablauts and umlauts, is particularly used in the language by inflecting the words through the alteration of the sounds, such as in German. These kinds of inflections occur due to the alteration of vowel sounds in English that changes the noun to plural. The internal phonological structure of the word is changed, and resultantly, the meaning also gets altered. Similarly, the word ‘ox, and ‘child’ are singular nouns, but the addition of ‘en’ and ‘ren’ changes them to ‘oxen’ and ‘children’, respectively. The alteration of sounds and irregular inflection exists in English lexicology but is confined to minimal English words. Resultantly, reduces productivity in terms of pragmatic and diminutive context. On the other hand, Pashto has an extensive system of noun declension that constitutes a rich mechanism by employing plurality, vocative case, and diminutive inflections with a wide spectrum of appreciative and depreciative expressions that lead to pragmatic productivity and enhance diminutive effects. This is illustrated in Table 2 , where the symbol ‘ǿ’ demonstrated zero inflection which is quite consistent as compared to Pashto. This is due to Modern English’s inflectional nature, which has extensively dropped the inflectional and archaic features of Old English. One reason is that English has undergone great changes, but Pashto seems to have stayed the same. This question is out of the current study’s scope and needs further research to be answered.

In English, the ‘s’ or ‘es’ inflection is a common phenomenon for marking plurality in noun class categories, but Pashto has a wide range of inflections depending on the final morpheme, particularly it’s being voiced or voiceless to determine the plural. For example, Pashto-nouns ending with ‘b’ like ‘kitab’ (book), ‘gulab’ (rose) and ‘sawab’ (virtue) form plural categories by adding the inflection ‘una’ such as ‘kitab una ’ (books), ‘gulab una ’ (roses) and ‘sawab una ’ (virtues). Similarly, the nouns ending with vowel sounds get the ‘ay’ inflection for plurality, such as the words ‘parda’ ( hijab ) and ‘jarga’ (council) are inflected with ‘ay’ to form plural categories like ‘pard ay ’( hijab ) and jarg ay ’ (councils) (Khan et al., 2016 ). However, the diminutive morphological function in Pashto is dissimilar and irregular in marking the lexical items. Unlike English, which only forms plurality, Pashto goes beyond marking plurality, such as carrying the inflections ‘una, and ‘gay’. For the diminutive expressions, the word ‘kitab’, a singular book, inflects with ‘gay’ unlike ‘una’. For marking plural diminutives, the word ‘kitabuna’ (books) changes to ‘kitab gi ’; the inflection ‘gi’ indicates smallness or littleness about the books or refers to the limited knowledge of the addressee.

The English language typically uses two types of inflections in noun categories for marking genitive cases(possessive inflections). First, English employs for singular nouns to demonstrate genitive cases such as ‘John’s book’.Second, it uses (‘) for plural nouns to reveal possessive cases like ‘schools’ buses’. The English language is limited in terms of inflections in morphology in the noun classes, and similarly, its usage is also largely restricted compared to the Pashto language. Only two major dominant morphemes in English are often employed for marking plurality and demonstrating genitive cases such as ‘s’.

The noun class words in English do not mark gender as a general feature except in limited instances in which the isolated words refer to gender categories such as grandmother, granddaughter, aunt, niece, girls, mother, and wife, but these words function as isolated units, unlike affixation. English also has a generic category of nouns that denote general expressions such as heroine, air hostess, waitress, and princess. The categories of bound suffixes for marking gender are very limited to certain words, for example, lioness, hostess, and tigress, which are mostly restricted to the names of animals and hardly used for diminutive functions. Pashto, on the other hand, has an extended mechanism of inflections in noun categories related to animals for marking gender, such as ‘spay’ (dog) changes into ‘sp ai ’ (bitch), ‘oakh’ (camel) to ‘oakh a ’ (female camel), and ‘ghwa’ (cow) to ‘ghwa ya ’ (bull). The word ‘sp ai ’ (bitch) is used in Pashto for addressing a singular girl to denote a diminutive expression indicating contempt for someone, particularly for the women class. Similarly, the word ‘ghwa’ (cow) is also used in the Pashto language for addressing to show a pejorative and disdaining diminutive function for someone. Likewise, ‘ghwa y ’ (bull) is used for a singular man to convey a diminutive function such as being stupid or senseless. The Pashto language also seems to have a greater level of phonological modification in the process of forming plurality, as exemplified through the above names for animals, unlike the English Language. It is not only that English does not have phonological modifications through suffixation in these words, but it also lacks the process of forming plurality for the category of these nouns. It seems that English may have lost inflectional affixes for these nouns as they underwent transformational phases. That is why it does not bear the effects of inflectional features inherited from ancient languages, as does Pashto. The findings in this study are similar to the previous studies carried out by Fernández ( 2011 ) and Valeika and Buitkiene ( 2003 ) that some of the languages inherited from the same parental group have lost the inflections over time while others still retain them. Resultantly, the diminutive function of languages such as English is significantly affected by the loss of their morphological inflection that happened over time, making it susceptible to limit its productivity.

The findings demonstrated that the formation process of the noun category in Pashto is much more extensive and quite intricate than in English. The dissimilarity in terms of bound morphemes in nouns between the two languages is that inflections in the Pashto language include more diverse diminutive morphological functions. In contrast, the English language inflects its nouns merely for marking plurality and the genitive case by employing ‘s’ and ‘s’ in both cases, respectively. Conversely, the Pashto language inflects nouns in several ways, such as singular, plural, masculine, feminine, and the vocative case. Most importantly, as opposed to English, Pashto has a comprehensive system of diminutives that denotes a wide range of conveying semantic and pragmatic productivity, which are not available in the English glossary. Hence, the findings align with the previous studies that morphological inflection does not merely modify the form but facilitates productivity in a language (Arabiat and Al-Momani, 2021 ; Hazimy, 2006 ).

English does not have inflections for forming plurality in adjective categories, but Pashto has several cases that mark plurality depending on the context. The adjective ‘poor’ in English is used for an animate and inanimate entity without inflection. However, Pashto uses the word ‘poor’ to form a plurality, such as ‘gharib/gharib an ’, and uses it solely with animate masculine or feminine. Moreover, Pashto has two different categories of adjectives to denote the diminutive expressions used for the adjective poor, such as ‘khwar ano ’ and ‘ghariban ano ’. The inflection ‘ano’ attached to the root of the adjectives changes the connotation in a semantic and pragmatic context to indicate smallness and something depreciative. Compared to English, this morphological aspect of adjective formation in Pashto provides choices and productivity in the language for interlocutors in communication.

Unlike Pashto, the English language typically uses three broader categories in positive adjectives, comparative, and superlative, which are discrete like Pashto. Pashto is unique in marking adjectives through numbers, and masculine case, as the word ‘khkulay’ (beautiful) denotes masculine singular; for marking masculine plural, it changes to ‘khkul i ’, and the sound from ‘y’ changes to ‘i’, while for marking feminine plural the ending of the word changes to ‘ay’ sound which is similar to English diphthongization to indicate feminine plurality in Pashto such as ‘khkul ai ’. Similarly, the adjective ‘spin’ (white) denotes masculine singular, but for marking the feminine singular, the final segment of the word ‘spin’ gets ‘a’ inflection such as ‘spin a ’.For denoting the feminine plural, it changes to ‘spin y ’; the ‘y’ suffix changes the meaning and sound to reveal the gender. Finally, in pejorative expression, the plural feminine adjective ‘white’, ‘spin y ’ changes to ‘spin chakai ’, and the masculine plural white ‘spin o ’ changes to ‘spin chako ’ to convey the idea of disparaging someone.

Moreover, Pashto has a similar mechanism of employing the categorical system through adjectives by using words such as ‘lag ghat’ bigger and ‘der ghat’ ‘the biggest’, though pragmatic variations exist between the two languages in these terms. The English language strictly uses the comparative degree for comparing two groups and the superlative degree for more than two, but these adjectives do not make such distinctions in Pashto. Pashto is a vocative language because it inflects the adjectives to address the addressee by adding the suffix to the end of the word. For instance, ‘khkulay’ is an adjective used for beautiful, and it changes to ‘khkuli a ’. In addition, the inflection ‘a’ at the end of this adjective functions to call forth the attention of someone. In this context, the message is communicated by raising the pitch to attract the attention of the addressee. Hence, the word for the singular masculine ‘khkuli a ’ (beautiful) signifies the speaker’s love for the addressee when used in an appreciative context and indicates the productivity of the Pashto language in employing adjectives. By using various inflections that change the tone and the final segment of the words to communicate the intended message, Pashto is a pragmatically rich language compared to English. The word ‘tone’ does not mean tonal language; it is used for the alteration of sounds that results due to the suffixes attached to the noun and adjective categories in Pashto.

Adjectives in English do not mark numbers and gender but only inflect the grammatical construction through gradable and non-gradable morphemes. Gradable adjectives in English are ‘small’ and ‘big’ used for comparative and superlative construction by employing ‘er’ and ‘est. Secondly, English does not have a system of denoting diminutives in adjective class except for certain general expressions in the noun category, while Pashto has a wide range of diminutive expressions in the formation of adjectives that makes it more productive in conveying multi-layers of connotations through a single unit. The findings regarding the declensions in adjective categories in English in this study are similar to the previous studies conducted by Bin Mukhashin ( 2018 ) and Naciscione ( 2010 ) in that it has an analytical diminutive marking mechanism that denotes a few lexical markers in distinctive forms such as ‘tiny’, ‘small’, and ‘little’ before the noun categories which limits its productivity and diminutive function.

The inflections in Old English indicate marking case, gender, and degree of comparison. In Middle English (1100 to 1500 A.D), the inflections for marking, gender, and case entirely dropped out. In Old English (450 to 1150 A.D), the adjective ‘eald’ (old) denoted masculine singular nominative case but inflected with ‘e’ for demonstrating masculine plural nominative case such as ‘ealde’ attached with the ‘e’ inflection. The word ‘eald’ (old) indicated a feminine singular nominative case in Old English but inflected for plurality with ‘ae’ to mark the feminine plural nominative case. Old English employed the adjective ‘eald’ (old) to denote-neuter singular nominative case. For indicating neuter plural nominative case, it was inflected with ‘e’ such as in ‘ealde’. The adjective used for marking masculine singular accusative case was ‘ealdne’ (old). For denoting the feminine singular, it changed to ‘ealde’ and the adjective was altered to ‘eald’ form to indicate the neuter singular accusative. The Old English language was a highly inflectional language that marked the number, gender, and case, unlike Modern English. Modern English has limited inflections in marking adjectives, while Pashto retains an extensive inflectional system that marks numbers, gender, and case and has a strong diminutive mechanism.

Influences of high inflectional languages on English and Pashto

The analysis demonstrated two distinct patterns of diminutive morphological function in nouns and adjective categories between English and Pashto. Interestingly, the findings revealed that the mechanism of inflection in Pashto associates it with ancient languages such as Greek because they were highly inflectional and, consequently, facilitated productivity in communication to a larger extent. In Ancient Greek, all words were formed through inflectional suffixes such as ‘eu’ that denote masculine, feminine, singular, and plural. This element plays an important role in the distinction of gender. ‘Wall’ in Greek denotes masculine gender, while ‘door’ refers to feminine and ‘floor’ is neutral. All nouns and adjectives are peculiar for the inflection of nominative, accusative, and vocative cases and reflect the language’s productivity aspects (Davies, 1968 ). These characteristics of the Greek language are common to Pashto in marking the nouns and adjectives on the one hand and distinguishing English from Pashto on the other. Swanson ( 1958 ) argues that in the Greek language, there exist eight different types of diminutives used by Aristophanes for producing various kinds of comic formation in the text. Watt ( 2014 ) ascertains that in Modern Greek, the diminutives play a depreciative function through adjectives and nouns. An adjective such as ‘ksinos’ is used to indicate ‘sour’ in Modern Greek, but to denote a diminutive connotation, it changes to ‘ksino tsiko s’, which means ‘sourish’. Similarly, the adjective ‘askimos’ meaning ‘ugly’ changes to ‘askimu li s’ to convey a diminutive expression. Modern Greek has an extensive noun and adjective formation process through inflectional morphemes, which provide choices to the interlocutors, conveying a wide spectrum of semantic and pragmatic connotations. The classical Greek language had numerous diminutive morphological compositions. It carried a variety of inflectional morphemes in terms of nouns and adjectives that represented many declensions (word endings). Furthermore, these grammatical associations were represented by the endings as well as in-fixations of the nouns and adjectives rather than any other external isolated segments.

Greek is considered a highly inflectional language because the suffixes attached to the end of the words mark all cases, but English employs a has a simple and predictable mechanism for marking genitive cases (possessive). The genitive case is represented by the inflection ‘s’, for example, in the word ‘boy’ ‘boys’, and ‘girl’ ‘girls’. The Pashto language has a different system that includes numbers, gender, and case. The vocative case, which morphologically marks the masculine as well as the feminine, like the word ‘mashom’ (baby), denotes a masculine singular baby, and the declension form ‘mashom an ’ indicates the plural ‘babies’., The inflected form ‘mashom a ’ represents the feminine singular baby, and the inflected form ‘mashom ano ’ shows the vocative plural form. Interestingly, even all these words could convey a diminutive function depending on the intention of the speaker to employ them either in a pragmatic context by simply conveying the literal meaning or making it a depreciative expression to convey the meaning that someone is adult, but yet acts like a child or is being silly (Table 3 ).

Pashto seems to be as similar to Greek as it is different from English in diminutive morphological function. Both Pashto and Greek retain grammatical gender where all nouns and adjectives are categorized according to the gender system employed by the grammar in their languages and, consequently, have a higher level of productivity. The only variation between Pashto and Greek gender patterns is that the neutral gender does not exist in Pashto. Hence, the Pashto morphological system of nouns and adjectives is largely influenced by the Greek morphological system than by English. However, to a certain extent, English and Pashto inflectional morphology, particularly in terms of nouns, is similar to that of the Greek language. Here, the findings resonate with the previous studies carried out by Fernández ( 2011 ) and Valeika and Buitkiene ( 2003 ), who assert that of the languages descended from the same parental group, some have lost the inflections over time while others still retain them as in the case of Pashto.

Two basic reasons account for the dissimilarity of the inflectional mechanism in these two languages. First, Cook ( 1985 ) argues that Chomsky’s theory about Universal Grammar divides languages into two components: parameters and principles. Every natural language operates in similar principles, but the parametric variations bifurcate them into different sections and, resultantly, involve dissimilar morphological functions. Second, all-natural languages of the world are non-linear, i.e., they are emerging and open to changes due to the evolutionary process involved over time. Kozulin ( 2003 ) argues that new lexemes enter into languages due to socio-cultural impacts on languages. Kozulincompared the evolution of natural languages with the eddy of water, which gyrates across and changes into multiple shapes. Every language attains new features to serve the grammatical, pragmatic, and semantic components, dropping out many archaic features. Similarly, all modern languages, English, for example, have lost the inflectional features it inherited from parental proto-languages to a greater extent. Old English had rich morphological inflections and was known as a highly inflectional language, but it is no longer inflectional. In this way, it is logical to ascertain that English has given up the influences from complex Greek morphology to a larger extent. As a result, Modern English has extensively lost the diminutive function and productivity in a pragmatic context. Conversely, Pashto retains significant productivity in contrast to English. By virtue of being more inflectional like Greek, it seems to be morphologically closer to the Greek language in function than English and has an extensive diminutive morphological mechanism.

This study examined the diminutive morphological function in noun and adjective categories between Pashto and English. The data analysis revealed that Pashto and English have a distinct pattern of diminutive morphological function in nouns and adjectives despite certain similarities in noun class. The noun’s inflectional pattern in English marks it for plurality, generally known as the number. As for adjectives, they are employed to add to the meaning of nouns. Contrary, inflectional bound morphemes in the Pashto function for marking numbers, gender, case, and other features besides a wide range of diminutives’ semantic and pragmatic functions. Significantly, the findings revealed that the diminutive morphological function in Pashto is quite the opposite of English. The diminutive function in Pashto is similar in fashion to that of Swahili, Bantu, and Greek languages, making it more productive than English. By way of the similarities in the use of declensions, Pashto seems closer and more similar to Greek than to English. The diminutive morphological patterns of Greek and Pashto mark common nouns and adjectives for plurality, i.e., number and vocative case. Moreover, both languages mark masculine and feminine, i.e., gender, the case features even more strikingly, have a vast mechanism of employing diminutive connotations compared to English.

The following recommendations are made for future researchers to investigate the questions raised in this study, which were left unanswered due to the limitation of this study. Further investigation into the use and function of diminutives in other languages, such as Swahili, Bantu, and Greek, to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the underlying mechanisms and variations in diminutive morphological function across languages. A comparative study of the diminutive morphological function in other similar languages, such as Urdu and Hindi, to explore the similarities and differences in their diminutive systems. An investigation into the potential impact of cultural factors on the use and perception of diminutives, such as how they are used in different social settings and reflect cultural values and attitudes.

This study has contributed to understanding the diminutive morphological function in Pashto and English, revealing distinct patterns and differences in their use of diminutives in noun and adjective categories. The findings suggest that Pashto employs a wide range of diminutive semantic and pragmatic functions, making its diminutive morphological function more productive than English. Moreover, the study has revealed similarities between the diminutive systems of Pashto and Greek, adding to our understanding of the historical and cultural influences on language development. This study has significant implications for language teaching and learning, especially for those learning Pashto or English as a second language.

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Khan, A. The diminutive morphological function between English and Pashto languages: a comparative study. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 10 , 536 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-02004-2

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• Pay attention to vowel sounds: English has 12 vowel sounds, but only five vowel letters (A, E, I, O, U). It's important to learn the different ways these letters can be pronounced, such as the "a" in "cat" versus the "a" in "cake." Listen carefully to native speakers and try to imitate their vowel sounds.
• Watch out for silent letters: English has many silent letters, such as the "k" in "knight" or the "b" in "comb." Pay attention to spelling and try to memorize words with silent letters to avoid mispronunciation.
• Learn stress and intonation patterns: English is a stress-timed language, which means that stressed syllables are pronounced more prominently than unstressed syllables. Intonation patterns, such as rising or falling pitch, can also change the meaning of a sentence. Practice stress and intonation patterns to sound more natural and expressive.
• Practice consonant clusters: English has many consonant clusters, or groups of consonants that appear together in a word. For example, "strength" has six consonant sounds in a row. Practice pronouncing these clusters slowly and clearly, and gradually increase your speed.
• Listen and repeat: The best way to improve your pronunciation is to listen to native speakers and practice imitating their sounds. Watch movies, listen to music, and speak with native speakers whenever possible to improve your pronunciation and gain confidence.

Remember, mastering English pronunciation takes time and practice. Don't be discouraged if you don't get it right the first time. Keep practicing and you'll get there!

How to Memorize Words

• Repetition: One of the most effective ways to memorize words is through repetition. Repeat the word several times until it sticks in your mind.
• Create associations: Create a mental association or connection between the word and something else that you already know. For example, you can associate the word "apple" with the color red or with a fruit.
• Use visual aids: Use pictures, diagrams, or videos to help you remember the word. Visual aids can help you to create a stronger mental image of the word.
• Use context: Learn new words in context. Reading a sentence or a paragraph that includes the word you want to learn will help you to understand its meaning and remember it better.
• Use mnemonics: Create a mnemonic device, such as a rhyme, acronym, or phrase that helps you to remember the word. For example, the word "HOMES" can help you remember the names of the Great Lakes (Huron, Ontario, Michigan, Erie, Superior).
• Break words into smaller parts: If a word is difficult to remember, break it down into smaller parts. Focus on the smaller parts first, and then work on putting them together to form the complete word.
• Use flashcards: Create flashcards with the word on one side and the definition on the other. Review the flashcards regularly until you have memorized the words.
• Practice, practice, practice: The more you use a word, the easier it is to remember. Use new words in sentences or in conversations to help you remember them.
• Use technology: There are many apps and websites that can help you to memorize words. Some of these apps use gamification techniques to make learning more fun and engaging.
• Stay motivated: Learning new words can be challenging, but don't give up! Stay motivated and keep practicing. The more words you learn, the easier it becomes to learn new ones.

How to Say Hypothesis in Pashto

• hypoglycemia
• hypothermia
• hypothesize
• hypothetical
• hypothetically
• connotation
• full rights
• once in a while
• postal service

Hypothesis meaning in Pashto

Hypothesis meaning in Pashto. Here you learn English to Pashto translation / English to Pashto dictionary  of the word ' Hypothesis ' and also play  quiz in Pashto words starting with  H  also play  A-Z dictionary quiz . To learn Pashto language , common vocabulary and grammar are the important sections. Common Vocabulary contains common words that we can used in daily life. This way to learn Pashto language quickly and learn  daily use sentences  helps to improve your Pashto language. If you think too hard to learn Pashto language, 1000 words will helps to learn Pashto language easily, they contain 2-letter words to 13-letter words. Below you see how to say Hypothesis in Pashto.

How to say 'Hypothesis' in Pashto

Learn also: Hypothesis in different languages

Play & Learn Pashto word starts with H Quiz

Top 1000 pashto words.

Here you learn top 1000 Pashto words, that is separated into sections to learn easily (Simple words, Easy words, Medium words, Hard Words, Advanced Words). These words are very important in daily life conversations, basic level words are very helpful for beginners. All words have Pashto meanings with transliteration.

Daily use Pashto Sentences

Here you learn top Pashto sentences, these sentences are very important in daily life conversations, and basic-level sentences are very helpful for beginners. All sentences have Pashto meanings with transliteration.

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Pashto Grammar

Pashto dictionary.

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PASHTO LANGUAGE: SOLVING THE MYSTERIES OF THE PAST TENSE

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How to Speak Basic Pashto

Last Updated: September 30, 2022 Fact Checked

wikiHow is a “wiki,” similar to Wikipedia, which means that many of our articles are co-written by multiple authors. To create this article, 19 people, some anonymous, worked to edit and improve it over time. This article has been fact-checked, ensuring the accuracy of any cited facts and confirming the authority of its sources. This article has been viewed 229,003 times. Learn more...

Pashto, or Pukhto, is one of the official languages of Afghanistan. Around 60 million people in Afghanistan, adjacent areas in Pakistan and worldwide speak Pashto as their mother tongue. It belongs to Indo-Iranian family of languages. [1] X Research source Learn some useful phrases that may help you if you watch any TV show related to Afghanistan or meet any Pashtun.

• Staray ma-shay (may you not be tired) is also used for "Welcome".

• To ask "what's up?", say "Sanga chal day? (n as in 'strange' and day as in 'the', soft D)".
• To reply "everything is fine", say "khairyat day"
• To reply to others with "I am fine", say "Za Kha Yem".
• To say "How is everything at home?", say "koor ta sa ahwal day".

• Ask others to "come here". Say "Dalta Raasha" . (Dalta=Here, Rasha=Come).
• Request water. Say "Lage Uba Raka" - this means "give me some water". (Lage= Some, Uba=Water, Raka=Give me).
• To ask "where is the airport?", say "Hawayee Dagar Cherta day?" (Hawayee Dagar = Airport, Cherta=Whear, Day=is).
• To say "I am feeling hungry", say "Za wagy Yem". (Za=I, Wagy=hungry, Yem=am).
• To say what is the time?, say "So baje di?".
• To say "What is the day today?", say "Nan the sa wraz da?" (Nan=dodat, Sa=what, Wraz=Day, Da=is)
• To answer "Today is Friday", say "Nan D Jumi Wraz Da".

Community Q&A

• Father = Palaar,
• Mother=Moor,
• Brother=Wror or roor,
• Sister= Khor,
• Daughter=loor or lur,
• Meal=Dodai, Tikaala (Bread),
• Man=Saray (similar to r),
• Woman=Khaza,
• Girl=Jinai,
• There=Ulta,
• Listen to me=Ma ta ghwag sha, or Zama Khabar wawra.
• Taa-so= You (to elders, with respect).
• It is raining= Baraan waregi (Baraan=Rain),
• I am thirsty= Za Tagay Yam.
• Yes=Ho/Aow/Kha,
• Don't see=Ma Gora (Ma=Don't).
• Pashtuns/Pakhtuns are also called Pathans. So you may search about Pashtuns through the word "Pathan" as well. Thanks Helpful 13 Not Helpful 1
• Pashto/Pakhto is similar to Persian, being a part of the Iranian language family. It even shares the script with the Persian language, which is the other official language of Afghanistan, known as Dari. Thanks Helpful 11 Not Helpful 1

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• ↑ https://www.britannica.com/topic/Pashto-language
• ↑ https://omniglot.com/language/phrases/pashto.php
• ↑ https://mylanguages.org/pashto_phrases.php

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5.2 - writing hypotheses.

The first step in conducting a hypothesis test is to write the hypothesis statements that are going to be tested. For each test you will have a null hypothesis (\(H_0\)) and an alternative hypothesis (\(H_a\)).

When writing hypotheses there are three things that we need to know: (1) the parameter that we are testing (2) the direction of the test (non-directional, right-tailed or left-tailed), and (3) the value of the hypothesized parameter.

• At this point we can write hypotheses for a single mean (\(\mu\)), paired means(\(\mu_d\)), a single proportion (\(p\)), the difference between two independent means (\(\mu_1-\mu_2\)), the difference between two proportions (\(p_1-p_2\)), a simple linear regression slope (\(\beta\)), and a correlation (\(\rho\)). 
• The research question will give us the information necessary to determine if the test is two-tailed (e.g., "different from," "not equal to"), right-tailed (e.g., "greater than," "more than"), or left-tailed (e.g., "less than," "fewer than").
• The research question will also give us the hypothesized parameter value. This is the number that goes in the hypothesis statements (i.e., \(\mu_0\) and \(p_0\)). For the difference between two groups, regression, and correlation, this value is typically 0.

Hypotheses are always written in terms of population parameters (e.g., \(p\) and \(\mu\)).  The tables below display all of the possible hypotheses for the parameters that we have learned thus far. Note that the null hypothesis always includes the equality (i.e., =).

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Definition of hypothesis

Did you know.

The Difference Between Hypothesis and Theory

A hypothesis is an assumption, an idea that is proposed for the sake of argument so that it can be tested to see if it might be true.

In the scientific method, the hypothesis is constructed before any applicable research has been done, apart from a basic background review. You ask a question, read up on what has been studied before, and then form a hypothesis.

A hypothesis is usually tentative; it's an assumption or suggestion made strictly for the objective of being tested.

A theory , in contrast, is a principle that has been formed as an attempt to explain things that have already been substantiated by data. It is used in the names of a number of principles accepted in the scientific community, such as the Big Bang Theory . Because of the rigors of experimentation and control, it is understood to be more likely to be true than a hypothesis is.

In non-scientific use, however, hypothesis and theory are often used interchangeably to mean simply an idea, speculation, or hunch, with theory being the more common choice.

Since this casual use does away with the distinctions upheld by the scientific community, hypothesis and theory are prone to being wrongly interpreted even when they are encountered in scientific contexts—or at least, contexts that allude to scientific study without making the critical distinction that scientists employ when weighing hypotheses and theories.

The most common occurrence is when theory is interpreted—and sometimes even gleefully seized upon—to mean something having less truth value than other scientific principles. (The word law applies to principles so firmly established that they are almost never questioned, such as the law of gravity.)

This mistake is one of projection: since we use theory in general to mean something lightly speculated, then it's implied that scientists must be talking about the same level of uncertainty when they use theory to refer to their well-tested and reasoned principles.

The distinction has come to the forefront particularly on occasions when the content of science curricula in schools has been challenged—notably, when a school board in Georgia put stickers on textbooks stating that evolution was "a theory, not a fact, regarding the origin of living things." As Kenneth R. Miller, a cell biologist at Brown University, has said , a theory "doesn’t mean a hunch or a guess. A theory is a system of explanations that ties together a whole bunch of facts. It not only explains those facts, but predicts what you ought to find from other observations and experiments.”

While theories are never completely infallible, they form the basis of scientific reasoning because, as Miller said "to the best of our ability, we’ve tested them, and they’ve held up."

• proposition
• supposition

hypothesis , theory , law mean a formula derived by inference from scientific data that explains a principle operating in nature.

hypothesis implies insufficient evidence to provide more than a tentative explanation.

theory implies a greater range of evidence and greater likelihood of truth.

law implies a statement of order and relation in nature that has been found to be invariable under the same conditions.

Examples of hypothesis in a Sentence

These examples are programmatically compiled from various online sources to illustrate current usage of the word 'hypothesis.' Any opinions expressed in the examples do not represent those of Merriam-Webster or its editors. Send us feedback about these examples.

Word History

Greek, from hypotithenai to put under, suppose, from hypo- + tithenai to put — more at do

1641, in the meaning defined at sense 1a

Phrases Containing hypothesis

• null hypothesis
• Whorfian hypothesis
• counter - hypothesis
• planetesimal hypothesis
• nebular hypothesis

Articles Related to hypothesis

This is the Difference Between a...

This is the Difference Between a Hypothesis and a Theory

In scientific reasoning, they're two completely different things

Dictionary Entries Near hypothesis

hypothermia

hypothesize

Cite this Entry

“Hypothesis.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary , Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/hypothesis. Accessed 15 Apr. 2024.

Kids Definition

Kids definition of hypothesis, medical definition, medical definition of hypothesis, more from merriam-webster on hypothesis.

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Research Hypothesis In Psychology: Types, & Examples

Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

Learn about our Editorial Process

Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology. She has previously worked in healthcare and educational sectors.

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A research hypothesis, in its plural form “hypotheses,” is a specific, testable prediction about the anticipated results of a study, established at its outset. It is a key component of the scientific method .

Hypotheses connect theory to data and guide the research process towards expanding scientific understanding

Some key points about hypotheses:

• A hypothesis expresses an expected pattern or relationship. It connects the variables under investigation.
• It is stated in clear, precise terms before any data collection or analysis occurs. This makes the hypothesis testable.
• A hypothesis must be falsifiable. It should be possible, even if unlikely in practice, to collect data that disconfirms rather than supports the hypothesis.
• Hypotheses guide research. Scientists design studies to explicitly evaluate hypotheses about how nature works.
• For a hypothesis to be valid, it must be testable against empirical evidence. The evidence can then confirm or disprove the testable predictions.
• Hypotheses are informed by background knowledge and observation, but go beyond what is already known to propose an explanation of how or why something occurs.

Predictions typically arise from a thorough knowledge of the research literature, curiosity about real-world problems or implications, and integrating this to advance theory. They build on existing literature while providing new insight.

Types of Research Hypotheses

Alternative hypothesis.

The research hypothesis is often called the alternative or experimental hypothesis in experimental research.

It typically suggests a potential relationship between two key variables: the independent variable, which the researcher manipulates, and the dependent variable, which is measured based on those changes.

The alternative hypothesis states a relationship exists between the two variables being studied (one variable affects the other).

A hypothesis is a testable statement or prediction about the relationship between two or more variables. It is a key component of the scientific method. Some key points about hypotheses:

• Important hypotheses lead to predictions that can be tested empirically. The evidence can then confirm or disprove the testable predictions.

In summary, a hypothesis is a precise, testable statement of what researchers expect to happen in a study and why. Hypotheses connect theory to data and guide the research process towards expanding scientific understanding.

An experimental hypothesis predicts what change(s) will occur in the dependent variable when the independent variable is manipulated.

It states that the results are not due to chance and are significant in supporting the theory being investigated.

The alternative hypothesis can be directional, indicating a specific direction of the effect, or non-directional, suggesting a difference without specifying its nature. It’s what researchers aim to support or demonstrate through their study.

Null Hypothesis

The null hypothesis states no relationship exists between the two variables being studied (one variable does not affect the other). There will be no changes in the dependent variable due to manipulating the independent variable.

It states results are due to chance and are not significant in supporting the idea being investigated.

The null hypothesis, positing no effect or relationship, is a foundational contrast to the research hypothesis in scientific inquiry. It establishes a baseline for statistical testing, promoting objectivity by initiating research from a neutral stance.

Many statistical methods are tailored to test the null hypothesis, determining the likelihood of observed results if no true effect exists.

This dual-hypothesis approach provides clarity, ensuring that research intentions are explicit, and fosters consistency across scientific studies, enhancing the standardization and interpretability of research outcomes.

Nondirectional Hypothesis

A non-directional hypothesis, also known as a two-tailed hypothesis, predicts that there is a difference or relationship between two variables but does not specify the direction of this relationship.

It merely indicates that a change or effect will occur without predicting which group will have higher or lower values.

For example, “There is a difference in performance between Group A and Group B” is a non-directional hypothesis.

Directional Hypothesis

A directional (one-tailed) hypothesis predicts the nature of the effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable. It predicts in which direction the change will take place. (i.e., greater, smaller, less, more)

It specifies whether one variable is greater, lesser, or different from another, rather than just indicating that there’s a difference without specifying its nature.

For example, “Exercise increases weight loss” is a directional hypothesis.

Falsifiability

The Falsification Principle, proposed by Karl Popper , is a way of demarcating science from non-science. It suggests that for a theory or hypothesis to be considered scientific, it must be testable and irrefutable.

Falsifiability emphasizes that scientific claims shouldn’t just be confirmable but should also have the potential to be proven wrong.

It means that there should exist some potential evidence or experiment that could prove the proposition false.

However many confirming instances exist for a theory, it only takes one counter observation to falsify it. For example, the hypothesis that “all swans are white,” can be falsified by observing a black swan.

For Popper, science should attempt to disprove a theory rather than attempt to continually provide evidence to support a research hypothesis.

Can a Hypothesis be Proven?

Hypotheses make probabilistic predictions. They state the expected outcome if a particular relationship exists. However, a study result supporting a hypothesis does not definitively prove it is true.

All studies have limitations. There may be unknown confounding factors or issues that limit the certainty of conclusions. Additional studies may yield different results.

In science, hypotheses can realistically only be supported with some degree of confidence, not proven. The process of science is to incrementally accumulate evidence for and against hypothesized relationships in an ongoing pursuit of better models and explanations that best fit the empirical data. But hypotheses remain open to revision and rejection if that is where the evidence leads.

• Disproving a hypothesis is definitive. Solid disconfirmatory evidence will falsify a hypothesis and require altering or discarding it based on the evidence.
• However, confirming evidence is always open to revision. Other explanations may account for the same results, and additional or contradictory evidence may emerge over time.

We can never 100% prove the alternative hypothesis. Instead, we see if we can disprove, or reject the null hypothesis.

If we reject the null hypothesis, this doesn’t mean that our alternative hypothesis is correct but does support the alternative/experimental hypothesis.

Upon analysis of the results, an alternative hypothesis can be rejected or supported, but it can never be proven to be correct. We must avoid any reference to results proving a theory as this implies 100% certainty, and there is always a chance that evidence may exist which could refute a theory.

How to Write a Hypothesis

• Identify variables . The researcher manipulates the independent variable and the dependent variable is the measured outcome.
• Operationalized the variables being investigated . Operationalization of a hypothesis refers to the process of making the variables physically measurable or testable, e.g. if you are about to study aggression, you might count the number of punches given by participants.
• Decide on a direction for your prediction . If there is evidence in the literature to support a specific effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable, write a directional (one-tailed) hypothesis. If there are limited or ambiguous findings in the literature regarding the effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable, write a non-directional (two-tailed) hypothesis.
• Make it Testable : Ensure your hypothesis can be tested through experimentation or observation. It should be possible to prove it false (principle of falsifiability).
• Clear & concise language . A strong hypothesis is concise (typically one to two sentences long), and formulated using clear and straightforward language, ensuring it’s easily understood and testable.

Consider a hypothesis many teachers might subscribe to: students work better on Monday morning than on Friday afternoon (IV=Day, DV= Standard of work).

Now, if we decide to study this by giving the same group of students a lesson on a Monday morning and a Friday afternoon and then measuring their immediate recall of the material covered in each session, we would end up with the following:

• The alternative hypothesis states that students will recall significantly more information on a Monday morning than on a Friday afternoon.
• The null hypothesis states that there will be no significant difference in the amount recalled on a Monday morning compared to a Friday afternoon. Any difference will be due to chance or confounding factors.

More Examples

• Memory : Participants exposed to classical music during study sessions will recall more items from a list than those who studied in silence.
• Social Psychology : Individuals who frequently engage in social media use will report higher levels of perceived social isolation compared to those who use it infrequently.
• Developmental Psychology : Children who engage in regular imaginative play have better problem-solving skills than those who don’t.
• Clinical Psychology : Cognitive-behavioral therapy will be more effective in reducing symptoms of anxiety over a 6-month period compared to traditional talk therapy.
• Cognitive Psychology : Individuals who multitask between various electronic devices will have shorter attention spans on focused tasks than those who single-task.
• Health Psychology : Patients who practice mindfulness meditation will experience lower levels of chronic pain compared to those who don’t meditate.
• Organizational Psychology : Employees in open-plan offices will report higher levels of stress than those in private offices.
• Behavioral Psychology : Rats rewarded with food after pressing a lever will press it more frequently than rats who receive no reward.

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• v.23(Suppl 3); 2019 Sep

An Introduction to Statistics: Understanding Hypothesis Testing and Statistical Errors

Priya ranganathan.

1 Department of Anesthesiology, Critical Care and Pain, Tata Memorial Hospital, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India

2 Department of Surgical Oncology, Tata Memorial Centre, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India

The second article in this series on biostatistics covers the concepts of sample, population, research hypotheses and statistical errors.

How to cite this article

Ranganathan P, Pramesh CS. An Introduction to Statistics: Understanding Hypothesis Testing and Statistical Errors. Indian J Crit Care Med 2019;23(Suppl 3):S230–S231.

Two papers quoted in this issue of the Indian Journal of Critical Care Medicine report. The results of studies aim to prove that a new intervention is better than (superior to) an existing treatment. In the ABLE study, the investigators wanted to show that transfusion of fresh red blood cells would be superior to standard-issue red cells in reducing 90-day mortality in ICU patients. 1 The PROPPR study was designed to prove that transfusion of a lower ratio of plasma and platelets to red cells would be superior to a higher ratio in decreasing 24-hour and 30-day mortality in critically ill patients. 2 These studies are known as superiority studies (as opposed to noninferiority or equivalence studies which will be discussed in a subsequent article).

SAMPLE VERSUS POPULATION

A sample represents a group of participants selected from the entire population. Since studies cannot be carried out on entire populations, researchers choose samples, which are representative of the population. This is similar to walking into a grocery store and examining a few grains of rice or wheat before purchasing an entire bag; we assume that the few grains that we select (the sample) are representative of the entire sack of grains (the population).

The results of the study are then extrapolated to generate inferences about the population. We do this using a process known as hypothesis testing. This means that the results of the study may not always be identical to the results we would expect to find in the population; i.e., there is the possibility that the study results may be erroneous.

HYPOTHESIS TESTING

A clinical trial begins with an assumption or belief, and then proceeds to either prove or disprove this assumption. In statistical terms, this belief or assumption is known as a hypothesis. Counterintuitively, what the researcher believes in (or is trying to prove) is called the “alternate” hypothesis, and the opposite is called the “null” hypothesis; every study has a null hypothesis and an alternate hypothesis. For superiority studies, the alternate hypothesis states that one treatment (usually the new or experimental treatment) is superior to the other; the null hypothesis states that there is no difference between the treatments (the treatments are equal). For example, in the ABLE study, we start by stating the null hypothesis—there is no difference in mortality between groups receiving fresh RBCs and standard-issue RBCs. We then state the alternate hypothesis—There is a difference between groups receiving fresh RBCs and standard-issue RBCs. It is important to note that we have stated that the groups are different, without specifying which group will be better than the other. This is known as a two-tailed hypothesis and it allows us to test for superiority on either side (using a two-sided test). This is because, when we start a study, we are not 100% certain that the new treatment can only be better than the standard treatment—it could be worse, and if it is so, the study should pick it up as well. One tailed hypothesis and one-sided statistical testing is done for non-inferiority studies, which will be discussed in a subsequent paper in this series.

STATISTICAL ERRORS

There are two possibilities to consider when interpreting the results of a superiority study. The first possibility is that there is truly no difference between the treatments but the study finds that they are different. This is called a Type-1 error or false-positive error or alpha error. This means falsely rejecting the null hypothesis.

The second possibility is that there is a difference between the treatments and the study does not pick up this difference. This is called a Type 2 error or false-negative error or beta error. This means falsely accepting the null hypothesis.

The power of the study is the ability to detect a difference between groups and is the converse of the beta error; i.e., power = 1-beta error. Alpha and beta errors are finalized when the protocol is written and form the basis for sample size calculation for the study. In an ideal world, we would not like any error in the results of our study; however, we would need to do the study in the entire population (infinite sample size) to be able to get a 0% alpha and beta error. These two errors enable us to do studies with realistic sample sizes, with the compromise that there is a small possibility that the results may not always reflect the truth. The basis for this will be discussed in a subsequent paper in this series dealing with sample size calculation.

Conventionally, type 1 or alpha error is set at 5%. This means, that at the end of the study, if there is a difference between groups, we want to be 95% certain that this is a true difference and allow only a 5% probability that this difference has occurred by chance (false positive). Type 2 or beta error is usually set between 10% and 20%; therefore, the power of the study is 90% or 80%. This means that if there is a difference between groups, we want to be 80% (or 90%) certain that the study will detect that difference. For example, in the ABLE study, sample size was calculated with a type 1 error of 5% (two-sided) and power of 90% (type 2 error of 10%) (1).

Table 1 gives a summary of the two types of statistical errors with an example

Statistical errors

In the next article in this series, we will look at the meaning and interpretation of ‘ p ’ value and confidence intervals for hypothesis testing.

Source of support: Nil

Conflict of interest: None

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Home » What is a Hypothesis – Types, Examples and Writing Guide

What is a Hypothesis – Types, Examples and Writing Guide

Table of Contents

Definition:

Hypothesis is an educated guess or proposed explanation for a phenomenon, based on some initial observations or data. It is a tentative statement that can be tested and potentially proven or disproven through further investigation and experimentation.

Hypothesis is often used in scientific research to guide the design of experiments and the collection and analysis of data. It is an essential element of the scientific method, as it allows researchers to make predictions about the outcome of their experiments and to test those predictions to determine their accuracy.

Types of Hypothesis

Types of Hypothesis are as follows:

Research Hypothesis

A research hypothesis is a statement that predicts a relationship between variables. It is usually formulated as a specific statement that can be tested through research, and it is often used in scientific research to guide the design of experiments.

Null Hypothesis

The null hypothesis is a statement that assumes there is no significant difference or relationship between variables. It is often used as a starting point for testing the research hypothesis, and if the results of the study reject the null hypothesis, it suggests that there is a significant difference or relationship between variables.

Alternative Hypothesis

An alternative hypothesis is a statement that assumes there is a significant difference or relationship between variables. It is often used as an alternative to the null hypothesis and is tested against the null hypothesis to determine which statement is more accurate.

Directional Hypothesis

A directional hypothesis is a statement that predicts the direction of the relationship between variables. For example, a researcher might predict that increasing the amount of exercise will result in a decrease in body weight.

Non-directional Hypothesis

A non-directional hypothesis is a statement that predicts the relationship between variables but does not specify the direction. For example, a researcher might predict that there is a relationship between the amount of exercise and body weight, but they do not specify whether increasing or decreasing exercise will affect body weight.

Statistical Hypothesis

A statistical hypothesis is a statement that assumes a particular statistical model or distribution for the data. It is often used in statistical analysis to test the significance of a particular result.

Composite Hypothesis

A composite hypothesis is a statement that assumes more than one condition or outcome. It can be divided into several sub-hypotheses, each of which represents a different possible outcome.

Empirical Hypothesis

An empirical hypothesis is a statement that is based on observed phenomena or data. It is often used in scientific research to develop theories or models that explain the observed phenomena.

Simple Hypothesis

A simple hypothesis is a statement that assumes only one outcome or condition. It is often used in scientific research to test a single variable or factor.

Complex Hypothesis

A complex hypothesis is a statement that assumes multiple outcomes or conditions. It is often used in scientific research to test the effects of multiple variables or factors on a particular outcome.

Applications of Hypothesis

Hypotheses are used in various fields to guide research and make predictions about the outcomes of experiments or observations. Here are some examples of how hypotheses are applied in different fields:

• Science : In scientific research, hypotheses are used to test the validity of theories and models that explain natural phenomena. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a particular variable on a natural system, such as the effects of climate change on an ecosystem.
• Medicine : In medical research, hypotheses are used to test the effectiveness of treatments and therapies for specific conditions. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a new drug on a particular disease.
• Psychology : In psychology, hypotheses are used to test theories and models of human behavior and cognition. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a particular stimulus on the brain or behavior.
• Sociology : In sociology, hypotheses are used to test theories and models of social phenomena, such as the effects of social structures or institutions on human behavior. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of income inequality on crime rates.
• Business : In business research, hypotheses are used to test the validity of theories and models that explain business phenomena, such as consumer behavior or market trends. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a new marketing campaign on consumer buying behavior.
• Engineering : In engineering, hypotheses are used to test the effectiveness of new technologies or designs. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the efficiency of a new solar panel design.

How to write a Hypothesis

Here are the steps to follow when writing a hypothesis:

Identify the Research Question

The first step is to identify the research question that you want to answer through your study. This question should be clear, specific, and focused. It should be something that can be investigated empirically and that has some relevance or significance in the field.

Conduct a Literature Review

Before writing your hypothesis, it’s essential to conduct a thorough literature review to understand what is already known about the topic. This will help you to identify the research gap and formulate a hypothesis that builds on existing knowledge.

Determine the Variables

The next step is to identify the variables involved in the research question. A variable is any characteristic or factor that can vary or change. There are two types of variables: independent and dependent. The independent variable is the one that is manipulated or changed by the researcher, while the dependent variable is the one that is measured or observed as a result of the independent variable.

Formulate the Hypothesis

Based on the research question and the variables involved, you can now formulate your hypothesis. A hypothesis should be a clear and concise statement that predicts the relationship between the variables. It should be testable through empirical research and based on existing theory or evidence.

Write the Null Hypothesis

The null hypothesis is the opposite of the alternative hypothesis, which is the hypothesis that you are testing. The null hypothesis states that there is no significant difference or relationship between the variables. It is important to write the null hypothesis because it allows you to compare your results with what would be expected by chance.

Refine the Hypothesis

After formulating the hypothesis, it’s important to refine it and make it more precise. This may involve clarifying the variables, specifying the direction of the relationship, or making the hypothesis more testable.

Examples of Hypothesis

Here are a few examples of hypotheses in different fields:

• Psychology : “Increased exposure to violent video games leads to increased aggressive behavior in adolescents.”
• Biology : “Higher levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere will lead to increased plant growth.”
• Sociology : “Individuals who grow up in households with higher socioeconomic status will have higher levels of education and income as adults.”
• Education : “Implementing a new teaching method will result in higher student achievement scores.”
• Marketing : “Customers who receive a personalized email will be more likely to make a purchase than those who receive a generic email.”
• Physics : “An increase in temperature will cause an increase in the volume of a gas, assuming all other variables remain constant.”
• Medicine : “Consuming a diet high in saturated fats will increase the risk of developing heart disease.”

Purpose of Hypothesis

The purpose of a hypothesis is to provide a testable explanation for an observed phenomenon or a prediction of a future outcome based on existing knowledge or theories. A hypothesis is an essential part of the scientific method and helps to guide the research process by providing a clear focus for investigation. It enables scientists to design experiments or studies to gather evidence and data that can support or refute the proposed explanation or prediction.

The formulation of a hypothesis is based on existing knowledge, observations, and theories, and it should be specific, testable, and falsifiable. A specific hypothesis helps to define the research question, which is important in the research process as it guides the selection of an appropriate research design and methodology. Testability of the hypothesis means that it can be proven or disproven through empirical data collection and analysis. Falsifiability means that the hypothesis should be formulated in such a way that it can be proven wrong if it is incorrect.

In addition to guiding the research process, the testing of hypotheses can lead to new discoveries and advancements in scientific knowledge. When a hypothesis is supported by the data, it can be used to develop new theories or models to explain the observed phenomenon. When a hypothesis is not supported by the data, it can help to refine existing theories or prompt the development of new hypotheses to explain the phenomenon.

When to use Hypothesis

Here are some common situations in which hypotheses are used:

• In scientific research , hypotheses are used to guide the design of experiments and to help researchers make predictions about the outcomes of those experiments.
• In social science research , hypotheses are used to test theories about human behavior, social relationships, and other phenomena.
• I n business , hypotheses can be used to guide decisions about marketing, product development, and other areas. For example, a hypothesis might be that a new product will sell well in a particular market, and this hypothesis can be tested through market research.

Characteristics of Hypothesis

Here are some common characteristics of a hypothesis:

• Testable : A hypothesis must be able to be tested through observation or experimentation. This means that it must be possible to collect data that will either support or refute the hypothesis.
• Falsifiable : A hypothesis must be able to be proven false if it is not supported by the data. If a hypothesis cannot be falsified, then it is not a scientific hypothesis.
• Clear and concise : A hypothesis should be stated in a clear and concise manner so that it can be easily understood and tested.
• Based on existing knowledge : A hypothesis should be based on existing knowledge and research in the field. It should not be based on personal beliefs or opinions.
• Specific : A hypothesis should be specific in terms of the variables being tested and the predicted outcome. This will help to ensure that the research is focused and well-designed.
• Tentative: A hypothesis is a tentative statement or assumption that requires further testing and evidence to be confirmed or refuted. It is not a final conclusion or assertion.
• Relevant : A hypothesis should be relevant to the research question or problem being studied. It should address a gap in knowledge or provide a new perspective on the issue.

Advantages of Hypothesis

Hypotheses have several advantages in scientific research and experimentation:

• Guides research: A hypothesis provides a clear and specific direction for research. It helps to focus the research question, select appropriate methods and variables, and interpret the results.
• Predictive powe r: A hypothesis makes predictions about the outcome of research, which can be tested through experimentation. This allows researchers to evaluate the validity of the hypothesis and make new discoveries.
• Facilitates communication: A hypothesis provides a common language and framework for scientists to communicate with one another about their research. This helps to facilitate the exchange of ideas and promotes collaboration.
• Efficient use of resources: A hypothesis helps researchers to use their time, resources, and funding efficiently by directing them towards specific research questions and methods that are most likely to yield results.
• Provides a basis for further research: A hypothesis that is supported by data provides a basis for further research and exploration. It can lead to new hypotheses, theories, and discoveries.
• Increases objectivity: A hypothesis can help to increase objectivity in research by providing a clear and specific framework for testing and interpreting results. This can reduce bias and increase the reliability of research findings.

Limitations of Hypothesis

Some Limitations of the Hypothesis are as follows:

• Limited to observable phenomena: Hypotheses are limited to observable phenomena and cannot account for unobservable or intangible factors. This means that some research questions may not be amenable to hypothesis testing.
• May be inaccurate or incomplete: Hypotheses are based on existing knowledge and research, which may be incomplete or inaccurate. This can lead to flawed hypotheses and erroneous conclusions.
• May be biased: Hypotheses may be biased by the researcher’s own beliefs, values, or assumptions. This can lead to selective interpretation of data and a lack of objectivity in research.
• Cannot prove causation: A hypothesis can only show a correlation between variables, but it cannot prove causation. This requires further experimentation and analysis.
• Limited to specific contexts: Hypotheses are limited to specific contexts and may not be generalizable to other situations or populations. This means that results may not be applicable in other contexts or may require further testing.
• May be affected by chance : Hypotheses may be affected by chance or random variation, which can obscure or distort the true relationship between variables.

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Hypothesis Testing | A Step-by-Step Guide with Easy Examples

Published on November 8, 2019 by Rebecca Bevans . Revised on June 22, 2023.

Hypothesis testing is a formal procedure for investigating our ideas about the world using statistics . It is most often used by scientists to test specific predictions, called hypotheses, that arise from theories.

There are 5 main steps in hypothesis testing:

• State your research hypothesis as a null hypothesis and alternate hypothesis (H o ) and (H a  or H 1 ).
• Collect data in a way designed to test the hypothesis.
• Perform an appropriate statistical test .
• Decide whether to reject or fail to reject your null hypothesis.
• Present the findings in your results and discussion section.

Though the specific details might vary, the procedure you will use when testing a hypothesis will always follow some version of these steps.

Table of contents

Step 1: state your null and alternate hypothesis, step 2: collect data, step 3: perform a statistical test, step 4: decide whether to reject or fail to reject your null hypothesis, step 5: present your findings, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions about hypothesis testing.

After developing your initial research hypothesis (the prediction that you want to investigate), it is important to restate it as a null (H o ) and alternate (H a ) hypothesis so that you can test it mathematically.

The alternate hypothesis is usually your initial hypothesis that predicts a relationship between variables. The null hypothesis is a prediction of no relationship between the variables you are interested in.

• H 0 : Men are, on average, not taller than women. H a : Men are, on average, taller than women.

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For a statistical test to be valid , it is important to perform sampling and collect data in a way that is designed to test your hypothesis. If your data are not representative, then you cannot make statistical inferences about the population you are interested in.

There are a variety of statistical tests available, but they are all based on the comparison of within-group variance (how spread out the data is within a category) versus between-group variance (how different the categories are from one another).

If the between-group variance is large enough that there is little or no overlap between groups, then your statistical test will reflect that by showing a low p -value . This means it is unlikely that the differences between these groups came about by chance.

Alternatively, if there is high within-group variance and low between-group variance, then your statistical test will reflect that with a high p -value. This means it is likely that any difference you measure between groups is due to chance.

Your choice of statistical test will be based on the type of variables and the level of measurement of your collected data .

• an estimate of the difference in average height between the two groups.
• a p -value showing how likely you are to see this difference if the null hypothesis of no difference is true.

Based on the outcome of your statistical test, you will have to decide whether to reject or fail to reject your null hypothesis.

In most cases you will use the p -value generated by your statistical test to guide your decision. And in most cases, your predetermined level of significance for rejecting the null hypothesis will be 0.05 – that is, when there is a less than 5% chance that you would see these results if the null hypothesis were true.

In some cases, researchers choose a more conservative level of significance, such as 0.01 (1%). This minimizes the risk of incorrectly rejecting the null hypothesis ( Type I error ).

The results of hypothesis testing will be presented in the results and discussion sections of your research paper , dissertation or thesis .

In the results section you should give a brief summary of the data and a summary of the results of your statistical test (for example, the estimated difference between group means and associated p -value). In the discussion , you can discuss whether your initial hypothesis was supported by your results or not.

In the formal language of hypothesis testing, we talk about rejecting or failing to reject the null hypothesis. You will probably be asked to do this in your statistics assignments.

However, when presenting research results in academic papers we rarely talk this way. Instead, we go back to our alternate hypothesis (in this case, the hypothesis that men are on average taller than women) and state whether the result of our test did or did not support the alternate hypothesis.

If your null hypothesis was rejected, this result is interpreted as “supported the alternate hypothesis.”

These are superficial differences; you can see that they mean the same thing.

You might notice that we don’t say that we reject or fail to reject the alternate hypothesis . This is because hypothesis testing is not designed to prove or disprove anything. It is only designed to test whether a pattern we measure could have arisen spuriously, or by chance.

If we reject the null hypothesis based on our research (i.e., we find that it is unlikely that the pattern arose by chance), then we can say our test lends support to our hypothesis . But if the pattern does not pass our decision rule, meaning that it could have arisen by chance, then we say the test is inconsistent with our hypothesis .

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Normal distribution
• Descriptive statistics
• Measures of central tendency
• Correlation coefficient

Methodology

• Cluster sampling
• Stratified sampling
• Types of interviews
• Cohort study
• Thematic analysis

Research bias

• Implicit bias
• Cognitive bias
• Survivorship bias
• Availability heuristic
• Nonresponse bias
• Regression to the mean

Hypothesis testing is a formal procedure for investigating our ideas about the world using statistics. It is used by scientists to test specific predictions, called hypotheses , by calculating how likely it is that a pattern or relationship between variables could have arisen by chance.

A hypothesis states your predictions about what your research will find. It is a tentative answer to your research question that has not yet been tested. For some research projects, you might have to write several hypotheses that address different aspects of your research question.

A hypothesis is not just a guess — it should be based on existing theories and knowledge. It also has to be testable, which means you can support or refute it through scientific research methods (such as experiments, observations and statistical analysis of data).

Null and alternative hypotheses are used in statistical hypothesis testing . The null hypothesis of a test always predicts no effect or no relationship between variables, while the alternative hypothesis states your research prediction of an effect or relationship.

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Meaning of hypothesis in English

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• abstraction
• afterthought
• anthropocentrism
• anti-Darwinian
• exceptionalism
• foundation stone
• great minds think alike idiom
• non-dogmatic
• non-empirical
• non-material
• non-practical
• social Darwinism
• supersensible
• the domino theory

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