essay on guests are nuisance

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Essay on “Uninvited Guests” Complete Essay for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

Uninvited Guests

3 Best Essays on the Topic ” Uninvited Guests”

Essay No.01

Guests are pests, at least so I thought when I saw a large number of guests in our house. Some were known, but some were quite unknown to all of us. We had never seen them, never thought of them. Have you ever heard or experienced so many guests at your house, without any notice, letter, telegram, or telephones?

It was last Christmas when this happened. We were all invited for lunch at a friend’s house. My mother was unwell but she accompanied us for company’s sake. The man folk had finished their food and the ladies were about to begin when our servant came running to ask for the house keys. He also told us that a large number of guests had arrived. I was very happy because I had no friends to play with but unwell and was not informed by the guests. We had only one servant, so all the load would come to her.

When we reached the house, some guests were relaxing with their legs on the house, and some guests were relaxing with their legs on the table and heads on the embroidered cushions. Children were playing the music system. The number of people who had come was so many, that some of them, I was meeting for the first time. My mother asked me to prepare tea and some snacks for them. After having tea they left the cups near the table and chairs and the floor was strewn with pieces of snacks for them. After having tea they left the cups near the table and chairs and the floor was strewn with pieces of snacks left by the children. Instead of helping us in cleaning everything, they announced threat they were going to the market for shopping. Furious with anger, I and my mother cleaned the living room. We sent the servant to buy vegetables for dinner. My mother in spite of her illness began to cook the evening meal. I tried to help as much as possible.

The guest returned at dinner time and had a hearty meal. They announced that since it was very late at night, they would be leaving only the next morning. That meant that we had to make arrangements for their night stay. We did not have so many beddings and asked the servant to borrow from some of our neighbors. Now the beds were insufficient for so many people. So my father asked us to vacate the bedroom for the guests and move into the leaving room. We set the beddings on the floor for ourselves and the guests slept on the beds. Late at night, our server informed us that the water tank had become empty and so the next morning we had to take buckets and bring water from the hand pump nearby.

By the time our guests left we were totally exhausted and did not have any strength left. My mother had developed fever and the servant complained of body pain. The uninvited guests had caused so much inconvenience and problem to us. Whenever we go somewhere we should always inform the hosts of our program in advance so that adequate arrangements can be made and everyone can enjoy the stay.

Essay No. 02

An Unwelcome Guest

The Indians are proverbially very hospitable by nature. They welcome the guests, even strangers, in their houses and feed them liberally and provide them with all kinds of comforts. It is in the spirit of this grand hospitality that great travelers like Fahian and Hieun -Tsang who visited India in ancient times said about this great country.

This spirit of hospitality among the Indians continued for centuries and is, in fact, in the blood of the inhabitants of this great and grand country. But in the present times, many thieves, cheats, burglars, and robbers, or sheer parasites have downed the mantle of being an honorable guest and have discredited the most respectable status of a guest. The result is that many people have got wary of guests and discourage all unknown persons from entering their houses.

This is what I had to experience on the visit of a stranger last night. My father is away in the States. My mother and I were at home. We heard a knock at the door. I went to open the door. I peeped through the door and saw a potbellied strangely dressed middle-aged man. I went back and called my mother.

My mother took courage and opened the door. The man came in. My mother made him sit on a stool in the verandah.

Then the man looked at me and said, ‘Child, won’t you bring a chair for your uncle?’ I went in and brought a chair.

The man took his seat in the chair. Then the man offered us some sweets. My mother signed me not to eat the sweets. We tried to return the sweets to him but he was reluctant to take them back. He wanted us to eat the sweets before his eyes.

We suspected something foul. My mother and I raised an alarm. Our neighbors rushed in as they heard our cries. The man slipped away. Later, we got the sweets tested in a lab. We learned that they contained some ingredients which could make us unconscious. Certainly, he was a cheat and probably a member of some gang of robbers. Thank God, we were saved from being burgled or robbed and perhaps even murdered.

Essay No.03

Unwanted Guests

In India, guests have always been considered gods. To take care of them has always been our most sacred ritual. Our history is full of many stories about people who gave away all their possessions in order to fulfill the requests of their guests.

Times have changed in this era. Guests are welcomed but only for a short period. People do not like it if the guests overstay their welcome. Many times people do not welcome a guest at all, they do not even behave civilly with them.

The change in the attitude towards the guests is not without reason. The guests of today do not follow the code of conduct suitable for a guest. They often arrive unannounced, or at awkward times. They do no respect the privacy and the rituals of the house. They talk loudly and are often boastful. There have been instances when they borrow objects and money. They do not return the borrowed things on time. People nowadays have developed a habit of visiting other person’s houses for the sole purpose of spying on what is happening in the house. They try to gain information so that they can gossip with other people.

There are very few guests in these times who behave properly and with decorum. Unfortunately, the image of the guests has fallen to such low standards that even if a perfect guest visits a home we tend to look at him with suspicion.

Another factor that has made guests and hospitality a rarely practiced custom is the lack of time. In today’s times, both husband and wife go to work. There is thus very little time left to entertain. A housewife can no longer prepare elaborate meals and practice welcome customs, firstly because she is short of time and secondly she is totally untutored in the ways of hospitality

It would therefore be wise to limit the social interactions to extremely formal occasions and remain within the prescribed code of conduct and propriety.

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English Essay on “On Coping with Unwanted Guests” English Essay-Paragraph-Speech for Class 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 CBSE Students and competitive Examination.

On Coping with Unwanted Guests

The Indian culture and tradition dictates, that every guest must, be accorded a warm welcome. No guest is unwanted. A guest is a manifestation of God and must be received with great warmth and hospitality. In the words of Tulsidas, “We must be cordial. Who knows when God himself may knock at our door in the guise of a humble man.”

Hospitality is a basic tenet common to all faiths. However, how does one account for an unwanted guest who drops in thoughtlessly, at an odd hour, completely unaware of what a nuisance he is being? Imagine a housewife, who after packing off her husband to the office and a Self-proclaimed benefactor, who makes it her business to ensure, that all is well in the neighbourhood, bores the poor woman with her unending, gossip, disturbing her leisure! Yet another example of such a guest would be a friend who drops in over the weekends, when one is looking forward to a well-earned rest after a hectic week. Nothing is more annoying than relatives, who take you for granted, treating your house as a holiday resort, where they can board and lodge free of cost with varied menus to suit their palate. Little do they realize the extent of inconvenience and discomfort they cause to their hosts. Their children invade your house like a tornado, turning everything topsy-turvy and when they leave, you find yourself still reeling under the impact of the expenditure you have incurred in entertaining them. To add to your financial woes they even borrow money at the time of departure. You can be sure to write off these amounts as bad debts.

Let us, however, look at the flip side of the situation. These unwanted and unwarranted guests help you to perfect the art of camouflaging your irritation and annoyance, as you can ill-afford to express these feelings candidly before your friends and relatives. More often than not, they teach you valuable lessons in patience. They make you understand the hard way, that every guest, however badly timed his visit, must be welcomed for though,

“This house is mine but riot more than that of His who build over these, His glorious roof of night and day. For at the threshold of God None with ever bear Nay”.

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Essay on An Unwelcome Guest

A guest is a person to be honored and respected. But there are a certain type of guests who are unwelcome.

My father has such an unwelcome guest in Mr. Peter. He visits us frequently and always without prior intimation. He knows that my mother is working and we all have to go at 9.30 a.m. My father and mother have to go to their offices. We kids have to go to our school. He always comes to our house almost at the time, when we are locking up the house or have just finished.

As he comes one of us has to stay back and serve him. If mother has casual leave, then she waits. But mostly I have to stay back as I am the eldest. Then he is a very easy going person. He takes his own time in taking bath and getting ready. He has no consideration for others.

Mr. Peter is very fussy about his food. I could never make anything to his satisfaction. He does not like food cooked in our style and goes on giving a running commentary on how badly I have cooked and how I should have cooked, but he eats up all.

He is not at all considerate. He does not bring his own bedding and we have to supply it at great inconvenience to ourselves. He uses our telephone freely. He not only makes local calls but also trunk calls and does not think necessary to pay for them.

He wants my father to take him around his car and when he goes, he expects father to drop him at the station. As long as he is there, the whole routine of the house is upset. We thank God when he leaves.

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SEFS Associate Professor, Laura Prugh, pens Guest Essay for New York Times

SEFS Associate Professor, Dr. Laura Prugh, writes that ditching daylight savings, as many are in favor of, would be a mistake.

Prugh writes, “It’s not just that our afternoons and evenings would be shrouded in more darkness, which often comes with higher crime, more vehicle collisions and fewer opportunities to enjoy the outdoors after work or school. There’s another problem with standard time, and it’s gone all but unnoticed until now. Last year, my research team showed that standard time leads to far more vehicles colliding with deer .” We aren’t just talking deer deaths. Human deaths and injuries as well as collision costs are also at stake. “The switch from daylight saving to standard time in autumn causes peak traffic volumes to shift from before sunset to after sunset, leading to a 16% spike in deer-vehicle collisions. By reducing traffic after dark, our model predicts that year-round daylight saving time would prevent 36,550 deer deaths, 33 human deaths, 2,054 human injuries, and US$1.19 billion in collision costs annually.”

Read the article in the New York Times

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NPR defends its journalism after senior editor says it has lost the public's trust

David Folkenflik

NPR is defending its journalism and integrity after a senior editor wrote an essay accusing it of losing the public's trust. Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

NPR is defending its journalism and integrity after a senior editor wrote an essay accusing it of losing the public's trust.

NPR's top news executive defended its journalism and its commitment to reflecting a diverse array of views on Tuesday after a senior NPR editor wrote a broad critique of how the network has covered some of the most important stories of the age.

"An open-minded spirit no longer exists within NPR, and now, predictably, we don't have an audience that reflects America," writes Uri Berliner.

A strategic emphasis on diversity and inclusion on the basis of race, ethnicity and sexual orientation, promoted by NPR's former CEO, John Lansing, has fed "the absence of viewpoint diversity," Berliner writes.

NPR's chief news executive, Edith Chapin, wrote in a memo to staff Tuesday afternoon that she and the news leadership team strongly reject Berliner's assessment.

"We're proud to stand behind the exceptional work that our desks and shows do to cover a wide range of challenging stories," she wrote. "We believe that inclusion — among our staff, with our sourcing, and in our overall coverage — is critical to telling the nuanced stories of this country and our world."

NPR names tech executive Katherine Maher to lead in turbulent era

She added, "None of our work is above scrutiny or critique. We must have vigorous discussions in the newsroom about how we serve the public as a whole."

A spokesperson for NPR said Chapin, who also serves as the network's chief content officer, would have no further comment.

Praised by NPR's critics

Berliner is a senior editor on NPR's Business Desk. (Disclosure: I, too, am part of the Business Desk, and Berliner has edited many of my past stories. He did not see any version of this article or participate in its preparation before it was posted publicly.)

Berliner's essay , titled "I've Been at NPR for 25 years. Here's How We Lost America's Trust," was published by The Free Press, a website that has welcomed journalists who have concluded that mainstream news outlets have become reflexively liberal.

Berliner writes that as a Subaru-driving, Sarah Lawrence College graduate who "was raised by a lesbian peace activist mother ," he fits the mold of a loyal NPR fan.

Yet Berliner says NPR's news coverage has fallen short on some of the most controversial stories of recent years, from the question of whether former President Donald Trump colluded with Russia in the 2016 election, to the origins of the virus that causes COVID-19, to the significance and provenance of emails leaked from a laptop owned by Hunter Biden weeks before the 2020 election. In addition, he blasted NPR's coverage of the Israel-Hamas conflict.

On each of these stories, Berliner asserts, NPR has suffered from groupthink due to too little diversity of viewpoints in the newsroom.

The essay ricocheted Tuesday around conservative media , with some labeling Berliner a whistleblower . Others picked it up on social media, including Elon Musk, who has lambasted NPR for leaving his social media site, X. (Musk emailed another NPR reporter a link to Berliner's article with a gibe that the reporter was a "quisling" — a World War II reference to someone who collaborates with the enemy.)

When asked for further comment late Tuesday, Berliner declined, saying the essay spoke for itself.

The arguments he raises — and counters — have percolated across U.S. newsrooms in recent years. The #MeToo sexual harassment scandals of 2016 and 2017 forced newsrooms to listen to and heed more junior colleagues. The social justice movement prompted by the killing of George Floyd in 2020 inspired a reckoning in many places. Newsroom leaders often appeared to stand on shaky ground.

Leaders at many newsrooms, including top editors at The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times , lost their jobs. Legendary Washington Post Executive Editor Martin Baron wrote in his memoir that he feared his bonds with the staff were "frayed beyond repair," especially over the degree of self-expression his journalists expected to exert on social media, before he decided to step down in early 2021.

Since then, Baron and others — including leaders of some of these newsrooms — have suggested that the pendulum has swung too far.

Author Interviews

Legendary editor marty baron describes his 'collision of power' with trump and bezos.

New York Times publisher A.G. Sulzberger warned last year against journalists embracing a stance of what he calls "one-side-ism": "where journalists are demonstrating that they're on the side of the righteous."

"I really think that that can create blind spots and echo chambers," he said.

Internal arguments at The Times over the strength of its reporting on accusations that Hamas engaged in sexual assaults as part of a strategy for its Oct. 7 attack on Israel erupted publicly . The paper conducted an investigation to determine the source of a leak over a planned episode of the paper's podcast The Daily on the subject, which months later has not been released. The newsroom guild accused the paper of "targeted interrogation" of journalists of Middle Eastern descent.

Heated pushback in NPR's newsroom

Given Berliner's account of private conversations, several NPR journalists question whether they can now trust him with unguarded assessments about stories in real time. Others express frustration that he had not sought out comment in advance of publication. Berliner acknowledged to me that for this story, he did not seek NPR's approval to publish the piece, nor did he give the network advance notice.

Some of Berliner's NPR colleagues are responding heatedly. Fernando Alfonso, a senior supervising editor for digital news, wrote that he wholeheartedly rejected Berliner's critique of the coverage of the Israel-Hamas conflict, for which NPR's journalists, like their peers, periodically put themselves at risk.

Alfonso also took issue with Berliner's concern over the focus on diversity at NPR.

"As a person of color who has often worked in newsrooms with little to no people who look like me, the efforts NPR has made to diversify its workforce and its sources are unique and appropriate given the news industry's long-standing lack of diversity," Alfonso says. "These efforts should be celebrated and not denigrated as Uri has done."

After this story was first published, Berliner contested Alfonso's characterization, saying his criticism of NPR is about the lack of diversity of viewpoints, not its diversity itself.

"I never criticized NPR's priority of achieving a more diverse workforce in terms of race, ethnicity and sexual orientation. I have not 'denigrated' NPR's newsroom diversity goals," Berliner said. "That's wrong."

Questions of diversity

Under former CEO John Lansing, NPR made increasing diversity, both of its staff and its audience, its "North Star" mission. Berliner says in the essay that NPR failed to consider broader diversity of viewpoint, noting, "In D.C., where NPR is headquartered and many of us live, I found 87 registered Democrats working in editorial positions and zero Republicans."

Berliner cited audience estimates that suggested a concurrent falloff in listening by Republicans. (The number of people listening to NPR broadcasts and terrestrial radio broadly has declined since the start of the pandemic.)

Former NPR vice president for news and ombudsman Jeffrey Dvorkin tweeted , "I know Uri. He's not wrong."

Others questioned Berliner's logic. "This probably gets causality somewhat backward," tweeted Semafor Washington editor Jordan Weissmann . "I'd guess that a lot of NPR listeners who voted for [Mitt] Romney have changed how they identify politically."

Similarly, Nieman Lab founder Joshua Benton suggested the rise of Trump alienated many NPR-appreciating Republicans from the GOP.

In recent years, NPR has greatly enhanced the percentage of people of color in its workforce and its executive ranks. Four out of 10 staffers are people of color; nearly half of NPR's leadership team identifies as Black, Asian or Latino.

"The philosophy is: Do you want to serve all of America and make sure it sounds like all of America, or not?" Lansing, who stepped down last month, says in response to Berliner's piece. "I'd welcome the argument against that."

"On radio, we were really lagging in our representation of an audience that makes us look like what America looks like today," Lansing says. The U.S. looks and sounds a lot different than it did in 1971, when NPR's first show was broadcast, Lansing says.

A network spokesperson says new NPR CEO Katherine Maher supports Chapin and her response to Berliner's critique.

The spokesperson says that Maher "believes that it's a healthy thing for a public service newsroom to engage in rigorous consideration of the needs of our audiences, including where we serve our mission well and where we can serve it better."

Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp and Managing Editor Gerry Holmes. Under NPR's protocol for reporting on itself, no NPR corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.

Opinion Leaders of Jordan, France and Egypt: Cease fire now in Gaza

Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein is king of Jordan. Emmanuel Macron is president of France. Abdel Fatah El-Sisi is president of Egypt.

The war in Gaza and the catastrophic humanitarian suffering it is causing must end now. Violence, terror and war cannot bring peace to the Middle East. The two-state solution will. It is the only credible path to guaranteeing peace and security for all, and ensuring that neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis ever have to relive the horrors that have befallen them since the Oct. 7 attack.

On March 25, the U.N. Security Council finally assumed its responsibility by demanding an immediate cease-fire in Gaza. This is a critical step that must be fully implemented without further delay.

In light of the intolerable human toll of the war, we, the leaders of Egypt, France and Jordan, call for the immediate and unconditional implementation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2728. We underline the urgent need to bring about a permanent cease-fire in Gaza.

We emphasize the urgency of implementing the Security Council’s demand for the immediate release of all hostages and reaffirm our support for the negotiations brokered by Egypt, Qatar and the United States that address a cease-fire, as well as the hostages and detainees.

As we urge all parties to abide by all relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions, we warn against the dangerous consequences of an Israeli offensive on Rafah, where about 1.5 million Palestinian civilians have sought refuge. Such an offensive would only bring more death and suffering, heighten the risks and consequences of mass displacement of the people of Gaza and threaten regional escalation. We reiterate our equal respect for all lives. We condemn all violations and abuses of international humanitarian law, including all acts of violence, terrorism and indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Protecting civilians is a fundamental legal obligation for all parties and the cornerstone of international humanitarian law. Violating this obligation is absolutely prohibited.

Palestinians in Gaza are no longer facing only a risk of famine, but famine is already setting in. There is an urgent need for a massive increase in the provision and distribution of humanitarian assistance. This is a core demand of U.N. Security Council Resolutions 2720 and 2728, which emphasize the urgent need to expand aid supplies.

U.N. agencies, including the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, and humanitarian actors play a critical role in relief operations in Gaza. They must be protected and granted full access, including in the northern part of the Gaza Strip . We condemn the killing of humanitarian aid workers, most recently the attack against World Central Kitchen’s aid convoy .

Consistent with international law, Israel is under an obligation to ensure the flow of humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population, a responsibility it has not fulfilled. We reiterate the Security Council’s demand to lift barriers to humanitarian assistance and for Israel to immediately facilitate humanitarian assistance through all crossing points, including in the North of the Gaza Strip and through a direct land corridor from Jordan, as well as by sea.

We, the leaders of Egypt, France and Jordan, are determined to continue stepping up our efforts to meet the humanitarian, medical and health needs of the civilian population of Gaza, in close coordination with the U.N. system and regional partners.

Lastly, we underline the urgency of restoring hope for peace and security for all in the region, primarily the Palestinian and Israeli people. We emphasize our determination to continue working together to avoid further regional spillover, and we call on all actors to refrain from any escalatory action. We urge an end to all unilateral measures, including settlement activity and land confiscation. We also urge Israel to prevent settler violence.

We emphasize the necessity of respecting the historical and legal status quo at Jerusalem’s Muslim and Christian holy sites, and the role of the Jordanian Waqf under the Hashemite custodianship.

We stress our determination to step up our joint efforts to effectively bring about the two-state solution. The establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state on the basis of the two-state solution, in accordance with international law and relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions, to live side by side in peace and security with Israel, is the only way to achieve true peace. The Security Council must play a role in decisively reopening this horizon for peace.

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Guest Essay

Is This the End of Academic Freedom?

By Paula Chakravartty and Vasuki Nesiah

Dr. Chakravartty is a professor of media, communication and culture at New York University, where Dr. Nesiah is a professor of practice in human rights and international law.

​At New York University, the spring semester began with a poetry reading. Students and faculty gathered in the atrium of Bobst Library. At that time, about 26,000 Palestinians had already been killed in Israel’s horrific war on Gaza; the reading was a collective act of bearing witness.

The last poem read aloud was titled “If I Must Die.” It was written, hauntingly, by a Palestinian poet and academic named Refaat Alareer who was killed weeks earlier by an Israeli airstrike. The poem ends: “If I must die, let it bring hope — let it be a tale.”

Soon after those lines were recited, the university administration shut the reading down . Afterward, we learned that students and faculty members were called into disciplinary meetings for participating in this apparently “disruptive” act; written warnings were issued.

We have both taught at N.Y.U. for over a decade and believe we are in a moment of unparalleled repression. Over the past six months, since the start of Israel’s war on Gaza, we have seen the university administration fail to adequately protect dissent on campus, actively squelching it instead. We believe what we are witnessing in response to student, staff and faculty opposition to the war violates the very foundations of academic freedom.

While N.Y.U. says that it remains committed to free expression on campus and that its rules about and approach to protest activity haven’t changed, students and faculty members in solidarity with the Palestinian people have found the campus environment alarmingly constrained.

About a week after Hamas’s attacks in October, the Grand Staircase in the Kimmel student center, a storied site of student protests , closed indefinitely; it has yet to reopen fully. A graduate student employee was reprimanded for putting up fliers in support of Palestinians on the student’s office door and ultimately took them down; that person is not the only N.Y.U. student to face some form of disciplinary consequence for pro-Palestinian speech or action. A resolution calling for the university to reaffirm protection of pro-Palestinian speech and civic activity on campus, passed by the elected Student Government Assembly in December, has apparently been stuck in a procedural black hole since.

The New York Police Department has become a pervasive presence on campus, with over 6,000 hours of officer presence added after the war broke out. Hundreds of faculty members have signed onto an open letter condemning the university’s “culture of fear about campus speech and activism.”

Such draconian interventions are direct threats to academic freedom.

At universities across the country, any criticism of Israel’s policies, expressions of solidarity with Palestinians, organized calls for a cease-fire or even pedagogy on the recent history of the land have all emerged as perilous speech. In a letter to university presidents in November, the A.C.L.U. expressed concern about “impermissible chilling of free speech and association on campus” in relation to pro-Palestinian student groups and views; since then, the atmosphere at colleges has become downright McCarthyite .

The donors, trustees, administrators and third parties who oppose pro-Palestinian speech seem to equate any criticism of the State of Israel — an occupying power under international law and one accused of committing war crimes — with antisemitism. To them, the norms of free speech are inherently problematic, and a broad definition of antisemitism is a tool for censorship . Outside funding has poured into horrifying doxxing and harassment campaigns. Pro-Israel surveillance groups like Canary Mission and CAMERA relentlessly target individuals and groups deemed antisemitic or critical of Israel. Ominous threats follow faculty and students for just expressing their opinions or living out their values.

To be clear, we abhor all expressions of antisemitism and wholeheartedly reject any role for antisemitism on our campuses. Equally, we believe that conflating criticism of Israel or Zionism with antisemitism is dangerous. Equating the criticism of any nation with inherent racism endangers basic democratic freedoms on and off campus. As the A.C.L.U. wrote in its November statement, a university “cannot fulfill its mission as a forum for vigorous debate” if it polices the views of faculty members and students, however much any of us may disagree with them or find them offensive.

In a wave of crackdowns on pro-Palestinian speech nationwide, students have had scholarships revoked, job offers pulled and student groups suspended. At Columbia, protesters have reported being sprayed by what they said was skunk, a chemical weapon used by the Israeli military; at Northwestern, two Black students faced criminal charges , later dropped, for publishing a pro-Palestinian newspaper parody; at Cornell, students were arrested during a peaceful protest . In a shocking episode of violence last fall, three Palestinian students , two of them wearing kaffiyehs, were shot while walking near the University of Vermont.

Many more cases of student repression on campuses are unfolding.

Academic freedom, as defined by the American Association of University Professors in the mid-20th century , provides protection for the pursuit of knowledge by faculty members, whose job is to educate, learn and research both inside and outside the academy. Not only does this resonate with the Constitution’s free speech protections ; international human rights law also affirms the centrality of academic freedom to the right to education and the institutional autonomy of educational institutions.

Across the United States, attacks on free speech are on the rise . In recent years, right-wing groups opposed to the teaching of critical race theory have tried to undermine these principles through measures including restrictions on the discussion of history and structural racism in curriculums, heightened scrutiny of lectures and courses that are seen to promote dissent and disciplinary procedures against academics who work on these topics.

What people may not realize is that speech critical of Israel’s occupation and apartheid policies has long been censored, posing persistent challenges to those of us who uphold academic freedom. Well before Oct. 7, speech and action at N.Y.U. in support of Palestinians faced intense and undue scrutiny.

Our students are heeding Refaat Alareer’s call to bear witness. They are speaking out — writing statements, organizing protests and responding to a plausible threat of genocide with idealism and conviction. As faculty members, we believe that college should be a time when students are encouraged to ask big questions about justice and the future of humanity and to pursue answers however disquieting to the powerful.

Universities must be places where students have access to specialized knowledge that shapes contemporary debates, where faculty members are encouraged to be public intellectuals, even when, or perhaps especially when, they are expressing dissenting opinions speaking truth to power. Classrooms must allow for contextual learning, where rapidly mutating current events are put into a longer historical timeline.

This is a high-stakes moment. A century ago, attacks on open discussion of European antisemitism, the criminalization of dissent and the denial of Jewish histories of oppression and dispossession helped create the conditions for the Holocaust. One crucial “never again” lesson from that period is that the thought police can be dangerous. They can render vulnerable communities targets of oppression. They can convince the world that some lives are not as valuable as others, justifying mass slaughter.

It is no wonder that students across the country are protesting an unpopular and brutal war that, besides Israel, only the United States is capable of stopping. It is extraordinary that the very institutions that ought to safeguard their exercise of free speech are instead escalating surveillance and policing, working on ever more restrictive student conduct rules and essentially risking the death of academic freedom.

From the Vietnam War to apartheid South Africa, universities have been important places for open discussion and disagreement about government policies, the historical record, structural racism and settler colonialism. They have also long served as sites of protest. If the university cannot serve as an arena for such freedoms, the possibilities of democratic life inside and outside the university gates are not only impoverished but under threat of extinction.

Paula Chakravartty is a professor of media, communication and culture at New York University, where Vasuki Nesiah is a professor of practice in human rights and international law. Both are members of the executive committee of the N.Y.U. chapter of the American Association of University Professors and members of N.Y.U.’s Faculty for Justice in Palestine.

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