essay on farm laws

Agriculture Improvement: The US Farm Bill Essay

The US Farm Bill is a collection of laws that addresses a number of agricultural issues (Smith 67). The Congress debates the bill every five to seven years. Once approved, the bill is forwarded for appropriations. During the appropriation stage, the amount of funds that should be allocated to every law is established. The US Farm Bill has been in existence for over 80 years. As such, the first bill was enacted in the year 1933. Nadine Lehrer, who has been studying the bill, asserts, “The bill was developed in the wake of 1930’s farm crisis to bring farm incomes up to the par with the required minimum incomes” (Lehrer 5).

Currently, over 15 related bills have been enacted. Every time the bill is passed, the US Congress makes alterations or deferrals to the requirements of permanent law. Mary Conner maintains, “The Congress can approve, alter, or abolish the provisions of previous provisional agricultural acts” (Conner 87). Through this, new policies with respect to agricultural acts can be set forth. Despite its alleged advantages, the 2014 Farm Bill will affect a number of small-scale farmers and some food industries.

From the year 1973, Farm Bills have compromised of names of agricultural programs, trade, rural improvement, and farm management measures (Conner 90). Unluckily, several original plans that were created to enhance abundant and quality foods for citizens and reasonable returns for farmers have been suppressed or substituted with plans tailored at benefiting business groups’ welfare over the farmers’ welfare. Despite the heated criticism, a number of individuals believe that the bill will revolutionize farming in the US. The editor of Washington Post states, “The bill’s drafters call for support because it eradicates the direct payment subsidy and leads a number of incremental improvements” ( In Congress’s Farm Bill 1).

Based on the above analysis, it is apparent that Farm Bills are very contentious and can affect global trade, ecological conservation programs, food security, and the farmers’ welfare. To address these issues, the Farm Bill should be sustainable. As such, the bill should be able to benefit the farmers and enhance food security in America.

Over the last few months, several debates about Farm Bill have been experienced in the USA. Its supporters have applauded the 2014 Farm Bill ( In Congress’s Farm Bill 1). The supporters comprise of crop insurance industries and a number of US senators. The group believes that progress in agricultural projects has been made in the last few years. The crop insurance industries have thanked Congress for passing the bill. The group believes that the bill will enhance their loyalty to crop insurance. As such, the group chairperson believes ten years to come; the industry will be grateful for the benefits brought by the 2014 Farm Bill.

According to the drafters of the bill, the Farm Bill is anticipated to lessen agricultural deficits by $16.6 billion in the next ten years ( In Congress’s Farm Bill 1). About $5.3 billion of these savings will materialize by the year 2018. The bill supporters believe that the bill improves the livelihoods of those living in rural America because they majorly depend on farming as their main source of livelihood. The system will be replaced with a program that will enable farmers to be compensated only when their crops fail. Equally, they believe that the bill will enhance the country’s food security. In general, supporters believe that, in the end, the bill will lower the food stamp agenda and augment expenditure on farmers’ markets.

The bill supporters are wrong because the bill will ultimately affect the livelihoods of poor farmers in America. In the program, farmers will only be compensated when their crops fail or when market prices are not conducive. With this, some of the poor farmers who have not been engaged in farming and earning support from the government will be disadvantaged. The program will eventually affect a number of poor farmers, depending on direct lending programs.

Despite the fact that a number of farmers received lending without engaging any agricultural activities, it should be noted that the money they received encouraged them to conserve the environment. Given that the 2014 Farm Bill has abolished direct lending to these farmers, they will drop their initiatives aimed at conserving the environment. Through this, the ecosystem will be compromised.

Equally, the bill supporters were wrong in passing the bill because it will hurt the seafood industry, meat industry, and poultry industry. It is worrying to note that the bill is comprised of the controversial seafood inspection program that has been intensely criticized by those affected. The programs make seafood from America uncompetitive compared to those of the neighboring countries. In addition, the bill will affect the meat and the poultry industries.

The bill necessitates meat and poultry companies to indicate their countries of origin of their products. Although some industries have supported the move, it should be noted that the program would be unfavorable for small and upcoming countries. As such, the program will be too costly for some industry players. In addition, the rules will affect trade relations within the USA and its neighboring countries. Based on these arguments, it is apparent that the 2014 Farm Bill will affect a number of stakeholders in the industry from small-scale farmers to leading corporations.

The bill is inappropriate because it fails to tackle the changes to the Global Food Support Program championed by Obama’s government. Instead, the bill allocates the United States Agency for International Development with up to $81 million. The money is to be used by the urgency in the purchase of food for the victims in the areas affected. The program abolishes the exportation of food from America to disaster-prone areas. Although the program is cheaper compared to the existing program, it should be noted that it hurts the American agricultural industry. The current program benefits the industry because they promote the farmers and corporations when their products are bought.

Notably, The US Farm Bill has been in existence for over 80 years. The bill was enacted to tackle the falling agricultural prices, countrywide food shortage, soil erosion, agricultural credit, and inequitable export actions (Hey 56). The 2014 Farm Bill was passed early this year by Congress and signed into law by President Obama. Those supporting the bill believe that it lessens agricultural deficits by $16.6 billion in the next ten years. About $5.3 billion of these savings will materialize by the year 2018. Equally, the bill supporters believe that the bill improves the livelihoods of those living in rural America because they majorly depend on farming as their main source of livelihood. However, the bill supporters are misinformed because the bill will cause more harm than good. As such, the bill will affect a number of poor farmers depending on direct lending programs and hurt the meat industry.

Works Cited

Conner, Mary T.. Farm Bill of 2008 major provisions and legislative action . New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2010. Print.

Hey, David. Oxford companion to family and local history . 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Print.

In Congress’s Farm Bill, the rich get richer . 2014. Web.

Lehrer, Nadine. U.S. Farm Bills and policy reforms: ideological conflicts over world trade, renewable energy, and sustainable agriculture . Amherst, N.Y.: Cambria Press, 2010.Print.

Smith, Andrew F.. Encyclopedia of food and drink in America . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print.

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IvyPanda. (2020, May 30). Agriculture Improvement: The US Farm Bill. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-us-farm-bill/

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1. IvyPanda . "Agriculture Improvement: The US Farm Bill." May 30, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-us-farm-bill/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Agriculture Improvement: The US Farm Bill." May 30, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-us-farm-bill/.

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A Comprehensive Analysis of Three Controversial Farm Laws

Introduction

It is rare for any legislation to become the rallying point of such large-scale and prolonged opposition as the three farm laws enacted together this year in India have become. The biggest  farmers’ movement of recent times in India has emerged to protest against this ‘kala kanoon’ or black laws as these three laws have been repeatedly labeled by the movement of farmers.

The demand of the farmers’ movement for repealing these laws is also supported by several other sections of society.  The three laws have rather pompous, pretentious titles but essentially seek to change the existing systems of farm production ( giving a push towards facilitation of contract farming) as well as storage and marketing of farm produce. Several eminent experts have lent their support to the key demand of the farmers’ movement for the repeal of these three laws. (R1)

Need and Framework of Comprehensive Analysis

Hence a comprehensive analysis of the many aspects and impacts of these three highly controversial farm laws is clearly needed. However to appreciate the implications of these three laws it is important also to look at the background and perspective of the wider farming situation in India and world. Without such a perspective the full implications of these three laws cannot be fully realized or understood.

So we start with this wider perspective within which the three laws need to be located and then look at various specific aspects  of these laws like those relating to impact on farmers, implications for food security etc. Finally, we also need to look a little beyond the present debate on three farm laws to examine the policies we actually need.

Wider Crisis in Farm and Food System

There is a deep and widespread crisis of world farming and food systems linked mainly to the quest of powerful corporate interests to dominate these systems. These powerful interests, who seek not just very high profits but also dominance at various levels, are able to secure the collusion of several governments and key persons in policy and implementation. Together they make a very powerful combination.

They promote policies which relentlessly increase the sale of their expensive seeds and inputs, breaking the self-reliance of farmers and increasing their dependence and costs, regardless of adverse impacts of excess of these inputs on environment, while at the same the corporate interests also try relentlessly increase their grip on crop processing, trade and marketing to get a very large share of the total market receipts.

The key to securing guarantee of high corporate profits  is to secure dominance at various levels, and also to secure legal base of this dominance.  Hence there have been endless new laws of patents, trade, farming  contracts in recent years.

Their machinations create increasing problems for family farms ,or small and medium farmers in many countries, as they are increasingly brought under pressure to increase their farm-expenses while their share of market receipts is  reduced by a greater share going to corporate interests. The big companies and traders increase their share while   farmers  lose out.

The ever-increasing greed for more profits and higher market share on the part of big corporate interests also plays havoc with the objective of providing safe and healthy food to all,  ending hunger and malnutrition.

Incredibly all this has been taking place on a vast scale in the name of development and progress, involving much manipulation. To make the system based on manipulation work, the system tries to co-opt some of the bigger and influential farmers, while governments keep announcing some temporary concession or relief for  farmers, all the more so at election times when political parties vie with each other for this, but the basic trend of big corporate interests increasing dominance of food and farming systems, while marginalizing the bulk of small farmers , harming environment, health and sustainability continues. From time to time exploited farmers unite to demand justice, but unable to challenge the bigger forces , often their demands have rather narrow aims.

In addition there is the impact of multilateral and bilateral  trade treaties, or other international and trade treaties by which food and farming systems are impacted. Here too the richest countries , in flagrant violation  of the principle of correcting historic injustice, as well big agribusiness companies  use these treaties and agreements to inflict further injustice and constraints on farmers of developing countries.

All this has been  experienced in the context of farmers of India as well, the overwhelming majority of whom are small and medium farmers who have been reeling under the combined impact of fast increasing costs, marketing problems and escalating debts. Compulsions of electoral democracy prompted many governments to create some protective structure for them, but this too has been under the threat of trade agreements ( notably the WTO) and big corporate interests wanting a wider and unrestricted role for their expansion. They would like to have a legal guarantee for this before making  bigger investments.

It is in this wider context that the debate on three farm laws should be seen. The current ruling regime is known to be very willing  to push corporate interests, particularly of some crony capitalists considered to be very close to the ruling regime.

Impact on Farmers

One of these three laws relates to facilitating  a much bigger role for contract farming . However the worldwide overall experience of small farmers and family farms regarding contract farming for big business concerns has been that of increasing tensions, (as they have to follow many conditions, losing their freedom), increasing costs ( as companies foist expensive inputs and technologies on them ) and feeling cheated time and again ( as companies make arbitrary decisions on grading their produce or reject it due to not meeting stringent, unfair standards).(R2)  The recently enacted law to promote contract farming has attracted more specific criticism also for terms biased in favor of corporate interests, and for leaving dispute resolution outside normal  civil court jurisdiction.(R3).

The other two laws seek to create a new framework of untaxed, unrestricted purchases by private business outside the area of officially designated market areas for farm produce (APMCs or Agriculture Produce Marketing Committees.), while at the same time removing existing restrictions on excess stocking and hoarding of even essential, staple foods by private traders and companies. These have been rightly criticized by farmers as a strong signal of moving away from government protected and regulated MSP ( officially announced Minimum Support Price) based system. On the other hand, the government has said time and again in its defense that it has no intention of dismantling the APMC-MSP based existing system ( which plays a rather limited effective role in the entire country as a whole but a much more dominating role in the green revolution states like Punjab and Haryana). Yes, the government may not officially announce dismantling of this system, but the farmers say rightly that its recent laws send strong signals of gradually moving away from this by providing unrestricted, untaxed new marketing avenues to big business which can spread fast.

Hence farmers have good reason for concluding that the three laws create a framework for moving away from a reasonably protective system to one dominated by big business interests having close links with  ruling regimes, not even giving farmers the protection of normal civil courts if things go wrong with them, making the situation very uncertain and difficult in times of rising costs.

Impact on hunger , food security of poorest people

In conditions of widespread poverty and low purchasing power of a large number of households, there is no guarantee that market by itself would give high priority to producing adequate  staple food needed for keeping away hunger and malnutrition. So this has to be ensured by a protective system based on MSP- government procurement-PDS ( public distribution system) and nutrition schemes. But when the government moves away from protective farm and food system to one dominated by big agribusiness interests of national and global food/farming system, with huge capacity to hoard and speculate, then both production and marketing will move away from reducing hunger to  maximizing profits. The new trends unleashed by these laws move towards profiteering and speculation , that too in increasingly globalized systems. As more production takes place in conditions governed by contract system and dominated by big companies with global reach, production will be pushed by global profits and speculation and not by the needs of hungry and malnourished people in the country.

Impact on sustainability and environment protection

The present condition of Indian agriculture, particularly in so-called leading green revolution areas, is not at all good from the point of view of sustainability and environment protection. The situation certainly needs to be improved. But the trends unleashed by the new laws are likely to lead to further deterioration rather than any improvement in this important context. Cropping patterns and methods of production need to be in keeping with the needs of soil health and water conservation as well as other aspects of protection of environment and bio-diversity. But contract farming dictated by big companies just trying to maximize their profits pays scant regards to all this, often imposing highly resource-extractive cropping patterns and technologies, as their profits ignore social and environmental costs and count only cash costs and earnings. Agribusiness companies operating in global contexts for profit maximizing are notorious for their tendency to loot and scoot, as they plunder the resources of a region and then move away to a new area, leaving behind ravaged land and depleted water aquifers.

Impact on states and decentralization

There has been a strong feeling that under the impact of global and national corporate interests, the central government intrudes rather too heavily in areas like agriculture for which decisions should instead be taken at the level of states and panchayati raj ( rural decentralization) units. This trend increases with these three overbearing new farm laws. A more specific complaint is that state earnings from APMC/mandi taxes will decrease and development work supported by these earnings will suffer too, this too at a time of overall financial crisis in many states.

Impact on democracy and parliamentary procedures

These three farm laws have been also criticized as undemocratic as the necessary consultations with state governments, panchayati raj institutions, farmers’ organizations and independent experts were not held. These were introduced first as ordinances, objectionable in itself. Then the process of referring to parliamentary committee, which would have still provided one way of consultations with stakeholders, was also ignored. Then the passing of law in the upper house or Rajya Sabha had peculiar undemocratic features which were opposed by opposition parties and attracted several adverse comments. (R4)

 Amendments or Repeal

As even government ministers and representatives have admitted, in the course of negotiations, that amendments are needed in these laws, another issue of debate has been whether farmers’ movement should accept amendments , or stick to its demand for repeal of laws. So far the farmers’ movement has been steadfast in asking for repeal, which is a well-justified stand. Supporting this stand a letter sent by ten eminent economists to the Agriculture Minister has stated, “ amending a few clauses will not be sufficient to address the concerns rightly raised by farmers…We appeal that the government withdraw these acts.” This unanimous  view of these very senior economists, who have served in very prestigious government-supported and other institutions and are also known for their commitment to justice and public interest related issues, is thus very similar to the view of the farmers’ movement. ( R1)

Wider Issues

Beyond the debate on these laws, several issues need to be addressed. There is a strong need for agricultural progress based on justice and protection of environment, a social-ecological approach. (R5) Solutions have to be found in a much wider paradigm than one limited mainly by narrow economic concerns.(R6) Welfare and equality aspects of landless rural households should also get adequate attention. (R7).

We end by recommending strongly for immediate repeal of these three controversial farm laws, lifting of all cases against farmer activists, followed in due course by much wider measures for resolving the rural crisis on the basis of justice and environment protection.

R1—Serious concerns from economists regarding the recent Farm Acts, which merit their repeal—Letter dated December 17 2020 from Prof. D. Narasimha Reddy, Prof. Kamal Narayan Kabra and eight other senior economists to the Union Minister for Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare

R2—Why small farmers lose in contract farming, by Bharat Dogra—Newsclick, August 25, 2020.

R3—The ground has fallen out from beneath the farmer’s feet– by K.T.S. Tulsi and Tanessa Puri— The Hindu December 8, 2020.

R4—Hard bargains and the art of policymaking—by M.A. Madhavan,The Hindu December 3, 2020.

R5—Social agro-ecology is the  key to the real  progress and security of food and farming systems–by Bharat Dogra-Countercurrents.org—November 25 2020.

R6.—To resolve the farming crisis we need a different paradigm—by Bharat Dogra—Countercurrents.org—December 9, 2020.

R7.—Amid an important farmer debate, don’t forget the woes of India’s landless workers—by Bharat Dogra—The Wire.in—November 30.

Bharat Dogra is a journalist and author who has contributed around 9000 articles and around 400 books and booklets in Hindi and English. His  reporting from remote  villages has been recognized in the form of several awards.

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An Expert Explains: The arguments for and against the three central farm laws

As opposition and regional parties protest the contentious farm laws, now challenged in supreme court, engaging with the key question: does the enactment of the laws violate the federal principle.

On Sunday, the President gave assent to the controversial farm Bills passed by Parliament last week. Amid protests by farmers’ organisations across the country, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, and Punjab have said they might not implement the new laws, Kerala and Punjab have declared their intention to challenge them in the Supreme Court, and a Congress MP from Kerala, Prathapan T N, has already done so.

What are the broad arguments for and against the laws?

The government claims these Acts will transform Indian agriculture and attract private investment. The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020, provides for contract farming, under which farmers will produce crops as per contracts with corporate investors for a mutually agreed remuneration.

The protesting farmers fear that powerful investors would bind them to unfavourable contracts drafted by big corporate law firms, with liability clauses that would be beyond the understanding of poor farmers in most cases.

According to the government, The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020 liberates farmers by giving them the freedom to sell anywhere.

Faizan Mustafa, currently Vice Chancellor of NALSAR University of Law, is an expert on constitutional law, criminal law, human rights and personal laws. Views are personal.

The Opposition says this would lead to corporatisation of agriculture, with the market, along with the monsoon, becoming an unpredictable determinant of the destiny of farmers. They argue that farmers can sell outside the APMC even now, and most in fact do, albeit after paying the required fees or cess.

In Punjab and Haryana, the epicentre of the protests, the market fee, rural development fee, and arhatiya’s commission are 3%, 3%, and 2.5%; and 2%, 2%, and 2.5% respectively. These are big sources of state revenue — with states not permitted to levy market fee/cess outside APMC areas under the new laws, Punjab and Haryana could lose an estimated Rs 3,500 crore and Rs 1,600 crore each year respectively.

What is the question over the constitutionality of these laws?

As per Union of India v H.S.Dhillon (1972), constitutionality of parliamentary laws can be challenged only on two grounds — that the subject is in the State List, or that it violates fundamental rights. Is invoking parliamentary powers on agriculture consistent with the scheme of federalism and spirit of the Constitution? Does Parliament have the power to enact laws on agricultural markets and lands? Should the Constitution have been amended before enacting these laws?

These are some of the questions that will be raised in the petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Acts. As per Ram Krishna Dalmia v Justice S R Tendolkar (1958) and other judgments, the Supreme Court will begin hearings after presuming the constitutionality of these laws; therefore, the burden on states and individuals who challenge these Acts will be quite heavy. Generally, the Supreme Court does not stay the implementation of parliamentary laws. CAA and UAPA were not stayed.

Also read | The basis of MSP: How is it fixed, and how binding is it?

The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020, and The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020 do not mention, in the Statement of Objects & Reasons, the constitutional provisions under which Parliament has the power to legislate on the subjects covered.

And where does the question of federalism come in?

Federalism essentially means both the Centre and states have the freedom to operate in their allotted spheres of power, in coordination with each other. The Seventh Schedule of the Constitution contains three lists that distribute power between the Centre and states. There are 97 subjects in the Union List, on which Parliament has exclusive power to legislate (Article 246); the State List has 66 items on which states alone can legislate; the Concurrent List has 47 subjects on which both the Centre and states can legislate, but in case of a conflict, the law made by Parliament prevails (Article 254). Parliament can legislate on an item in the State List under certain specific circumstances laid down in the Constitution.

In State of West Bengal v Union of India (1962), the Supreme Court held that the Indian Constitution is not federal. But in S R Bommai v Union of India (1994), a nine-judge Bench held federalism was part of the basic structure of the Constitution. “Neither the relative importance of the legislative entries in Schedule VII, Lists I and II of the Constitution, nor the fiscal control by the Union per se are decisive to conclude the Constitution is unitary. The respective legislative powers are traceable to Articles 245 to 254… The State qua the Constitution is federal in structure and independent in its exercise of legislative and executive power,” it said.

Federalism, like constitutionalism and separation of powers, is not mentioned in the Constitution. But it is the very essence of our constitutional scheme. 📣 Follow Express Explained on Telegram

Where is agriculture in the scheme of legislative powers?

Terms relating to agriculture occur at 15 places in the Seventh Schedule.

Entries 82, 86, 87, and 88 in the Union List mention taxes and duties on income and assets, specifically excluding those in respect of agriculture.

In the State List, eight entries contain terms relating to agriculture: Entry 14 (agricultural education and research, pests, plant diseases); 18 (rights in or over land, land tenures, rents, transfer agricultural land, agricultural loans, etc.); 28 (markets and fairs); 30 (agricultural indebtedness); 45 (land revenue, land records, etc.); 46 (taxes on agricultural income); 47 (succession of agricultural land); and 48 (estate duty in respect of agricultural land).

In the Concurrent List, Entry 6 mentions transfer of property other than agricultural land; 7 is about various contracts not relating to agricultural land; and 41 deals with evacuee property, including agricultural land.

It is clear that the Union List and Concurrent List put matters relating to agriculture outside Parliament’s jurisdiction, and give state legislatures exclusive power. No entry in respect of agriculture in the State List is subject to any entry in the Union or Concurrent Lists.

Also read | Explained Ideas: Why are farmers unwilling to trust the govt’s farm reforms?

What about Entry 27 of the State List that is subject to Entry 33 of List III (Concurrent)?

Entry 33 of the Concurrent List mentions trade and commerce, production, supply and distribution of domestic and imported products of an industry over which Parliament has control in the public interest; foodstuffs, including oilseeds and oils; cattle fodder; raw cotton and jute. The Centre could, therefore, argue that it is within its powers to pass laws on contract farming and intra- and inter-state trade, and prohibit states from imposing fees/cesses outside APMC areas.

However, like education, farming is an occupation, not trade or commerce. If foodstuffs are considered synonymous with agriculture, then all the powers of states in respect of agriculture, listed so elaborately in the Constitution, shall become redundant.

So what happens in case of legislation that covers entries in two Lists?

In cases such as State of Rajasthan v G Chawla (1959), courts have used the doctrine of “pith and substance” to determine the character of legislation that overlaps between entries. The constitutionality of legislation is upheld if it is largely covered by one list and touches upon the other list only incidentally. But the two new farm Acts o beyond that — they impinge on entries in the State List.

The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020 flies in the face of Entry 28 of the State List (markets and fairs), and The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020 impinges on Entries 14, 18, and 46 of the State List, and Entry 7 of the Concurrent List (above). In interpreting the lists, the Supreme Court in State of Bihar v Kameshwar Singh (1952) invoked the doctrine of colourable legislation, which means you cannot do indirectly what you cannot do directly.

In ITC Ltd v APMC (2002), the Supreme Court upheld the validity of several state laws relating to agricultural produce marketing, and struck down the central Tobacco Board Act, 1975. It interpreted Entry 28 of the State List (markets and fairs) in favour of states, and rejected the Centre’s argument based on Entry 52 of the Union List read with Entry 33 of Concurrent List that tobacco is an industry declared as being under the control of Parliament in public interest. It said raw materials or activity that does not involve manufacture or production cannot be covered under ‘industry’.

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What is the government’s stated view on agricultural markets?

The committees headed by Ashok Dalwai and Ramesh Chand recommended that ‘agricultural market’ be entered in the Concurrent List. It is implicit in the recommendations that “foodstuffs” under Entry 33 of the Concurrent List do not empower Parliament to enact laws on agricultural markets.

On May 5, 2015, the government told Lok Sabha that the National Commission of Farmers (Swaminathan Commission) had recommended ‘agricultural market’ be added to the Concurrent List. On March 27, 2018, the government yet again told Lok Sabha that it has no intention of inserting ‘agricultural market’ in the Concurrent List.

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K Annamalai is nothing if not confident. This may be his first Lok Sabha election, but there are no signs of it as the Tamil Nadu BJP chief campaigns in his Coimbatore constituency, entertaining supporters till late into the night as they wait to give him a rousing welcome.

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Insights into Editorial: Seeds of hope: On farm laws repeal

Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the repeal of the three contentious farm laws .

Farmers, mostly from Punjab and Haryana, have been protesting against these laws at the borders of Delhi since November 26 last year.

PM Modi has done the right thing by announcing the repeal of the three farm laws that are at the centre of a protracted confrontation between his government and a section of farmers for a year.

What were the farm laws that have been repealed?

• It seeks to create an ecosystem where the farmers and traders enjoy the freedom of choice relating to sale and purchase of farmers’ produce.
• The reform grants freedom to farmers and buyers to transact in agricultural commodities even outside notified APMC mandis ensuring competitive alternative trading channels to promote efficient, transparent and barrier-free interstate and intra-state trade.
• It seeks to provide for a national framework on contract farming that protects and empowers farmers in their engagement with agri-business firms, processors, wholesalers, exporters or large retailers for farm services and sale of future farming produce at a mutually agreed remunerative price in a fair and transparent manner.
• It seeks to remove commodities like cereals, pulses, oilseeds, edible oils, onion and potatoes from the list of essential commodities.
• The reform ends the era of frequent imposition of stock-holding limits except under extraordinary circumstances.

How farmers managed to sustain farm law protest for a year?

It is being called the longest agrarian movement in independent India . The agitation against the three farm laws passed in September 2020 started in Punjab, but gradually spread to the neighbouring state of Haryana and parts of Uttar Pradesh.

But it caught the eyeballs of the nation only when farmers marched to the Delhi borders on November 26 last year.

Many thought they would return after registering their protest, but they set up a little township of sorts, weathering the cold winter and the searing summer.

But there was a method to this madness despite the multiplicity of unions and ideologies participating in the agitation .

What is the procedure to repeal a law in India?

• First to bring a Bill to repeal the three laws, and
• Second is to promulgate an ordinance that will have to be consequently replaced with a Bill within six months.
• According to the former Union Law Secretary P.K. Malhotra “For repeal, the power of Parliament is the same as enacting a law under the Constitution.”
• Article 245 of the Indian Constitution empowers the Parliament to enact as well as to repeal any law.
• That is, the Parliament has the power to make laws and also to repeal them through the Repealing and Amendment Act. In 1950, the first Act was passed and 72 Acts were repealed.
• In 2019, Repealing and Amendment provision was invoked when Union Government scrapped 58 obsolete laws and made minor amendments to the Income Tax Act, 1961 and also the Indian Institutes of Management Act, 2017.
• Narendra Modi led government already scrapped or repealed around 1,428 Acts during its first term.
• Like any other Bill, the Repealing and Amendment Bill will pass in the same way as any other Bill. It will have to be passed by both Houses of Parliament and the President’s assent will be required to make it a law.

Government arguments at that time of introducing the laws:

The laws sought to reorganise India’s agriculture sector more in accordance with the principles of market economy.

They would have redesigned the country’s food procurement and distribution mechanisms, triggering fears that the producers and consumers would be adversely affected , to the benefit of big companies.

Such fears were aggravated by the undemocratic manner in which these laws were brought about, through ordinances, and passed in Parliament without deliberations, or consultations with the States.

MSP foul play:

• This monotonous cycle of wheat and rice should anyway be broken as it is not sustainable . It is making our soil devoid of nutrients and also depleting the water table.
• Moreover, MSP as a practice should be done away with as the Food Corporation of India (FCI) incurs huge losses on account of procurement and storage .
• Since MSP is only available in Punjab and Haryana, traders buy grains from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar at less than half the price and sell it to the government in Punjab and Haryana at MSP.
• If you combine the total procurement and compare it to the land under cultivation, it comes out that the average yield per acre is much more than the actual yield possible. This foul play has been going on for years.
• There is a gap in prices of market and the MSP because the grains are in abundance, as soon as the amount of grains is reduced, the prices will automatically go up.
• Talking of the current standoff, the government has bent as required and now the farmers should also come to the discussion table as the demand to repeal all the laws is not wise and they have gained what was initially required .
• This kind of protest was necessary to tell the current dispensation that their way of passing laws is not legitimate, which has been happening over the last few years.
• If we see the origin of MSP, it came as an incentive to adopt new methods of green revolution . Now when the government wants farmers to shift to other crops, it should begin by giving incentives to the farmers for that.

Major problems that need to address:

• Some major problems of farmers, and Indian agriculture in general, are that the yields are much lower than the global average, the economic condition of farmers is much worse and there is very little adoption of new technologies.
• The major reason for this is the non-availability of free and open market to farmers, since the average landholding size is less than 1 hectare (2.4 acres).
• So, the farmers are reluctant to buy new machinery and adopt latest methods and continue with traditional farming requiring large human labour.
• This is evident from the fact that there is a huge gap between the percentage of population engaged in agriculture and percentage of contribution of GDP by the agriculture sector.

How does the repeal impact the political economy of rural India?

• There may be some deficiencies in the exact design and mechanism of the reforms proposed in the three farm laws, but most advocates of agricultural reform would agree that they were in the right direction.
• That the government chose to push these reforms through its own set of consultations left many stakeholders feeling left out, and created a backlash .
• The repeal underlines that any future attempts to reform the rural agricultural economy would require a much wider consultation , not only for better design of reforms, but for wider acceptance.
• The repeal would leave the government hesitant about pursuing these reforms in stealth mode again.

Conclusion:

It was a concern that the overall thrust of the farm laws appeared to encourage the participation of larger corporate players in agricultural markets rather than farmer-friendly organisations, such as cooperatives or Farmer Producer Companies (FPC).

Especially in the case of the amendment of the Essential Commodities Act, there was reasonable suspicion that a handful of corporate players were to substantially benefit from investments in logistics, storage and warehousing.

In bowing to public demand, Mr. Modi has shown flexibility and pragmatism .

Farmers should not only withdraw the protest now but also show a more flexible approach regarding the path ahead to reform the sector .

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Farm Laws 2020 Explained: Everything you need to know about the new agriculture reforms in India

Farm laws 2020 repealed: pm modi in his address today apologized to the nation and announced that the centre will repeal three contentious farm laws 2020 in the upcoming parliament session. he further urged the protesting farmers to return home to their families and start afresh. earlier, sc stayed the implementation of the farm acts 2020 & constituted a four-member committee to make recommendations within two months. the government's proposal to put a hold on the implementation of farm laws 2020 for a period of one to one and a half years was denied by the farmers. .

Farm Laws Repealed: Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his address to the nation announced the repeal of three Farm Laws, apologized to the nation, and further urged the protesting farmers to return home to their families and start afresh.  

Addressing the nation. https://t.co/daWYidw609 — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) November 19, 2021

While the Centre has decided to repeal the Farm Laws 2020, top farmer leader Rakesh Tikait said that the protest will not be called off until the laws are withdrawn in the upcoming session of the Parliament starting on 29 November 2021. 

In September 2020, President Ram Nath Kovind gave his assent to the three 'Agriculture Bills' that were earlier passed by the Indian Parliament. These Farm Acts are as follows:

1- Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020

2- Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020

3- Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020

GK Quiz on Farm Laws 2020

Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020

1- Background: On 5 June 2020, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Ordinance, 2020 was promulgated by the Union Cabinet. 

2- Act: It creates a national framework for contract farming through an agreement between a farmer and a buyer before the production or rearing of any farm produces.

3- Provisions:

(a) Farming Agreement: The Act provides for a farming agreement between a farmer and a buyer prior to the production or rearing of any farm produce.

(b) Minimum Period of Farming Agreement: The minimum period of the farming agreement shall be for one crop season or one production cycle of livestock.

(c) Maximum Period of Farming Agreement: The maximum period of the farming agreement shall be five years. It also states that if the production cycle of any farming produce is longer and may go beyond five years, the maximum period of the farming agreement may be mutually decided by the farmer and the buyer and explicitly mentioned in the farming agreement.

(d) Pricing of Farming Produce: The pricing of farming produce and the process of price determination should be mentioned in the agreement. For prices subjected to variation, a guaranteed price for the produce and a clear reference for any additional amount above the guaranteed price must be specified in the agreement. 

Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020

1- Background: On 5 June 2020, the Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Ordinance, 2020 was promulgated by the Union Cabinet. 

2- Act: It permits intra and inter-state trade of farmers’ produce beyond the physical premises of Agricultural Produce Market Committee (APMC) markets and other markets notified under the state APMC Acts. 

3- Provisions: 

(a) Trade of Farmers' Produce: The Act allows the farmers to trade in outside trade areas such as farm gates, factory premises, cold storages, and so on. Previously, it could only be done in the APMC yards or Mandis. 

(b) Alternative Trading Channels: It facilitates lucrative prices for the farmers via alternative trading channels to promote barrier-free intra-state and inter-state trade of agriculture produce. 

(c) Electronic Trading: Additionally, it allows the electronic trading of scheduled farmers’ produce (agricultural produce regulated under any state APMC Act) in the specified trade area. It will also facilitate direct and online buying and selling of agricultural produce via electronic devices and the internet.

(d) Market Fee Abolished: As per the Act, the State Governments are prohibited from levying any market fee or cess on farmers, traders and electronic trading platforms for trading farmers’ produce in an 'outside trade area'.

Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020

1- Background: On 5 June 2020, the  Essential Commodities (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020 was promulgated by the Union Cabinet. 

2- Act: It is an act of the Indian Parliament that was enacted in 1955 to ensure the delivery of certain commodities or products, the supply of which if obstructed owing to hoarding or black-marketing would affect the normal life of the people. This includes foodstuff, drugs, fuel (petroleum products) etc.

3- Powers of Central Government:

(a) The Government of India regulates the production, supply, and distribution of a whole host of commodities it declares ‘essential’ in order to make them available to consumers at fair prices. 

(b) The Government can also fix the MRP of any packaged product that it declares an 'essential commodity'. 

(c) The Centre can add commodities to this list when the need arises and can take them off the list once the situation improves. 

(d) If a certain commodity is in short supply and its price is spiking, the Government can notify stock-holding limits on it for a specified period.

4- Powers of State Government: The respective State Governments can choose not to impose any restrictions as notified by the Centre. However, if the restrictions are imposed, traders have to immediately sell any stocks held beyond the mandated quantity into the market. This is done to improve supplies and brings down prices. 

5- Amendment: With the amendment in the Act, the Government of India will list certain commodities as essential to regulate their supply and prices only in cases of war, famine, extraordinary price rises, or natural calamities. The commodities that have been deregulated are food items, including cereals, pulses, potatoes, onions, edible oilseeds, and oils.

6- Stock Limit: As per the amendment, the imposition of any stock limit on agricultural produce will be based on price rise and can only be imposed if there's-- a 100% increase in the retail price of horticultural produce and a 50% increase in the retail price of non-perishable agricultural food items. 

7- Calculation: The increase will be calculated over the price prevailing immediately preceding twelve months, or the average retail price of the last five years, whichever is lower.

Why are Indian farmers protesting?

Indian farmers are fearing that they might lose more than they could gain after the new Farms Laws 2020 thereby taking the protest to the streets. 

As quoted by ANI, Bhartiya Kisan Union leader Rakesh Tikait stated, " They (Central Government) want amendment in them (Farm Laws 2020) but we want these laws to be repealed. We don’t want changes. We will end our protest only when these laws are withdrawn. Like the government brought the three bills, they should also bring a bill on the MSP."

ANI further quoted BKU leader Rakesh Tikait stating that they are ready to have future talks on Farm Laws 2020 with the Government. 

What is 'Pagri Sambhal Jatta Movement' and how it is related to the ongoing farmers' protest?

As reported by AlJazeera , 27-year-old Rashpinder Singh stated that the Indian Government has left the farmers at the mercy of big corporations. It is preposterous to believe that farmers who have small landholdings will have any bargaining power over private players.

As Farmers' agitation against three contentious Farm Laws entered day 34 (on 29 December 2020), the Farmer's Union on 29 December 2020 has accepted the Centre's proposal to hold the sixth round of talks. 

After agitating farmers accepted the Centre's proposal to hold the sixth round of talks, the Centre sent an invitation for talks on 30 December 2020 to 40 farmer representatives which have been accepted by the farmers. 

As per a letter by Union Agriculture Secretary Sanjay Agarwal, all the issues related to farmers, including the three farm laws, MSP-based procurement, the Commission for the Air Quality Management in National Capital Region and Adjoining Areas Ordinance, 2020, and the Electricity Amendment Bill 2020 will be discussed in detail with the 40 representatives of farm unions. 

The talks scheduled on 30 December 2020 at 2 p.m. between the Centre and 40 farmer representatives took place at Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi. 

The sixth round of talks between the Central Government and the farmer unions reached to conclusions on the issues related to the environment and Electricity Acts , however, their demand of repealing the three Farm Laws 2020 and legal guarantee for MSP (Minimum Support Price) remained inconclusive. The seventh round of talks between the Centre and the farmers took place on 4 January 2021 at Vigyan Bhawan and failed to reach a breakthrough. 

As reported by ANI, Sukhwinder S Sabra , Joint Secy, Kisan Mazdoor Sangharsh Committee stated that if their demands aren't met on 4 January 2021, then, they'll hold tractor march on January 6 and 26, 2021. 

Speaking from the protest site in favour of tractor march, Yogendra Yadav stated, “ We have decided that on January 7, we will take out a tractor march at four borders of Delhi including Eastern and Western peripheral. This will be a trailer for what lies ahead on January 26 .”

As per farmers' leaders, around 3,000 tractors participated in the tractor march held on 7 January 2021 on Kundli-Manesar-Palwal or Western Peripheral expressway and at least 500 on the Kundli-Ghaziabad-Palwal or Eastern Peripheral expressway. It is important to note that the two expressways (Eastern and Western Peripheral Expressway) form a ring around the National Capital Delhi. 

The eighth round of talks between the Centre and the farmers took place on 8 January 2021 at 2 p.m. at Vigyan Bhawan. Union Minister for Agriculture Narendra Singh Tomar, Union Minister for Railways, Commerce and Industry and Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution Piyush Goyal and Union Minister of State for Commerce and Industry Som Prakash participated with the representatives of 41 Farmers’ Unions. 

Union Minister for Agriculture Narendra Singh Tomar stated that the Farm Laws 2020 have been made keeping in mind the benefits of farmers throughout the country. The government is concerned about farmers and wants the agitation to end but due to no solutions, forthcoming issues could not be resolved. He further praised the farmers for keeping the agitation disciplined.

The Farmers’ Unions have asked for a repeal of the Farm Laws 2020, however, the Central Government again suggested amendments. The ninth round of talks took place on 15 January 2021. 

The 10th round of talks was scheduled for 19 January 2021 which is postponed by a day to 20 January 2021. Ministry of Agriculture in a statement stated that the government's ministerial meeting with farmers unions will be held on 20 January 2021 at 2 pm at Vigyan Bhawan, instead of 19 January 2021. 

On 20 January 2021, Minister of Agriculture Narendra Singh Tomar, Minister of Railways, Commerce and Industry and Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution Piyush Goyal and Minister of State for Commerce and Industry Som Prakash participated in the 10th round of talks with the representatives of 41 Farmers’ Unions at Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi.  

The Government has proposed to the farmers' union that the implementation of Farm Laws 2020 should be kept on hold for a period of one to one and a half years. Amid the said time period, the representatives of the farmers' Union and the Government can discuss the issues related to the contentious Farm Acts 2020 to arrive at an appropriate solution. 

The 11th round of talks between the Centre and the farmers' union was scheduled for 22 January 2021. The farmers refused to accept the Centre's proposal to put the controversial laws on hold for a year-and-a-half.

Won't repeal Farm Laws 2020: Agriculture Minister

On 8 July 2021, Union Agriculture Minister Narendra Singh Tomar reiterated that the Centre will not repeal Farm Laws 2020 and is ready to discuss other options with farmers. 

"I want to appeal to protesting farmers to end their protest and to hold talks with us. The government is ready for discussions," said Union Agriculture Minister Narendra Singh Tomar. 

Tractor March on 26 January 2021

Speaking from the protest site in favour of the tractor march, Yogendra Yadav stated that a tractor march will be carried out on 26 January 2021.

The Supreme Court stated that the proposed tractor rally on Republic Day (26 January) by protesting farmers is a 'law and order' matter and Delhi Police will decide who should be allowed to enter Delhi.

Groups of protesting farmers camping at the Singhu, Tikri and Ghazipur border took out a massive tractor rally against the Farm Laws 2020 on the occasion of 72nd Republic Day (26 January 2021). 

As per Delhi Police, over 300 barricades were broken, and 17 Government vehicles were damaged by the protesting farmers, forcing their way into the city.  

Chakka Jam by Farmers

On 4 February 2021, Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) leader Rakesh Tikait stated that there will be a three-hour-long 'Chakka Jam' on 6 February 2021. 

Income Tax Raid on Arhtiyas 

As per leaders of different unions,  Arhtiyas are standing shoulder-to-shoulder with farmers in their ongoing protest against the Farm Laws 2020  and the raids were an attempt  to divide the farmer and arhtiya unity to sabotage this movement.

Why the Indian farmers rejected the Central Government's proposal?

1- Central Government proposed that the respective State Governments can levy cess on the private mandis.

The proposal was rejected by the farmers as they believe that the creation of private mandis along with APMC will drive agriculture business towards private mandis, ending government markets, intermediary systems and APMCs. As a result, big corporate houses will overtake markets, thereby procuring farm produce at incidental rates. The farmers believe that the Government may delay the procurement (as in the case of paddy), turning the public markets inefficient and redundant.  

2- Central Government proposed that they will give written assurance for the continuation of the existing MSP system.

The proposal was rejected by the farmers as they believe that the new Farm Laws 2020 are brought to dismantle APMCs. Thus, they are demanding a comprehensive Act on MSP pan India and for all crops. They are of the view that a written assurance from the Union Government is not a legal document and holds no guarantee. 

3- Central Government proposed that they will direct the State Governments to register traders in order to regulate them. 

The proposal was rejected by the farmers as the new Farm Laws 2020 have no provision to regulate the traders. As per new Laws, any PAN cardholder can procure grains from the markets at wishful prices and hoard the farm produce. The farmers believe that the Central Government is not ready to take responsibility for the ongoing issue as they want the State Governments to regulate the traders. 

4- Central Government proposed that under the contract farming law, farmers will have the alternative to approach the court and their land will be safe as no loan will be given on farmers’ land and their buildings by mortgaging it.

Government's take on the farmers' protest

On 20 September 2020, Prime Minister Modi referred to the Farm Bills 2020 as a watershed moment in the history of Indian agriculture, empowering millions of farmers.

On 29 November 2020, PM Modi in his Mann Ki Baat radio address to the nation stated that all the political parties had been making promises to the farmers but now these promises had been fulfilled, citing an example of the Maharashtrian farmer whose payments for his corn crop was kept pending by traders for four months. 

He further stated that under new Farm Laws 2020 , all the dues of the farmers must be cleared within three days of procurement, failing which, the farmer can lodge a complaint.

On 30 November 2020, Prime Minister Modi stated that the farmers are being deceived on these historic agriculture reform laws by the same people who have misled them for decades. He added that the old system was not replaced rather new options were added under the Farm Laws 2020 for the farmers. 

Prime Minister Modi stated, “The new agricultural laws have been brought in for benefit of the farmers. We will see and experience the benefits of these new laws in the coming days.” 

Union Minister of Agriculture and Farmer Welfare, Rural Development and Panchayat Raj, Narendra Singh Tomar stated that the government is committed to MSP, however, it was "not a part of the law" earlier and "is not" today.

#AatmaNirbharKrishi https://t.co/qCJOfzQPQw — Narendra Singh Tomar (@nstomar) December 10, 2020

In an exlusive interview to Dainik Jagran, Haryana's Deputy CM and JJP Chief Dushyant Singh Chautala stated that he will tender his resignation if he fails to ensure that a farmer gets MSP for his crops. 

On 27 December 2020, Chief Minister of Delhi, Arvind Kejriwal visited Singhu Border and interacted with the protesting farmers. He further challenged that any Union Minister should debate with the protesting farmers to make it clear whether the laws are beneficial or harmful.

Supreme Court to hear plea on farmers' agitation

The Supreme Court will hear a plea seeking immediate removal of farmers from Delhi borders on 11 January 2021 filed by law student Rishabh Sharma. A Bench of Chief Justice S A Bobde, Justice A S Bopanna and Justice V Ramasubramanian will hear the petition. 

The petition stated that commuters are facing hardships due to blockades. Emergency and medical services have been severely impacted due to the farmers' agitation. The petition further stated that the farmers should be shifted to a fixed place allotted by the Government and claimed that farmers were allowed to protest peacefully at Nirankari ground in Burari but they refused to accept the offer and are still blocking the borders. 

On 11 January 2021, the Supreme Court stayed the implementation of the three Farm Acts 2020 and constituted a four-member committee to make recommendations on the same. A bench headed by Chief Justice of India S. A. Bobde gave the panel two months time to submit its report for a 'fair, equitable and just solution'.

Members of the Committee

1- Bhupinder Singh Mann , the national president of the Bhartiya Kisan Union and All India Kisan Coordination Committee. (disassociated himself from the SC formed panel).

2- Dr. Parmod Kumar Joshi , an agricultural economist who is also the Director for South Asia, International Food Policy Research Institute.

3- Ashok Gulati , agricultural economist and former chairman of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices.

4- Anil Ghanwat , the chief of Shetkari Sanghatana.

On 19 January 2021, the farmers' unions have refused to attend the first meeting of the SC appointed committee to resolve the ongoing agitation over the contentious Farm Acts 2020, sticking to their demands of repealing the farm laws. 

Dedicated Portal for farmers

SC appointed panel for deliberations on the three contentious Farm Acts 2020 has notified a dedicated portal to get views of farmers individually. The panel has also decided to hear at least 20 organizations on the first day of consultations, i.e., 21 January 2021. 

December 8 Bharat Bandh called by Farmers' Union

Ahead of 'Bharat Bandh', Delhi's Chief Minister Arwind Kejriwal is on his way to the Singhu border. In addition to this, leaders of 11 parties including Congress president Sonia Gandhi, DMK chief M K Stalin, NCP patriarch Sharad Pawar, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav and Left Front’s Sitaram Yechury and D Raja stated that they will lend their 'whole-hearted' support to the December 8 Bharat Bandh called by Farmers' Union, The Times of India reported. 

Farmers have called the new Farm Laws 2020 'corporate-friendly and 'anti-farmer.

(a) President of the Maharashtra Rajya Bazaar Samiti Sahakari Sangh, Dilip Mohite Patil claimed that around 100-125 market committees in Vidarbha and Marathwada regions have reported almost no business and are on the verge of closure after the announcement of the central Ordinance. 

(b ) Food Processing Industries Minister, Harsimrat Kaur Badal of Shiromani Akali Dal resigned from her post in protest against these Bills.

(c) Former Chief Minister of Punjab, Prakash Singh Badal returned his Padma Vibhushan to protest 'the betrayal of farmers by the Government of India'. 

(d) Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stated, "Let me remind you, Canada will always be there to defend the rights of peaceful protesters. We believe in the process of dialogue. We’ve reached out through multiple means to the Indian authorities to highlight our concerns. This is a moment for all of us to pull together."

To this, the Indian Government reacted sharply stating that his remarks are “ill-informed” and “unwarranted”. 

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) official spokesperson stated, "We have seen some ill-informed comments by Canadian leaders relating to farmers in India. Such comments are unwarranted, especially when pertaining to the internal affairs of a democratic country. It is also best that diplomatic conversations are not misrepresented for political purposes."

(e)  As reported by PTI, social activist Anna Hazare has threatened to go on a hunger strike if his demands on issues concerning farmers are not met by the Central Government by the end of January 2020. He further stated that it would be his 'last protest'. 

(f)  Congress Communication Chief Randeep Surjewala while addressing a press conference attacked Prime Minister Modi over three Farm Acts 2020 and stated that if he can’t repeal the Fram Laws and has to depend on the Supreme Court to break the deadlock with farmers, he must resign from the post of Prime Minister. 

Congress Communication Chief, Randeep Surjewala stated, " This is the first government in the past 73 years history of the country that is grossly abdicating its responsibility and telling the farmers to approach the Supreme Court. These three controversial agriculture laws have not been enacted by the Supreme Court but have been forcibly passed by the Modi government in Parliament.”

He further added, “The Constitution has not given the responsibility of framing the laws to the Supreme Court but to the Parliament of India. If this government is incapacitated to discharge this responsibility, then the Modi government has no moral authority to remain in power even for a minute."

Get here current GK and GK quiz questions in English and Hindi for India , World, Sports and Competitive exam preparation. Download the Jagran Josh Current Affairs App .

• When farmers' union have called for Bharat Bandh? + Farmers' union have called for Bharat Bandh on 8 December 2020 against the three Farm Laws passed by the Indian Parliament.
• How many farmers are protesting in India? + Around 2-3 lakh farmers are protesting in India as per an estimation by India Today on 30 November 2020.
• Why are Indian farmers protesting? + Indian Farmers are fearing that they might lose more than they could gain after the new Farms Laws 2020 thereby taking the protest to the streets.
• What is Farmer Ordinance Bill 2020? + The Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Bill, 2020 were collectively passed as a part of 2020 Farm Laws.
• What is the new law for farmers? + President Ram Nath Kovind gave his assent to the three 'Agriculture Bills' that were earlier passed by the Indian Parliament. These Farm laws are as follows: 1- Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020 2- Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020 3- Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020
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The Farm Laws Repeal Bill, 2021

• Introduced Lok Sabha Nov 29, 2021
• Passed Lok Sabha Nov 29, 2021
• Passed Rajya Sabha Nov 29, 2021
• The Farm Laws Repeal Bill, 2021 was introduced in Lok Sabha on November 29, 2021 by the Minister of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare, Mr. Narendra Singh Tomar.  
• Repeal:  The Bill repeals the three farm laws passed by Parliament in September 2020.  These are: (i) the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020, (ii) the Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020, and (iii) the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020.  These laws were enacted to: (i) provide a framework for contract farming, (ii) facilitate barrier-free trade of farmers’ produce outside the markets notified under the various state Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee (APMC) laws, and (iii) regulate the supply of certain food items (such as cereals, pulses, and onions) only under extraordinary circumstances such as war, famine, and extraordinary price rise.  Note that, in January 2021, the Supreme Court had stayed the implementation of the three farm laws.

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Essay on Farm Bill 2020 | Farmer Bill 2020 Essay and Highlights of Agriculture Bill 2020

Essay on farm bill 2020.

India is an agriculture dominated country. More than 70% of India's population is either directly or indirectly involved in agricultural activities. Due to the hard work of these farmers we are eating peacefully. These farmers feed entire nation but it is a saddening fact that they are entangled in the fetters of starvation and poverty. Recently Central Government has passed new bills for well being of farmers and agriculture sector . But farmers and State Governments are opposing these bills. Farmers across the country have protested against these bills in streets and on roads. Punjab and Haryana farmer's tractor protests in July and on 26th January in Delhi were opposition of these agriculture bills 2020. On 28th August 2020 Punjab Assembly has also passed a resolution rejecting the Central Government's ordinances.

What is the Farm bill 2020 ?, What benefits will get farmer from  New Agriculture Bills 2020?, How Agriculture Sector will be benefited from Farmers Bills 2020? Why Farmers are protesting against Agriculture bill 2020 ?

What is Farm Bill 2020?

Benefits to farmers from farm bill 2020.

The Farm Bill 2020 envisages a path for farmers as an alternative platform to sell their produce in open market. Now farmers can sell their products openly to anyone and anywhere and they can get higher price. There will be no APMC market fee or cess on transactions in such trade areas. APMCs will also continue its functioning. Now APMCs have to compete with these alternate platforms and now farmers have a choice for selling their farm produces. These bills give powers to farmers to sell their produces directly to the corporate or exporter buying in bulk from the farm.

The Farm Bill 2020 does not annihilate current MSP based procurement of food grains. The MSP based procurement system will be continue and farmers can also sell their crop products in Mandi on existing MSP.

Government's motive towards Farm Bill 2020

From time to time Government has launched numerous schemes for welfare of farmers and agriculture sector . Government has introduced these Farm Bills to transform agriculture sector and well being of farmers. This step has been taken by the Government to boost agriculture sector and double the farmers income by 2022. It is thought that freeing of agriculture sector will eventually help in better pricing due to competitiveness in the market. When farmers will sell their products to corporates and exporters directly, it will induce corporate sector to invest in the agri-ecosystem. This will also give farmers better access to modern technology and farmers will be benefited by it.

Why Farmers are protesting against Agriculture bill 2020 ?

The Price Assurance Bill doesn't prescribe any mechanism for price fixation. Thus there is a apprehension in farmers that free hand given to private corporate houses could lead to farmer's exploitation. The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Ordinance removes, pulses, oil seeds, edible oils, onion and potatoes from the essential commodities list. Thus the amendment deregulates the production, movement, storage and distribution of these food commodities.

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Agriculture Bill 2020 Essay

Repeal of Farm Bill: Farm bills 2020 were passed in the year 2020 and now the same has been repealed by the Government. The Farm Laws Repeal Bill 2021 which aimed to repealing the three farm laws passed on December 1, 2021. These farm bills repealed by the Government in view of the onging farmers' protests against these laws.

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Essay On Farm Bill 2020 In 250+ Words In English {Step by Step}

Essay On Farm Bill 2020 In 250+ Words In English {Step by Step Guide}

Hello Friend’s Jai Hind, In This Post “ Essay On Farm Bill 2020 “. we will read step by step about the Farm Bill as an Essay with an In-depth Analysis. this Essay On Farm Bill 2020 is an expected topic for all upcoming exams.

In this Post, We will read Two “Essay on Farm Bill”, One Is 300+ Words And the second is 2100+ Words.

Note:  Please read the full article and also share it with your friends. I need your support, my friends…

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Essay On Farm Bill 2020 In 300 Words | Farm Bill 2020 Essay

India is an agricultural country more than 70% of India’s population is directly or indirectly involved in agriculture-related work.

Due to the hard work of these farmers, we are able to sit and eat in peace. These farmers sustain the entire country but it is a sad truth that they are struggling with starvation .

Recently, the central government has passed new agricultural bills for the benefit of farmers and the agricultural sector.

Farmers and some state governments are opposing these agricultural bills . farmers across the country have protested against these bills by taking them to the streets.

The F arm bill 2020 or the agricultural bill 2020 is a combination of 3 bills recently passed by Parliament.

These bills have led to major structural changes in the agricultural sector .

These bills also encourage corporate investment in the agricultural ecosystem to make it more beneficial for farmers .

Farm bill 2020 provides an alternative platform for farmers to sell their produce in the open market. Now the farmer is free to sell his product to anyone else as their wishes.

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Thus, they can earn a profit by selling crop products at a higher price. there will be no APMC market fee or Cess on transactions for such business areas.

The current MSP -based procurement of food grains in agriculture bill 2020 has not been removed.

The MSP-based  procurement system will continue and farmers can sell their crop products in the mandi at the existing MSP like before.

This F arm bill does not prescribe any mechanism for pricing. Thus, there is a fear among farmers that the agricultural system in the hands of private corporate houses may lead to the exploitation of farmers .

Essential commodities Ordinance removes pulses, oil, edible oils, onions, and potatoes from the essential list. Thus the modification uncontrolled the production, transport, storage, and distribution of these food items.

Conclusion (Essay On Farm Bill 2020 In 300 Words)

It is the responsibility of the government to take the opinions of farmers and also of the states before passing such bills to ensure the betterment of farmers and to eliminate the loopholes in them.

Note: Now, we will read “ Essay On Farm Bill 2020 In 2100+ Words ” From Basic To Advance with In-Depth Analysis… It’s helpful for all Competitive Exams .

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Essay on Farm Bill 2020 In 2100+ Words

In 1947 , after getting Independence , the farmers used to sell their agricultural products directly to the consumer.

But due to the Zamindari system and other conditions, India’s maximum farmers had borrowed money from someone, On which moneylenders used to charge high interest  rates .

When the farmers were unable to pay this interest, then in such a situation Moneylenders used to buy farmers’ crops very cheaply.

So the next time the farmers needed a loan again to grow the crop , So it had become a cycle of ways in which the farmers were not able to get out, and their exploitation was happening.

To solve this problem of farmers’ exploitation , the government comes and brings the APMC act .

This act says that neither the farmers can sell their goods directly nor can any of them buy their goods directly.

All the sales will be through the mandi , which has been established through the APMC act . And the mandi will be run by State Government.

Let us now see that, which is the existing system of APMC , Which is the present model, how does this function work.

Every state government has its own APMC , The state divides it according to its area and each area has a special mandi market .

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If a trader has to take goods from the mandi, he has to acquire the license of that specific mandi. Similarly, the farmer of that specific area can sell his goods only in that mandi .

This system is required to sell or buy products in a specific mandi.

So if a trader has to buy goods from APMC , then before that, the license has to be acquired by APMC .

Let us now see how the goods are sold in the mandi , So there is auctioning for this. We divide the auction system into 2 parts ,

The first is the MSP system . MSP means minimum selling price , The Government of India decides this MSP .

There is no MSP for all crops, there are only 22 such crops for which the Government of India gives the minimum selling price.

Finally, MSP means that it cannot be auctioned below it.

The MSP will be your starting level from where the auction starts, the goods cannot be sold below it.

And the other system, except those 22 crops which are all the other things, sells through the price discovery system.

That means how much demand is there in that market, how much is supplied, price discovery is done on its basis.

So the goods are sold through the auction system , we can say goods are sold through the supply chain.

That means, the farmers who are growing the produce and coming to that product to the end customer, there are a lot of middlemen in the middle.

Which is being tried to be removed by the new farm bill 2020 .

So finally, we now understand the supply chain.

The farmers will take their produce to APMC , and the farmer will meet the commission agent there.

This commission agent will take forward this product to sell the goods to the trader, To discover its price.

This whole process is not transparent. After this, the Transaction Agent tells the farmers that your goods have been sold at this price.

Now this transaction agent, whoever farmer gets the value of his / her product, after that, takes at least 3% market fee from the farmers.

Now the final goods go to the trader, from the trader it goes to the wholesaler, to the retailer, and Many more vendors come, and finally, items come to the consumer.

By the time this production comes to the consumer, the difference in its cost is 50% . And at least 25% of the total product is spoiled.

If the consumer gets any goods in 50 rupees, then the actual farmer gets only 7-8 rupees, the rest of the money goes to the middle man. this is APMC’s existing system.

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In this, we see 2 flaws clearly.

The first drawback is who can become a trader,

Now the mandi which is in APMC’s control is under the control of the state government,

So many people say that the traders who are these are the same people who are close to the state government.

Only those who have a political connection can become traders.

And the second drawback is that there are so many middlemen between the farmer and the customer,

Due to which the consumer gets the final product at a much-inflated price, And the farmer has to sell his product at a very low price.

When the APMC act was enacted in 1963, its objective was to protect the farmers from exploitation.

But now, with the changing time, APMC’s own self has become the reason for exploitation. Because the APMC act talks about MSP.

But in a lot of situations, traders form a group and say that We will not buy goods from above MSP in a particular market.

Now think of the farmers, the products they produce are all raw material, If it is not sold in a limited time, it can be spoiled, Due to which its value decreases.

Finally, traders take advantage of this and they do not buy above the minimum support price, Due to which the farmers have to sell their goods at the minimum support price.

In order to increase the MSP, the farmers of different states did a lot of protests. There is no such thing as a regional MSP in our country.

Suppose, if we are growing rice in Gujarat then its farming cost will be different,

If we are growing rice in Punjab, then its farming cost will be different.

But the MSP for rice is the same in the whole country,

Meaning, Gujarat farmers can get a separate benefit for that, And Tamil Nadu farmers can get different benefits for that.

Therefore, in order to reform the existing structure of MSP, the farmers of different states made several protests.

Finally, the act of APMC has become the reason for exploitation and monopoly.

Even if we don’t think of bringing new farm bills Even then, there is a need for improvement in the APMC act over a period of time.

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In 1991, when the policy of (LPG) Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation has come.

At that time, the government had withdrawn its control from the maximum Indian industry, to create a free market and a free economy.

In the same manner, in the agriculture and farming industry, the government needs to reduce its control.

Definitely regulatory, a control mechanism is needed to ensure that the farmers are not exploited.

And this mechanism should be according to the needs of the 21st century.

For example… If the export is canceled then who will compensate for the cost, the farmer should not be exploited,

What if any trader buys goods under the MSP.

For example, this new system is coming through the new farm bill 2020 , some state has already adopted, Like Karnataka, Bihar, Maharashtra.

So they have brought new laws in view of the flaw of these systems, Like if a trader buys goods below the MSP, So how plenty will it be, What will be the remuneration for the farmer.

Lastly, the government needs to reduce its control of the agriculture and farming industries.x

Because the existing system is creating this monopoly, And monopoly is bad for any sector.

Because when there is a monopoly, there is no fair competition, Only a few people are able to take advantage of it, The Existing System talks about creating a monopoly.

Now, we will discuss whether the center had the power to make laws in this agriculture sector or not.

To understand it better, we will refer to the 7th Schedule.

There are 3 lists in the 7th schedule. List 1 is the center list in which law can be created by the center,

List 2 is the subject of the state, in which the state can form a law,

And List 3 is a concurrent list in which both center and state law can be made.

So agriculture comes in List 2, Entry 14 means that agriculture is part of the state list.

If we talk about strict division, then the power to make laws in the agricultural sector is only with the state and not with the center.

But this strict division has no meaning Because the article of Constitution 248 talks about the Residency Powers.

If there is any entry that is not present in these three lists, then this power will go to the center, it can make a law in that matter.

The second article is 249, which says that even if an entry is a part of the state list,

But if it comes to the national interest, then the center has the power that it can also make a law on the subject of the state list.

If you talk about entry 33 of the concurrent list, then it reduces the power to make laws in the agricultural sector of the state.

Entry 33 says that in the case of agriculture the center can also make law.

Strictly speaking center has the power to make laws in terms of agriculture.

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Why Farmer’s Protesting (Essay On Farm Bill 2020 In 2100 Words)

Now we discuss why there are so many protests in some states against farm bills , why are they revolting so much, what is the reason.

After independence, every state has its own development rate, not everyone has the same rate of development.

Therefore some states are called rich states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu states.

Some of the states fall under the category of Poor states.

Every state government acquires some funds for its state, Some of the funds are given by the center.

Let’s take a common matrix. Suppose all state and union territories give hundreds of rupees to the center,

Now the center manages all these funds, But he also has to redistribute these funds.

At the time of redistribution, the center favors the poor state more for their better development, at the same time the rich state gets fewer funds.

If for example, if you look at the data of 2017 when Maharashtra gave the center a hundred rupees, then in return it received 13 rupees from the center, Which was the least.

And Kerala got 52 rupees in return, and Bihar got the most 219 rupees.

This division between rich states and poor states is not only in India but also in many countries.

For example, if we talk about the US when New Jersey gives 100 $, then it gets 60 $ instead.

But to get 13 rupees by giving 100 rupees in India, this difference is very much,

These funds can be used by the State Government in the development of their state, in the development of the farmer.

You understood the whole background, now we talk on the basis of the state.

If we take the example of Punjab, then the Punjab government has to develop for its state.

So he can depend on 2 funds on state funds and funds given by the center.

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We have seen that whenever Punjab gives 100 rupees, it gets fewer funds from the center instead.

So he has to acquire funds from nowhere or anywhere for the development of his state. Now the state government takes some taxes on all the APMC in entire India.

These taxes are as high as 1% -8.5%. The Punjab mandi is the highest tax,

So the APMC of Punjab Government is charged on Mandi Tax, Rural Development Tax is levied, By adding different taxes, Punjab Government collects 8% -8.5% tax as Mandi Tax.

And lastly, the entire tax has come to the state government, The government has the option that in-state development, it can use it with the purpose of rural development.

Now we understand the problem, Mandi tax was used by the APMC which is with the state government.

Which is our current system, now these new farm bills are coming, they are talking about the new ecosystem,

Talking about a parallel system. Wherever whatever tax was coming from APMC, it was going directly to the Punjab Government.

This new Farm bill is coming, it will not remain in the control of the state government.

According to the data of the National Crime Report Bureau ( NCRB) In 2018,

there were 134000 suicides in the country of which 7% were done by suicide farmers which is close to 10,000.

This shows that the farmer in the country is not happy.

Along with this, in 2015, Shanta Kumar Committee was formed to bring the reforms to the Food Corporation.

This committee brought out an amazing finding, they said that only 6% of the country’s farmers are those who are taking benefit of MSP And 94% of the farmers are those who are unable to take benefit of MSP.

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Conclusion (Essay On Farm Bill In 2100+ Words)

So, due to the entire discussion of the farm bill , if the attention of the country has come to Farmer Reform and Farmer Welfare,

Then this thing should not be stopped only to Farm Bills , Talk about education also because the farmer does not know about the MSP.

What is the government doing for farmer’s education? With this, these 3 bills that have come, these are new, there are so many old laws that act against the farmer’s interest, such as the land acquisition act, etc. There are many laws that are not beneficial for the farmer.

If you liked this Essay On Farm Bill 2020 You will definitely share this with your friends because there should be necessary to talk about the reform of the farmers in the country.

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We need to pass U.S. Farm Bill, but we can't undermine it with harmful patent legislation

During the past few months, I have had the privilege of “sitting on the wagon tongue” and visiting with farmers, ranchers, growers and agri-business regarding the obvious need for Congress to pass a new farm bill.

Normally, members of the Senate and House put aside differences, knowing a farm bill provides certainty and predictability to farmers, ranchers, and growers and the means to overcome the inflationary challenges they have faced in recent years.

Unfortunately, that is not the case today. Against the backdrop of partisan ideology, progress in the House has stymied.

It is obviously important to get good legislation passed, and I hope Congress will break the current partisan and ideological logjam around the farm bill. But, it is also very important to prevent bad legislation from passing.

While Congress works to promote economic growth across rural America through the Farm Bill, it should not undermine that good work by passing other legislation that will harm American farmers. Another bill, the Patent Eligibility Restoration Act (PERA) has flown under the radar but could devastate family farming operations.

PERA, a paradigm-shifting piece of patent legislation, is quietly being considered in the halls of Congress. Most people do not think about how patents affect their lives, but rewriting the foundational principles of patent law would have dire consequences for every sector of the economy, including agriculture.

Patents are crucial for incentivizing innovation. If anyone could come along and copy an idea without compensating the inventor, the incentive to innovate would vanish.

As important as patent protections are, laws must balance what innovations are eligible to be patented. If eligibility is too narrow, we miss out on incentives to innovate in key areas. If patent eligibility is too broad, however, it will introduce more waste, inefficiency, and abuse into our intellectual property system. PERA would do the latter, resulting in less innovation and small businesses, manufacturers, and farmers falling victim to predatory lawsuits.

United States patent eligibility has long-established guardrails requiring that patented technology be useful, novel, and nonobvious. Among the areas that cannot be patented — for good reason — are laws of nature, natural phenomena and abstract ideas.

Advocates for PERA argue that these guardrails are holding the United States back in the global innovation race. In reality, the legislation would upend the patent system, distort productive incentives and open the floodgates for low-quality patents to impede economic growth and innovation.

PERA would allow the everyday practices of farmers and ranchers to be patented. For example, someone could patent the process of using equipment to milk dairy cows or utilizing drones to survey fields.

Farmers across the country would then be vulnerable to a flood of predatory patent litigation demanding payment for infringing on everyday practices, whether it be taking biosecurity measures to protect poultry flocks, using machinery to harvest crops, or even providing adequate water to cattle.

It is a Pandora’s box of unintended consequences and shell companies, known as patent trolls, are primed to take advantage.

Patent trolls make money through litigation. They purchase patents and use them in mass lawsuit campaigns. Patent trolls have been known to sue hundreds of businesses at a time. Imagine the havoc they could wreak on small farmers with the low-quality patents that PERA would allow.

Family farmers already have their backs against the wall as they deal with high costs. They can’t afford to settle for tens of thousands of dollars, or more, to protect themselves against ridiculous accusations. It is absurd that basic farming techniques could be patented. Common sense and cooler heads must put a stop to this legislation.

Pat Roberts has served as chairman of the House and Senate Agriculture Committees, during his 40-year career in the U.S. Congress, ending in 2021.

Gov. Reynolds Signs Foreign Ownership of Land Bill into Law

• Tuesday, April 9, 2024
• Press Release

Today, Governor Kim Reynolds signed SF 2204 into law, a bill for an act relating to interests in agricultural land acquired or held by foreign businesses, foreign governments, or nonresident aliens, or by agents, trustees, or fiduciaries thereof, by providing for registration and reporting requirements, providing for enforcement, and providing penalties. 

“Iowa’s laws on foreign ownership of land have long been recognized as some of the strongest in the nation, with other states looking to us when crafting their own policies. Yet, in the decades since we first addressed this issue, adversaries like China have grown significantly more aggressive on the world stage, constantly looking for any opening to assert themselves at the expense of our country. One all-too-common weapon in this battle is the purchase of American farmland. 

“Our state’s fertile soil and unmatched production capacity make us a natural target for this strategy. Our farm families produce 10 percent of the nation’s food supply and Iowa ranks as America’s top producer of biofuels. That makes us a natural leader in the race to stave off the evolving threat to American agriculture. When Iowa speaks, the country listens. And with this bill our message is unmistakable: American soil belongs in American hands.” 

Other Papers Say: Emphasize law enforcement

The following editorial originally appeared in The Seattle Times:

A recent spate of horrendous collisions and nose-thumbing at rules should prompt serious thinking around the laudable state and local goals of no traffic deaths in six years.

It’s not always the roads. Sometimes it’s the drivers.

And, as with so many other signs of societal stress, it comes down to a lack of law enforcement and weak consequences for behaviors that put the entire community at risk.

Consider the case of 18-year-old Chase Daniel Jones, charged with four counts of vehicular homicide after he drove his Audi A4 at 112 mph into a Renton intersection on March 19, killing Andrea Hudson, 38, along with three children of close friends who were passengers in her car: Boyd Buster Brown, 12; Matilda Wilcoxson, 13; and Eloise Wilcoxson, 12. Two of Hudson’s children were severely injured and were hospitalized in intensive care.

It was the third vehicle Jones totaled in a crash involving excessive speed in less than a year, according to charging documents filed by the King County Prosecutor.

Then there is Miles Hudson, aka “Belltown Hellcat,”recently charged by the Seattle City Attorney’s Office with of reckless driving stemming from a video Hudson posted that showed a driver racing another car at speeds up to 107 mph.

As Seattle Times reporter Paige Cornwell noted: “Hudson said he considers himself an Instagram influencer. In one video, which has 6.6 million views, the driver films himself behind the wheel and says it’s 2 a.m., then revs the engine multiple times. He told the officer who pulled him over last week that he was going to continue and that the money he made filming videos had paid for the car.”

WSDOT’s Target Zero campaign to reduce traffic fatalities to zero by 2030 is a “data-driven, long-term plan to identify priorities and solutions, create goals and develop a common understanding among the agencies working to keep Washingtonians safe.”

Speaking of data, let’s look at Seattle Police Department statistics for “Computer-Aided Dispatch” events — all activities that draw cops’ attention.

There were 92,101 traffic-related incidents in 2019. Last year, that dropped to 42,569 — a reduction of more than half.

This is, of course, a direct function of fewer cops. Since 2019, more than 700 officers have left SPD. As of January, SPD had only 913 deployable officers, the lowest level since the 1990s. And the city’s population boomed in the same period.

In a December report, the Washington Association of Sheriffs and Police Chiefs noted the per capita rate of law enforcement officers statewide fell to 1.3 per thousand — the lowest ever recorded, again. For over a dozen years, Washington has had the nation’s fewest law enforcement officers per capita.

So, yes, we need to build safer roads. But unless we pay just as much attention to who is — and who should not be — driving on them, needless deaths will surely continue.

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The Supreme Court Got It Wrong: Abortion Is Not Settled Law

By Melissa Murray and Kate Shaw

Ms. Murray is a law professor at New York University. Ms. Shaw is a contributing Opinion writer.

In his majority opinion in the case overturning Roe v. Wade, Justice Samuel Alito insisted that the high court was finally settling the vexed abortion debate by returning the “authority to regulate abortion” to the “people and their elected representatives.”

Despite these assurances, less than two years after Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, abortion is back at the Supreme Court. In the next month, the justices will hear arguments in two high-stakes cases that may shape the future of access to medication abortion and to lifesaving care for pregnancy emergencies. These cases make clear that Dobbs did not settle the question of abortion in America — instead, it generated a new slate of questions. One of those questions involves the interaction of existing legal rules with the concept of fetal personhood — the view, held by many in the anti-abortion movement, that a fetus is a person entitled to the same rights and protections as any other person.

The first case , scheduled for argument on Tuesday, F.D.A. v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, is a challenge to the Food and Drug Administration’s protocols for approving and regulating mifepristone, one of the two drugs used for medication abortions. An anti-abortion physicians’ group argues that the F.D.A. acted unlawfully when it relaxed existing restrictions on the use and distribution of mifepristone in 2016 and 2021. In 2016, the agency implemented changes that allowed the use of mifepristone up to 10 weeks of pregnancy, rather than seven; reduced the number of required in-person visits for dispensing the drug from three to one; and allowed the drug to be prescribed by individuals like nurse practitioners. In 2021, it eliminated the in-person visit requirement, clearing the way for the drug to be dispensed by mail. The physicians’ group has urged the court to throw out those regulations and reinstate the previous, more restrictive regulations surrounding the drug — a ruling that could affect access to the drug in every state, regardless of the state’s abortion politics.

The second case, scheduled for argument on April 24, involves the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act (known by doctors and health policymakers as EMTALA ), which requires federally funded hospitals to provide patients, including pregnant patients, with stabilizing care or transfer to a hospital that can provide such care. At issue is the law’s interaction with state laws that severely restrict abortion, like an Idaho law that bans abortion except in cases of rape or incest and circumstances where abortion is “necessary to prevent the death of the pregnant woman.”

Although the Idaho law limits the provision of abortion care to circumstances where death is imminent, the federal government argues that under EMTALA and basic principles of federal supremacy, pregnant patients experiencing emergencies at federally funded hospitals in Idaho are entitled to abortion care, even if they are not in danger of imminent death.

These cases may be framed in the technical jargon of administrative law and federal pre-emption doctrine, but both cases involve incredibly high-stakes issues for the lives and health of pregnant persons — and offer the court an opportunity to shape the landscape of abortion access in the post-Roe era.

These two cases may also give the court a chance to seed new ground for fetal personhood. Woven throughout both cases are arguments that gesture toward the view that a fetus is a person.

If that is the case, the legal rules that would typically hold sway in these cases might not apply. If these questions must account for the rights and entitlements of the fetus, the entire calculus is upended.

In this new scenario, the issue is not simply whether EMTALA’s protections for pregnant patients pre-empt Idaho’s abortion ban, but rather which set of interests — the patient’s or the fetus’s — should be prioritized in the contest between state and federal law. Likewise, the analysis of F.D.A. regulatory protocols is entirely different if one of the arguments is that the drug to be regulated may be used to end a life.

Neither case presents the justices with a clear opportunity to endorse the notion of fetal personhood — but such claims are lurking beneath the surface. The Idaho abortion ban is called the Defense of Life Act, and in its first bill introduced in 2024, the Idaho Legislature proposed replacing the term “fetus” with “preborn child” in existing Idaho law. In its briefs before the court, Idaho continues to beat the drum of fetal personhood, insisting that EMTALA protects the unborn — rather than pregnant women who need abortions during health emergencies.

According to the state, nothing in EMTALA imposes an obligation to provide stabilizing abortion care for pregnant women. Rather, the law “actually requires stabilizing treatment for the unborn children of pregnant women.” In the mifepristone case, advocates referred to fetuses as “unborn children,” while the district judge in Texas who invalidated F.D.A. approval of the drug described it as one that “starves the unborn human until death.”

Fetal personhood language is in ascent throughout the country. In a recent decision , the Alabama Supreme Court allowed a wrongful-death suit for the destruction of frozen embryos intended for in vitro fertilization, or I.V.F. — embryos that the court characterized as “extrauterine children.”

Less discussed but as worrisome is a recent oral argument at the Florida Supreme Court concerning a proposed ballot initiative intended to enshrine a right to reproductive freedom in the state’s Constitution. In considering the proposed initiative, the chief justice of the state Supreme Court repeatedly peppered Nathan Forrester, the senior deputy solicitor general who was representing the state, with questions about whether the state recognized the fetus as a person under the Florida Constitution. The point was plain: If the fetus was a person, then the proposed ballot initiative, and its protections for reproductive rights, would change the fetus’s rights under the law, raising constitutional questions.

As these cases make clear, the drive toward fetal personhood goes beyond simply recasting abortion as homicide. If the fetus is a person, any act that involves reproduction may implicate fetal rights. Fetal personhood thus has strong potential to raise questions about access to abortion, contraception and various forms of assisted reproductive technology, including I.V.F.

In response to the shifting landscape of reproductive rights, President Biden has pledged to “restore Roe v. Wade as the law of the land.” Roe and its successor, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, were far from perfect; they afforded states significant leeway to impose onerous restrictions on abortion, making meaningful access an empty promise for many women and families of limited means. But the two decisions reflected a constitutional vision that, at least in theory, protected the liberty to make certain intimate choices — including choices surrounding if, when and how to become a parent.

Under the logic of Roe and Casey, the enforceability of EMTALA, the F.D.A.’s power to regulate mifepristone and access to I.V.F. weren’t in question. But in the post-Dobbs landscape, all bets are off. We no longer live in a world in which a shared conception of constitutional liberty makes a ban on I.V.F. or certain forms of contraception beyond the pale.

Melissa Murray, a law professor at New York University and a host of the Supreme Court podcast “ Strict Scrutiny ,” is a co-author of “ The Trump Indictments : The Historic Charging Documents With Commentary.”

Kate Shaw is a contributing Opinion writer, a professor of law at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School and a host of the Supreme Court podcast “Strict Scrutiny.” She served as a law clerk to Justice John Paul Stevens and Judge Richard Posner.

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Panama Papers: trial begins of 27 Mossack Fonseca employees

Law firm’s founders among those to face money laundering charges after leak of 11.5m files in 2016

A criminal trial of 27 employees working for the law firm at the heart of the Panama Papers on money laundering charges has commenced in a Panamanian court.

Eight years ago, leaked financial records from the law firm Mossack Fonseca sparked international outrage at the use of offshore companies by wealthy individuals to commit tax fraud and hide assets.

In 2016, files from Mossack Fonseca were leaked to reporters at the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung and shared with the US-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. Reporters from more than 100 media organisations, including the Guardian, collaborated to investigate the 11.5m files.

The firm’s founders, Jürgen Mossack and Ramón Fonseca Mora, are among those facing charges. They have previously denied any allegations against them, arguing that they had no control over the offshore companies that the firm set up for its clients. If convicted, they reportedly face up to 12 years in prison.

According to the Associated Press , Mossack attended the hearing to declare his innocence, telling reporters outside the courtroom that he was “very optimistic”. A representative for Fonseca told the court that his client was in hospital.

Battered by international criticism, Panama adopted new legislation modernising the country’s legal definition of money laundering in 2019. Aspects of the charges against the Mossack Fonseca employees concern activities predating the change in the law, which could complicate prosecutors’ attempts to convict them, according to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists .

Panama’s supreme court previously ruled that creating shell companies used for tax fraud could not be considered a crime if the companies in question were created prior to 2019.

Mossack and Fonseca were both acquitted of separate charges two years ago after a judge directed that the firm did not handle or attempt to hide money stolen from Brazil as part of a major corruption scandal involving the state oil company codenamed Lava Jato or the Car Wash.

Offshore companies linked more than 100 politicians from around the world, including 12 national leaders, were discovered by journalists analysing the Panama Papers. They included $2bn in an offshore company belonging to the Russian cellist Sergei Roldugin, the friend of the President Vladimir Putin.

Nawaz Sharif , then prime minister of Pakistan, and Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson , prime minister of Iceland, were both forced from office amid public fury at hidden offshore wealth connected to their families.

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Sharif was disqualified from office and sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment by the Pakistani supreme court after reporters discovered undeclared real estate secretly owned by his family through offshore companies. Gunnlaugsson was forced to resign after it was revealed that he had never declared his family’s ownership of an offshore company with a $1m claim against one of Iceland’s failed banks.

After publication of the Panama Papers investigation, countries around the world initiated proceedings to recover unpaid taxes that had been hidden using offshore companies. By 2021 more than $1.36bn in fines and penalties for unpaid taxes were said to have been recovered by exchequers around the world, including $253m recovered by HMRC in the UK.

• Panama Papers

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