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Social Worker Interventions in Situations of Domestic Violence: What We Can Learn from Survivors' Personal Narratives?

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June Keeling, Katherine van Wormer, Social Worker Interventions in Situations of Domestic Violence: What We Can Learn from Survivors' Personal Narratives?, The British Journal of Social Work , Volume 42, Issue 7, October 2012, Pages 1354–1370, https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcr137

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Social workers are an integral provider in the statutory support offered to women experiencing domestic violence. This paper uses information obtained from women's personal narratives to examine this social worker–client relationship in situations of domestic violence. Embracing a feminist standpoint epistemology and focusing on the women's experiences, it is evident that many of the women expressed dissatisfaction with the way they were treated by social workers. Threats to remove the children from the home and victim blaming were among the tactics described. The parallel between such reported forms of coercion employed by social workers and those used by the abuser are striking. The findings suggest a lack of a favourable climate to ensure the safety of the woman and her family through the provision of family-centred care and a need to build more effective and supportive relationships with women experiencing domestic violence. Implications for social work practice are also discussed.

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• Published: 20 June 2023

A qualitative quantitative mixed methods study of domestic violence against women

• Mina Shayestefar 1 ,
• Mohadese Saffari 1 ,
• Razieh Gholamhosseinzadeh 2 ,
• Monir Nobahar 3 , 4 ,
• Majid Mirmohammadkhani 4 ,
• Seyed Hossein Shahcheragh 5 &
• Zahra Khosravi 6  

BMC Women's Health volume  23 , Article number:  322 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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Violence against women is one of the most widespread, persistent and detrimental violations of human rights in today’s world, which has not been reported in most cases due to impunity, silence, stigma and shame, even in the age of social communication. Domestic violence against women harms individuals, families, and society. The objective of this study was to investigate the prevalence and experiences of domestic violence against women in Semnan.

This study was conducted as mixed research (cross-sectional descriptive and phenomenological qualitative methods) to investigate domestic violence against women, and some related factors (quantitative) and experiences of such violence (qualitative) simultaneously in Semnan. In quantitative study, cluster sampling was conducted based on the areas covered by health centers from married women living in Semnan since March 2021 to March 2022 using Domestic Violence Questionnaire. Then, the obtained data were analyzed by descriptive and inferential statistics. In qualitative study by phenomenological approach and purposive sampling until data saturation, 9 women were selected who had referred to the counseling units of Semnan health centers due to domestic violence, since March 2021 to March 2022 and in-depth and semi-structured interviews were conducted. The conducted interviews were analyzed using Colaizzi’s 7-step method.

In qualitative study, seven themes were found including “Facilitators”, “Role failure”, “Repressors”, “Efforts to preserve the family”, “Inappropriate solving of family conflicts”, “Consequences”, and “Inefficient supportive systems”. In quantitative study, the variables of age, age difference and number of years of marriage had a positive and significant relationship, and the variable of the number of children had a negative and significant relationship with the total score and all fields of the questionnaire (p < 0.05). Also, increasing the level of female education and income both independently showed a significant relationship with increasing the score of violence.

Conclusions

Some of the variables of violence against women are known and the need for prevention and plans to take action before their occurrence is well felt. Also, supportive mechanisms with objective and taboo-breaking results should be implemented to minimize harm to women, and their children and families seriously.

Peer Review reports

Violence against women by husbands (physical, sexual and psychological violence) is one of the basic problems of public health and violation of women’s human rights. It is estimated that 35% of women and almost one out of every three women aged 15–49 experience physical or sexual violence by their spouse or non-spouse sexual violence in their lifetime [ 1 ]. This is a nationwide public health issue, and nearly every healthcare worker will encounter a patient who has suffered from some type of domestic or family violence. Unfortunately, different forms of family violence are often interconnected. The “cycle of abuse” frequently persists from children who witness it to their adult relationships, and ultimately to the care of the elderly [ 2 ]. This violence includes a range of physical, sexual and psychological actions, control, threats, aggression, abuse, and rape [ 3 ].

Violence against women is one of the most widespread, persistent, and detrimental violations of human rights in today’s world, which has not been reported in most cases due to impunity, silence, stigma and shame, even in the age of social communication [ 3 ]. In the United States of America, more than one in three women (35.6%) experience rape, physical violence, and intimate partner violence (IPV) during their lifetime. Compared to men, women are nearly twice as likely (13.8% vs. 24.3%) to experience severe physical violence such as choking, burns, and threats with knives or guns [ 4 ]. The higher prevalence of violence against women can be due to the situational deprivation of women in patriarchal societies [ 5 ]. The prevalence of domestic violence in Iran reported 22.9%. The maximum of prevalence estimated in Tehran and Zahedan, respectively [ 6 ]. Currently, Iran has high levels of violence against women, and the provinces with the highest rates of unemployment and poverty also have the highest levels of violence against women [ 7 ].

Domestic violence against women harms individuals, families, and society [ 8 ]. Violence against women leads to physical, sexual, psychological harm or suffering, including threats, coercion and arbitrary deprivation of their freedom in public and private life. Also, such violence is associated with harmful effects on women’s sexual reproductive health, including sexually transmitted infection such as Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), abortion, unsafe childbirth, and risky sexual behaviors [ 9 ]. There are high levels of psychological, sexual and physical domestic abuse among pregnant women [ 10 ]. Also, women with postpartum depression are significantly more likely to experience domestic violence during pregnancy [ 11 ].

Prompt attention to women’s health and rights at all levels is necessary, which reduces this problem and its risk factors [ 12 ]. Because women prefer to remain silent about domestic violence and there is a need to introduce immediate prevention programs to end domestic violence [ 13 ]. violence against women, which is an important public health problem, and concerns about human rights require careful study and the application of appropriate policies [ 14 ]. Also, the efforts to change the circumstances in which women face domestic violence remain significantly insufficient [ 15 ]. Given that few clear studies on violence against women and at the same time interviews with these people regarding their life experiences are available, the authors attempted to planning this research aims to investigate the prevalence and experiences of domestic violence against women in Semnan with the research question of “What is the prevalence of domestic violence against women in Semnan, and what are their experiences of such violence?”, so that their results can be used in part of the future planning in the health system of the society.

This study is a combination of cross-sectional and phenomenology studies in order to investigate the amount of domestic violence against women and some related factors (quantitative) and their experience of this violence (qualitative) simultaneously in the Semnan city. This study has been approved by the ethics committee of Semnan University of Medical Sciences with ethic code of IR.SEMUMS.REC.1397.182. The researcher introduced herself to the research participants, explained the purpose of the study, and then obtained informed written consent. It was assured to the research units that the collected information will be anonymous and kept confidential. The participants were informed that participation in the study was entirely voluntary, so they can withdraw from the study at any time with confidence. The participants were notified that more than one interview session may be necessary. To increase the trustworthiness of the study, Guba and Lincoln’s criteria for rigor, including credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability [ 16 ], were applied throughout the research process. The COREQ checklist was used to assess the present study quality. The researchers used observational notes for reflexivity and it preserved in all phases of this qualitative research process.

Qualitative method

Based on the phenomenological approach and with the purposeful sampling method, nine women who had referred to the counseling units of healthcare centers in Semnan city due to domestic violence in February 2021 to March 2022 were participated in the present study. The inclusion criteria for the study included marriage, a history of visiting a health center consultant due to domestic violence, and consent to participate in the study and unwillingness to participate in the study was the exclusion criteria. Each participant invited to the study by a telephone conversation about study aims and researcher information. The interviews place selected through agreement of the participant and the researcher and a place with the least environmental disturbance. Before starting each interview, the informed consent and all of the ethical considerations, including the purpose of the research, voluntary participation, confidentiality of the information were completely explained and they were asked to sign the written consent form. The participants were interviewed by depth, semi-structured and face-to-face interviews based on the main research question. Interviews were conducted by a female health services researcher with a background in nursing (M.Sh.). Data collection was continued until the data saturation and no new data appeared. Only the participants and the researcher were present during the interviews. All interviews were recorded by a MP3 Player by permission of the participants before starting. Interviews were not repeated. No additional field notes were taken during or after the interview.

The age range of the participants was from 38 to 55 years and their average age was 40 years. The sociodemographic characteristics of the participants are summarized in table below (Table  1 ).

Five interviews in the courtyards of healthcare centers, 2 interviews in the park, and 2 interviews at the participants’ homes were conducted. The duration of the interviews varied from 45 min to one hour. The main research question was “What is your experience about domestic violence?“. According to the research progress some other questions were asked in line with the main question of the research.

The conducted interviews were analyzed by using the 7 steps Colizzi’s method [ 17 ]. In order to empathize with the participants, each interview was read several times and transcribed. Then two researchers (M.Sh. and M.N.) extracted the phrases that were directly related to the phenomenon of domestic violence against women independently and distinguished from other sentences by underlining them. Then these codes were organized into thematic clusters and the formulated concepts were sorted into specific thematic categories.

In the final stage, in order to make the data reliable, the researcher again referred to 2 participants and checked their agreement with their perceptions of the content. Also, possible important contents were discussed and clarified, and in this way, agreement and approval of the samples was obtained.

Quantitative method

The cross-sectional study was implemented from February 2021 to March 2022 with cluster sampling of married women in areas of 3 healthcare centers in Semnan city. Those participants who were married and agreed with the written and verbal informed consent about the ethical considerations were included to the study. The questionnaire was completed by the participants in paper and online form.

The instrument was the standard questionnaire of domestic violence against women by Mohseni Tabrizi et al. [ 18 ]. In the questionnaire, questions 1–10, 11–36, 37–65 and 66–71 related to sociodemographic information, types of spousal abuse (psychological, economical, physical and sexual violence), patriarchal beliefs and traditions and family upbringing and learning violence, respectively. In total, this questionnaire has 71 items.

The scoring of the questionnaire has two parts and the answers to them are based on the Likert scale. Questions 11–36 and 66–71 are answered with always [ 4 ] to never (0) and questions 37–65 with completely agree [ 4 ] to completely disagree (0). The minimum and maximum score is 0 and 300, respectively. The total score of 0–60, 61–120 and higher than 121 demonstrates low, moderate and severe domestic violence against women, respectively [ 18 ].

In the study by Tabrizi et al., to evaluate the validity and reliability of this questionnaire, researchers tried to measure the face validity of the scale by the previous research. Those items and questions which their accuracies were confirmed by social science professors and experts used in the research, finally. The total Cronbach’s alpha coefficient was 0.183, which confirmed that the reliability of the questions and items of the questionnaire is sufficient [ 18 ].

Descriptive data were reported using mean, standard deviation, frequency and percentage. Then, to measure the relationship between the variables, χ2 and Pearson tests also variance and regression analysis were performed. All analysis were performed by using SPSS version 26 and the significance level was considered as p < 0.05.

Qualitative results

According to the third step of Colaizzi’s 7-step method, the researcher attempted to conceptualize and formulate the extracted meanings. In this step, the primary codes were extracted from the important sentences related to the phenomenon of violence against women, which were marked by underlining, which are shown below as examples of this stage and coding.

The primary code of indifference to the father’s role was extracted from the following sentences. This is indifference in the role of the father in front of the children.

“Some time ago, I told him that our daughter is single-sided deaf. She has a doctor’s appointment; I have to take her to the doctor. He said that I don’t have money to give you. He doesn’t force himself to make money anyway” (p 2, 33 yrs).

“He didn’t value his own children. He didn’t think about his older children” (p 4, 54 yrs).

The primary code extracted here included lack of commitment in the role of head of the household. This is irresponsibility towards the family and meeting their needs.

“My husband was fired from work after 10 years due to disorder and laziness. Since then, he has not found a suitable job. Every time he went to work, he was fired after a month because of laziness” (p 7, 55 yrs).

“In the evening, he used to get dressed and go out, and he didn’t come back until late. Some nights, I was so afraid of being alone that I put a knife under my pillow when I slept” (p 2, 33 yrs).

A total of 246 primary codes were extracted from the interviews in the third step. In the fourth step, the researchers put the formulated concepts (primary codes) into 85 specific sub-categories.

Twenty-three categories were extracted from 85 sub-categories. In the sixth step, the concepts of the fifth step were integrated and formed seven themes (Table  2 ).

These themes included “Facilitators”, “Role failure”, “Repressors”, “Efforts to preserve the family”, “Inappropriate solving of family conflicts”, “Consequences”, and “Inefficient supportive systems” (Fig.  1 ).

Themes of domestic violence against women

Some of the statements of the participants on the theme of “ Facilitators” are listed below:

Husband’s criminal record

“He got his death sentence for drugs. But, at last it was ended for 10 years” (p 4, 54 yrs).

Inappropriate age for marriage

“At the age of thirteen, I married a boy who was 25 years old” (p 8, 25 yrs).

“My first husband obeyed her parents. I was 12–13 years old” (p 3, 32 yrs).

“I couldn’t do anything. I was humiliated” (p 1, 38 yrs).

“A bridegroom came. The mother was against. She said, I am young. My older sister is not married yet, but I was eager to get married. I don’t know, maybe my father’s house was boring for me” (p 2, 33 yrs).

“My parents used to argue badly. They blamed each other and I always wanted to run away from these arguments. I didn’t have the patience to talk to mom or dad and calm them down” (p 5, 39 yrs).

Overdependence

“My husband’s parents don’t stop interfering, but my husband doesn’t say anything because he is a student of his father. My husband is self-employed and works with his father on a truck” (p 8, 25 yrs).

“Every time I argue with my husband because of lack of money, my mother-in-law supported her son and brought him up very spoiled and lazy” (p 7, 55 yrs).

Bitter memories

“After three years, my mother married her friend with my uncle’s insistence and went to Shiraz. But, his condition was that she did not have the right to bring his daughter with her. In fact, my mother also got married out of necessity” (p 8, 25 yrs).

Some of their other statements related to “ Role failure” are mentioned below:

Lack of commitment to different roles

“I got angry several times and went to my father’s house because of my husband’s bad financial status and the fact that he doesn’t feel responsible to work and always says that he cannot find a job” (p 6, 48 yrs).

“I saw that he does not want to change in any way” (p 4, 54 yrs).

“No matter how kind I am, it does not work” (p 1, 38 yrs).

Some of their other statements regarding “ Repressors” are listed below:

Fear and silence

“My mother always forced me to continue living with my husband. Finally, my father had been poor. She all said that you didn’t listen to me when you wanted to get married, so you don’t have the right to get angry and come to me, I’m miserable enough” (p 2, 33 yrs).

“Because I suffered a lot in my first marital life. I was very humiliated. I said I would be fine with that. To be kind” (p1, 38 yrs).

“Well, I tell myself that he gets angry sometimes” (p 3, 32 yrs).

Shame from society

“I don’t want my daughter-in-law to know. She is not a relative” (p 4, 54 yrs).

Some of the statements of the participants regarding the theme of “ Efforts to preserve the family” are listed below:

Hope and trust

“I always hope in God and I am patient” (p 2, 33 yrs).

Efforts for children

“My divorce took a month. We got a divorce. I forgave my dowry and took my children instead” (p 2, 33 yrs).

Some of their other statements regarding the “ Inappropriate solving of family conflicts” are listed below:

Child-bearing thoughts

“My husband wanted to take me to a doctor to treat me. But my father-in-law refused and said that instead of doing this and spending money, marry again. Marriage in the clans was much easier than any other work” (p 8, 25 yrs).

Lack of effective communication

“I was nervous about him, but I didn’t say anything” (p 5, 39 yrs).

“Now I am satisfied with my life and thank God it is better to listen to people’s words. Now there is someone above me so that people don’t talk behind me” (p 2, 33 yrs).

Some of their other statements regarding the “ Consequences” are listed below:

Harm to children

“My eldest daughter, who was about 7–8 years old, behaved differently. Oh, I was angry. My children are mentally depressed and argue” (p 5, 39 yrs).

After divorce

“Even though I got a divorce, my mother and I came to a remote area due to the fear of what my family would say” (p 2, 33 yrs).

Social harm

“I work at a retirement center for living expenses” (p 2, 33 yrs).

“I had to go to clean the houses” (p 5, 39 yrs).

Non-acceptance in the family

“The children’s relationship with their father became bad. Because every time they saw their father sitting at home smoking, they got angry” (p 7, 55 yrs).

Emotional harm

“When I look back, I regret why I was not careful in my choice” (p 7, 55 yrs).

“I felt very bad. For being married to a man who is not bound by the family and is capricious” (p 9, 36 yrs).

Some of their other statements regarding “ Inefficient supportive systems” are listed below:

Inappropriate family support

“We didn’t have children. I was at my father’s house for about a month. After a month, when I came home, I saw that my husband had married again. I cried a lot that day. He said, God, I had to. I love you. My heart is broken, I have no one to share my words” (p 8, 25 yrs).

“My brother-in-law was like himself. His parents had also died. His sister did not listen at all” (p 4, 54 yrs).

“I didn’t have anyone and I was alone” (p 1, 38 yrs).

Inefficiency of social systems

“That day he argued with me, picked me up and threw me down some stairs in the middle of the yard. He came closer, sat on my stomach, grabbed my neck with both of his hands and wanted to strangle me. Until a long time later, I had kidney problems and my neck was bruised by her hand. Given that my aunt and her family were with us in a building, but she had no desire to testify and was afraid” (p 3, 32 yrs).

Undesired training and advice

“I told my mother, you just said no, how old I was? You never insisted on me and you didn’t listen to me that this man is not good for you” (p 9, 36 yrs).

Quantitative results

In the present study, 376 married women living in Semnan city participated in this study. The mean age of participants was 38.52 ± 10.38 years. The youngest participant was 18 and the oldest was 73 years old. The maximum age difference was 16 years. The years of marriage varied from one year to 40 years. Also, the number of children varied from no children to 7. The majority of them had 2 children (109, 29%). The sociodemographic characteristics of the participants are summarized in the table below (Table  3 ).

The frequency distribution (number and percentage) of the participants in terms of the level of violence was as follows. 89 participants (23.7%) had experienced low violence, 59 participants (15.7%) had experienced moderate violence, and 228 participants (60.6%) had experienced severe violence.

Cronbach’s alpha for the reliability of the questionnaire was 0.988. The mean and standard deviation of the total score of the questionnaire was 143.60 ± 74.70 with a range of 3-244. The relationship between the total score of the questionnaire and its fields, and some demographic variables is summarized in the table below (Table  4 ).

As shown in the table above, the variables of age, age difference and number of years of marriage have a positive and significant relationship, and the variable of number of children has a negative and significant relationship with the total score and all fields of the questionnaire (p < 0.05). However, the variable of education level difference showed no significant relationship with the total score and any of the fields. Also, the highest average score is related to patriarchal beliefs compared to other fields.

The comparison of the average total scores separately according to each variable showed the significant average difference in the variables of the previous marriage history of the woman, the result of the previous marriage of the woman, the education of the woman, the education of the man, the income of the woman, the income of the man, and the physical disease of the man (p < 0.05).

In the regression model, two variables remained in the final model, indicating the relationship between the variables and violence score and the importance of these two variables. An increase in women’s education and income level both independently show a significant relationship with an increase in violence score (Table  5 ).

The results of analysis of variance to compare the scores of each field of violence in the subgroups of the participants also showed that the experience and result of the woman’s previous marriage has a significant relationship with physical violence and tradition and family upbringing, the experience of the man’s previous marriage has a significant relationship with patriarchal belief, the education level of the woman has a significant relationship with all fields and the level of education of the man has a significant relationship with all fields except tradition and family upbringing (p < 0.05).

According to the results of both quantitative and qualitative studies, variables such as the young age of the woman and a large age difference are very important factors leading to an increase in violence. At a younger age, girls are afraid of the stigma of society and family, and being forced to remain silent can lead to an increase in domestic violence. As Gandhi et al. (2021) stated in their study in the same field, a lower marriage age leads to many vulnerabilities in women. Early marriage is a global problem associated with a wide range of health and social consequences, including violence for adolescent girls and women [ 12 ]. Also, Ahmadi et al. (2017) found similar findings, reporting a significant association among IPV and women age ≤ 40 years [ 19 ].

Two others categories of “Facilitators” in the present study were “Husband’s criminal record” and “Overdependence” which had a sub-category of “Forced cohabitation”. Ahmadi et al. (2017) reported in their population-based study in Iran that husband’s addiction and rented-householders have a significant association with IPV [ 19 ].

The patriarchal beliefs, which are rooted in the tradition and culture of society and family upbringing, scored the highest in relation to domestic violence in this study. On the other hand, in qualitative study, “Normalcy” of men’s anger and harassment of women in society is one of the “Repressors” of women to express violence. In the quantitative study, the increase in the women’s education and income level were predictors of the increase in violence. Although domestic violence is more common in some sections of society, women with a wide range of ages, different levels of education, and at different levels of society face this problem, most of which are not reported. Bukuluki et al. (2021) showed that women who agreed that it is good for a man to control his partner were more likely to experience physical violence [ 20 ].

Domestic violence leads to “Consequences” such as “Harm to children”, “Emotional harm”, “Social harm” to women and even “Non-acceptance in their own family”. Because divorce is a taboo in Iranian culture and the fear of humiliating women forces them to remain silent against domestic violence. Balsarkar (2021) stated that the fear of violence can prevent women from continuing their studies, working or exercising their political rights [ 8 ]. Also, Walker-Descarte et al. (2021) recognized domestic violence as a type of child maltreatment, and these abusive behaviors are associated with mental and physical health consequences [ 21 ].

On the other hand and based on the “Lack of effective communication” category, ignoring the role of the counselor in solving family conflicts and challenges in the life of couples in the present study was expressed by women with reasons such as lack of knowledge and family resistance to counseling. Several pathologies are needed to investigate increased domestic violence in situations such as during women’s pregnancy or infertility. Because the use of counseling for couples as a suitable solution should be considered along with their life challenges. Lin et al. (2022) stated that pregnant women were exposed to domestic violence for low birth weight in full term delivery. Spouse violence screening in the perinatal health care system should be considered important, especially for women who have had full-term low birth weight infants [ 22 ].

Also, lack of knowledge and low level of education have been found as other factors of violence in this study, which is very prominent in both qualitative and quantitative studies. Because the social systems and information about the existing laws should be followed properly in society to act as a deterrent. Psychological training and especially anger control and resilience skills during education at a younger age for girls and boys should be included in educational materials to determine the positive results in society in the long term. Manouchehri et al. (2022) stated that it seems necessary to train men about the negative impact of domestic violence on the current and future status of the family [ 23 ]. Balsarkar (2021) also stated that men and women who have not had the opportunity to question gender roles, attitudes and beliefs cannot change such things. Women who are unaware of their rights cannot claim. Governments and organizations cannot adequately address these issues without access to standards, guidelines and tools [ 8 ]. Machado et al. (2021) also stated that gender socialization reinforces gender inequalities and affects the behavior of men and women. So, highlighting this problem in different fields, especially in primary health care services, is a way to prevent IPV against women [ 24 ].

There was a sub-category of “Inefficiency of social systems” in the participants experiences. Perhaps the reason for this is due to insufficient education and knowledge, or fear of seeking help. Holmes et al. (2022) suggested the importance of ascertaining strategies to improve victims’ experiences with the court, especially when victims’ requests are not met, to increase future engagement with the system [ 25 ]. Sigurdsson (2019) revealed that despite high prevalence numbers, IPV is still a hidden and underdiagnosed problem and neither general practitioner nor our communities are as well prepared as they should be [ 26 ]. Moreira and Pinto da Costa (2021) found that while victims of domestic violence often agree with mandatory reporting, various concerns are still expressed by both victims and healthcare professionals that require further attention and resolution [ 27 ]. It appears that legal and ethical issues in this regard require comprehensive evaluation from the perspectives of victims, their families, healthcare workers, and legal experts. By doing so, better practical solutions can be found to address domestic violence, leading to a downward trend in its occurrence.

Some of the variables of violence against women have been identified and emphasized in many studies, highlighting the necessity of policymaking and social pathology in society to prevent and use operational plans to take action before their occurrence. Breaking the taboo of domestic violence and promoting divorce as a viable solution after counseling to receive objective results should be implemented seriously to minimize harm to women, children, and their families.

Limitations

Domestic violence against women is an important issue in Iranian society that women resist showing and expressing, making researchers take a long-term process of sampling in both qualitative and quantitative studies. The location of the interview and the women’s fear of their husbands finding out about their participation in this study have been other challenges of the researchers, which, of course, they attempted to minimize by fully respecting ethical considerations. Despite the researchers’ efforts, their personal and professional experiences, as well as the studies reviewed in the literature review section, may have influenced the study results.

Data Availability

Data and materials will be available upon email to the corresponding author.

Abbreviations

Intimate Partner Violence

Human Immunodeficiency Virus

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Acknowledgements

The authors of this study appreciate the Deputy for Research and Technology of Semnan University of Medical Sciences, Social Determinants of Health Research Center of Semnan University of Medical Sciences and all the participants in this study.

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M.Sh. contributed to the first conception and design of this research; M.Sh., Z.Kh., M.S., R.Gh. and S.H.Sh. contributed to collect data; M.N. and M.Sh. contributed to the analysis of the qualitative data; M.M. and M.Sh. contributed to the analysis of the quantitative data; M.SH., M.N. and M.M. contributed to the interpretation of the data; M.Sh., M.S. and S.H.Sh. wrote the manuscript. M.Sh. prepared the final version of manuscript for submission. All authors reviewed the manuscript meticulously and approved it. All names of the authors were listed in the title page.

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Shayestefar, M., Saffari, M., Gholamhosseinzadeh, R. et al. A qualitative quantitative mixed methods study of domestic violence against women. BMC Women's Health 23 , 322 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-023-02483-0

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Exploring factors influencing domestic violence: a comprehensive study on intrafamily dynamics

Cintya lanchimba.

1 Departamento de Economía Cuantitativa, Facultad de Ciencias Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Quito, Ecuador

2 Institut de Recherche en Gestion et Economie, Université de Savoie Mont Blanc (IREGE/IAE Savoie Mont Blanc), Annecy, France

Juan Pablo Díaz-Sánchez

Franklin velasco.

3 Department of Marketing, Universidad San Francisco de Quito USFQ, Quito, Ecuador

Associated Data

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Introduction

This econometric analysis investigates the nexus between household factors and domestic violence. By considering diverse variables encompassing mood, depression, health consciousness, social media engagement, household chores, density, and religious affiliation, the study aims to comprehend the underlying dynamics influencing domestic violence.

Employing econometric techniques, this study examined a range of household-related variables for their potential associations with levels of violence within households. Data on mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation were collected and subjected to rigorous statistical analysis.

The findings of this study unveil notable relationships between the aforementioned variables and levels of violence within households. Positive mood emerges as a mitigating factor, displaying a negative correlation with violence. Conversely, depression positively correlates with violence, indicating an elevated propensity for conflict. Increased health consciousness is linked with diminished violence, while engagement with social media demonstrates a moderating influence. Reduction in the time allocated to household chores corresponds with lower violence levels. Household density, however, exhibits a positive association with violence. The effects of religious affiliation on violence manifest diversely, contingent upon household position and gender.

The outcomes of this research offer critical insights for policymakers and practitioners working on formulating strategies for preventing and intervening in instances of domestic violence. The findings emphasize the importance of considering various household factors when designing effective interventions. Strategies to bolster positive mood, alleviate depression, encourage health consciousness, and regulate social media use could potentially contribute to reducing domestic violence. Additionally, the nuanced role of religious affiliation underscores the need for tailored approaches based on household dynamics, positioning, and gender.

1. Introduction

Intimate partner violence is a pervasive global issue, particularly affecting women. According to the World Health Organization ( 1 ), approximately 30% of women worldwide have experienced violence from their intimate partners. Disturbingly, recent studies indicate that circumstances such as the COVID-19 pandemic, which disrupt daily lives on a global scale, have exacerbated patterns of violence against women ( 2 – 4 ). Data from the WHO ( 1 ) regarding gender-based violence during the pandemic reveals that one in three women felt insecure within their homes due to family conflicts with their partners.

This pressing issue of intimate partner violence demands a thorough analysis from a social perspective. It is often insidious and challenging to identify, as cultural practices and the normalization of abusive behaviors, such as physical aggression and verbal abuse, persist across diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. However, all forms of violence can inflict physical and psychological harm on victims, affecting their overall well-being and interpersonal relationships WHO ( 5 ). Furthermore, households with a prevalence of domestic violence are more likely to experience child maltreatment ( 6 ).

In this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had profound effects on individuals, families, and communities worldwide, creating a complex landscape of challenges and disruptions. Among the numerous repercussions, the pandemic has exposed and exacerbated issues of domestic violence within households. The confinement measures, economic strain, and heightened stress levels resulting from the pandemic have contributed to a volatile environment where violence can escalate. Understanding the factors that influence domestic violence during this unprecedented crisis is crucial for developing effective prevention and intervention strategies.

This article aims to explore the relationship between household factors and domestic violence within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. By employing econometric analysis, we investigate how various factors such as mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation relate to violence levels within households. These factors were selected based on their relevance to the unique circumstances and challenges presented by the pandemic.

The study builds upon existing research that has demonstrated the influence of individual and household characteristics on domestic violence. However, the specific context of the pandemic necessitates a deeper examination of these factors and their implications for violence within households. By focusing on variables that are particularly relevant in the crisis, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics that contribute to intrafamily violence during the pandemic.

The findings of this study have important implications for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers involved in addressing domestic violence. By identifying the factors that either increase or mitigate violence within households, we can develop targeted interventions and support systems to effectively respond to the unique challenges posed by the pandemic. Furthermore, this research contributes to the broader literature on domestic violence by highlighting the distinct influence of household factors within the context of a global health crisis.

The structure of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides a comprehensive review of the relevant literature on household violence. Section 3 presents the case study that forms the basis of this research. Section 4 outlines the methodology employed in the study. Section 5 presents the results obtained from the empirical analysis. Finally, Section 6 concludes the paper, summarizing the key findings and their implications for addressing domestic violence.

2. Literature review

2.1. violence at home.

Throughout human history, the family unit has been recognized as the fundamental building block of society. Families are comprised of individuals bound by blood or marriage, and they are ideally regarded as havens of love, care, affection, and personal growth, where individuals should feel secure and protected. Unfortunately, it is distressingly common to find alarming levels of violence, abuse, and aggression within the confines of the home ( 7 ).

Domestic violence, as defined by Tan and Haining ( 8 ), encompasses any form of violent behavior directed toward family members, regardless of their gender, resulting in physical, sexual, or psychological harm. It includes acts of threats, coercion, and the deprivation of liberty. This pervasive issue is recognized as a public health problem that affects all nations. It is important to distinguish between domestic violence (DV) and intimate partner violence (IPV), as they are related yet distinct phenomena. DV occurs within the family unit, affecting both parents and children. On the other hand, IPV refers to violent and controlling acts perpetrated by one partner against another, encompassing physical aggression (such as hitting, kicking, and beating), sexual, economic, verbal, or emotional harm ( 9 , 10 ). IPV can occur between partners who cohabit or not, and typically involves male partners exerting power and control over their female counterparts. However, it is crucial to acknowledge that there are cases where men are also victims of violence ( 11 ).

Both forms of violence, DV and IPV, take place within the home. However, when acts of violence occur in the presence of children, regardless of whether they directly experience physical harm or simply witness the violence, the consequences can be profoundly detrimental ( 12 , 13 ).

Understanding the intricacies and dynamics of domestic violence and its impact on individuals and families is of paramount importance. The consequences of such violence extend beyond the immediate victims, affecting the overall well-being and social fabric of society. Therefore, it is crucial to explore the various factors that contribute to domestic violence, including those specific to the current context of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to inform effective prevention and intervention strategies. In the following sections, we will examine the empirical findings regarding household factors and their association with domestic violence, shedding light on the complexities and nuances of this pervasive issue.

2.2. Drivers of domestic violence

As previously discussed, the occurrence of violence within the home carries significant consequences for individuals’ lives. Consequently, gaining an understanding of the underlying factors that contribute to this violence is crucial. To this end, Table 1 provides a comprehensive summary of the most commonly identified determinants of domestic violence within the existing literature.

Determinants of domestic violence.

Adapted and improved from the classification proposed by Visaria ( 16 ).

Identifying these determinants is a vital step toward comprehending the complex nature of domestic violence. By synthesizing the findings from numerous studies, Table 1 presents a consolidated overview of the factors that have been consistently associated with domestic violence. This compilation serves as a valuable resource for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers seeking to address and mitigate the prevalence of domestic violence.

The determinants presented in Table 1 encompass various variables, including socio-economic factors, mental health indicators, interpersonal dynamics, and other relevant aspects. By examining and analyzing these determinants, researchers have made significant progress in uncovering the underlying causes and risk factors associated with domestic violence.

It is important to note that the determinants listed in Table 1 represent recurring themes in the literature and are not an exhaustive representation of all potential factors influencing domestic violence. The complex nature of this issue necessitates ongoing research and exploration to deepen our understanding of the multifaceted dynamics at play. Thus, we categorize these factors into two groups to provide a comprehensive understanding of the issue.

Group A focuses on variables that characterize both the victim and the aggressor, which may act as potential deterrents against femicide. Previous research by Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ), Anderberg et al. ( 18 ), Sen ( 19 ), and Visaria ( 16 ) has highlighted the significance of factors such as age, level of education, employment status, occupation, and religious affiliation. These individual characteristics play a role in shaping the dynamics of domestic violence and can influence the likelihood of its occurrence.

Group B aims to capture risk factors that contribute to the presence of violence within the home. One prominent risk factor is overcrowding, which can lead to psychological, social, and economic problems within the family, ultimately affecting the health of its members. Research by Van de Velde et al. ( 21 ), Walker-Descartes et al. ( 23 ), Malik and Naeem ( 2 ) supports the notion that individuals experiencing such distress may resort to exerting force or violence on other family members as a means of releasing their frustration. Additionally, Goodman ( 32 ) have highlighted the increased risk of violence in households with multiple occupants, particularly in cases where individuals are confined to a single bedroom. These concepts can be further explored through variables related to health, depression, anxiety, and stress, providing valuable insights into the mechanisms underlying domestic violence.

By investigating these factors, our study enhances the existing understanding of the complex dynamics of domestic violence within the unique context of the pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated various stressors and challenges within households, potentially intensifying the risk of violence. Understanding the interplay between these factors and domestic violence is essential for the development of targeted interventions and support systems to mitigate violence and its consequences.

2.3. Demographic characteristics (A)

2.3.1. education level (a1).

According to Sen ( 19 ), the education level of the victim, typically women, or the head of household is a significant antecedent of domestic violence. Women’s access to and completion of secondary education play a crucial role in enhancing their capacity and control over their lives. Higher levels of education not only foster confidence and self-esteem but also empower women to seek help and resources, ultimately reducing their tolerance for domestic violence. Babu and Kar ( 33 ), Semahegn and Mengistie ( 34 ) support this perspective by demonstrating that women with lower levels of education and limited work opportunities are more vulnerable to experiencing violence.

When women assume the role of the head of the household, the likelihood of violence within the household, whether domestic or intimate partner violence, increases significantly. This has severe physical and mental health implications for both the woman and other family members, and in the worst-case scenario, it can result in the tragic loss of life ( 22 , 23 , 35 ).

Conversely, men’s economic frustration or their inability to fulfill the societal expectation of being the “head of household” is also a prominent factor contributing to the perpetration of physical and sexual violence within the home ( 36 ).The frustration arising from economic difficulties, combined with the frequent use of drugs and alcohol, exacerbates the likelihood of violent behavior.

These findings underscore the importance of addressing socio-economic disparities and promoting gender equality in preventing and combating domestic violence. By enhancing women’s access to education, improving economic opportunities, and challenging traditional gender roles, we can create a more equitable and violence-free society. Additionally, interventions targeting men’s economic empowerment and addressing substance abuse issues can play a pivotal role in reducing violence within the home.

2.3.2. Employment and occupation (A2)

Macroeconomic conditions, specifically differences in unemployment rates between men and women, have been found to impact domestic violence. Research suggests that an increase of 1% in the male unemployment rate is associated with an increase in physical violence within the home, while an increase in the female unemployment rate is linked to a reduction in violence ( 37 ).

Moreover, various studies ( 34 , 35 , 38 , 39 ) have highlighted the relationship between domestic violence and the husband’s working conditions, such as workload and job quality, as well as the income he earns. The exercise of authority within the household and the use of substances that alter behavior are also associated with domestic violence.

Within this context, economic gender-based violence is a prevalent but lesser-known form of violence compared to physical or sexual violence. It involves exerting unacceptable economic control over a partner, such as allocating limited funds for expenses or preventing them from working to maintain economic dependence. This form of violence can also manifest through excessive and unsustainable spending without consulting the partner. Economic gender-based violence is often a “silent” form of violence, making it more challenging to detect and prove ( 40 ).

Empowerment becomes a gender challenge that can lead to increased violence, as men may experience psychological stress when faced with the idea of women earning more than them ( 14 , 18 ). Lastly, Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ) and Tur-Prats ( 41 ) conclude that intrafamily violence decreases only when the woman’s partner is also employed, highlighting the significance of economic factors in influencing domestic violence dynamics.

Understanding the interplay between macroeconomic conditions, employment, and economic control within intimate relationships is crucial for developing effective interventions and policies aimed at reducing domestic violence. By addressing the underlying economic inequalities and promoting gender equality in both the labor market and household dynamics, we can work toward creating safer and more equitable environments that contribute to the prevention of domestic violence.

2.3.3. Religion (A3)

Religion and spiritual beliefs have been found to play a significant role in domestic violence dynamics. Certain religious interpretations and teachings can contribute to the acceptance of violence, particularly against women, as a form of submission or obedience. This phenomenon is prevalent in Middle Eastern countries, where religious texts such as the Bible and the Qur’an are often quoted to justify and perpetuate gender-based violence ( 20 ).

For example, in the book of Ephesians 5:22–24, the Bible states that wives should submit themselves to their husbands, equating the husband’s authority to that of the Lord. Similarly, the Qur’an emphasizes the importance of wives being sexually available to their husbands in all aspects of their relationship. These religious teachings can create a belief system where women are expected to endure mistreatment and forgive their abusive partners ( 15 ).

The influence of religious beliefs and practices can complicate a woman’s decision to leave an abusive relationship, particularly when marriage is considered a sacred institution. Feelings of guilt and difficulties in seeking support or ending the relationship can arise due to the belief that marriage is ordained by God ( 15 ).

It is important to note that the response of religious congregations and communities to domestic violence can vary. In some cases, if abuse is ignored or not condemned, it may perpetuate the cycle of violence and hinder efforts to support victims and hold perpetrators accountable. However, in other instances, religious organizations may provide emotional support and assistance through dedicated sessions aimed at helping all affected family members heal and address the violence ( 20 ).

Recognizing the influence of religious beliefs on domestic violence is crucial for developing comprehensive interventions and support systems that address the specific challenges faced by individuals within religious contexts. This includes promoting awareness, education, and dialog within religious communities to foster an understanding that violence is never acceptable and to facilitate a safe environment for victims to seek help and healing.

2.4. Presence of risk factor (B)

2.4.1. depression, anxiety, and stress (b1).

Within households, the occurrence of violence is unfortunately prevalent, often stemming from economic constraints, social and psychological problems, depression, and stress. These factors instill such fear in the victims that they are often hesitant to report the abuse to the authorities ( 42 ).

Notably, when women assume the role of heads of households, they experience significantly higher levels of depression compared to men ( 21 ). This study highlights that the presence of poverty, financial struggles, and the ensuing violence associated with these circumstances significantly elevate the risk of women experiencing severe health disorders, necessitating urgent prioritization of their well-being. Regrettably, in low-income countries where cases of depression are on the rise within public hospitals, the provision of adequate care becomes an insurmountable challenge ( 21 ).

These findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive support systems and targeted interventions that address the multifaceted impact of domestic violence on individuals’ mental and physical health. Furthermore, effective policies should be implemented to alleviate economic hardships and provide accessible mental health services, particularly in low-income settings. By addressing the underlying factors contributing to violence within households and ensuring adequate care for those affected, society can take significant strides toward breaking the cycle of violence and promoting a safer and more supportive environment for individuals and families.

2.4.2. Retention tendency (B2)

Many societies, particularly in Africa, are characterized by a deeply ingrained patriarchal social structure, where men hold the belief that they have the right to exert power and control over their partners ( 31 ). This ideology of patriarchy is often reinforced by women themselves, who may adhere to traditional gender roles and view marital abuse as a norm rather than recognizing it as an act of violence. This acceptance of abuse is influenced by societal expectations and cultural norms that prioritize the preservation of marriage and the submission of women.

Within these contexts, there is often a preference for male children over female children, as males are seen as essential for carrying on the family name and lineage ( 43 ). This preference is also reflected in the distribution of property and decision-making power within households, where males are given greater rights and authority. Such gender-based inequalities perpetuate the cycle of power imbalances and contribute to the normalization of violence against women.

It is important to note that men can also be victims of domestic violence. However, societal and cultural norms have long portrayed men as strong and superior figures, making it challenging for male victims to come forward and report their abusers due to the fear of being stigmatized and rejected by society ( 16 ). The cultural expectations surrounding masculinity create barriers for men seeking help and support, further perpetuating the silence around male victimization.

These cultural dynamics underscore the complexity of domestic violence within patriarchal societies. Challenging and dismantling deeply rooted gender norms and power structures is essential for addressing domestic violence effectively. This includes promoting gender equality, empowering women, and engaging men and boys in efforts to combat violence. It also requires creating safe spaces and support systems that encourage both women and men to break the silence, seek help, and challenge the harmful societal narratives that perpetuate violence and victim-blaming.

2.4.3. Density (B3)

Moreover, the issue of overcrowding within households has emerged as another important factor influencing domestic violence. Overcrowding refers to the stress caused by the presence of a large number of individuals in a confined space, leading to a lack of control over one’s environment ( 44 ). This overcrowding can have a detrimental impact on the psychological well-being of household members, thereby negatively affecting their internal relationships.

The freedom to use spaces within the home and the ability to control interactions with others have been identified as crucial factors that contribute to satisfaction with the home environment and the way individuals relate to each other. In this regard, studies have shown that when households are crowded, and individuals lack personal space and control over their living conditions, the risk of violence may increase ( 45 ).

Furthermore, investigations conducted during periods of extensive confinement, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have shed light on the significance of other environmental factors within homes ( 46 ). For instance, aspects like proper ventilation and adequate living space have been found to influence the overall quality of life and the health of household inhabitants.

These findings emphasize the importance of considering the physical living conditions and environmental factors within households when examining the dynamics of domestic violence. Addressing issues of overcrowding, promoting healthy and safe living environments, and ensuring access to basic amenities and resources are crucial steps in reducing the risk of violence and improving the well-being of individuals and families within their homes.

2.4.4. Reason for confrontation (B4)

Another form of violence that exists within households is abandonment and neglect, which manifests through a lack of protection, insufficient physical care, neglecting emotional needs, and disregarding proper nutrition and medical care ( 47 ). This definition highlights that any member of the family can be subjected to this form of violence, underscoring the significance of recognizing its various manifestations.

In this complex context, negative thoughts and emotions can arise, leading to detrimental consequences. For instance, suspicions of infidelity and feelings of jealousy can contribute to a decrease in the partner’s self-esteem, ultimately triggering intimate partner violence that inflicts physical, social, and health damages ( 32 , 48 ).

Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge the intimate connection between domestic violence and civil issues. Marital conflicts, particularly when accompanied by violence, whether physical or psychological, can lead to a profound crisis within the relationship, often resulting in divorce. Unfortunately, the process of obtaining a divorce or establishing parental arrangements can be protracted, creating additional friction and potentially exacerbating gender-based violence ( 49 ).

These dynamics underscore the complex interplay between domestic violence and broader social, emotional, and legal contexts. Understanding these interconnected factors is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems that address the multifaceted nature of domestic violence, promote healthy relationships, and safeguard the well-being of individuals and families within the home.

Finally, despite the multitude of factors identified in the existing literature that may have an impact on gender-based violence, we have selected a subset of variables for our study based on data availability. Specifically, our analysis will concentrate on the following factors reviewed: (A3) religion, (B1) depression, health consciousness, and mood, (B2) retention tendency as reflected by household chores, and (B3) density.

The rationale behind our choice of these variables stems from their perceived significance and potential relevance to the study of domestic violence. Religion has been widely acknowledged as a social and cultural determinant that shapes beliefs, values, and gender roles within a society, which may have implications for power dynamics and relationship dynamics within households. Depression, as a psychological construct, has been frequently associated with increased vulnerability and impaired coping mechanisms, potentially contributing to the occurrence or perpetuation of domestic violence. Health consciousness and mood are additional constructs that have garnered attention in the context of interpersonal relationships. Health consciousness relates to individuals’ awareness and concern for their own well-being and that of others, which may influence their attitudes and behaviors within the household. Mood, on the other hand, reflects emotional states that can influence communication, conflict resolution, and overall dynamics within intimate relationships.

Furthermore, we have included the variable of retention tendency, as manifested through household chores. This variable is indicative of individuals’ willingness or inclination to maintain their involvement and responsibilities within the household. It is hypothesized that individuals with higher retention tendencies may exhibit a greater commitment to the relationship, which could influence the occurrence and dynamics of domestic violence. Lastly, we consider the variable of density, which captures the population density within the living environment. This variable may serve as a proxy for socio-environmental conditions, such as overcrowding or limited personal space, which can potentially contribute to stress, conflict, and interpersonal tensions within households.

By examining these selected factors, we aim to gain insights into their relationships with domestic violence and contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics underlying such occurrences. It is important to note that these variables represent only a subset of the broader range of factors that influence gender-based violence, and further research is warranted to explore additional dimensions and interactions within this multifaceted issue.

3. Data collection and variables

The reference population for this study is Ecuadorian habitants. Participants were invited to fill up a survey concerning COVID-19 impact on their mental health. Data collection took place between April and May 2020, exactly at the time of the mandatory lockdowns taking place. In this context governmental authorities ordered mobility restrictions as well as social distancing measures. We conduct three waves of social media invitations to participate in the study. Invitations were sent using the institutional accounts of the universities the authors of this study are affiliated. At the end, we received 2,403 answers, 50.5% females and 49.5% males. 49% of them have college degrees.

3.1. Ecuador stylized facts

Ecuador, a small developing country in South America, has a population of approximately 17 million inhabitants, with a population density of 61.85 people per square kilometer.

During the months under investigation, the Central Bank of Ecuador reported that the country’s GDP in the fourth quarter of 2020 amounted to $16,500 million. This represented a decrease of 7.2% compared to the same period in 2019, and a 5.6% decline in the first quarter of 2021 compared to the same quarter of the previous year. However, despite these declines, there was a slight growth of 0.6% in the GDP during the fourth quarter of 2020 and 0.7% in the first quarter of 2021 when compared to the previous quarter.

In mid-March, the Ecuadorian government implemented a mandatory lockdown that lasted for several weeks. By July 30, 2020, Ecuador had reported over 80,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19. The statistics on the impact of the pandemic revealed a death rate of 23.9 per 100,000 inhabitants, ranking Ecuador fourth globally behind the UK, Italy, and the USA, with rates of 63.7, 57.1, and 36.2, respectively. Additionally, Ecuador’s observed case-fatality ratio stood at 8.3%, placing it fourth globally after Italy, the UK, and Mexico, with rates of 14.5, 14, and 11.9%, respectively ( 50 ). As the lockdown measures continued, mental health issues began to emerge among the population ( 51 ).

The challenging socioeconomic conditions and the impact of the pandemic on public health have had significant repercussions in Ecuador, highlighting the need for comprehensive strategies to address both the immediate and long-term consequences on the well-being of its population.

3.2. Dependent variable

The dependent variable in this study is Domestic Violence, which is measured using a composite score derived from five items. These items were rated on a 7-point scale, ranging from 1 (never) to 7 (very frequent), to assess the frequency of intrafamily conflict and violence occurring within the respondents’ homes. The five items included the following statements: “In my house, subjects are discussed with relative calm”; “In my house, heated discussions are common but without shouting at each other”; “Anger is common in my house, and I refuse to talk to others”; “In my house, there is the threat that someone will hit or throw something”; and “In my house, family members get easily irritated.”

To evaluate the internal consistency of the measurement, Cronbach’s Alpha was calculated and found to be 0.7. This indicates good internal consistency, suggesting that the items in the scale are measuring a similar construct and can be considered reliable for assessing the level of domestic violence within the households under investigation.

3.3. Independent variables

3.3.1. mood.

The mood construct, based on Peterson and Sauber ( 52 ), is measured using three Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions included: “I am in a good mood,” “I feel happy,” and “At this moment, I feel nervous or irritable.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7757, indicating good internal consistency.

3.3.2. Depression

The depression construct, based on the manual for the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales by Lovibond S and Lovibond P, is measured by summing the results of 13 Likert scale questions. The scale ranges from strongly disagreeing to strongly agreeing. The questions include: “I feel that life is meaningless,” “I do not feel enthusiastic about anything,” “I feel downhearted and sad,” and others. The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.9031, indicating high internal consistency.

3.3.3. Health consciousness

The health consciousness construct, based on Gould ( 53 ), is measured using four Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions include: “I’m alert to changes in my health,” “I am concerned about the health of others,” “Throughout the day, I am aware of what foods are best for my health,” and “I notice how I lose energy as the day goes by.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7, indicating acceptable internal consistency.

3.3.4. Household chores

The respondents were asked to rate their involvement in various household chores on a scale from “not at all” to “a lot.” The listed household chores include cooking, washing dishes, cleaning restrooms, doing laundry, home maintenance, and helping with children/siblings. It can serve as a proxy for Retention Tendency.

3.3.5. Density

It is measured as the number of people per bedroom, indicating the level of overcrowding within households.

3.3.6. Religion

The religion construct is measured as the sum of four Likert scale items based on Worthington et al. ( 54 ). The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The items include: “My religious beliefs lie behind my whole approach to life,” “It is important to me to spend periods in private religious thought and reflection,” “Religion is very important to me because it answers many questions about the meaning of life,” and “I am informed about my local religious group and have some influence in its decisions.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.8703, indicating good internal consistency.

3.4. Control variables

3.4.1. social media.

The respondents were asked to indicate the number of hours they spend on social networks during a typical day. The scale ranges from “I do not review information on social networks” to “More than three hours.”

Sex is measured as a binary variable, where 1 represents female and 0 represents male.

Age refers to the age of the respondent.

3.4.4. Age of householder

Age of householder refers to the age of the individual who is the primary occupant or head of the household.

3.5. Describe statistics

Table 2 reports the means, standard deviation, and correlation matrix. Our dataset has not the presence of missing values.

Summary statistics.

* p < 0.01.

Descriptive statistics reveal that the variables in the sample exhibit a considerable degree of homogeneity, as evidenced by the means being larger than the standard deviations. Moreover, the strong correlation between Depression and mood suggests that these two variables should not be included together in the same model.

4. Methodological approach

Our empirical identification strategy comprises the following linear model:

We employed ordinary least squares (OLS) regression techniques to examine the relationship between our selected exogenous variables and household violence during the period of mandatory lockdowns. To ensure the robustness of our regression model, we conducted several diagnostic tests. Firstly, we tested for heteroscedasticity using the Breusch-Pagan test, yielding a chi-square value of 223.58 with a value of p of 0, indicating the presence of heteroscedasticity in the model. Secondly, we assessed multicollinearity using the variance inflation factor (VIF), which yielded a VIF value of 1.07, indicating no significant multicollinearity issues among the variables. Furthermore, we conducted the Ramsey Reset test to examine the presence of omitted variables in the model. The test yielded an F-statistic of 2.06 with a value of p of 0.103, suggesting no strong evidence of omitted variables. Lastly, we checked the normality of the residuals using the skewness and kurtosis tests, which yielded a chi-square value of 97.9 with a value of p of 0, indicating departure from normality in the residuals.

Hence, our analysis revealed the presence of heteroscedasticity issues and non-normality in the residuals. Consequently, it is imperative to employ an alternative estimation technique that can handle these challenges robustly. In light of these circumstances, we opted for Quantile Regression, as proposed by Koenker and Bassett ( 55 ), which allows for a comprehensive characterization of the relationship between the input variable(s) x and the dependent variable y.

4.1. Quantile regression

While an OLS predicts the average relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable, which can cause the estimate to be unrepresentative of the entire distribution of the dependent variable if it is not identically distributed, Quantile Regression allows estimating parts of the dependent variable. Distribution of the dependent variable and thus determine the variations of the effect produced by the exogenous variables on the endogenous variable in different quantiles ( 56 ). The Quantile Regression methodology also presents the benefit that, by providing them with a weight, the errors are minimal. Quantile Regression is defined as follows:

where: Y i is dependent variable, X i is vector of independent variables, β(ϑ): is vector of parameters to be estimated for a given quantile ϑ, e ϑ i : is random disturbance corresponding to the quantile ϑ, Q ϑ ( Y i ) is qth quantile of the conditional distribution of Y i given the known vector of regressors X i .

The Quantile Regression model provides predictions of a specific quantile of the conditional distribution of the dependent variable and is considered the generalization of the sample quantile of an independent and identically distributed random variable ( 57 ). By considering a range of quantiles, Quantile Regression offers a more nuanced understanding of the conditional distribution, making it a valuable technique for analyzing various aspects of the relationship between variables.

The estimation results are reported in Table 3 . The regressions 1 and 3 consider individuals who are not household heads, while regressions 2 and 4 involve the respondent being the household head. In regressions 5 and 6, the respondent is not the household head and is also female, whereas in regressions 7 and 8, the respondents are household heads and male. The regressions exhibit a coefficient of determination ranging between 9 and 11.

Standard errors in brackets. * p < 0.1, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.

The effects of the different variables studied on violence are presented below: Across all regressions, it can be observed that the mood of a person, which indicates whether they are in a good mood or feeling cheerful, nervous, or irritated, is statistically significant at all levels of confidence. This implies that violence decreases when the mood is good. On the other hand, depression has a positive and significant sign. This tells us that, on average, an increase of one unit in the depression, anxiety, and stress scale is associated with an increase in the measurement of conflict and intrafamily violence in a household, whether the respondent is a household head or not.

On the other hand, Health Consciousness has a negative and significant sign, indicating that violence decreases as Health Consciousness increases. However, it is noteworthy that it loses significance when the survey respondent is a woman, regardless of whether she is a household head or not.

Regarding Household chores, which refers to the time spent on household tasks, it can be observed that it is only significant and negative when the respondent is not a household head, and this significance holds even when the respondent is male. In other words, less time spent on household chores decreases violence in households where the respondent is not a household head.

The variable religion generally has a positive and significant sign in most regressions, but loses significance in regressions (1) and (5), where the respondent is not the household head and is female, respectively. This suggests that being religious would increase the levels of violence.

In general, density increases violence in the surveyed households, as indicated by a positive and significant sign. However, it is interesting to note that it is only significant again when the respondent is not a household head and is female, or when the respondent is a household head and is male.

As for the control variables, the variable Social media, which indicates the number of hours a person spends on social media, is positive and significant whether the respondent is a household head or not, and even when the respondent is male. This suggests that violence decreases with access to social media, possibly due to increased access to information. Finally, the variables sex, age of the respondent, and age of the household head were not significant.

6. Discussion

Interestingly, the prevalence and intensity of domestic violence appear to vary across different segments of society. Goodman ( 33 ) have highlighted the existence of variations in episodes of domestic violence among social strata. They have also identified several factors that act as deterrents to domestic violence, including income levels, educational attainment, employment status of the household head, household density, consumption of psychotropic substances, anxiety, and stress. These factors increase the likelihood of experiencing instances of violence within the home.

Within this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching implications for individuals and families worldwide, with significant impacts on various aspects of daily life, including domestic dynamics. This study explores the relationship between household factors and violence within the context of the pandemic, shedding light on the unique challenges and dynamics that have emerged during this period.

Our findings highlight the importance of considering mental well-being in the context of domestic violence during the pandemic. We observe that positive mood is associated with a decrease in violence levels within households. This suggests that maintaining good mental health and emotional well-being during times of crisis can serve as a protective factor against violence. With the increased stress and anxiety caused by the pandemic, policymakers and practitioners should prioritize mental health support and interventions to address potential escalations in violence within households.

Furthermore, our results indicate that depression exhibits a positive association with violence. As individuals grapple with the impacts of the pandemic, such as job loss, financial strain, and social isolation, the prevalence of depression may increase. This finding underscores the urgent need for accessible mental health resources and support networks to address the heightened risk of violence stemming from increased levels of depression.

The study also reveals that health consciousness plays a crucial role in reducing violence within households. As individuals become more aware of the importance of maintaining their health amidst the pandemic, violence levels decrease. This suggests that promoting health awareness and encouraging healthy lifestyle choices can serve as protective factors against domestic violence. Public health initiatives and educational campaigns aimed at fostering health-conscious behaviors should be emphasized as part of comprehensive violence prevention strategies.

Interestingly, our analysis uncovers a mitigating effect of social media usage on violence levels during the pandemic. With the increased reliance on digital platforms for communication and information sharing, access to social media may provide individuals with alternative channels for expression and support, ultimately reducing the likelihood of violence. Recognizing the potential benefits of social media, policymakers and practitioners should explore ways to leverage these platforms to disseminate violence prevention resources, provide support, and promote positive social connections within households.

Additionally, our findings highlight the role of household chores and density in shaping violence levels during the pandemic. Less time spent on household chores is associated with decreased violence, indicating that redistributing domestic responsibilities may alleviate tension and conflict within households. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted routines and added new challenges to household dynamics, making it essential to consider strategies that promote equitable distribution of chores and support mechanisms for individuals and families.

Moreover, the positive association between household density and violence emphasizes the impact of living conditions during the pandemic. With prolonged periods of confinement and restricted mobility, crowded living spaces may intensify conflicts and escalate violence. Policymakers should prioritize initiatives that address housing conditions, promote safe and adequate living environments, and provide resources to mitigate the negative effects of overcrowding.

In this line, our study delves into the intricate relationship between household factors and violence during the COVID-19 pandemic, primarily within our specific context. However, it is valuable to consider how our findings align or diverge when juxtaposed with research from developed countries, where economic, social, and healthcare systems are typically more advanced. In developed countries, the impact of crises, such as the pandemic, could manifest differently due to varying levels of financial stability, access to support networks, and well-established healthcare systems.

For instance, while we observe that maintaining mental well-being serves as a protective factor against violence, developed countries might have better access to mental health resources and support networks, potentially magnifying the impact of positive mental health on violence prevention ( 58 ). Similarly, the positive association between health consciousness and reduced violence levels could be influenced by different perceptions of health and well-being in developed countries, where health awareness campaigns are more prevalent ( 51 ).

The mitigating effect of social media on violence levels during the pandemic might also vary across contexts. Developed countries might have more widespread and equitable access to digital platforms, leading to a stronger impact on violence reduction through alternative channels for communication and support ( 59 ). Conversely, regions with limited digital infrastructure could experience a smaller effect.

Additionally, comparing the role of religious affiliation and its influence on violence with findings from developed countries could reveal cultural variations in the interplay between religious teachings, gender dynamics, and violence ( 60 ). While our study suggests the need for interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations, it is crucial to examine whether similar efforts have been successful in developed nations with distinct cultural norms and religious landscapes.

In this context, this study makes a significant contribution to the field of gender-based violence research by intricately examining the intersection of diverse socio-economic and psychological factors within the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic. The uniqueness of this article lies in its holistic approach to comprehend domestic violence dynamics amidst a global crisis. By dissecting and analyzing how mental health, health awareness, social media utilization, household chore distribution, living space density, and religious affiliation interact to influence violence levels, this study provides a deeper and nuanced insight into the factors contributing to the manifestation and prevention of gender-based violence. Moreover, by pinpointing areas where traditional gender norms and religious beliefs might exacerbate violence, the article suggests novel avenues for research and intervention development that account for cultural and contextual complexities. Ultimately, this work not only advances the understanding of gender-based violence during a critical period but also offers practical and theoretical recommendations to inform policies and preventive actions both throughout the pandemic and in potential future crises.

In considering the limitations of our study, we acknowledge that while our findings provide crucial insights into the role of religious affiliation in shaping violence levels during the pandemic, there are certain aspects that warrant further investigation. Firstly, our analysis primarily focuses on the association between religious beliefs and violence without delving deeply into the underlying mechanisms that drive this relationship. Future research could employ qualitative methodologies to explore how specific religious doctrines and practices interact with broader cultural norms to influence gender dynamics and contribute to violence within households. Additionally, our study does not extensively address variations in religious interpretations across different communities, which could lead to distinct outcomes in terms of violence prevention efforts. To address these limitations, scholars could conduct comparative studies across religious affiliations and denominations to uncover nuanced insights into the interplay between religious teachings, cultural contexts, and violence dynamics.

Furthermore, while our study suggests that policymakers and practitioners should consider developing targeted interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations to mitigate violence, the precise design and effectiveness of such interventions remain areas ripe for exploration. Future research could involve collaboration with religious leaders and communities to develop and test intervention strategies that align with both religious teachings and contemporary gender equality principles. This interdisciplinary approach could yield actionable insights into fostering cultural change and enhancing the role of religion in promoting non-violence within households.

In conclusion, our study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of domestic violence within households during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings underscore the importance of addressing mental health, promoting health consciousness, leveraging social media, redistributing household chores, improving housing conditions, and considering the nuanced role of religious beliefs. By incorporating these findings into policy and intervention strategies, policymakers and practitioners can work toward preventing and mitigating domestic violence in the context of the ongoing pandemic.

Data availability statement

Author contributions.

CL played a crucial role in this research project, being responsible for the data collection, conducting the econometric analysis, contributing to the literature review, introduction, and discussion sections of the manuscript. JD-S made significant contributions to the project and assisted in the data collection process, contributed to the literature review, and provided insights in the discussion section. FV assisted with the data collection process and reviewed the article for accuracy and clarity. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

This project receives funding from Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Proyección Social, Escuela Politécnica Nacional.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

The authors acknowledge the Escuela Politécnica Nacional for this support on this project.

Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices.

Book Title: Domestic Violence in Immigrant Communities: Case Studies

Authors: Ferzana Chaze; Bethany Osborne; Archana Medhekar; and Purnima George

Book Description: “Domestic Violence in Immigrant Communities: Case Studies” is a freely accessible eCampus Ontario Pressbook containing case studies of immigrant women experiencing domestic violence to be used as educational materials. The book highlights the complexity of domestic violence cases in immigrant communities and the different legal processes that these women encounter in seeking justice and the challenges they face in relation to re-establishing their own lives and the lives of their children. The book contains questions for reflection; a description of legal processes involved in DV cases, and a glossary of the terms used throughout the case studies.

Book Information

Book description.

“Domestic Violence in Immigrant Communities: Case Studies” is a freely accessible eCampus Ontario Pressbook containing case studies of immigrant women experiencing domestic violence to be used as educational materials. The contents were created by analysing closed legal case files of 15 immigrant women living in Ontario who experienced domestic violence. The comprehensive case studies that emerge from this research present domestic violence experienced by immigrant women in all its complexity, highlighting their unique vulnerability at the intersections of race, gender and immigration status. The book also highlights the different legal processes that these women encounter in seeking justice and the challenges they face in relation to re-establishing their own lives and the lives of their children. In addition to the cases, the book contains questions for reflection; a description of legal processes involved in DV cases, and a glossary of the terms used throughout the case studies. This interactive Pressbook is an ideal resource for social work and legal practitioners, including students in social service work, social work and law programs, in order to increase their understanding about the complexity of domestic violence cases in immigrant families and develop strategies for culturally informed interventions.

Domestic Violence in Immigrant Communities: Case Studies Copyright © 2020 by Ferzana Chaze, Bethany Osborne, Archana Medhekar and Purmina George is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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The conversation on domestic violence has changed in the 30 years since the O.J. Simpson trial

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Nearly 30 years ago, the O.J. Simpson trial cast a bright spotlight on the issue of domestic violence as court proceedings garnered unprecedented levels of coverage. 

“It was good, on one hand, because people were talking about it,” said Stephanie Love-Patterson, a consultant for  Connections for Abused Women and their Children . “There was more funding — more funding that was given to domestic violence organizations, which was really good and really needed.”

Topics that once had been considered a private matter was thrust into the public sphere, a shift that paved the way for broader policy changes.

Love-Patterson joined  law professor Emily Sack and policy expert  Krista Colón to discuss how the domestic violence landscape has transformed over the past decades and the challenges that remain at the Center for Health Journalism’s  2024 Domestic Violence Symposium . The conversation, moderated by Los Angeles Times reporter  Sonja Sharp , also explored how reporters can connect domestic violence with other timely and newsy topics, from abortion access to technology. 

From acceptance to action

In the 1980s and early 90s, police often did not intervene in domestic violence incidents, said Sack, a professor at Roger Williams University.

“At most, they would tell the abuser to take a walk around the block,” she said. “They would often kind of collude with the abuser and sort of joke around and ask the victim: What have you done to provoke him or why are you still here? ... Because if it were really that bad, you would have left.”

As a criminal defense lawyer in the early 1990s, Sack represented a severely abused woman who killed her husband. Despite her efforts to seek law enforcement help, the police “really did nothing,” she said. Other than a few grassroots-funded shelters, there were no resources available. 

“The society at the time really didn’t pay much attention to this either,” Sack said. 

That landscape started to shift by the early 1990s, when the Violence Against Women Act was introduced by then-Senator Joe Biden. After an uphill battle, the bill’s eventual passage marked a watershed moment: the first comprehensive federal legislation designed to prevent violence against women, with funding for investigations and prosecution. 

“It definitely was a major shift in our conception of domestic violence,” Sack said.  

Amid progress, missed opportunities persist 

Before the O.J. Simpson trial, there was a sense that domestic violence was a private matter. Changing that assumption was important, though the discussions too often blamed the victim, Love-Patterson said. 

A common question arose: “Well, why didn’t she leave?” 

In the decades that followed, more funding and efforts poured into domestic violence organizations and programs. Even so, similar victim-blaming questions persist today, Love-Patterson said. She’s seen firsthand how women delay accessing services as a result. 

“There was this fear that they were going to be blamed and also that they weren’t going to believed,” she said. 

Love-Patterson would like to see the conversation on domestic violence center on how we can prevent abuse before it gets started. She’d also like to see expanded options for people who need help, beyond calling the police. Amid tensions between communities of color and police, some individuals might prefer timely information on shelter and counseling services, she said. 

Crime victims’ funding at risk 

Domestic violence services and supports are currently facing a funding crisis, explained Krista Colón, senior director of public policy strategies for the California Partnership to End Domestic Violence.

The Victims of Crimes Act, which was passed in 1984, established a fund for victims of violence crimes, including domestic violence. The fund is generated through fines collected from federal prosecutions, which means the amount available can fluctuate by year. Today, declining numbers of prosecutions have left the fund balance “precariously low,” she said.  As a result, organizations that receive this funding will experience program cuts, impacting everything from emergency shelters to crisis hotlines and domestic violence housing. 

“What’s at stake is everything,” Colón said. “This is the funding that underpins every piece of our response to survivors.” 

The far-reaching impacts of these cuts should provide coverage ideas for reporters across the country. For example, the reductions could shutter clinics that provide free or low-cost legal services for people impacted by domestic violence, leading some rural regions to become “legal services deserts.”

Domestic violence intersects with timely topics

When it comes to reporting on domestic violence, LA Times reporter Sonja Sharp noted that editors tend to be most interested in high-profile cases that are clearly labeled as domestic violence. But she urged journalists to go beyond that narrow framing and explore how domestic violence relates to other current topics such as mass shootings, homelessness, policing, and reproductive rights. 

Reporters might examine how more restrictive abortion laws impact people seeking those services following abuse or rape. For example, what does it mean to have to wait longer or travel farther if you’re experiencing domestic violence? Journalists could also look at mass shootings and ask whether the perpetrator has a history of domestic violence. 

There are ample technology-related angles to explore, too, such as the control that comes from tracking someone’s location or reviewing their browsing history. Stalking, too, has taken on new forms as people can alter video doorbells or home thermostats, creating a sense that they’re present and watching their victims.

Finance reporters might explore how an abuser uses financial tactics to control their victim. For instance, after they are coerced to take out credit cards or loans, survivors may be left with debt collection and ruined credit. 

Children also may be used as a way of controlling a mother, keeping her in an abusive relationship or convincing her to return, speakers said. Those dynamics are even more complex when you add housing into the equation.

“If there’s no housing to go to, you’re facing an impossible choice of: Do I stay in a home that is unsafe for me but keeps my children fed and a roof over their heads?” Colón said. 

People who work in the domestic violence community are eager to expand on these and other topics for reporters, Love-Patterson said. 

“We’re more than happy to talk about those threads and to help create a very clear picture and correlation.”

Related Articles

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What Does a Domestic Violence Social Worker Do?

Domestic violence, sometimes referred to as intimate partner violence (IPV), is a complex and pervasive problem that affects millions. According to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), approximately 41 percent of women and 26 percent of men have experienced domestic violence and reported it at some point in their lives. Domestic violence can have long-term physical, mental and emotional consequences for victims, including chronic health issues, anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder.

Although domestic violence and intimate partner violence are often used interchangeably, IPV specifically refers to abuse — physical, emotional or sexual — that occurs in a romantic relationship. Domestic violence, however, can be used more broadly to refer to any abuse that occurs between members of a household. Social workers who address either form of abuse are generally referred to as domestic violence social workers.

Domestic violence social workers can be instrumental in helping those who have experienced domestic violence or IPV rebuild their lives. They can positively impact individuals and communities through interventions and services such as counseling and therapy, facilitating access to resources and support such as legal aid, and advocating for policy changes and social justice initiatives.

Those who seek to help prevent domestic violence and support survivors should consider the benefits of earning an advanced degree in social work , which can help them build the skills and knowledge needed to make a difference. 

Impact of Domestic Violence 

IPV can include physical assault, battery, sexual assault, economic abuse, and emotional or psychological abuse. It is a power and control pattern in which one intimate partner attempts to intimidate and harm the other and can vary in severity and frequency. Statistics on domestic violence show that people can be subjected to abuse regardless of age, background or identity. 

In addition to the immediate physical and mental harm it causes, domestic violence can have an economic cost. The physical and psychological toll on those who experience domestic violence can prevent them from working or limit the work they can do. Similarly, those stuck in an abusive relationship may be unable to support themselves outside of those situations financially and may feel trapped.

Domestic violence and IPV can also have long-term effects on physical and mental health, potentially resulting in chronic health problems, substance misuse and mental health disorders. According to the World Health Organization, children who are witnesses to domestic violence are more likely to have behavioral problems and lower academic achievement, and may go on to replicate the same unhealthy dynamics in their own relationships.

The Role of Domestic Violence Social Workers 

One of the primary ways social workers support those who have experienced domestic violence is through counseling and support services. Domestic violence can cause long-lasting psychological trauma, and social workers are equipped to provide emotional support and guidance to help them heal. Domestic violence social workers can also help survivors develop safety plans, establish healthy boundaries, and build their self-esteem and confidence.

When children are involved in domestic violence cases, social workers can play a crucial role in ensuring their safety and well-being. They can connect children and their families with child welfare resources and services to provide a safer living environment. 

Additionally, social workers can support those who have experienced or are experiencing domestic violence by connecting them with legal resources, such as victim advocates or lawyers, to obtain protective orders or file for divorce.

In addition to providing direct services, domestic violence social workers can advocate for survivor programs and work with policymakers to develop and implement laws and policies that protect survivors and hold perpetrators accountable for their actions.

How to Become a Domestic Violence Social Worker

Earning a bachelor’s degree in a related field such as social work, psychology or sociology is the first step toward becoming a domestic violence social worker. These programs introduce students to social work concepts, research methods and social welfare policy. Degrees may also offer coursework on diversity and oppression, social work ethics, and human rights.

While entry-level roles may be available with a bachelor’s degree, pursuing a Master of Social Work (M.S.W.) degree can help individuals refine their skills and hone their expertise in social work practices to qualify for more advanced roles, such as a clinical social worker. 

An M.S.W. is a prerequisite for becoming a clinical social worker, along with supervised hours in a clinical setting and passing the licensure exam. Licensed clinical social workers (LCSW) can offer specialized support, long-term treatment and clinical therapy.

In addition to formal education and training, domestic violence social workers should possess soft skills, including strong interpersonal communication and an ability to empathize and show compassion. 

Support Those Who Have Experienced Domestic Violence 

Domestic violence social workers play a crucial role in supporting and advocating for those who have experienced domestic abuse. They provide counseling and connect clients with legal and community resources to help them find safety and stability. Those passionate about helping others and positively impacting their community should consider the online Master of Social Work Program format at Virginia Commonwealth University .

With the flexibility and convenience of an online format, you can pursue your degree while balancing work, family and other responsibilities. The M.S.W. Program also offers field placement opportunities, allowing students to gain real-world experience while earning their degrees. Discover how you can make a difference and take the next step toward a fulfilling career in social work.

How to Advance Your Social Work Career

The Importance of Advocacy in Social Work

Why Make a Career Change to Social Work?

Abuse Refuge Org, Domestic Violence vs. Intimate Partner Violence

Center for Disease Control and Prevention, Fast Facts: Preventing Intimate Partner Violence

Center for Disease Control and Prevention, “The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey: 2016/2017 Report on Sexual Violence”

Houston Chronicle , “Reasons for Becoming a Domestic Violence Social Worker”

Indeed, “How to Become a Social Worker (Education and Training)”

McLean Hospital, “Understanding the Impact of Domestic Violence”

National Association of Social Workers, Domestic Violence Media Toolkit

National Coalition Against Domestic Violence, Statistics

National Domestic Violence Hotline, “2020 – A Year of Impact”

National Domestic Violence Hotline, “2021 – A Year of Impact”

National Domestic Violence Hotline, Domestic Violence Statistics

Pakistan Journal of Medical Sciences , “Domestic Violence and Its Relationship With Depression, Anxiety and Quality of Life: A Hidden Dilemma of Pakistani Women”

World Health Organization, Violence Against Children

World Health Organization, Violence Against Women

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Social Workers

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Sean “Diddy” Combs was seen shoving, kicking and dragging his then-girlfriend Cassie Ventura in  harrowing 2016 surveillance released Friday.

The video,  obtained by CNN  and dated March 5, 2016, shows the rapper and producer running after the singer down a hallway at the InterContinental Hotel in Century City, Los Angeles.

Combs — who has a towel wrapped around his waist — then grabs her by the back of the neck and throws her to the floor.

While holding his towel closed with one hand, he proceeds to kick her, the video shows.

He grabs a purse and suitcase from the floor near an elevator bank before turning around and kicking Ventura again while she lies still on the carpet.

Combs, 54, briefly drags his then-girlfriend by her sweatshirt before walking away.

Ventura slowly stands up and appears to pick up a house phone on the hallway wall before Combs, still in his towel, returns and shoves her.

A few seconds later, he sits in a chair, grabs an object from a table and throws it at Ventura, according to the footage.

He walks away, only to turn toward Ventura yet again — just in time for someone to exit the elevator.

“The gut-wrenching video has only further confirmed the disturbing and predatory behavior of Mr. Combs,” Douglas H. Wigdor, a lawyer for Ventura, said in response to the video — which appeared to match the allegations in the latter’s now-settled lawsuit against Combs.

“Words cannot express the courage and fortitude that Ms. Ventura has shown in coming forward to bring this to light,” Wigdor added.

Ventura — who was off and on with Combs between 2007 and 2018 — sued the Bad Boy Records founder in November 2023, alleging that he subjected her to years of physical violence and sexual abuse.

In the filing, Ventura alleged that Combs paid the InterContinental $50,000 for the security footage from a physical altercation in March 2016, CNN noted.

During that incident, Ventura’s complaint claimed, Combs became “extremely intoxicated and punched Ms. Ventura in the face, giving her a black eye.”

When Combs fell asleep, Ventura tried to leave the hotel room — but he woke up and allegedly “followed her into the hallway of the hotel while yelling at her.”

“He grabbed at her, and then took glass vases in the hallway and threw them at her, causing glass to crash around them as she ran to the elevator to escape,” the lawsuit read.

Ventura was finally able to get away — but feared Combs’ wrath, the complaint continued.

“Upon realizing that her running away would cause Mr. Combs to be even angrier with her, and completely stuck in his vicious cycle of abuse, Ms. Ventura returned to the hotel with the intention of apologizing for running away from her abuser,” it stated.

“When she returned, hotel security staff urged her to get back into a cab and go to her apartment, suggesting that they had seen the security footage showing Mr. Combs beating Ms. Ventura and throwing glass at her in the hotel hallway.”

The lawsuit also claimed that Combs used his wealth and influence to control Ventura, whom he met when she was 19 and he was 37.

Here's what we know about the allegations against Sean "Diddy" Combs

• Sean “Diddy” Combs’ homes in Los Angeles and Miami were raided by Homeland Security amid a possible connection with an ongoing sex-trafficking investigation .
• Authorities targeted the rapper’s homes to seize phones and computers, sources told The Post.
• At least four Jane Does and one John Doe have been interviewed by New York prosecutors in connection to sex-trafficking allegations and a RICO case,  sources told Rolling Stone.
• Combs’ ex-girlfriend Cassie (Cassandra Ventura) filed a lawsuit against him in November 2023 on several allegations, including rape and physical abuse for over a decade .
• Combs and Cassie settled the lawsuit one day after she filed it.
• In November 2023, the rapper was accused of drugging, filming and sexually assaulting a woman on a date in 1991.
• The lawsuit describes how Combs drove the alleged victim to a music studio “where she could not get out of the car” before taking her “to a place he was staying to sexually assault her.”
• A third woman filed a lawsuit against the celebrity in November 2023, claiming that he and singer-songwriter Aaron Hall took turns sexually assaulting her and a friend in the early 1990s.
• In December 2023, Combs was hit with a fourth sexual assault lawsuit that accused him and others of sexually assaulting a 17-year-old girl at his NYC recording studio after drugging her and supplying her with alcohol.

Ventura was signed with Combs’ label, and their business connections lasted through 2019.

The suit was resolved the day after filing with an undisclosed settlement. At the time, Combs’ attorney insisted that his client was innocent of “these offensive and outrageous allegations.”

Since November, however, Combs has been hit with five other lawsuits accusing him of rape, sexual misconduct and other crimes.

In April, authorities raided his California and Florida mansions as part of an investigation by the Department of Homeland Security team that deals with human trafficking.

The mother of one of Combs’ sons — 30-year-old Justin —  shared dramatic footage of the raids and slammed the authorities for using “militarized force”  when they dragged Justin and one of his brothers from the Holmby Hills property.

Earlier this month, Combs  filed to toss one of the sexual misconduct lawsuits against him  on the grounds that the anonymous claimant did not include key details about her alleged assault.

The alleged victim used a “trigger warning” on her claims to  “focus attention on its salacious and depraved allegations,” the filing obtained by Page Six revealed.

On Monday, Combs took to social media to share a message that read “time tells truth.”

The music mogul captioned the post, “LOVE ️.”

If you or someone you know is affected by any of the issues raised in this story, call the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1.800.799.SAFE (7233) or text START to 88788.

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Princeton Study: Private school tuitions rise after state voucher rollout

DES MOINES, Iowa (KCRG) - Iowa’s school vouchers, known as Educational Savings Accounts, are driving up the tuition for private schools. That’s the early conclusion from a study from a Princeton University researcher .

Last December, we introduced you to Amanda Vavra. She was taking advantage of Iowa’s new ESA vouchers to be able to send her child to Summit Schools in Cedar Rapids.

Then Summit raised its tuition in December by about $6,000.

“She still needs tutoring and so it is a question of how now are we going to afford both of these things? I don’t want to pull her out of this school,” said Vavra.

New research from Princeton University suggests Summit is not alone.

“The promise of more access to private education that school vouchers were supposed to provide, is pretty much being negated by schools raising tuition,” said Rep. Jennifer Konfrst, Iowa House Minority Leader.

Jennifer Jennings, Professor of Sociology and Public Affairs at Princeton University is a critic of school choice.

Since Governor Kim Reynolds signed the ‘Students First Act’ into law last year, Jennings and a team of researchers at Princeton compared tuition increases for kindergarteners in Iowa’s private schools to the increases in neighboring Nebraska, which is set to implement a similar plan next school year.

”What we end up finding is that for the eligibility universal grades or kindergarten, we see depending on our model a 21 to 25% increase in tuition prices relative to you know the same grade in Nebraska,” said Jennings.

Jennings admits the data is limited since not all private schools report their tuition, but it still covers the majority of schools and students in private school.

Iowa’s Governor’s Office pointed us to a report from the conservative Heritage Foundation , arguing data over time shows states with school choice had smaller tuition increases than states without school choice.

But that study did not specifically look at Iowa’s ESA vouchers.

Governor Reynolds’ Office also pointed to another possible cause, saying in a statement: “Private schools regularly adjust tuition in order to increase their budgets so they can invest in priorities like teacher salaries and expanding capacity,” Adding: “It’s no different than increasing state appropriations annually for Iowa’s public schools.”

But Iowa raised its funding for public schools by 2.5% this year. Far below the 20-25% increase reported in private school tuition hikes.

House Minority Leader Jennifer Konfrst said this was something she was concerned about when the vouchers were first being discussed.

”I asked Representative Wills, are there any protections in this bill against schools raising tuition? And his answer was no because they’re a business. And my response was but kids aren’t products. We can’t treat education like a business. “>

Back at Summit Schools, Principal April Bickford said its tuition hike wasn’t because of vouchers, but to reset tuition after decreasing it during the Pandemic.

“There was a dramatic decrease in tuition during the pandemic to make Summit more accessible for families during that and to be able to remain open. And they never came back up from it,” said Bickford. “We had to be able to keep our doors open any longer, even one more year,” she said.

But Jennings worries tuition will keep rising as Iowa expands who can use the vouchers.

”Essentially the worry here is that families may be priced out as tuition continues to increase. And it’s an empirical question whether it will continue to increase, it’s possible it will just be a one-time bump and certainly beyond the scope of our study,” said Jennings.

You can read the full study here .

Copyright 2024 KCRG. All rights reserved.

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Suburbanization Problems in the USSR : the Case of Moscow

• Référence bibliographique

Gornostayeva Galina A. Suburbanization Problems in the USSR : the Case of Moscow . In: Espace, populations, sociétés , 1991-2. Les franges périurbaines Peri-urban fringes. pp. 349-357.

DOI : https://doi.org/10.3406/espos.1991.1474

www.persee.fr/doc/espos_0755-7809_1991_num_9_2_1474

• RIS (ProCite, Endnote, ...)

Résumé (fre)

La suburbanisation n'existe pas en URSS au sens des phénomènes décrits dans les villes occidentales. Cependant on observe certains transferts limités d'activités industrielles exigeantes en espace ou polluantes, voire même de centres de recherches, vers les zones suburbaines ou des villes-satellites. Mais ces déconcentrations répondent à une logique de planification administrative. En outre, les Moscovites hésitent à aller habiter dans ces centres d'emploi, de crainte de perdre les privilèges liés à l'autorisation d'habiter Moscou (la propiska) et du fait des communications insuffisantes avec la capitale. Le taux de croissance de la population moscovite reste supérieur à celui du reste de l'oblast. Par contre le développement de datchas de seconde résidence est très important dans l'oblast de Moscou, en particulier aux alentours des stations de chemin de fer. L'abolition du système de propiska pourrait transformer les datchas les plus proches de Moscou en résidences principales.

Résumé (eng)

The suburbanisation does not exist as such in the USSR with the meaning one has of the phenomena in Western cities. Though one may notice some limited transfers of industrial activities demanding a lot of space or polluting ones, even research centres, towards the suburban areas or satellite-towns. But these déconcentrations correspond to an administrative planification logics. Moreover the Muscovites hesitate before going and living in these employment centres, because they are afraid of loosing the privileges linked with the authorisation to live in Moscow (the propiska) and because of insufficient communications with the capital. The growth rate of the Muscovite population remains higher than this of the remainder of the oblast. To the contrary developing of datchas for second residences is very high in the Moscow oblast, especially in the vicinity of a railway station. The abolishment of the «propiska» system might transform the datchas nearer to Moscow into main residences.

• Economic structure [link]
• Suburbanization of activities [link]
• Suburbanization of population [link]
• Conclusions [link]
• Literature [link]

Liste des illustrations

• Table 1. Employment structure, % [link]
• Table 2. Annual rate of population increase, % [link]
• Fig. 1. Spatial distribution of country-cottages and gardening associations in the Moscow region [link]

Texte intégral

Galina A. GORNOSTAYEVA

Moscow University

Suburbanization Problems

in the USSR :

the Case of Moscow

Suburbanization processes typical to cities in Western Europe, the USA and other countries are not observed in the USSR or they are distorted to such an extent that they may not be compared with existing standards. This states the question how Soviet cities-succeeded in escaping this stage of urban development. In order to answer this question, we should first summarize the main aspects of Western suburbanization.

Firstly, it is well known that the urbanization processes are linked to structural changes in the economy. Thus the transition from the stage of concentration to this of suburbanization is associated with industrialization, and the transition to the third stage - déconcentration - is related with the rapid growth of employment in the non-industrial sphere. Secondly, a suburbanization of economic activities can be distinguished. It applies in the first place to the building and iron- working industry, transports, engineering and chemical works. These are polluting and requiring extensive areas. This suburbanization of industry is caused by the following factors: rising demand for land from firms ; worsening of transport

tions in the inner cities ; demand for lower land costs and taxation levels in suburbs ; rapid growth of road transports; state policies regulating the growth of large cities ; migration of the labour force to the suburban zones. Scientific and educational activities are also transferred from the centre to the suburbs.

The third important aspect of suburbanization applies to the population. In the suburbs two opposite flows of population meet ; one is centripetal, coming from non- metropolitan regions, the other is centrifugal, coming from the central city. The reasons for the migration to the suburbs are as follows : declining living standards in large cities (overcrowding, slow housing renewal, environmental problems, etc.); growth of motorization of the population, development of communications (telephone, telex, fax, computer) ; intensifying decentralization of working places ; lower land prices in the suburbs ; state support for the intensification of real estate development in the suburbs. The above-mentioned factors and reasons for suburbanization are altered in the Soviet cities. Let us explore them, by taking for example the largest one - Moscow.

Economic structure

The employment structure in the USSR reveals sharp differences from those in developed urbanized countries. The USSR is characterized by a high share of employment in agriculture, industry, construction and a low share in the non-industrial sphere (tab. 1).

A correlation analysis of the percentage of urban population and employment in the different spheres of economic activity reveals that the share of urban population in the USSR is higher than in countries with the same percentage of persons employed in agriculture.

TABLE 1. EMPLOYMENT STRUCTURE,

Source: personal calculations.

The urbanization processes in the Moscow Capital Region (MCR) are more intensive than in other regions of the USSR. Structural changes are more obvious here : the share of employment in the non-industrial sphere increases more substantially and the percentage of persons employed in industry and agriculture is lower than in the whole country. However the MCR cannot therefore be compared with a metropolitan region in a Western country. Although Moscow is the most advanced agglomeration in the USSR, it lags is far behind the major world cities in terms of development and it is at the very start of the post- industrial stage of its structural and urban transformation.

The structural «anomaly» of the USSR as a whole and of the MCR in particular is explained by the enforced process of industrialization (starting from the thirties) at the expense of the peasantry (thus, there is not only a booming industrial employment in cities, but also worsening living and working conditions in villages and forced collectivization having triggered off the massive rural emigration). As a result, the share of urban population in the USSR is higher than expected, based on changes in the economic structure. While urbanization in the developed countries was due, among

other causes, to an increasing labour efficiency in agriculture, this remained quite low in the USSR. Therefore the employment share in agriculture is overstated in comparison with countries with a similar percentage of urban population, and even this considerable part of the labour force is unable to feed the whole population of the country.

The share of agricultural employment in the mcr increased from 7,4 % to 7,6 °7o between 1980 and 1985 (as a result of Moscow attractiveness and the better living standards in its surrounding villages), whereas it continued to decline in other parts of the Central region. The population growth in villages adjacent to Moscow is especially intensive, though labour efficiency in localities near Moscow is higher than in the other oblasts. In spite of this, Moscow oblast provides only 61 % of milk, 34 °/o of potatoes, 45 % of vegetables and 23 % of meat needed by the population in Moscow city and oblast (Argumen- ty i facty, 1988, N50, p. 3). The structural anomaly is not only related to processes in agricultural sphere but also in industrial sector. As a result of the low economic mobility of socialist firms and of the absence of market relations, the industrial development was extensive,

without significant increases of the labour

productivity.

Thus the employment transfer from the

agricultural to the industrial sector, their

extensive development and their low labour

productivity are intrinsically related with the political definition of productiorfrela- tions and course of structural economic transformation.

Suburbanization of activities

Moscow and Moscow oblast show divergent economic structures and changes (tab. 1). In Moscow the employment share in the non-industrial sphere in Moscow is growing more rapidly, whereas the share of industrial employment is decreasing. In Moscow oblast the part of transport and communication infrastructure, retail trade, administration, housing (presently less developed than in Moscow) is increasing. Some stages in the transformation of activities in the mcr's settlements may be pointed out here. The stage of industrialization and reconstruction after World War II is characterized by the swift industrial development and the active restructuration of the Moscow and Moscow oblast economy. New industries have been built (motor-car and aircraft assembly, machine-tool industry, organic synthesis, etc.), around Moscow research and production potential. Nevertheless, this restructuration is extensive, since traditional industries don't curtail production. It favours the heavy concentration of modern functions in Moscow. There is no transfer of firms outside Moscow. Suburbanization of industrial activities did not occur because of the state owning the means of production and of thé socialist form of production relations. When research and technological progress are slowing down, these firms become inefficient and spatially immobile. The period 1956-1970 is marked by an intensive development of the region scientific sphere and by the rise of « satellite » urban policy. The new centres were specialized in modern branches of machinery and research-engineering activities and were undoubtedly very attractive for the population. Therefore towns like Dubna were growing rapidly. While the aim was to redirect part of Moscow population

growth, they display a quite specific relation with the capital. For instance, Muscovites working in Pushchino cannot reach their job every day because they lack transport facilities. Nevertheless, they don't wish to move and register their passports in the city in which they actually work, since they would have to give up their Moscow registration and then lose all Moscow privileges (see further). These new centres are isolated from information sources in Moscow. Poor telephone communications, lack of computers and telex systems hamper contacts and teamwork with colleagues in the city. It seems that material resources for experimental work in research centres are not sufficient to compensate for lack of information and communications. At the same time, poor transport links with Moscow and the other towns of Moscow oblast isolate the scientists from the higher standard of culture in the centre and from a well developed social infrastructure. An original home-work relation can be observed in Dubna: the Muscovites get the second registration of passports and live there in hostel apartments during 4 or 5 working days, during the weekends they go back to Moscow, where their families are living. The change of functions in Moscow oblast towns is still going on. Inside the towns of the first circle adjacent to Moscow, the share of employment in the non-industrial sectors and transport is growing. Inside the towns of the second circle (suburban zone) these changes lead to an increasing potential of non-industrial, industrial and construction functions. Finally, in the outlying parts of the region the further grovth of construction and industrial functions is observed and the organization potential is intensifying in some towns. The mcr towns display a crawling concen-

tration of the regional most important functions and their extension outside the boundaries of Moscow to the towns of the suburban zone. But the déconcentration of functions in the mcr is not only of natural- economic character. It also results from the state urban policy. Déconcentration is not related to the search for more advantageous sites for firms and institutions as regards to economic or social relations (the availability of cheaper labour force or more comfortable living conditions, etc.), nor is it sustained by the expansion of transport and communication facilities. Thus, this déconcentration is independent from curtailment of any function in central Moscow, whose potential is still growing, and it is also completely inadequate regarding the continuing concentration of population (see below). All this, together with the slow economic and territorial mobility of firms, is an obstacle to the economic restructuration of the region, and to the reorientation of Moscow and its suburbs to non-industrial activities and to progressive scientific and informational work. The mass labour-consuming functions still remain in Moscow and its suburbs, but they are inevitably cut off from modern types of activities.

The idea of alleviating Moscow's development appeared from the very beginning of its rapid growth, since the excessive concentration of population and employment led (as in the other major world cities) to environmental discomfort, worsening of transport, strip-holding of land and other congestion signs. In market economies, the firms react to alterations of economic or social conditions by their mobility: some

of them close, other relocate in more convenient places. In the USSR, the problem of firm transfer (unhealthy or unprofitable firms) becomes unsolvable because of the special type of production relations. Economic and territorial passivity of firms is apparent in the difficulties of erecting industrial buildings and dismantling machinery and equipment, in the low turnover of the means of production. The same problem exist regarding the labour force. Firms transferred to the suburban towns of Moscow oblast are encountering great difficulties in recruiting staff in sufficient numbers and of required skill. The local labour force is rather weak, while the Moscow workers wouldn't leave the capital to follow their firm, because they are afraid of being deprived of passport registration in Moscow. From the social point of view, giving up a Moscow registration is more significant to people than losing their job. The processes going on in the mcr are therefore not quite comparable with those in the Western world. The market economy is more «lively» and replacement of functions has the character of territorial waves. Some functions disappear while new ones emerge. In the mcr, the waves are replaced by stratification. New functions do not replace the old ones, but joining them. At the same time, this process of relative déconcentration of functions overpass the process of stable concentration of population. In the mcr, the modern branches are gravitated closely to Moscow, where skilled workers are retained by their registration advantages. Suburban towns have to be satisfied with commuters or specialists from the outlying regions of the USSR.

Suburbanization of population

The urbanization structure of the region is characterized by the predominance of its main centre - Moscow. The share of the capital in the total Moscow oblast population was as follows: in 1929 - 44,3 Vo, in 1939 - 51,6 %, in 1959 - 54,9 %, in 1979 -54,5 Vo, in 1985 - 57,3 % (Moscow Capital Region, p. 137.). Within the agglomeration, the share of Moscow is still higher, in 1959 it was 75,5 % and in 1985

- 67,3 % (ibid., p. 141), whereas in the highly developed capital regions of the world the agglomeration counts one half or less of the total population and of the economic potential, the second half being concentrated in the suburbs (Gritsay, p. 71). Moreover, the growth rate of Moscow population is higher than that of Moscow oblast (tab . 2).

TABLE 2. ANNUAL RATE OF POPULATION INCREASE,

Migrations are of great importance to the mcr. The internal migration of rural population to the cities is rather substantial, and the immigration flow from the rest of the USSR is not compensated by the decrease of rural population in the mcr. The nearer a town to Moscow, the larger the migration share in its total population increase.

The dynamics of population in the mcr has a specific character. In agglomerations of the developed countries the principle of the «broken glass» summarizes the suburbanization process. When, for some reasons, the centre loses its attractiveness the urban population moves to suburbs in search of higher living standard. In Moscow agglomeration the principle of the «overfilled glass» is operating. People wanting to live in Moscow cannot enter the city and are forced to settle near it. In Moscow immigration undoubtedly prevails over emigration, confirming the extreme territorial differentiation in conditions, level and way of life. As a rule, commuting is oriented from suburbs to Moscow (600 thousand persons come to Moscow and only 200 thousand leave it), but it accounts only for 12-15 % cf the total employment in Moscow's economy. Moreover, these commuters are not Muscovites but potential new inhabitants of the capital (striving for passport registration and domicile in Moscow).

Moscow became the most attractive place for living and an intensive flow of ruined rural residents as well as residents from other regions of the country were rushing -to Moscow. These processes were generated not only by the inception of the country structural economic transformation,

but also by the policy of special privileges for Moscow. These privileges came into being after the establishment of a centralized distribution system. Such a system involves the assignment of a priority level of foodstuffs and manufactured goods to each territory. Moscow was awarded the highest priority level. From the very beginning, better living standards and higher income for certain population categories were established there. In the thirties the artificial differentiation in living standards was confirmed by imposing restrictions to passport registration in the capital, and also by the division of administrative bodies into Moscow and Moscow oblast authorities. In the period 1925-30 dozens of new large firms were located in Moscow, but housing was insufficient at that time. Therefore, a great number of migrants from every corner of the country came to get a job in Moscow and settled in cottages in the nearby countryside. Soon, these settlements in the nearby countryside. Soon, these settlements turned into urban ones. For example, towns like Mytishchi and Luberstsy developed rapidly, and even Muscovites moved there when the railways were electrified. This was clearly the outset of a suburbanization process, but it stopped as soon as the restrictions on passport registration in Moscow were imposed and the social barrier between Moscow and Moscow oblast was established. In the period 1930-40, new industrial developments were banned from Moscow and firms drawn towards the city were located on the outskirts thus causing a rapid growth of the old and new towns. Although the development of cottages as second residence near Moscow started even before the revolution, since the en-

vironmental degradation of Moscow was practically completed at that time, they became the main resorts of those years. They had flourished in the districts with privileged natural conditions and convenient transport services (not further than 2 km from a railway station). In the period 1930-40, this sprawl of leisure housing carried on - cottage settlements expanded into an entire belt of scattered one- storeyed buildings. But at the same time, urban multi-storeyed housing also increased and after World War II these multi- storeyed buildings were found in the cottage settlements of the leisure zone. In the period 1950-60 a network of gardening associations was established. In those

years the most convenient land near Moscow had already been built on. The gardening plots allotted to the Muscovites were located in the remote parts of the mcr, outside the suburban zone, and very frequently they were on improper territories. Because of their remoteness, the difficulties in cultivation and building, the lack of infrastructure, these plots cannot become effective leisure resorts. More frequently Muscovites use them for fruit and vegetable growing.

The desire of the Muscovites for having a second residence in the suburbs can be interpreted as an unfulfilled suburbanization tendency. This desire has the same, mainly environmental, causes as suburbaniza-

tion in Western countries. The cottages within the reach of Moscow's traffic and having access to appropriate infrastructure and amenities, might become the principal residence of Muscovites if passport registration is abolished. The restrictions of passport registration in Moscow fixed in the thirties were devised as an administrative solution against the effects of Moscow's unique attractiveness and not as a means of eliminating the attractiveness itself. For this reason, Moscow became even more attractive, like a forbidden fruit. The consequences were both the concentration of the upper strata of society in the city and the extensive development of industry, resulting in a growing shortage of unskilled labour.

The shortage of regular workers in Moscow is sometimes explained by the increasing number of working places. An adequate planning of the «limiters» (1) system is then put forward as the solution for controlling the growth of Moscow is found in (Glushkova, 1988, p. 43). To be frank, about twenty industrial units and more than one hundred scientific institutions were already created in the seventies alone, in spite of the industrial building ban in Moscow, only a few firms moved outside the city in return. New industrial units easily find staff, since they offer new machinery, relatively good working conditions and higher wages. New scientific and administrative institutions are in a similar position. But the situation is totally different in the old industrial units, with rundown equipment and a high level of manual tasks. Those units suffer from a staff shortage. Moreover, as in any other city, there is a social mobility in Moscow, in most cases improving - from manual up to mental, from unskilled up to highly skilled work. Furthermore, the prestige of a higher education (university) is overestimated in Moscow, whereas the prestige of the manual professions has declined as a result of the stagnation of reinvestments in industry, the high share of manual labour (40 %), and also favouritism and

crowding in the administrative staffs. The attractiveness of an upper class position is therefore overestimated, and social mobility activated. Since Moscow cannot admit free «immigrants» the lower strata of the social structure are vacant and there appears a shortage of unskilled labour force. The lower strata of the social structure were filled in with « limiters ». Available employment in Moscow was not the cause of an organized immigration flow, but represented the only possible way to register the passport there. Roughly half of these people drawn into Moscow's economy left their jobs. «Limiters» get the right to register their passports in Moscow and take up their residence in new houses when their contract expires. They usually quit their job as soon as possible in search of better working conditions (Glushkova, 1988, p. 42). The nature of unskilled work in Moscow and the associated working conditions are so unattractive that it is nearly impossible to find Muscovites willing to perform them.

The institution of passport registration raised many problems. Thus the « limiters » are recruited in social groups not needing most of the advantages of a large city, their psychology and value system differ sharply from native Muscovites. The direct environment of the hostels where «limiters » live, has a pronounced criminal character. Fictitious marriage in order to register the passport in Moscow has become a widespread practice.

Moscow's environmental problems can hardly be solved as long as passport registration exists. The population is literally locked up within the city boundaries. Notwithstanding the environmental stresses, the Moscow privileges prevent the Muscovites from leaving the city. The urban districts not saturated with harmful industrial units are the most prestigious. The social and economic causes of Moscow's extensive growth reveal that its problems are a reflection of the ones facing the USSR. The concentration of economic, social and management functions in Mos-

cow in Soviet times materializes the strong centralism of the particraty and weighs down on the city's development. Low labour efficiency in agriculture and sheer desolation of villages on the one hand, rapid but extensive industrialisation together with forced increasing social attraction of Moscow, confirmed by the restrictions on passport registration, on the other hand, were the key factors of the mcr's polarization during decades. Together with objective factors found in other large cities of the world, subjective factors related to the Soviet political and economic system influence Moscow's growth.

The objective factors are as follows: the diversity of employment in the capital, the emergence of new types of occupations, the concentration of high-skilled and creative labour, the higher living standards, the large educational and cultural opportunities.

The subjective factors are the higher supply level of foodstuff and manufactured goods different than in other regions (the existence of meat-rationing system in many regions of the country and its absence in Moscow establishes a significant threshold not only in terms of supply but also in the outlook of the population); the lack of communications and individual motorized transport (in the rsfsr one counts 47 cars per 1000 urban inhabitants against 560 in the USA) (Argumenty i facty, 1988, N47, p. 2); the craving for joining the upper social classes and for accessing neighbourhoods with a high quality of life; unjustified promotion of upward social mobility releasing «the ground floors» of Moscow's economy; continued growth of employment due to the extensive economic development and the low economic and territorial mobility of firms. Today, the hierarchy of priorities for selecting a residence within the mcr and the whole country is as follows. Food supply comes first. The supply of manufactured

goods, the opportunities to obtain better and larger living quarters and to accede to a prestigious employment with a wage increase, social promotion, well developed consumer services come next. And only at the end of the scale appears the opportunity to fulfil cultural needs and education. Thus, there is a process of «pseudo- urbanization» characteristic of the Soviet economic and social system, superimposed on the process of «natural» urbanization. By natural urbanization we mean the process related to economic development and to the natural difference between rural and urban ways of life. The specificity, the structural changes and the hierarchy of city functions shape the migration flows conditioned by natural urbanization. «Pseudo-urbanization» points to «the scum» of the process, that may complete the economic and socially conditioned urbanization. The «pseudo-urbanization» is generated by a disproportionate development of the country's economic structure (hypertrophie share of industry; economic and political reforms have triggered off a massive flow of the peasantry towards the cities, related not with the rising but with the lowering of labour efficiency in agriculture, with impoverishment of the countryside and hence with the urge towards the centres of relative well-being), and by the territorial inequalities in standards of living, artificially created and maintained by the institution of passports and registration.

The suburbanization of population cannot be observed in the MCR. The centripetal tendencies mentioned above resulted in rapid growth of Moscow and its suburbs, as well as in some stagnation of its periphery. Thus Moscow agglomeration is now in the first stage of development, the stage of «crawling» concentration where centrifugal forces are very weak. This situation will last as long as the barrier in terms of standards of living exists between Moscow and Moscow oblast.

Conclusions

This study has reaffirmed the general lack of suburbanization in the Soviet cities. Some signs of suburbanization like the

transfer of some activities from Moscow to the suburbs, the concentration of population in towns and villages near the central

city and commuting, differ significantly pie and firms will emancipate, only if the from the Western cities. The process of ur- existing political and economic system in banization will take its normal course, peo- the USSR is dismantled.

Argumenty i facty, 1988, N47, p. 2 Argumenty i facty, 1988, N50, p. 3

GLUSHKOVA V.G. Questions of Interrelated Settlement in Moscow and the Moscow Region, Problems of Geography, vol. 131, Moscow, 1988, pp. 40-56.

GRITSAY O.V. Western Europe : Regional Contrasts at the New Stage of Scientific-Technological Progress, Moscow, 1988, 148 p.

Moscow in Figures. 1980, Moscow, 1981, 220 p. Moscow in Figures. 1985, Moscow, 1986, 240 p.

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(1) Limiters are unskilled workers, hired in an organised way by Moscow firms; after working there for several years of working they get the right to register

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Land use changes in the environs of Moscow

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