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Parent Essay: Switching Schools

Don’t be afraid to make a move — and don’t expect miracles.

After the tears welled up, but before the nightmares began, I started to suspect that my daughter's kindergarten might not be a great fit. There was an unnerving avalanche of dittos, make-work homework, and art that consisted of premade girl and boy shapes with smiles and dots for eyes. I also wasn't comfortable with the treasure box that rewarded kids at the end of the day with plastic toys. Then, after going to school for almost two weeks, Pascale started crying on the rides home.

Choosing a school is like getting married. And despite the fact that we had researched everything carefully, had long discussions about our values, and made what seemed like the best possible match at the time, it was starting to feel like a shotgun wedding. But was I prepared to yank my kid out three weeks in? We had landed in parochial school after bitterly flaming out with the public schools. Where were we going to go?

Like most diligent parents, we had started the school search two years earlier. We live in San Francisco, which works on a school-assignment process based on a byzantine lottery tuned to create economically diverse classrooms. You pick your top choices, and the district makes you an offer based on those selections. For years, at playgrounds and birthday parties, the talk invariably focused on the following: Your short list of schools, PTA fundraising power, and schools that teach to the test too much or not enough. I went on 22 tours and gathered copious amounts of information. None of it mattered in the end.

When we opened our letter from the district, we found not one of our seven choices. We were assigned to our neighborhood school, which had no PTA, no fundraising, and API scores among the lowest in the district. We had applied to parochial school as a backup. This one was known as the most progressive, and we had a friend there who loved it. After several painful and fruitless rounds with the school district, we mailed a deposit and bought a pile of plaid uniforms.

A few weeks into the parochial school, after Pascale started having nightmares, I headed to the public school district office and cried onto the desk of an impassive woman who told me that they'd call if an opening arose. I went home and called my last hope, an arts-based charter school far from our house. They had a slot!

The director walked us around the school and into a sunny, messy kindergarten room that contained Pascale's dear friend from preschool. She led us into the music room, where the teacher belted out a Johnny Cash song on a guitar while a dozen fourth graders banged on xylophones. Boys in baggy pants danced to jazz upstairs, and in the art studio, kids talked about Frida Kahlo. After five minutes of deliberation, we registered Pascale, setting her start date for the next day.

Is the new school perfect? Of course not. The Family Association is still trying to find itself, a deficit is looming, a move is pending, and our daily drive there is awful, none of which applied at the stable, nearby parochial school.

But all four of her teachers -- kindergarten, music, dance, and art -- are wonderful. Pascale is learning to express her feelings and assert herself, along with phonics and math. She has spoken and sung beautifully in front of 300 members of the school community, and she's made real friends. She's happy.

No school is perfect. The trick is figuring out which flaws you and your child can live with. Letting go of the idea that any one school would meet all of our needs made the process easier. Seeing Pascale thrive has confirmed that switching schools was the right move, and as overwhelming as choosing a school is, we feel very lucky to have had options. After three months, the relationship between our family and the school feels even more like a marriage, only this time, for better or for worse, it seems like it just might last.

Anne Marie Feld is a freelance writer in San Francisco. She is still dreaming of the perfect kindergarten, even though she knows better.

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Switching Schools: Reconsidering the Relationship Between School Mobility and High School Dropout

Joseph gasper.

Westat, 1600 Research Blvd. Rockville, MD 20850, (240) 314-2485, (301) 610-4905

Stefanie DeLuca

JHU Department of Sociology, 532 Mergenthaler Hall, 3400. N. Charles St. Baltimore, MD 21218, (410) 516-7629, (410) 516-7590

Angela Estacion

JHU Department of Sociology, 533 Mergenthaler Hall, 3400. N. Charles St. Baltimore, MD 21218, (410) 516-7626, (410) 516-7590

Youth who switch schools are more likely to demonstrate a wide array of negative behavioral and educational outcomes, including dropping out of high school. However, whether switching schools actually puts youth at risk for dropout is uncertain, since youth who switch schools are similar to dropouts in their levels of prior school achievement and engagement, which suggests that switching schools may be part of the same long-term developmental process of disengagement that leads to dropping out. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, this study uses propensity score matching to pair youth who switched high schools with similar youth who stayed in the same school. We find that while over half the association between switching schools and dropout is explained by observed characteristics prior to 9 th grade, switching schools is still associated with dropout. Moreover, the relationship between switching schools and dropout varies depending on a youth's propensity for switching schools.

Graduating from high school is an important developmental task that marks the transition out of adolescence and into adulthood. However, recent statistics suggest that as few as two thirds of youth graduate within four years of entering high school, and that the odds of graduating from high school for black and Hispanic youth barely break 50/50 ( Greene & Winters, 2006 ; Miao & Haney, 2004 ; Swanson & Chaplin, 2003 ). 1 High school dropouts are likely to face a number of problems, both immediately after dropping out and later in life. Nearly one half of all high school dropouts ages 16 to 24 are jobless ( Sum et al., 2003 ), and high school dropouts earn about $9,245 less per year than high school graduates ( Doland, 2001 ). Additionally, nearly half of all heads of households on welfare ( Schwartz, 1995 ) and nearly two thirds of prison inmates have not received a high school diploma ( Harlow, 2003 ). Moreover, the costs of dropping out of high school and its associated ills fall not only on the individual high school dropout, but on the rest of society. It is estimated that the lifetime cost to the nation is $260,000 per dropout ( Rouse, 2005 ).

One factor that is believed to put youth at risk for dropping out of high school is switching schools for reasons other than promotion from one grade to the next, e.g., from elementary school to middle school or from middle school to high school ( Astone & McLanahan, 1994 ; Haveman, Wolfe, & Spaulding, 1991 ; Rumberger, 1995 ; Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ; South, Haynie, & Bose, 2007 ; Swanson & Schneider, 1999 ; Teachman, Paasch, & Carver, 1996 ). Indeed, switching schools is so strongly associated with dropping out that one study found that the majority of high school dropouts switched schools at least once, while the majority of high school graduates did not ( Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ). Moreover, the relationship between switching schools and high school dropout appears to be robust to controls for prior academic achievement and student background characteristics ( Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ; South, Haynie, & Bose, 2007 ).

However, whether switching schools actually causes students to dropout is uncertain. A few studies have documented that youth who switch schools resemble high school dropouts on several academic, family, and personal factors. Most notably, youth who switch schools are more likely to come from single parent families, are more disengaged, and perform worse academically than youth who do not switch schools, as evidenced by their higher rate of absenteeism, lower grades, and more frequent school suspension and delinquency ( Lee & Burkam, 1992 ; Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ). In addition, several studies that have examined the effects of switching schools on youth outcomes have found that much of the difference in achievement or problem behavior between youth who switch schools and those who do not disappears once socioeconomic background and prior achievement are taken into account ( Gasper, DeLuca, & Estacion, 2010 ; Pribesh & Downey, 1999 ; Temple & Reynolds, 1999 ). Taken together, these findings suggest that the apparent effects of school mobility on dropout may have little to do with school mobility and more to do with earlier school performance, family instability and other social or emotional factors. Since dropping out is thought to be the result of a long-term process of disengagement from school, one that begins as early as first grade ( Alexander, Entwisle, & Kabbani, 2001 ; Ensminger & Slusarcick, 1992 ; Finn, 1989 ), switching schools may simply be one point along a continuum of gradual withdrawal from school that ultimately ends with dropping out. It is therefore difficult to know whether mobility is a cause of dropout, or merely a symptom of the underlying process of disengagement that causes dropout.

The possibility that switching schools may be caused by the same cycle of disengagement that leads to dropout makes estimating the effect of switching schools on dropout a difficult task, due to selection bias. Since the factors that lead to dropout begin operating as early as first grade, youth who switch high schools are likely to be very different from youth who stay in the same high school in terms of their socioeconomic background, school performance, and behavior long before entering 9 th grade. The main challenge therefore lies in knowing the unobserved counterfactual outcome—would the same youth have dropped out if they had not switched schools? Without experimental data, treated youth (who switched schools) must be compared to untreated youth (who stayed in the same school) who are similar on all background factors predictive of dropping out (both observed and unobserved). Such comparisons would provide better estimates than prior research of the effect of switching schools on dropout.

It is also possible that the effect of a transition such as school mobility works differently across youth, depending on their initial risk (propensity) for changing schools. In other words, it is plausible that the youth most at risk for a non-promotional school change would be most affected by that change, as it becomes one more jolt to an already unstable set of family circumstances, a history of poor school performance, and a tendency toward problem behaviors. The literature on repeat residential mobility suggests that all of the disruptions in the lives of very poor youth have cumulative negative effects ( Shafft, 2006 ). At the other extreme, it is possible that youth who are the least likely to switch schools come from more stable and higher functioning families and have enough personal resources to weather the storm of a school change. For students in the middle of the risk continuum, a school change might be the event that pushes a student over the edge if he or she is ‘making it’ but coming from a fragile family or struggling socially. Therefore, we also consider the possibility that the effect of a school change varies by student's risk for experiencing the event.

In this study, we seek to determine whether switching high schools leads to dropping out, or whether high school mobility is simply a precursor to dropping out. To do this, we use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97), sponsored by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Designed to examine the educational and labor market experiences of youth, the NLSY97 contains richly descriptive information on youth's school enrollment, including the grade level of each school that a youth attended. In order to assess whether switching schools increases the likelihood of dropout, we use propensity score matching techniques to compare youth who switched high schools (switchers) with youth who stayed in the same high school (stayers) but who are similar on 177 characteristics measured before 9th grade. We consider a wide variety of background factors that may predispose youth to switching high schools or dropping out, including: demographics, socioeconomic background, family processes and dynamics, school performance and engagement, substance use and precocious transitions, and delinquency. By ensuring that youth who switched high schools are similar to youth who stayed in the same high school on all of these observed background characteristics, we can provide a better estimate than prior research of the relationship between switching schools and dropout. We then assess whether switching high schools has the same effect on youth who had a high propensity for switching compared to those with a low propensity. This allows us to determine whether switching schools leads to dropping out, and for which kinds of students.

Prior Research and Theory

Extent of school mobility.

While most youth do not experience much disruption in their school environments, a nontrivial number do end up changing schools outside of a normal promotion transition point (e.g. the transition from elementary to middle school at 6 th grade) (National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2010). Over 30 percent of elementary school students make more than one school change between 1 st and 8 th grade ( Smith, 1995 ), and more than 25 percent of students make a non-promotional school change between grades 8 and 12 ( Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ). However, the extent to which students experience mobility varies closely with socioeconomic characteristics ( Hanushek, Kain, & Rivkin, 2004 ). For example, studies focusing on very poor minority families suggest that between sixty and seventy percent of these children change schools at least once in elementary grades and 20 percent change schools two or more times ( Temple & Reynolds, 1999 ).

Most studies focus on the effects of residential mobility on youth developmental outcomes rather than school mobility per se ( Astone & McLanahan, 1994 ; Hagan, Macmillan, & Wheaton, 1996 ; Haveman, Wolfe, & Spaulding, 1991 ). This makes sense, as residential mobility is often accompanied by school change and is the most common cause for school mobility. However, residential and school moves are not always linked, since only 50-60% of school changes are residential ( Kerbow, 1996 ). Therefore, we study the impacts of school mobility on educational outcomes, independent of residential mobility, to understand the direct links between switching educational environments and the chances that a student will drop out of school.

School Mobility Causes Dropout

Recent studies investigating mobility and school outcomes have drawn most heavily from Coleman's (1988) work on social capital theory ( Hagan, Macmillan, & Wheaton, 1996 ; Pribesh & Downey, 1999 ; Ream, 2005a ). Coleman's seminal work suggests that students who change schools as a result of moving are more likely to experience high school dropout in part because of the loss of important social ties (1988; 1990). In particular, he argues that mobility is significant because it affects three forms of closure: parents are less likely to know the teachers in a new school; parents are less likely to know the parents of the child's new classmates; and the child is less likely to know the parents of other youth in the school (1990:596). These relationships are significant for understanding educational attainment, mental health and whether youth engage in delinquent behaviors ( Briggs, 1997 , 1998 ; Coleman, 1988 ; Hagan, Macmillan, & Wheaton, 1996 ; Pribesh & Downey, 1999 ). Additional work has confirmed that the effects of mobility on schooling outcomes is in part due to the loss of relationships with school personnel, parents and peers ( McLanahan & Booth, 1989 ; Pribesh & Downey, 1999 ; South, Haynie, & Bose, 2007 ).

Social capital within families is important for educational attainment because under stable conditions, parents can monitor children's school progress and provide educational guidance. However, moving can disrupt routines, affect parental relationships and also limit the extent to which parents can rely on social networks to gain knowledge about local school quality and the availability of educational programs and services. It is theorized that breaking social ties and disrupting the home environment creates psychological stress for adolescents and deprives both families and young people of the resources that established social connections bring ( Hagan, Macmillan, & Wheaton, 1996 ; Kroger, 1980 ).

Changing schools can affect educational achievement in many other ways. In addition to severing relationships between children and local neighborhood adults (and breaking ties between parents and the parents of their children's friends), changing schools alters important connections to teachers, peers and extracurricular opportunities and can disrupt instructional practices. For example, when children switch schools, it takes time for the schools to acquire student records and teachers have to get to know students, which can be difficult after the school year has already begun. There may also a discontinuity in learning environments, goals, and assessments between the old and new school. This can make it difficult to catch up on coursework both because students have to learn about the new expectations for academic performance and behavior at the school, but also because students may miss learning about key concepts in the time lost between transitions ( Kerbow, Azcoitia, & Buell, 2003 ).

The social transitions between schools can also be difficult for young people, as they enter new landscapes with well developed friend networks and cliques. This can be difficult for transfer students as, by virtue of being ‘unknown’, they have no entrée into the social hierarchy of the school ( Eckert, 1989 ; Eder, 1985 ). Previous research has found that more mobile adolescents tend to be more socially isolated and less involved in extracurricular activities than non-mobile adolescents ( Pribesh & Downey, 1999 ), which may lead to weak academic performance, lowered educational aspirations, and less commitment to and satisfaction with school.

Switching Schools as a Symptom of Disengagement

The argument that switching schools and dropout are instead based on similar underlying factors (rather than the former simply causing the latter) has received much less attention. However, when situated in a broader perspective on dropout, switching schools can be viewed more as a sign of impending school attrition than as a cause of dropout. Finn (1989) developed two models that view dropout as a long-term developmental process of disengagement from school. Finn's first model, the frustration-self-esteem model, argues that poor school performance leads to frustration and low self-esteem, which causes a youth to reject school, which they view as the source of their negative feelings. This school rejection may take the form of problem behavior, if a student seeks an increase in self-esteem through success in another arena—specifically, rebellious behavior. Problem behavior escalates and negatively affects school performance until the student eventually drops out, is expelled or the student's parents transfer her to a different school in an attempt to remedy the problem.

Whereas the frustration-self-esteem model focuses on internal psychological processes, Finn's (1989) second model of dropout—the participation-identification model—emphasizes a youth's behavioral and emotional involvement with school. According to this model, students who fail to develop a sense of identification with school will drop out. The development of a sense of identification stems from participation in classroom and school activities, which fosters academic success, promotes a sense of belonging and the value of school-related goals, and increases future involvement in school. The failure to participate in these activities leads to poor academic performance, a lack of support and encouragement to continue participating in school, and emotional withdrawal from school. As the student gets older, attempts at withdrawal manifest themselves as problem behavior, including truancy and disruptive behavior. As the attention of teachers and school officials becomes focused on the problem behavior, and as suspensions and other disciplinary practices prevent the student from further participating in school activities, dropping out is likely.

There is some empirical evidence for the claim that switching schools is caused by the same cycle of disengagement that causes dropout. Lee and Burkam (1992) examined the causes of dropping out, transferring, and graduating. They found that the predictors of dropping out were similar to those of transferring, including frequent unexcused absences, low grades, dissatisfaction with and disinterest in school, cutting classes, suspension/probation, and trouble with the law. They concluded that the motivations for school transfer—or “dropping down”-- were similar to those for dropping out and that transferring schools is one point along a continuum of school attrition which ends in dropout. Whereas transferring schools represents dissatisfaction and problems in a single school, dropping out represents dissatisfaction more globally. Similarly, Rumberger and Larson (1998) found that academic and behavioral disengagement in 8 th grade (including absenteeism, misbehavior, and low expectations) predicted both whether students dropped out or transferred schools between the 8 th and 12th grades.

A second source of evidence comes from studies that find that the association between school transfer and achievement and dropout is reduced when controls for preexisting background characteristics are introduced. Using data from a panel of low-income black children in Chicago, Temple and Reynolds (1999) found that while children who moved frequently between kindergarten and 7 th grade performed nearly one grade level behind their peers in reading and mathematics in 7 th grade, one half of this difference was due to the fact that they had lower achievement before they started to change schools. Pribesh and Downey (1999) found that preexisting differences accounted for 90 percent of the difference in test scores between movers and non-movers. From this, they conclude that “Movers perform less well in school than non-movers in large part because the kinds of families that tend to move are also likely to have other disadvantages” (531).

Differences in the Effect of Switching Schools

Because of the variation in family background, social networks and previous academic performance that characterizes the differences between youth who change schools and those who do not, it is also likely that school switching has different effects on youth who vary along these dimensions. Most experimental work estimates an ‘average treatment effect’ that shows how an intervention changed the average outcomes for those in the treatment group as compared to average outcomes for controls. However, this ignores the fact that individuals respond differently to treatments, depending on their own characteristics, whether they complied with treatment and treatment fidelity ( Morgan & Winship, 2007 ). Thus, not all young people will respond to school mobility the same way, even if on average it seems to matter for the population.

School mobility might affect youth differently, depending on how their observable and unobservable characteristics and life circumstances put them at risk for the event. A school transfer might trigger a process of withdrawal and distress for a student, depending whether the school change occurs alongside other important events, such as family structure changes or significant events occurring in other domains of a youth's life, such as previous poor school performance, friendship dynamics and puberty ( Agnew, 1992 ; Pearlin, Meneghan, Lieberman, & Mullen, 1981 ; Raviv, Keinan, Abazon, & Raviv, 1990 ; Simons & Blyth, 1987 ). The extent to which the student is experiencing instability at home might also condition whether or not a school change leads to dropout, even for a student who performs well academically. For example, research generally finds that higher mobility rates among children of divorced families or stepfamilies can help explain their lower educational attainment ( McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994 ; South, Crowder, & Trent, 1998 ; Speare & Goldscheider, 1987 ). Good relationships with parents or other adults might act as buffers to offset the effects of moving and school changes ( Hagan, Macmillan, & Wheaton, 1996 ). Research on risk and resilience implies that some protective factors (like parents and schools) can help individuals respond to stressful situations and enhance their coping abilities ( Jarrett, 1997 ; Rutter, 1987 ).

Youth's own personal characteristics and behavioral past might interact with the school change in a way that determines whether that transition leads to dropout. If youth have a tendency to be more popular with peers and make friends easily, a school change might not make much of a difference. However, if a student has had problem behaviors in the past, encountering new teachers and peers could trigger underlying tendencies to act out and lead to more withdrawal or disciplinary action. For example, a recent study of poor youth shows that the effects of changing neighborhoods differs by gender, prior engagement in risky behavior and neighborhood type ( Bolland et al., 2009 ).

It is also possible that school mobility comes about as a ‘strategic’ versus ‘reactive’ process, set in motion by parents and youth to find a better fit between the student and the school ( Ream, 2005b ; Rumberger, Larson, Ream, & Palardy, 1999 ). Reactive school changes are those brought about because of behavior problems the student might be having at school, changes in the family structure, the loss of a parent's job and other push factors at the school level. In the literature, most school mobility is perceived as reactive, and thus associated with negative developmental outcomes. However, some parents actively seek out a school change to pursue higher quality schooling environments for their children (e.g. enrolling children in private, magnet or charter schools). It is possible that such proactive school mobility could be more beneficial for youth than the reactive school moves and help explain how different students weather the storm of school switching better than others ( Ream, 2005b ; Rumberger, Larson, Ream, & Palardy, 1999 ).

Analytic Approach

Prior studies that have examined the effects of school transfer on dropout have relied on standard regression adjustment to address the problem of selection bias ( Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ; South, Haynie, & Bose, 2005 ; Swanson & Schneider, 1999 ). These studies all claim to find evidence of a detrimental effect of school transfer on high school graduation. However, standard regression adjustment may be inadequate for addressing selection bias for several reasons. First, regression relies heavily on model assumptions about functional form and extrapolates treatment effects even when treatment and control cases do not sufficiently overlap on observed characteristics. However, youth who transfer schools are likely to be different in important ways from youth who do not transfer schools. Regression adjustment ignores this lack of overlap of treatment and controls in its estimation of treatment effects. Such lack of overlap raises suspicions about what would have happened to youth who transferred schools if they had not transferred schools. Regression therefore reports an “average treatment effect” (ATE) of school transfer:

where y 1 denotes the probability of youth dropping out after transferring schools, and y 0 denotes the probability of a youth dropping out without transferring schools.

A better approach is to match youth who switched schools with youth who did not switch schools but who are similar on observed characteristics. When matching youth on many observed characteristics, one method that is particularly useful is propensity score matching, pioneered by Rosenbaum and Rubin (1983) . Propensity score matching combines information on a large number of observed characteristics into a single scale that summarizes a youth's probability of receiving treatment, which in this case is switching schools. Each treated case is matched to a control case with a similar probability or “propensity” for treatment based on observed characteristics.

Propensity score matching offers a substantial improvement over standard regression adjustment in two ways. First, propensity score matching does not rely on regression assumptions about additivity and linearity to estimate treatment effects. While an individual's propensity score is calculated using a logit or probit model, individuals are matched non-parametrically. Second, propensity score matching highlights the issue of common support. Matching forces researchers to examine the extent to which the treated and untreated groups overlap. It addresses the issue of selection bias by helping researchers get closer to the counterfactual question: If youth who switched schools had stayed in the same school, would they have graduated? Obviously, it is impossible to go back in time and redirect youth who transferred schools to stay in the same school. Propensity score matching helps to overcome this problem by comparing youth who transferred schools to youth with similar backgrounds who stayed in the same schools. Propensity score matching therefore reports an estimate of the “average treatment effect on the treated,” where Z is whether a youth switched high schools:

The first step in propensity score matching is to use a logit model to estimate the probability of treatment (non-promotional school change) given a set of observed characteristics:

where e xβ is the exponentiated logit or log odds of treatment and Z represents school mobility. The probability is restricted to be between 0 and 1. A key assumption of the propensity score method is the conditional independence assumption (CIA). The CIA states that selection into treatment is random conditional on a set of observed covariates. In other words, propensity score matching addresses “selection on observables” and cannot address selection bias on characteristics that are not measured or observed. If unobserved characteristics determine treatment status, then treatment assignment is not random and treated and control individuals still differ in important ways. While the CIA is a strong assumption that is unlikely to be satisfied in any observational study, we attempt to increase the plausibility of the CIA in two ways. First, we calculate propensity scores using 177 observed characteristics that are likely to affect both selection into treatment as well as the outcome (high school dropout). Many of these covariates may serve as proxies for unobserved characteristics with which they are correlated. The full list of matching covariates can be found in Appendix A . Second, we compare the distribution of pre- high school characteristics before and after matching using t-tests and measures of standardized bias to ensure that the groups are balanced on observed characteristics. However, it is important to note that propensity score matching by itself does not solve problems of selection bias. Any covariate that is unmeasured but highly correlated with switching schools could bias the estimated treatment effects.

After computing propensity scores, we matched treated youth (those who switched schools) to counterfactuals who were similar on observed characteristics but who did not switch schools. While there are many strategies for selecting counterfactuals, we accomplished matching using two common methods: nearest neighbor caliper matching with replacement and kernel matching. In nearest neighbor matching, treatment cases are randomly sorted and each treated individual t is matched with the control case c with the closest propensity score ( Smith & Todd, 2005 ) as follows:

where p t and p c are the propensity scores for the treated and control cases, respectively. The matching algorithm attempts to minimize the absolute difference between the treatment and control propensity scores. However, one shortcoming of nearest neighbor matching is that matches may not have the same propensity as treated cases. This is because nearest neighbor matching does not usually address the issue of common support, thereby leading to potentially bad matches when treated and control groups are substantially different. To address this issue, we imposed a restriction on the maximum distance between treated cases and counterfactuals. Specifically, we used a caliper of .01, meaning that the probability of treatment for each counterfactual had to be within 1 percent (high or low) of the probability for the treated case to which it was matched. Caliper matching ensures that treated and control cases are very similar 2 . To ensure that a match was found for every treated case, we matched with replacement, meaning that once an untreated control had been chosen for a match, they were able to serve as a counterfactual for multiple treated cases. While this strategy increases the variance of the treatment effect estimates, it maximizes the number of treated cases that are matched to counterfactuals.

We employ a second matching method—kernel matching—to assess the robustness of our findings. Whereas nearest neighbor matching pairs each treated case to only one counterfactual, kernel matching pairs treated cases with multiple counterfactuals weighted based on the distance of their propensity score. The distance is measured by the difference in propensity scores between the treated and control cases. In kernel matching, the contribution of each control case to the treatment effect of switching schools is dependent on its distance in propensity score. Youth who are similar in their estimated propensity count more in the estimation of the treatment effect than youth who are different. In other words, better matches contribute more to the parameter estimates. In this way, kernel matching improves upon the estimates provided by nearest neighbor matching. We impose a bandwidth of .01 to produce results that are comparable with those derived from nearest neighbor matching.

After matching, we estimated treatment effects by calculating the percentage of youth who dropped out in both the unmatched and matched samples. To examine whether the effects of school transfer on dropout vary by preexisting differences, we stratified our sample by quartile of propensity score. We then estimate treatment effects separately for youth with different propensities for switching high schools.

Data and Methods

This study uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97), sponsored by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The NLSY97 is a nationally representative longitudinal survey of youth who were 12 to 16 years old on the sampling date of December 31, 1996 (or who were born between 1980 and 1984) 3 . The NLSY97 is designed to document the transition from school to work and into adulthood. The NLSY97 sample is composed of two independent probability samples: (1) a cross-sectional sample of 6,748 youths who are representative of the noninstitutionalized population of youths in the U.S. who were born between 1980 and 1984, and (2) an oversample of 2,236 black and Hispanic youths. The cohort was selected this way to meet the survey design requirement of providing enough black and Hispanic respondents for statistical analyses.

School Mobility

Our measure of school mobility is derived from retrospective self-reports of each school attended since the last interview. Beginning in round 2, the youth questionnaire collects information on each school that a youth attended since the last interview. Youth are queried on the dates of attendance as well as the grade level of the school (e.g., elementary school, middle school, high school). Information for each school is entered on a roster, and a unique ID number assigned to each school for each youth enables the identification of schools attended by a youth in previous rounds. This makes it possible to construct the complete history of each school attended for each youth, including the dates attended and the grade level. Using this information, we created a variable that counted the number of high schools that a youth ever reported attending. We then created a dummy variable equal to 1 if a youth ever attended more than one high school and 0 if a youth attended only one high school. 4 Mobile youth are therefore considered youth who attended more than one high school. 5 Since changing high schools should not be the result of a promotion from one grade to the next, our measure of school mobility should tap non-promotional school change. 6

The dependent variable in this study is dropout, which we derived from youth self-reports of school enrollment at each round of the NLSY97. NLSY97 staff created a variable that summarizes the youth's enrollment status at each round based on the information collected on school enrollment. Dropout is defined as any youth who is not enrolled in school and who does not have a high school diploma at the time of the round 7 interview, when the youth are between the ages of 19 and 22. Youth who obtained a GED are counted as high school dropouts in the analysis because their labor market outcomes are more similar to those of high school dropouts than to those of high school graduates ( Cameron & Heckman, 1993 ). 7

Matching Covariates

Our selection of covariates used to predict the propensity for switching high schools was partially guided by the few studies that exist that examine the causes of switching schools, and the requirement that the covariates be measured before the event of interest. This literature suggests that youth who switch schools are more disadvantaged academically and socioeconomically. As noted by Rubin and Thomas (1996) , the criteria for including variables in the propensity score model is not their statistical significance but rather their power in balancing the means and covariances of the treatment and control groups. For this reason, and because the literature on the causes of switching schools is quite thin, we were liberal in our variable selection and excluded a variable only if there was reason to believe that it was unrelated to treatment or outcome. If balance can be achieved on a large number of characteristics, it strengthens our confidence that the differences between treatment and matched counterfactuals are minimized.

The NLSY97 is particularly well suited to propensity score matching because it contains rich information on both time-invariant and time-varying characteristics from before youth entered high school. We matched youth on 177 covariates including: demographics, family processes, socioeconomic status, health, delinquency, victimization, peer influence, school experiences, adult-like behaviors, and time use (see Appendix A ). Prior studies show that demographic factors are associated with school mobility. Black and Hispanic youth are more likely to move than white youth ( Ream, 2003 ; Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ). Changes in family structure may also lead to mobility ( Astone & McLanahan, 1994 ). One important demographic factor in predicting school mobility is residential mobility. Therefore, we include demographic measures such as gender, race, family structure, residential location, region, and average number of residential moves per year since birth. We also consider family processes and dynamics. The dynamics of single- and stepparent families that are prone to moving may put youth at risk for school disengagement and dropout. For example, a single-parent family may provide youth with less supervision and monitoring and fewer resources for academic success and the addition of new family members may destabilize family interactions in stepfamilies. Family processes are linked with school withdrawal, including dropout ( Rumberger, Ghatak, Poulos, Ritter, & Dornbusch, 1995 )

While prior research is ambivalent about the relationship between socioeconomic status and switching schools, socioeconomic factors are extremely predictive of dropout ( Ekstrom, Goertz, Pollack, & Rock, 1986 ; Rumberger, 1983 ) We include a wide array of socioeconomic indicators, including mother's age at first birth, parental education, receipt of various types of public assistance, and information on family assets.

We also match youth on measures of delinquency and problem behavior. Youth who are deemed “troublesome” may be transferred to another school or alternative program, and delinquency problem behavior plays a key role in the process of withdrawal from school, including dropout ( Elliott & Voss, 1974 ; Mensch & Kandel, 1988 ). Our measures of problem behaviors include youth's participation in delinquency and substance use, and whether a youth has ever had sexual intercourse or been arrested. We include a related set of indicators for peer influence, which has also been linked to dropping out.

We include covariates to capture youth's victimization experiences. Moving or switching schools may be prompted by being bullied or living in an unsafe neighborhood. Our measures of victimization include whether a youth had been bullied by age 12, whether the youth's house had been broken into, and whether the youth had ever seen someone get shot.

Consistent with the idea that switching schools is one point along a continuum of disengagement, prior research shows that academic achievement and engagement are important predictors of switching schools ( Lee & Burkam, 1992 ; Rumberger & Larson, 1998 ). Switching schools may be an alternative to dropping out for youth who feel alienated and are seeking a change of environment. Our measure of school performance and engagement include 8 th grade GPA, grade retention, suspension, and standardized scores on the CAT-ASVAB. We also include a related set of indicators capturing how youth spend their time, including doing homework, watching TV, reading, etc. These behaviors may serve as proxies for engagement in school.

All of our observed covariates used to match treatment and control cases were measured in round 1 (1997), before youth in our analytic sample entered high school. Thus, they occur before the treatment of switching high schools, which is a requirement for propensity score matching. 8

Sample Size and Missing Data

Not all of the 8,984 NLSY97 youth are included in this analysis. We have selected a sample that allows us to assess the effect of switching high schools on dropout for youth who are similar on pre-high school characteristics. This involved making several restrictions to the sample. First, we limited our analyses to youth who were born in 1983 and 1984, since youth who were born between 1980 and 1982 had already started high school by round 1 of the NLSY97. If we had included youth who were already enrolled in high school by round 1, we could not use round 1 covariates to match because they would have occurred after treatment for many youth. Moreover, we do not have information on non-promotional school changes before round 1. This restriction resulted in the largest sample loss. However, because this sample selection was based largely on age, it should not bias our results. Second, since we required information on whether a youth changed high schools or dropped out, we limited our sample to youth who were interviewed at some point after they should have graduated from high school, even if they missed a wave, since they would have complete retrospective school enrollment histories. We chose to limit our analyses to youth who participated in the round 8 interview, when our sample members were between the ages of 19 and 21 and should have graduated from high school. Third, we excluded any youth for whom we could not determine whether they changed high schools or dropped out. The final sample consists of 2,751 respondents. 9

With the exception of the measures of household income and cognitive ability, the response rate for most items in the NLSY97 is quite high. However, given the large number of observed covariates used to match changers and non-changers, discarding cases with missing data on any covariate would result in substantial data loss. At the same time, missing data on a covariate may tell us something important about an individual that may be related to their propensity for treatment. We followed a method recommended by Rosenbaum and Rubin (1984) and imputed missing covariate data and included a dummy variable flag for the missing values. In this way, the propensity score reflects the pattern of missingness and groups should be balanced on the distribution of missing values as well as observed covariates. Since missing values are flagged, the choice of imputed value does not affect the parameter estimate for the covariate with missing data. In this case, we chose to impute missing values with zero. However, the choice of imputed value could affect the differences between treatment and control groups, so we assess balance only on valid observations for covariates.

Descriptive Findings

Figure 1 shows the number of high schools attended by NLSY97 youth born in 1983 and 1984. Since the estimates are weighted, they may be thought of as nationally representative. Over 70 percent (71.9) percent of NLSY97 youth attended one high school. About one in five youth (19.8 percent) attended two high schools, and 6.6 percent of youth attended three high schools. Few youth attended more than three high schools.

Table 1 shows the percentage of youth who were high school dropouts in round 8 by the number of high schools attended. Consistent with prior research, youth who attend more than one high school are more likely to be high school dropouts. The dropout rate for youth who stay in the same high school is 8.1 percent. The dropout rate for youth who attend two high schools (one change) is over twice that rate—19.1 percent. The dropout rate for youth who attend three to five high schools is three times the dropout rate for youth who stay in the same school—between 25.9 and 29.5 percent. The overall high school dropout rate in the NLSY97 sample is 11.9 percent.

Comparing Switchers and Stayers

One of the biggest problems with the comparisons in Table 1 is that youth who attend more than one high school are likely to be different on a wide array of characteristics before high school. A major benefit of the NLSY97 is a rich set of pre-high school characteristics which can be used to compare mobile and non-mobile youth. Youth who changed high schools differ from youth who did not change high schools on 110 of these pre-high school characteristics according to a two tailed t test at p<.05—that is, they differ on nearly two-thirds of the characteristics (62 percent).

A useful way of assessing the extent of covariate imbalance is the standardized bias, as recommended by Rosenbaum and Rubin (1985) . This can be calculated as follows:

In this equation x t is the sample mean for the treatment group and x c is the sample mean for the control group; s t and s c are the respective sample standard deviations, which are equally weighted. When the absolute value of this statistic is greater than 20, the covariate is said to be imbalanced.

Standardized biases are presented in Appendix A for all covariates used in matching. Using this criterion, 39 covariates, or 25 percent of the covariates, are unbalanced between the two groups. Clearly, a change of high schools is not the only difference between youth who switch high schools and those who stay in the same high school. The results shed some light on how switchers differ from stayers. Demographic and socioeconomic indicators are the most imbalanced. Youth who switch schools are more likely to live in a central city, to come from a household where the biological mother is the only parent and to have a mother who gave birth when she was a teenager. Youth who switch schools are also more socioeconomically disadvantaged. They are less likely to have a computer at home, more likely to have parents who received various types of government aid, and have fewer family assets. Not surprisingly, switchers also have a history of residential moves.

However, socioeconomics are not the only differences between switchers and stayers. They also differ in terms of family processes and dynamics. Switchers are less attached to their father figures, subject to less monitoring by their mother and father figures, and their parents are less likely to volunteer at school. Consistent with prior studies on the causes of switching schools, switchers also have lower academic achievement and higher disengagement than stayers. For example, youth who switch high schools are more frequently absent from school, have lower 8 th grade GPAs, and are more likely to have been suspended from school than stayers. There are also large differences in terms of school aptitude. Youth who switch high schools perform more poorly on most subsets of the ASVAB.

To address this comparability problem, we matched school movers to non-movers based on propensity scores derived from the 177 pre-high school characteristics. Of the 818 youth who switched high schools, we matched 797 to counterfactuals who did not switch high schools. We discarded 21 switchers for whom we could not find a suitable counterfactual from among the stayers. Even though we allowed a counterfactual to serve as a control for more than one youth (replacement), a full 87 percent of the controls were matched to just one treated case.

Figure 2 shows the distribution of propensity scores by school mobility. The figure shows the percent of switcher and stayers that have estimated propensity scores that fall within each of the propensity score groups. The average propensity score is .30, showing that switching highs schools is not an uncommon experience for youth in the NLSY97. The highest propensity score was .98; the lowest propensity score was .00. For youth who switched high schools, the average propensity score was .42; for youth who stayed in the same high school, the average propensity score was .24. Figure 2 shows that youth who changed schools have higher propensity scores on average than youth who did not change schools. Many youth who do not change schools are not useful counterfactuals for youth who do change schools, and a few youth who did not change schools serve as useful comparisons. However, there is still a great deal of common support.

Table 2 provides a summary of covariate balance before and after matching. By matching via nearest neighbor with replacement and a caliper of .01, all but five of the 177 matching covariates are brought into balance between switchers and stayers using the t test criteria 10 . For example, switchers spend fewer days reading and are more frequently absent from school after matching by nearest neighbor. Given the theoretical importance of school disengagement, imbalance on the number of absences raises concern. However, 97 percent of the covariates are balanced using the t test criteria. Moreover, using the Rosenbaum and Rubin standardized bias criteria, evidence for balance is even stronger: none of the original 39 covariates classified as imbalanced remains so after matching. Even in a randomized experiment, we would expect some significant differences between changers and non-changers simply due to switching schools when looking at 177 covariates. Less than 1 percent is well under the 5 percent we might expect by chance alone. However, kernel matching successfully achieves balance on all 177 covariates. The five covariates that were imbalanced after nearest neighbor matching are balanced after kernel matching. For this reason we regard the treatment effect estimates derived from kernel matching to be more accurate than those derived from nearest neighbor matching.

Nearest neighbor matching was performed with a caliper of .01 and replacement. Kernel matching was performed using the Epanechnikov kernel.

A useful metric of balance is reduction in absolute standardized bias, which is calculated by first determining unadjusted bias, then calculating adjusted bias and the percent decrease in the absolute value of each. Standardized bias reductions from nearest neighbor and kernel matching are presented in Table 3 for the 25 covariates that were most biased in unadjusted comparisons. Most of these covariates had standardized biases greater than 25 percent before matching, and many had biases higher than 30 or even 40. As can be seen, most of these covariates were indicators of socioeconomic status and academic achievement, engagement, and aptitude. For many of the covariates, matching reduced bias by over 90 percent, and for most, bias was reduced by 80 percent. Kernel matching is more successful than nearest neighbor matching in reducing bias on socioeconomic and academic characteristics. The one exception is number of absences, for which bias was reduced by only 39 percent after nearest neighbor matching and 57 percent after kernel matching. However, the fact that kernel matching is able to balance absences between switchers and stayers by both the standardized bias and t-test criteria minimizes any concern that we may have about possible confounding on absences. 11 It appears that by matching, we were successfully able to eliminate differences between mobile and non-mobile youth on 177 covariates.

Note: The unadjusted mean is the mean of the covariate for switchers and stayers before propensity score matching. The standardized bias is a standardized version of the difference in the covariate means between the two groups before matching. Standardized biases that have absolute values greater than 20 are said to be imbalanced. Positive values indicate that switchers have more of a characteristic than stayers; negative values indicate that switchers have less of a characteristic. The percent reduction in bias is the percent by which standardized bias of the covariate was reduce by matching. Larger values indicate that matching was more successful in balancing the covariate between the groups.

Treatment Effect Estimates of Switching High Schools

Table 4 gives the estimated treatment effects of switching high schools on dropping out. The first row provides treatment effects estimates before performing propensity score matching. These provide baseline estimates of the treatment effect of switching high schools on dropping out. The effect of switching high schools on dropping out is large in the unmatched sample. Switchers have a dropout rate that is 14.6 percentage points higher than stayers. However, the effect of switching high schools on dropping out is noticeably smaller after matching switchers and stayers on propensity scores. For example, after matching using nearest neighbor, school switchers have a dropout rate 8.5 percentage points higher than stayers. In kernel matching, the dropout rate is only 5.7 percentage points higher. The treatment effect of mobility on dropout using kernel matching is less than half the baseline treatment effect. Switching high schools has a significant effect on dropout once we account for selection into switching high schools. 12

Note: Standard errors for nearest neighbor and kernel matching estimates were calculated using 1,000 bootstrap iterations to account for the fact that the propensity score was estimated in an earlier step.

Heterogeneous Effects of School Mobility on High School Dropout

We examined whether the influence of switching high schools on dropout varied by a youth's propensity to switch high schools by stratifying our matched sample into quartiles of propensity score. Each youth receives a propensity score between 0 and 1 that indicates his or her propensity to switch high schools. Within our matched sample, we divide youth into four equal groups based on their propensity to switch high schools, ranging from low to high. The bottom fourth included youth whose propensity scores ranged from .02 and .24, youth in the second quartile had propensity scores between .24 to .36, youth in the third quartile had propensity scores between .36 and .52, and youth in the top third had propensity scores between .52 to .86.

Youth in the four propensity groups differ along demographic, socioeconomic, behavioral and academic dimensions. For example, nearly two thirds (64 percent) of youth in the low propensity group live with both biological parents, compared to 44 and 35 percent in the middle groups and 27% in the highest propensity group. Similarly, 20 percent of youth in the low propensity group had a teen mother, as compared to 46% in the highest propensity quartile. Interviewers for the NLSY97 report that 73% of the houses that the low propensity group live in are ‘nice’, as compared to only 41% of the homes where the high propensity group reside. The neighborhoods of high propensity youth are also more dangerous (twice as many interviewers report concerns for their safety in the communities where the high risk youth live), are more likely to have gangs, and these youth report twice as many break-ins to their home as their lower propensity counterparts.

Youth with a high propensity for school changes differ on more than just family characteristics. They report engaging in theft crimes at rates that are more than 10 times higher than youth who are at a lower risk for school mobility. They are four times more likely to report being bullied at school, three times more likely to report being in a fight and are suspended at four times the rate of their lower risk counterparts. The high propensity youth report fewer pro-school peers, more absences, less school attachment and lower test scores. Clearly, youth in the higher propensity groups have a greater constellation of risk factors for dropping out than youth in the lowest propensity group.

We examined whether switching high schools has a different effect on dropout for these propensity groups by comparing dropout rates within each group. Figure 3 presents dropout rates in the matched sample by propensity score level and whether a youth switched high schools. The figure shows that, for school changers, dropout rates increase with each propensity score level. Within each propensity score level, youth who switched high schools are at a higher risk of dropping out than youth who stayed in the same high school. We performed t-tests to determine whether the dropout rates were different within each stratum. These results suggest that dropout rates were significantly higher among switchers in the two middle strata only. This suggests that the effect of changing high schools works differently for youth with varying school mobility risk levels. For those students who were most and least at risk for a school change, the school change did not have an independent effect on whether they dropped out. Rather, school mobility made the difference between dropping out and not dropping out only among students who were at moderate risk of changing schools to begin with. 13

* The difference in proportion between switchers and stayers is statistically significant at p < .05.

Why might this be? Appendix B shows how youth with varying propensities for switching schools compare on a number of important family, school, neighborhood and behavior measures. It is clear that the middle two strata are at a much higher risk for school mobility and other negative educational outcomes, as compared to the youth in the lowest propensity strata. Therefore, they are less likely to be buffered by past academic success, a stable family and economic resources. However, when compared to the highest propensity strata, the two middle strata are less mobile (experiencing 2.3. to 2.5 moves, compared to 3.4 moves), less likely to have been raised by a teen mom, more likely to be monitored by both parents, and considerably less likely to have been on welfare in the last 5 years. They are also much less likely to report having committed a major theft, having attacked another student, being bullied themselves, or having smoked pot. Their suspension rates are also much lower. It seems as though while the middle strata students are already struggling in some ways (when compared to the lowest risk students), as long as they stay in the same school with the same teachers and peers, they might be able to persist to graduation. However, if a disruptive school transfer occurs, it might trigger their pre-existing risk factors and problem behaviors and lead to a process of more delinquency and academic withdrawal.

As for the strata least at risk for a school transfer, previous research suggests that perhaps more stable families, higher academic engagement and a low tendency toward delinquency buffer these youth when they do change schools. In other words, they have a safety net and a solid set of personal resources that could help them weather the storm of a school switch. For the strata most at risk for school mobility, it could be that they are already far along the path to withdrawal and academic disengagement and the school change would not change their dropout chances either way. These students are already operating with such a substantial set of challenges and instabilities that the additional transition does not alter their behaviors. We cannot definitively conclude why the middle risk students seem most affected by school mobility, or why the most at risk youth don't experience a further increase in their dropout rates after the change. However, it is important to recognize that the effects of school transitions (and likely family transitions) do not affect all youth the same way, possibly indicating a need for different kinds of assistance to students from different backgrounds.

Discussion and Conclusion

Although the focus has shifted to the importance of a college degree for increasing the chances of attaining success in America, the value of a high school diploma has never been greater. Over the past 25 years, earnings differences between high school graduates and high school dropouts have grown ( Day & Newburger, 2002 ). Youth who miss out on this important developmental milestone are likely not only to find themselves without the skills to succeed in a competitive U.S. labor market that increasingly rewards skills and education but are also likely to be beset by other problems—including imprisonment, poor heath, and having children who are also at risk of high school dropout, to name a few. In this study, we have shown that dropping out of high school is not an uncommon experience for youth in the NLSY97, a nationally representative sample of U.S. youth; about 12 percent of youth have not obtained a high school diploma by their early 20s, and this number is nearly 20 percent if GEDs are counted as high school dropouts.

Like previous research, we find that just under 30% of high school students attend more than one high school, and the students who change schools are more likely to drop out. Consistent with other studies that examine the backgrounds of mobile students, we find that the students who are most likely to switch schools are also those students who are operating with a number of existing risk factors, such as behavioral problems, lower test scores, more school absences, a non-intact family, previous substance use, lower incomes and more residential mobility. However, unlike previous research, we use a more appropriate modeling strategy to help better disentangle the consequences of switching schools from the effects of preexisting differences in risk factors for dropout between mobile and non-mobile youth. Using propensity score matching, we compared outcomes for students who were similar in their observed risk for school mobility, but who differed by whether or not they actually switched schools.

We found that the differences in dropout rates between switchers and stayers could be largely accounted for by family structure and previous behavior and academic performance. However, even after accounting for factors that affect ‘selection’ into mobility (the treatment), changing schools during high school increased dropout by between 6 and 9%. Therefore, it seems possible that switching high schools is part of the process of disengaging from school and it can contribute to dropout.

Another contribution of our work is the finding that school mobility does not work the same way for all youth. For those students who are operating with myriad risk factors, changing schools does not further increase their already high chances of dropout. At the other end of the spectrum, for the students least at risk of changing schools, a school switch does not seem to increase the chances of dropping out. These students are likely well protected from any of the destabilizing effects of mobility, coming from two parent families and reporting low levels of problem behavior and higher levels of school attachment and test scores. The more troubling groups are the two middle propensity strata—those students who are not the least at risk or the worst off. These students seem to dropout at higher rates if they change schools, suggesting that the difficulty of the school transfer might interact with some background risk factors and push them into a spiral of disengagement. These students are better off than their highest risk counterparts, having lower delinquency rates, coming from slightly less mobile families, having lower rates of being born to a teenage mom, and living in less crime ridden neighborhoods. However, they are similar in that they are still lower income and prone to some school behavior problems.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

While we have made improvements over previous work in this area, the findings of this study should be interpreted with several limitations in mind. First, while the use of propensity score matching represents a substantial improvement over prior studies on the effects of switching schools on dropout, it is by no means a panacea. Propensity score matching only addresses selection on covariates that were measured and used to predict the propensity scores. To the extent that any characteristic that causes both switching schools and dropping out was omitted, our treatment effect estimates will be biased. We believe that by assessing balance on almost 200 observed characteristics, we have reduced the threat of selection bias considerably more than prior studies. However, it is never possible to approximate randomization with observational data, and future researchers should continue to investigate whether the relationship between switching schools is robust when matching on additional covariates, such as measures of school characteristics, which may influence student departure but were not included in this study.

A second limitation is that this study was unable to assess the impact of switching schools before high school on dropping out. Even before they entered 9 th grade, many youth who eventually switched high schools were already disengaged from school, not doing well academically, and frequently suspended from school. The academic and behavioral problems experienced by these youth may well be effects of switching schools multiple times in elementary and middle school. By the time they get to high school, many youth who switch schools may have already experienced a developmental process of school failure, disengagement from school, and switching schools that will ultimately culminate in dropping out. For such youth, switching high schools may well represent the continuation of a pattern that began years before. Switching elementary or middle schools may be more detrimental to graduation prospects. Future research should therefore consider the consequences of early school changes and how such disruptions explain the relationship between later transitions and dropping out.

There are also substantive limitations that follow from some of these methodological shortcomings. While we can examine students' propensity to switch schools based on observable covariates, we still do not know the unobservable reasons behind why the school change occurred. For example, we do not know whether the school change was initiated by the school (in the case of serious behavior problems) or the parents and student themselves (in the case of highly motivated families). We are also unable to examine whether the school change was a long or short distance from the student's original school and whether the quality of the new school varied significantly from the previous school. It is clear that in order to better understand the process behind school mobility, we need more qualitative and ethnographic studies that more closely follow the trajectories of stable and mobile students and their families. One example is Ream (2005b) , which uses mixed methods research to show that the reasons why students move are complex, involving both strategic and reactive responses on the part of families and schools. More research along these lines could shed light on the costs and benefits to mobility and how the conditions under which youth change schools have implications for their educational, social and developmental outcomes. More research along these lines could shed light on the costs and benefits to mobility and how the conditions under which youth change schools have implications for their educational, social, and developmental outcomes.

Such research is necessary to better understand what kinds of programs and practices could help support students when they do change schools, and what parents need to know before initiating a school change. The results from this study indicate that school mobility may be a significant factor that leads some students to dropout of high school. While our study cannot pinpoint the most effective practices to prevent dropout for such students (see Rumberger et al, 1999 for discussion of recommendations), it does further support the concerns of researchers and policymakers that school mobility increases the risk of educational failure and is therefore an important area for future research (e.g. National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2010).

Acknowledgments

The authors are grateful to the National Academy of Education, the Spencer Foundation and the William T. Grant Foundation for supporting the analysis and writing of this manuscript through generous fellowships to the second author. The authors gratefully acknowledge Steve McClaskie of the Center for Human Resources Research at Ohio State University, whose expertise was invaluable in helping us navigate the NLSY97 data set.

Appendix A: Variables Use in Propensity Score Equation

A positive value for a t-statistic or standardized bias indicates that school changers have more of that characteristic; a negative value indicates that they have less

Appendix B. Descriptive statistics for select covariates, by propensity for switching high schools

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the American Educational Research Association annual meeting in Denver, CO.

He has published on the topics of high school dropout, student engagement, and juvenile delinquency. He is particularly interested in research methods and is currently involved in a number of studies at Westat in the areas of education, employment and training, and aging.

All three authors are broadly interested in the way social context (e.g., family, school, and neighborhood) shapes the educational outcomes of young people as well as causal inference with experimental and non-experimental data. The research was motivated by the first author's interest in understanding high school dropout as a developmental process, and the second author's focus on the role of housing and neighborhoods on family and youth outcomes. In an earlier paper in Social Science Research, the authors found that the effects of residential and school mobility on adolescent delinquency and drug use were explained by unobserved differences between mobile and non-mobile youth, a finding at odds with the consensus that mobility is harmful. The authors hope that this research will spur a renewed interest in understanding the underlying motivations why youth change schools and their implications for adolescent development.

1 Christopher Swanson and Duncan Chaplin used data from the Common Core of Data (CCD) to calculate the Cumulative Promotion Index (CPI). The value of the CPI approximates the probability that a student entering 9 th grade will complete high school four years later with a regular diploma. They find a national graduation rate of 66.6 percent. They also observed dramatic racial disparities in high school completion, with white and Asian students graduating at much higher rates than students from historically disadvantaged minority groups. White and Asian students complete high school at 75 and 77 percent, respectively. By contrast, graduation rates for black and Hispanic students are 50 and 53 percent, respectively.

2 We used the commonly employed Epanechnikov kernel, which is the default for kernel matching in STATA's psmatch2. However, we also implemented kernel matching with other kernels, including the normal kernel. Choice of kernel did not affect our results. Results are available from the authors upon request.

3 The NLSY97 cohort was selected in two phases. In the first phase, a list of housing units was derived from a stratified multistage area probability sample. The list of eligible housing units was composed of 96,512 households. In the second phase, subsamples of eligible persons identified in the first phase were selected. Screener interviews were completed in 75,291 households to identify individuals in the appropriate age range for the study. Of the 9,806 respondents who were identified as eligible for the survey, 8,984 participated in round 1 of the survey, which took place in 1997 (91.6 percent of eligible respondents). Follow-up interviews with the original respondents are conducted annually. NLS surveys are known for their relatively high sample retention rates. In the case of the NLSY97, 81.7 percent or 7,338 of the original round 1 respondents also participated in round 9 (2005).

4 There are two additional sources of school information in the NLSY97. In 1997, the parent interview collected information on the number of schools a youth attended since 7 th grade, including grade level. While the parent interview could provide retrospective information about the number of high schools attended for youth who attended high school before round 1, such youth are not included in the study because baseline covariates measured in round 1 would have occurred after changing high schools. A second source of information is the transcript survey. In round 2 and again in round 8, NLS staff collected high school transcripts from NLSY97 respondents who had graduated from high school or who were no longer enrolled but who were age 18 or older. Each high school transcript contains a school ID code identifying the high school from which coursework was completed. Using this information, we constructed a second measure of school mobility counting the number of high schools attended as indicated on a youth's transcript. However, we found that this measure lacked validity. It did not correspond to the self-report measure and youth who changed schools did not fit the profile of school changers. We suspect the reason has to do with variations in the way schools report transferred coursework taken over the summer.

5 We believe we are justified in using two or more high schools as the cut point for our measure of school mobility. Most youth in the NLSY97 who attend more than one high school attend only two high schools.

6 We were unable to also consider the effect of residential mobility. The NLSY97 collects the dates of all moves to a different city, county, or state but not of moves within the same city. Because the date of short-distance moves in unknown, we would have had to exclude them from the analysis and focus only on long-distance moves. Because poor and minority youth are more likely to make short-distance moves, the results would be biased toward the effect of long-distance residential moves among middle-class youth. For this reason, we chose not to examine the effect of residential mobility. We do not believe, however, that excluding residential mobility overstates the effect of school mobility. Residential mobility is thought to lead to dropout in part because it prompts a change of schools. Indeed, most of the mechanisms by which residential mobility would affect dropout (such as loss of friends or adult relationships) are also implicated in school mobility.

7 We also conducted all of the analyses with GED holders counted as high school graduates and the overall results were unchanged.

8 Because the covariates used to predict a youth's propensity to switch high schools were all measured at round 1, and because youth were in different grades at round 1, the length of time between the measurement of the covariates and entering 9 th grade (or switching high schools) varies from youth to youth. For youth who entered high school shortly after round 1, the measures represent more distal information on disengagement and performance.

9 We conducted analyses to examine whether our analytic samples differed from the full NLSY97 sample, given that the most mobile youth might have dropped out between Wave 1 and any later waves. When comparing the two samples on twenty-one of the covariates used in the models, we found that there were almost no significant differences on mean values of the covariates. The samples had equivalent means on family income, parental education and the proportion of youth in two parent families, which reduces the concerns about attrition bias.

10 One of these five, the chronic health conditions scale, was balanced before matching. Two of the covariates—whether there are any gangs in the youth's neighborhood and whether a youth had ever been arrested—were imbalanced in the opposite direction before matching. That is, before matching, switchers were more likely to report gangs in their neighborhoods and having been arrested, but after matching by nearest neighbor they are less likely to report these events.

11 Given the theoretical importance of absences for dropout, we attempt to improve the percent bias reduction in number of absences by including a squared term for absences in the propensity score model, a strategy recommended by some researchers ( Rubin & Thomas, 1996 ). The addition of this higher order term resulted in a 99 percent balance reduction on number of absences. However, further reducing the bias on number of absences did not change the estimated effect of switching schools on dropout. Results are available from the author upon request.

12 As mentioned, propensity score matching addresses selection bias owing to observed but not unobserved characteristics. We believe that we have minimized concerns about unobserved heterogeneity by matching switchers and stayers on 177 covariates measured prior to high school. However, in order to assess the effect that such “hidden bias” might have on our results, we conducted a sensitivity analysis. Specifically, we calculated Rosenbaum's bounds, which show how strong the correlation between an unobserved covariate and switching schools would have to be in order for the effect of switching schools on dropout to be rendered spurious (see Rosenbaum and Rubin 1983 for a more technical discussion). Results indicated that an unobserved covariate would have to affect the odds of switching schools by a factor of 1.5 (or 50 percent) in order for the effect of switching schools to drop from significance at the .05 level. An unobserved covariate that affects the odds of treatment by 1.1 to 1.4 does not change the findings. The findings therefore appear to be sensitive to a moderate amount of bias, increasing our confidence in the results. Results are available from the authors upon request.

13 We conducted this analysis further subdividing the sample into five rather than four propensity score strata. We found a similar pattern of results to those obtained with four strata. For youth in the lowest and highest strata, switching schools had no effect on dropout. However, for youth in the middle three strata, switching schools had a significant effect of dropout. Results of this analysis are available from the authors upon request.

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Growth & Development

How switching schools impacts your child’s development.

Switching schools is a significant event in a child's life. It involves leaving familiar surroundings, teachers, and friends to embark on a journey into an entirely new environment. It can also be challenging for parents. Switching schools can include any time a child changes schools for reasons other than grade advancement, but generally, it refers to changing schools during a school year. It may be voluntary—such as changing schools to participate in a new school choice program—or involuntary, such as being expelled or escaping from bullying. More common, switching schools is often related to when a family moves due to changes in a parent’s job.  In any case, the impact of switching schools extends beyond the immediate disruption. It can profoundly influence a child's development, shaping their academic, social, and emotional growth in numerous ways.

Switching schools is a significant event in a child's life. It involves leaving familiar surroundings, teachers, and friends to embark on a journey into an entirely new environment. It can also be challenging for parents. Switching schools can include any time a child changes schools for reasons other than grade advancement, but generally, it refers to changing schools during a school year. It may be voluntary—such as changing schools to participate in a new program—or involuntary, such as being expelled or escaping bullying. More commonly, switching schools is often related to when a family moves due to changes in a parent’s job. In any case, the impact of switching schools extends beyond the immediate disruption. It can profoundly influence a child's development, shaping their academic, social, and emotional growth in numerous ways.

This article aims to unpack the effects of school transitions, providing a comprehensive understanding of how switching schools can influence your child's development. It will delve into the academic, social, and emotional consequences of school transitions, providing insights and advice on supporting your child during this transition.

The academic impact of switching schools

The academic impact of switching schools can manifest in lower grades, decreased academic engagement, and a heightened risk of dropping out in later years. When switching schools, children might also experience a loss of continuity in learning, as different schools often follow different curricula and teaching approaches. Even normal transitions, such as those experienced when moving to 6th and 9th grades, can cause students to fall behind. Research has found that kids attending K-8 schools have slightly higher academic achievement than those who attended 6-8 grade middle schools.

One of the biggest challenges parents and teachers face when a child switches schools is the continuity of academic records. When children switch schools, it takes a lot of time and effort on the part of parents (and the school) to track down their children's historical academic records, and in some cases, these records are completely lost. It also makes the new teacher’s job much more difficult. This is only exacerbated when switching schools mid-year. When a new child shows up in a classroom mid-year, teachers don’t know anything about what they’ve been doing. For the child, there may be discontinuity in learning environments, goals, and assessments between the old and new schools. This can make it difficult to catch up on coursework because often they miss learning about key concepts in the time lost between transitions.

Since the historical academic records belong to the parents and children, at Beehive, we believe it would be much more efficient if parents had a single secure place to store all their child’s info that stays with them forever. This would enable parents, no matter where their child transfers to, to easily share this info with all the appropriate stakeholders in the new school, including teachers. This would allow the new faculty to get up to speed quickly on the child’s historical performance and how they like to learn to ensure a smoother transition academically.

It's important to note that the academic impact of switching schools is not always negative. In some cases, the new school might offer better academic opportunities, a more conducive learning environment, or teaching methods that align better with the child's learning style.

The social and emotional consequences when switching schools

The social and emotional consequences of switching schools can often be just as profound as the academic impacts. Children derive a sense of belonging and identity from their school environment. Leaving this environment can disrupt their sense of identity, leading to feelings of loss and disorientation.

The process of forming new friendships can also be challenging and stressful. Children may feel lonely and isolated as they navigate the social dynamics of their new school. They may also experience bullying or exclusion, which can obviously have lasting emotional consequences.

Despite these challenges, switching schools does provide opportunities for social and emotional growth. It can expose children to diverse social environments, fostering empathy, adaptability, and other key social skills. It can also provide them with experiences of overcoming social challenges, building their resilience, and enhancing their emotional intelligence.

How to support your child's development during a school transition

Supporting your child during a school transition involves facilitating their academic transition, providing emotional support, and helping them navigate their new social environment. Open communication is key. Discuss their feelings, worries, and expectations about the new school. Also, reassure them that feeling anxious or uncertain during a transition is normal.

To support their academic transition, familiarize yourself with the curriculum and teaching methods of the new school. Help your child organize their study schedule, and provide them with resources to catch up on any missed material.

Beehive can help parents facilitate this transition. As your single parenting management app we ensure that your child’s academic record stays with you forever. This will help you stay more informed on how your child is doing and progressing. It can also serve as an easy way to share this information (should you choose) with the new school and new teacher. This can help you all stay on the same page and work together toward a smooth academic and mental transition for your child. And don’t forget, our Growth Plans are also an effective tool to assist your child in getting caught up on missed learning content and will ensure they stay on track during any transition.

For social support, encourage your child to participate in extracurricular activities and social events at the new school. This can help them form new friendships and feel part of the school community. If your child experiences bullying or social exclusion, seek help from the school's support services.

Make switching schools a positive experience for your child

Switching schools is a significant transition that can profoundly influence a child's development. While it presents challenges, it also offers opportunities for growth and resilience. By understanding the effects of switching schools, considering the relevant factors, and providing the necessary support, parents can help make the transition a positive experience for their children.

Every child is unique, and their experiences and reactions to switching schools will vary. However, with the right support and resources, your child can successfully navigate this transition and emerge stronger and more resilient. As a parent, your understanding, patience, and support are the pillars that will guide them through this journey.

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4 Common Reasons Kids Struggle When Switching Schools and What Parents Can Do To Help

Switching schools is an exciting time for any child and family. As a process, switching schools brings with it so many opportunities—from academic, athletic, and extracurricular opportunities to new friendships and everything in between.

But it makes sense that switching schools can also bring a bit of anxiety: It’s a big change, and big changes are often accompanied by anxiety, even if the change is a great one like moving to a great new school.

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Below, we take a look at four of the most common reasons that middle and high school students might struggle when changing schools and offer some advice that parents can use to make the transition a little bit easier.

1. Feeling like an “outsider”

Feeling like an outsider is a completely normal part of the transition process and is something that most people will feel at least once in their life—either when switching to a new school or, as an adult, to a new job or town. Though it certainly isn’t fun in the moment, the good news is that it always passes. Simply put, you can’t be “new” forever!

What parents can do to help: If it is possible, parents should aim to time their child’s transition to the new school so that it coincides with the beginning of the school year . Because the beginning of the year is a natural transition period, it is a time when new friendships are often formed and when social groups are not yet firmly in place, which makes it easier for new kids to make new friends and avoid “outsider” status.

2. Missing out on a beloved activity or team

Most students have at least one activity that they absolutely love to do, whether it is a team, a school club, or volunteer work. Because switching schools also typically means giving up these activities, it can be difficult on students to give up their most favorite activities and groups.

What parents can do to help: There are a number of ways that parents can help when it comes to this:

• If your child is an athlete, it is important to keep in mind that many school sports are settled at the beginning of the school year, which again makes timing important. If possible, parents should speak to coaches to determine what those important dates are and try to time the transition so that your child will be able to compete/try out.
• If you cannot time the transition to these dates, still speak to the coaches. Exceptions are often made in the case of transfer students.
• If your child loves a particular club or other activity at their current school, speak to school faculty to find out if there is a similar club at the new school.

3. Missing old friendships

Missing old friends is probably the most difficult part of transferring to a new school for most students. When you’re used to seeing your best and oldest friends every day as a part of school, going to a new school and missing them can be a very sad realization, even as you begin to make new friends.

What parents can do to help: The best way that parents can help their children cope with missing their old friendships is to facilitate out-of-school meetups and activities so that their children can catch up with friends from their old school. This becomes less important once your child is old enough to drive, since they then have the agency to plan their own schedules, etc., but is especially important for younger children who do not yet drive.

Was the school transfer caused by a cross-country move, making in-person meetups impossible? Between social media and today’s various technologies, it’s easier than ever to stay up-to-date with friends even at a distance.

4. Difficulties with school work

School curricula can vary widely, and students within one school may learn at different paces. This means that a child may move from a school that is ahead of them in the year’s material, or it might mean that a child moves from a school that has not yet covered certain material. Either of these scenarios can lead to difficulties with learning and disengagement, but the challenges of shifting from one school’s curriculum to another’s can be mitigated.

What parents can do to help: When looking at a new school, parents should inquire about the specifics of the curriculum to identify places where their child will experience repetition or where their child may need support. If you notice that your child is struggling to catch up to their classmates, you should speak with your child’s teachers to determine if there are any opportunities for extra help. Staying after school, finding a tutor, and asking for additional at-home assignments can go far in closing the gap.

If, on the other hand, you notice that your child is disengaged or beyond their new class, ask the teachers if there are opportunities for work that delves deeper into the subject matter so that your child does not become bored or disengaged in school. It can actually be quite enriching to see material or read a book a second time as long as the teacher is guiding engagement beyond what the child may have already done in the previous school.

Identifying Problems Requires Communication

Even the most well-adjusted, sociable children might struggle a bit when transitioning to a new middle or high school, but the good news is that most of the issues are things that can easily be resolved—as long as parents are aware of the issues.

That’s why it is incredibly important that your child knows that they can always speak with you about their anxieties, fears, and concerns. By simply ensuring that there is an open flow of communication, parents can ease a lot of worries in their children as they embark on switching schools.

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Is Changing Elementary Schools Dramatic for Kids?

On top of the chaos of COVID-19, many parents 1 are deciding to switch their kids from public to private schools, with many in the private sector choosing to return to in-person classes sooner than the public. However, many parents now wonder if switching schools was traumatic.

How Switching Schools Can Affect a Child

In general, switching schools or school mobility 2 is considered bad, especially when sudden. Children crave stability, and when they don’t or can’t have it, it sends a ripple or wave through the emotional and developmental systems. 

COVID-19 has been a tsunami. Children who often look to their parents for emotional and directional support find most adults do not have answers.

While you want your child to have a normal life, enjoying face-to-face interactions and the benefits of those interactions, school transfers are a risk, especially in uncertain times. However, there are times when a change is necessary. In those instances, it is about helping your child cope and trying to maintain a stable environment for them to express their emotional journeys. 

Knowing When Your Child Should Change Schools

In typical situations, considering removing your child from one school to enroll in another is based on a few different logics: the child’s happiness, safety, progress, and social or community opportunities. However, that is for typical situations. COVID-19 is not typical, and many educational experts 3 are looking at the pandemic, as it relates to schooling and mobility patterns, more like a natural disaster than an illness.

The pandemic was and still is a test of endurance, adaptability, and innovation for school systems. Many schools were not ready or set up for at-home or remote learning on such a massive scale. Unfortunately, being unprepared is not an excuse at this stage. Children need an education, and many parents feel like the public sector, or at least portions of it, are failing their kids, especially as it relates to community, stability, and educational opportunities.

When should your child change schools? When you stop seeing growth or commitment academically, emotionally, and socially. Despite the pandemic and its overwhelming influence on the educational system and society, those three principles are still the measurements of a school’s effectiveness. Not every school has met the challenges of the times, and as a parent, you need to weigh the pros and cons to determine whether a new school and environment is the best choice for your child.

The Pros and Cons

Hopefully, the purpose of considering the pros and cons of switching schools is to make the decision easier. Unfortunately, it is easy to think of several cons:

• Loss of friends
• Schedule changes
• Curriculum changes and challenges
• Loss of adult support group (Teachers, principals, counselors, etc.)
• Changes to extra-curricular activities

While the above cons sound devastating, it is important to note many of these changes and challenges have already occurred because of COVID-19. Therefore, try to focus on the potential positives of a transfer:

• New social opportunities
• Find schools focused on particular interests (Art schools)
• New friends
• New academic challenges for motivation
• New environment

You should also consider changing schools during the pandemic could present greater opportunities for face-to-face learning. However, if you also have older children, middle school and high school age, it might be best to include them in the conversation and decision.

Sometimes, as a parent, you need to make decisions for your children's health and well-being. These choices will not always be what your child wants, but they might be what is necessary at the time. When thinking about changing schools, understand the risks, weigh the pros and cons, and make the best decision you can.  

https://time.com/5885106/school-reopening-coronavirus/

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4279956/

https://www.the74million.org/changing-schools-can-make-or-break-a-student-but-the-wave-of-post-covid-mobility-may-challenge-the-systems-in-ways-weve-never-seen/

https://www.teachforamerica.org/stories/what-the-future-must-look-like-for-kids-in-2021

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College Essay: Adapting to Change

I am wrapped warmly in my thin, soft, rainbow blanket looking up at my mother and father in a blurry haze. For the next 15 years, that rainbow blanket would be an object of comfort, home and family. When I was young, I never wanted to grow up and become an adult because reality was endless and full of possibilities. I was too afraid to leave the warmth of my home and step into the real world with aspirations of my own. But, the year 2019-20 has shifted my entire view, and I had to adapt to the changes that occurred when growing up.  

The elders always ask me, “Thaum koj loj los koj yuav dhau los ua kws kho mob, puas yog?” This translates to, “When you are older you’re going to become a doctor, right?” 

“Yes,” I quickly reply without thinking, because it is such a common question. For 15 years, I’ve set strict rules to achieve my goals. I had my whole life planned out–until I went to high school.  

Transitioning to high school was a steep, icy hill. There were many obstacles I had to face that reflected my determination. For nine years, I had spent my entire life with the same adults, peers and school, but it was time to step out of my comfort zone.   

“YOU GOT INTO THE MATH AND SCIENCE ACADEMY!!” my mom screamed joyfully, as if she was the one  who had been accepted. However, I was nervous about attending the No. 1 public charter school in Minnesota.  

Regardless, I wanted to play for the volleyball team. I had practiced for weeks to improve my serve. It was toward the end of August and humid outside. My knees were shaking, and my stomach was quivering with fear. My head was dizzy and my throat was dry. As I walked into the building, I felt a rush of cool air overwhelm me. It smelled like new wood; everything was polished. I peeked into the gym and saw girls that were more than 5 feet tall. After half of the tryout, I made new friends. I was excited to play volleyball with them, and I soon got over the feeling of being an outsider. Since the student body population was small, I connected with teachers and students. I even joined clubs. I finally belonged.  

Then March 13, 2020, hit and altered my sense of belonging at school. I was finally happy and comfortable with the high standards of Math and Science Academy, but COVID-19 drastically impacted everyone; it was time to adapt.

I learn online curriculum, practice social distancing and participate in extracurricular activities online. As the oldest of six, I am responsible for myself and the care of the family.  I tend to my 1-year-old sister, Scarlett, and help watch my siblings. I give my rainbow blanket to Scarlett when she’s fussy. Now, my rainbow blanket is part of my family’s memories. I learn to appreciate and grow as a learner and daughter. I understand my parents, grandparents and siblings better than ever before. I know that my passion for helping people and seeing families united and joyful is my vocation. I want to become  a cardiothoracic surgeon to help families through hard times and give them the hope to continue on. We can only adapt to change.  

“Even if the desert becomes cracked, no matter who shakes this world, don’t let go of the hand you’re holding.” This quote is from someone who reminds me to continue making new memories while holding the past, much like my rainbow blanket. This blanket reminds me that when I pursue higher education and start a family, I will always have the strength of my memories that tie me back to who I am.

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a nonprofit program of the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of St. Thomas, uses the principles of strong writing and reporting to help diverse Minnesota youth tell the stories of their lives and communities.

Code-Switching Was a Survival Tactic for Me in School

B efore letting me get on the big yellow bus for the first time, my mom shared with me her mantra for school as well as life: “Work hard. Be quiet. Obey your elders.”

She also gave me a little white takeaway bag from Chung’s, our family restaurant, to give to my teacher. It contained some of our best treats: fortune cookies, oolong tea, a pair of pink chopsticks. My mom may have believed in meritocracy, but she wasn’t above a little bribery too.

With gift bag in hand, I ran through the halls of Brace-Lederle, the elementary school closest to our home near Eight Mile Road in Southfield, Michigan—a suburb of Detroit. I had one goal in mind: making new friends. In Chinatown, where our restaurant was located, there were other kids to play with, but I was the youngest in that gang. I wanted friends my own size. In school, my brothers Craig and Chris had each made friends with another set of Asian brothers, the Chos. I wanted my own Cho brother.

By the time I found my homeroom, which was all the way at the very end of the hall, it was full. My eyes bounced around as I admired the blue-green globe, the American flag, and the hamster in the tank by the window. I took in the two dozen unfamiliar faces. I started to sweat. No one looked like a Cho. In fact, there weren’t any Asians at all—no Chinese, no Filipinos, no Indians. Just Black and white bodies. This was definitely not Chinatown.

I grew up around Detroit, a famously divided city , so race came up often.

On the playground every day, the boys jockeyed for control of the courts, chanting, “Fight, fight between a Black and white.” Unsure which side to choose and hoping we could all play together, I’d give a half-hearted “Go get ’em.” Both sides considered my neutrality un-acceptable; they taunted me with bars of “Ching-Chong Chinaman” and fake karate chops. Playing the role of Switzerland only turned me into Swiss cheese.

To avoid further conflicts, I sometimes stayed inside with my teacher, Mrs. Ringeiser. The curvy blonde with Farrah Fawcett hair made for pleasant company. After she called me “Mr. Chin,” she officially became my first straight crush. Like a puppy dog, I ran around pushing in the chairs and watering the plants for her, the same chores I did at Chung’s. I thought the love was mutual. But one day, things changed. I realized she had no use for me at all.

During class, Mrs. Ringeiser liked to toss out questions, then scan the room for responses. My mom’s advice to “be quiet” stuck in my head. But my teacher lavished praise on the other students for correct answers, and I wanted to get in on the action too. I started raising my hand and shouting out the answers. I felt guilty for not listening to my mom, but the high of getting mad respect from my teacher and the other students was addictive. It was the kind of attention I didn’t always get at home or at the restaurant.

At the end of the second or third week, Mrs. Ringeiser called my name. At first, my fingers tingled. I expected to be praised for my quick trigger hand, but then I noticed the other kids giving me strange looks. Mrs. Ringeiser pointed to a middle-aged redhead waiting by the door. “Please go with Mrs. Morrison.”

My stomach dropped. There were 30-odd students in the class; why was I being singled out? I knew from watching Mutual of Omaha’s Wild Kingdom that certain doom followed for any stragglers separated from the pack. I thought to myself, Don’t get up, as the other voice in my head—the one that sounded like my mom’s—echoed even louder: Obey your elders.

Mrs. Morrison led me down the hall to a square room not much bigger than a broom closet. The air felt stale. No windows. No plants. Only a few posters were affixed to the wall, some of them illustrations of animals and others trumpeting the 26 letters of the alphabet. It felt like a punishment. Maybe I should’ve listened to my mom and stayed quiet.

Mrs. Morrison grinned, exposing her teeth. They were big and white, like the Big Bad Wolf ’s. “We just want to hear you say a few things.”

My chin drew back. Was there something funny about the way I spoke? I knew my Chinese sucked, but no one had ever said anything bad about my English. In fact, the other kids in Chinatown—who came from all over Asia—were jealous of my perfect American accent. They said I sounded just like the kids on The Brady Bunch. I was practically Bobby!

For the next hour, I sat in the room acting like a circus seal with its snout angled in the air. As she pointed to the posters taped to the wall, I called out the answers: “Tractor!” “Rabbit!” “Carrots!”

After school, as usual, my mom brought me and my brothers down to the restaurant so she could help with the dinner rush. She’d never warmed to the restaurant life—for her, it was more of a means to an end—but her shift was only a few short hours, and if she was lucky, there might be enough players to get in a round or two of mahjong.

Before beginning our studies, we had to refuel. My mom considered food an essential study aid, and thanks to our well-stocked kitchen, we had over a hundred items to choose from. Since I was feeling a bit down, I needed a pick-me-up. That meant something sweet and sour. Red tomatoes, green peppers, yellow pineapple—a mix of the luckiest colors—surrounded the protein of my choice: chicken, pork, or shrimp.

This time, I picked all of the above.

When I was mid-snack, my mind drifted back to school. What flaw had my teacher detected? Was it the Hoiping accent from my grandparents, the Cantonese from our cooks, the Black slang from our delivery guy, the Hindi and Tagalog from the other kids in Chinatown, the Portuguese from our cook from Brazil, or even the French-Canadian from the CBC, the station across the river that broadcast Ernest et Bart?

When my mom caught me licking the last drops of gooey sauce off the tray, she grabbed the metal container. “What’s wrong? Did something happen at school?”

“No. I’m fine.” That was the first time I recall lying to my mom. It didn’t feel good, but I had no choice. It had been so embarrassing to be pulled out of class like that. I couldn’t tell her how I was really feeling. In my defense, my response wasn’t completely fake; it was more like a half-truth—I chose what parts to leave out, a skill I became pretty good at as I got older.

“You need help with schoolwork?”

Without revealing too much, I nodded.

Diplomas were rare in our house. My mom had dropped out of high school; my dad had gone to community college for only a few semesters; my grandpa stopped going to school after eighth grade, and my grandma got only as far as fifth. But as “ABCs”—Asian Buddhist Confucians, a culture where studying led to godliness—they pressured us kids to focus on our ABCs and 123s. My mom supplemented my schoolwork with extra lessons written on the back of our paper place mats, the ones with the twelve beasts of the Chinese zodiac. (I was a monkey—clever and creative.) After completing the problems, we’d go over the answers, correcting any mistakes. These study sessions are some of my best childhood memories. They represented a rare chance for mother and son to bond, our common language being math.

The next day in school, I returned to my quiet ways. I sat at my desk. I felt like a spy, observing how the words fell from my teacher’s mouth. Under my breath, I repeated her inflections and rhythms.

After a week of trips to the Island of Misfit Toys, my exile ended. When the time came for me to leave, my teacher said I could stay with the class. But my victory felt hollow. The incident reinforced the isolation I’d encountered that first day, when I hadn’t seen any faces that looked like mine.

Though I continued to be self-conscious about the way I spoke, slowing down to ensure I was pronouncing everything correctly, I felt relieved to be fitting in. Years later, I learned that what I was doing was called code-switching —consciously speaking and acting differently depending on the background of the people around me—but at that age, it was called survival .

Read More: How to Take Your Voice Seriously

A few weeks into the new school year, my teacher, Mrs. Berney, an attractive white woman who wore too much blue eye shadow, summoned me to the front of the class. My heart pounded hard. What was wrong? Did my speech sound funny again?

Mrs. Berney called a few more names from the attendance roll and sent us to several empty desks stationed in the front corner of the room. As the four of us inched over there, I wondered if I could talk my way out of this, offer some plausible explanation of how I spoke, until I realized that our quartet consisted of the students who turned in homework on time and scored highest on the exams.

In fact, Mrs. Berney announced that we were being put on an accelerated track. What an ego boost. My mom never called me or my brothers gifted or talented. In fact, she would say we were no better than any other students. She wasn’t trying to be mean—at least I hope not. I think what she was trying to say to us was that we could do whatever we wanted as long as we put in the effort.

I had put in the effort, and now victory was mine!

I couldn’t wait to get home and brag to my mom. For the reward, which she always gave with good grades, I had a big choice to make: Jell-O or chocolate pudding. I couldn’t decide.

As I’d suspected, the news made my mom beam. She patted me on the back for a job well done. “I told you math is better. Numbers don’t lie. If you get the right answer, the teacher cannot tell you that you’re wrong.”

I nodded, acknowledging my mom’s wisdom. We went inside, hand in hand. Chocolate pudding sounded great.

Excerpted from EVERYTHING I LEARNED, I LEARNED IN A CHINESE RESTAURANT by Curtis Chin. Copyright © 2023 by Curtis Chin. Used with permission of Little, Brown and Company. New York, NY. All rights reserved.

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How to Help Your Child Transition to a New School

Chinnapong / Getty Images

• How Changing Schools Impacts Kids
• How Long It Takes to Adjust
• Tips for Making the Transition

Like most other transitions, moving can be tough on kids—especially if they are moving to a new community. Meeting new people, switching schools, and making new friends can be stressful. It can even cause anxiety and depressive symptoms if kids are not supported throughout the process.

Fortunately, there are things you can do to help ease the transition from your child's old school to their new school. Whether you are preparing to move soon or getting settled in your new community now, we share what you need to know about this transition process below. You will learn how your child may be impacted and how long the transition will take as well as tips on how to make the process a smooth one.

How Does Changing Schools Affect a Child?

Most kids who are supported throughout a move usually do pretty well when transitioning to a new school. But for those who move a lot or who are particularly introverted, they may be more prone to challenges.

In fact, research has found that kids who move frequently are at an increased risk of poor academic achievement, behavior problems, grade retention, and even high school drop-out. They also are at risk for social problems and psychological difficulties including less social competence and low self-esteem .

Angie Frencho, MEd

Just as change can be difficult for adults, children experience similar emotions—anxiety, fear, and stress.

"Just as change can be difficult for adults, children experience similar emotions—anxiety, fear, and stress," says Angie Frencho, MEd, a teacher and gifted intervention specialist. "Keep open communication. Talk about and validate feelings. Try to encourage new friendships in the neighborhood, through extracurriculars, or [in worship communities]."

Because children thrive on predictability and routine, a move can make them feel disoriented and disconnected. The things that made them feel safe and secure—like a familiar bedroom and play space, as well as a familiar school building and friends—are no longer part of their surroundings. Getting used to these changes and adjusting to their new home, community, and school will take time.

"They have to start over in the sense of finding new friends and identifying teachers and staff they deem as approachable or safe," says Sandra Calzadilla, LMHC , a licensed mental health counselor who specializes in child development and parenting. As a parent, Calzadilla also has recent personal experience transitioning her own children to new schools. "They also can feel anxious, or fearful. Children tend to feel safer when they know what to expect and the unknown can be quite anxiety-provoking—some children may develop somatic symptoms like nausea or insomnia ."

As kids adjust to their new school and new surroundings, it is also not uncommon to see them retreating or even acting out. Changing schools also can disrupt their learning experience, says Frencho. Not only are they confronted with different curricula and different expectations in new schools, but schools also can differ in their climate and instructional environments.

"With academics, changing schools can be tricky," says Frencho. "Because there is no set statewide or nationwide calendar for when standards are taught throughout the school year, changing schools could potentially create holes in your child’s academic background. Additionally, if you change from public to private or vice versa or from one state to another, there could potentially be an entirely different adopted curriculum, which could create more significant gaps in their learning journey. Be aware and ready to help support those learning gaps."

How Long Will the Adjustment Take?

While every child is different, some kids can feel comfortable in a new school within a few weeks while others may take several months to adjust. The adjustment period will depend largely on your child's personality and temperament as well as the support that they receive.

"You should see improvement usually within a month for elementary school children and it may take one to two months for adolescents, as they can be more self-conscious or fearful of rejection," says Calzadilla.

If your child is struggling to adjust, talk to them and see what may be hindering them. Ask what they like and do not like about their new school, suggests Calzadilla. Then, see if you can help them focus on the positive or brainstorm ways to address the negative.

It is also important to acknowledge and validate their feelings—including their feelings of missing their old school and old friends. Help them do a reality check on fears like "no one likes me" and acknowledge how difficult it can be to make new friends, Calzadilla says.

"Talk to the teachers and guidance counselors to determine if any additional supports can be put in place to assist your child," she adds. "Maintain previous friendships whenever possible that way the child does not feel completely disconnected from friends."

Tips for Helping Your Kid Transition

It is important to be patient and understanding when helping your child adjust. Change is tough no matter the age, and it takes time. Some kids may appear to adjust quickly and develop friendships, while others will take longer. Support your child as best you can and look for ways to make the transition easier. Here are some tips for helping your child transition to a new school.

Explain Why You Are Moving

When making a move, it is important to explain to your child why it is happening. Whether you are moving because you changed jobs, divorced, or want to be in a different school district, your kids need to know the real reason for the switch.

"Be honest," says Frencho. "Children deserve honesty." 

Even if they do not fully understand the reasons, it is important to give them an age-appropriate explanation. Also, try to be as positive as possible about the move. Kids have an uncanny ability to pick up on the perceptions of the adults in their lives, so focus on the positive while acknowledging how challenging it can be to move.

"If the move created change in your life as well, be honest and share how you are dealing with the changes too," suggests Frencho. "Children love to know that adults often experience the same fears and concerns that they do."

Give Them Closure

Saying goodbye is hard, but it is even harder to leave without saying goodbye to all the things you know and love. Plan a time when your child can say goodbye to their school, their friends, and their teachers. Just because they will be in a new school doesn't mean that the old one will matter less.

"Give them time to say their goodbyes and gain closure," suggests Frencho.

You also may want to give them space to talk about their feelings about leaving and any concerns they have about moving forward. And, if possible, make plans to stay in touch with their classmates. For instance, arrange a reunion playdate, or if you are far away, plan to video call to catch up.

Knowing they will see their friends again in some way can help your child feel more settled as they move on. While it won't alleviate their fears or concerns, allowing them to maintain connection and experience closure can help signal the end of one chapter and the beginning of a new one.

Support Their Learning

Changing schools can create some gaps in your child's learning. Before the move, be sure to discuss what your child is expected to know and what they will be learning. And if necessary, consider hiring a tutor or other academic assistance.

Sandra Calzadilla, LMHC

Meeting their new teacher ahead of time can also help provide them some reassurance on their first days and weeks in a new school.

"Meeting their new teacher ahead of time can also help provide them some reassurance on their first days and weeks in a new school," says Calzadilla.

It also can help to get a sneak peek at the new school. Ask the guidance counselor or principal if they can give you and your child a tour. Knowing the lay of the land—like where the cafeteria is or where to find the bathrooms—can help alleviate some of their concerns before the first day.

"Taking a tour of the school prior to starting the new school helps kids feel less disoriented," says Calzadilla. "Show them where the office is and who they can ask for if they need assistance. [It also helps to] let them know exactly what they can expect when it is drop-off and pick-up time."

Keep in mind that your child also may be more inhibited when they start a new school and can be more quiet or shy, Calzadilla adds. Be patient, understanding, and supportive. Frequently check in with them. Allow them to work through their feelings and emotions and do what you can to alleviate their stress and anxiety.

"Changing schools can impact their learning especially if they are feeling anxious," Calzadilla says. "This can make it harder to pay attention and they may miss directions or seem distracted because their emotions are negatively engaged at the moment."

Set Small Goals Together

Once they are settled in their new school, set goals together, says Frencho. Help them brainstorm what their ideal scenario might look like and then break that down into small, manageable—and achievable—goals. For instance, they might want to set a goal to say hi to at least one new person a day or invite someone over to play or study.

They also might want to try something new or ask more questions in class. The key is to not remain stagnant in their new environment but instead push themselves a little each day to give the new school and the new people a chance.

"Setting small goals together with them [helps them] trudge through the discomfort, make friends, and ask questions," Frencho adds. "Lead with kindness and encourage your child to do the same."

Get Involved in the Community

Look for community events and opportunities to help your child make new friends and connections. Enroll them in classes, sports, or other activities they are interested in that will help them meet people with similar interests.

"Connecting with kids in their neighborhood is great," says Calzadilla. "This way friends are not just limited to school and this can help them feel more connected to their new community. Structured events outside of school can also give children the opportunity to make additional friends and connections that are not limited to school and can be based on mutual interests."

A Word From Verywell

Whether your child is starting a new school now or will be starting soon, it is never too early or too late to help them make the transition. Change is hard whether you are an adult or a child, so work through the challenges together. Be supportive, patient, and understanding and eventually you both will be acclimated to your new community and school.

If you find that your child is not adjusting well or seems to be experiencing more challenges than you expected, reach out for support. Talk to your child's pediatrician, the school counselor, or mental health professional. They can help you come up with a plan that helps your child manage their stress and anxiety while adapting to their new environment.

Morris T, Manley D, Northstone K, Sabel CE. How do moving and other major life events impact mental health? A longitudinal analysis of UK children . Health & Place . 2017;46:257-266. doi:10.1016/j.healthplace.2017.06.004

Herbers JE, Reynolds AJ, Chen CC. School mobility and developmental outcomes in young adulthood .  Dev Psychopathol . 2013;25(2):501-515. doi:10.1017/S0954579412001204

By Sherri Gordon Sherri Gordon, CLC is a published author, certified professional life coach, and bullying prevention expert. 

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• School Stuff

How to Convince Your Parents to Let You Switch Schools

Last Updated: August 22, 2023 References

This article was co-authored by Lauren Urban, LCSW . Lauren Urban is a licensed psychotherapist in Brooklyn, New York, with over 13 years of therapy experience working with children, families, couples, and individuals. She received her Masters in Social Work from Hunter College in 2006, and specializes in working with the LGBTQIA community and with clients in recovery or considering recovery for drug and alcohol use. This article has been viewed 423,265 times.

School is an important part of your life. [1] X Research source You want to make sure that you’re somewhere you feel comfortable and enjoy. It might take time to convince your parents that you need to switch schools, but if you have good reasons and a good argument, you can successfully help them to understand why you want to change schools.

Planning Your Argument for Changing Schools

• You’ve been dealing with bullying , and you don’t think it’s going to get better or you don’t feel comfortable staying around those people.
• Before asking your parents make sure your certain you'd like to switch (writing pros and cons may help). If you know this school will cost money, show them how much you want to go to this school despite the cost.
• You feel lost in the crowd of a large school with large classes, and you’d like a smaller environment.
• You feel like the school is too strict/nice and they never listen to your opinion.
• You don’t think your school is helping you academically. You might need a more challenging school or a school where you could have more individualized help.
• There’s another school that has programs you’re really interested in, like a superior drama, music, art, band, or sports program.
• The social environment is not what you want, maybe you don't have a lot of friends or have different views than your peers. When presenting this reason, word it carefully so it doesn't give your parents the idea that you just want to party. Don't say it like the only thing in school is about having friends, either. Tell them you need a study buddy, and no one at your current school is willing to help you out.
• As you are writing down this reason, make sure it is important enough to switch. For example, if you just don’t like math, and your school gives you a lot of homework, that’s not a good reason to switch. Or, if your boyfriend or best friend goes to a different school, this is not necessarily a good enough reason to switch.

• If you’re being bullied, you might want to make a mid-year switch.
• However, if you want to change to a school that will push you more academically, then you could consider switching for the next academic year, as this will be easier to arrange.
• Make a calendar on a piece of paper, or print out a calendar, and write the date you want to switch schools. Then, write down a date to have a conversation with your parents about changing. You want to give them as much advance notice as possible, at least a few months.

• That way, you can tell your parents why you’d like to go to a different school.
• Look at schools based on your reason for switching. For example, if you want to change schools because you don’t feel challenged academically, look at schools that have a lot of honors programs.

• Write a list of all the good things you find out about other schools.
• If you have friends, or even friends on Facebook, that go to schools you’d like to consider, ask them to tell you what they like about the school, so you can pass it along to your parents.

Scripting Your Conversation

• Practice saying all your reasons out loud to yourself in the mirror or to a friend.

• Say something like, “Hey, Mom and Dad! Can we all sit down at the table together? I have something I’d like to talk about with you, and I’d really love to hear what you think.”
• You want to let your parents know that this is important to you and that you appreciate them listening to your thoughts.

• If you’re being bullied, don’t be too embarrassed to show them how much it’s affecting your performance at school and how much it hurts you.
• Say something like, “There is a group of kids in my class that writes mean notes to me every day and steal things out of my desk. They call me names, and it makes me sad. I’ve asked them to stop, and I’ve talked to the teacher, but they still do it behind her back. I have a hard time enjoying school or focusing because I can’t stop thinking about it.”
• If you think you need a school with more academic attention say something like, “I’ve been having a hard time finishing my work in school because I don’t understand it. There are so many kids in my class that the teacher usually doesn’t have time to help me.”
• Or, if you want more of a challenge, say, “I get all A’s at school because the work is too easy. I finish all my work first, and I end up just sitting there in class. My teacher doesn’t have time to make special assignments for me.”

• “I’m really interested in learning to play music. Jackson Middle School has the best band program in the state, and it’s only ten minutes away. I’d really get to work on my skills there.”
• “St. John’s School only has 10 students in each class. If I went there, I’d be able to get more help with my work, and my grades would get better.”
• “Central Middle School has a lot of science and math classes I could take. They even have a Physics class. I want to be an engineer one day, and it’s never too early to start learning.”

• End the conversation with a statement like: “Thanks for listening to me. Take some time to think about what I said, and let me know what you think. I really hope you’ll think about letting me change schools”

Approaching Your Parents

• Make it clear to them that you’re unhappy in your school.
• Every day, tell them one little thing that bothered you at school when they ask about your day. For example, let them know, “We got our math tests back today, and I didn’t do so well. I went to ask my teacher a few questions about what I got wrong, but she didn’t have time to talk to me.”

• Don’t argue with them or talk back to them.
• Do the little things they ask the first time like cleaning your room and picking up after yourself.

• For example, a good time to talk might be after dinner once everyone is full and the house is clean.

• After you give them the letter, they’ll come to approach the conversation with you. This can take some of the pressure off of starting a serious conversation.
• Especially if you’re being bullied, you can use a letter to let your parents know exactly what your bullies are doing to you, so you don’t have to say it out loud, but your parents will still know how serious your situation is.

Community Q&A

• Talk to your teachers about the problems that are causing you to think about moving schools. If you have a serious issue, they can recommend that you switch to your parents. Thanks Helpful 3 Not Helpful 10
• Go to your counselor, and try to discuss issues with her. A counselor can also give a recommendation to your parents. Thanks Helpful 4 Not Helpful 8
• Don't be afraid to talk to your parents about school issues they will most likely understand. Thanks Helpful 4 Not Helpful 9

• Don't tell anyone until it is final. Thanks Helpful 523 Not Helpful 68
• If there's a serious problem that needs to be dealt with or stopped, tell your parents about it even if it's embarrassing. If you’re being bullied, don’t wait to broach the subject. Tell them immediately. Thanks Helpful 116 Not Helpful 27
• If you want to go to a private school, be sensitive about your parents' financial situation, and stay open to other possibilities. Thanks Helpful 109 Not Helpful 35

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Expert Interview

Thanks for reading our article! If you’d like to learn more about family life, check out our in-depth interview with Lauren Urban, LCSW .

• ↑ http://mom.me/kids/little-kid/4978-what-schools-role-influencing-child-development/
• ↑ http://www.greatschools.org/gk/articles/switch-or-stay-schools-early-in-year/
• ↑ http://www.schooldigger.com/
• ↑ https://www.toastmasters.org/Resources/Public-Speaking-Tips/Preparing-a-Speech
• ↑ https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/20140604182743-9068934-honest-conversations-a-checklist
• ↑ http://www.lifehack.org/articles/communication/12-practical-ways-persuade-anyone-anything-easily.html

About This Article

To convince your parents to let you change schools, make sure you choose a good time to talk to them about it and come up with a strong reason. Instead of jumping straight into a serious conversation, gradually let your parents know over time that you’re unhappy with your school. For example, regularly tell them about things that bother you, such as your teacher not having enough time to answer your questions or bullying problems. Then, pick a time when your parents are relaxed to raise the issue, like after dinner. Start the conversation by telling them the reason you want to change, such as bullying or the school’s low academic level. Instead of only speaking about the negative things, tell your parents what would be better about your new school, which will show them you’ve really thought about what changing schools would mean. At the end of your conversation, encourage your parents to think about what you’ve said, since they may need some time to come to a decision. for tips on how to research other schools you could attend, keep reading! Did this summary help you? Yes No

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The Dispatch

Switching from Private To Public School

Samantha Knapp , Assistant News Editors January 22, 2017

High school is a place to learn and make lifelong friends to prepare for life outside of school. And moving from private school to public school can make this experience better or worse depending on the student.

“We had four kids transfer from private to public school and the kids that loved private school had a harder time transitioning into Bowie. The kids that were tired of aspects of private school made an easier transition into Bowie as they were ready for a change,” Gary Miller said.

Private school had a different curriculum and environment than public school.

“ At public school we do a lot of busy work and multiple-choice tests the way we learned it in private school was through talking in student led discussions and writing analytical essays no matter what the subject,” senior Julia Lain said.

Students move from private to public school for a variety of reasons like moving to a new house, their parents got a new job, their family can’t afford it or want their child to go to a new school, or they are ready for a change.

“ Our philosophy for the first 12 years of education for all of our children is to spend the first third in home schooling, the second third in a private Christian school, and the final third in a public high school, our hope is that this will help prepare them for university life and beyond,” Miller said.

Private schools typically have smaller classes and not a lot of extracurricular options.

“ Private school I think works really well for some kids or it doesn’t and I loved the teachers, and the education was aspect was really good, but sometimes the size didn’t allow for a lot do extracurriculars outside of sports, choir, a very small band, and art class,” junior Victoria Newell said.

Private school has a different social environment than public school and a much smaller population.

“ The private school I went to was very friendly and inclusive and it was very easy to make friends and everyone always treated each other in a way that reflected how the school wanted them to act,” junior Collin Miller said. “My transition to public school was different in that it was my first time going to school with genuinely mean people or people who didn’t care about their grades, or how others felt, not to say every one was bad, but this was my first contact with people like this”.

Parents sometimes move their children to private school or public school to try and benefit them in the world outside of school.

“ The rationale is to gently release them into the world, after first in home schooling in the formative years to assure character development, and with personal attention to the different learning styles of each child and the second third is for providing a challenging educational environment within a Christian worldview, while socializing them in a classroom setting and the final third is a rather big step, especially into a public high school the size of Bowie,” Gary said.

The community of parents volunteering is also very different between private and public schools.

“It is more intense at a private school for three reasons:the whole community intentionally chose that school for their child, they are all paying big bucks to have their child there so they are very invested in getting the best out of the school and most of the moms are highly educated, have had successful careers in their own right and are now “full time moms”. They are a powerful, educated and supportive force for a private school and they have the time,” Alexis Newell said.

Students who have been in private school their entire education don’t mind being in their school and they often have friends that go to public school even if they don’t.

“I have gone to a private school all of my life and it basically feels like one big family,” junior Chase Bradley said.”I go to Hyde park high school and I have thought about transferring to a public school because I would have a better opportunity to play college sports and I have grown up with people I go to school with and some of them I believe will be lifelong friends and I don’t think that specific type of experience can happen in a public school”.

The adjustment period is different for each student, but they eventually find their place in the new school community.

“ All the different people you meet, everyone kind of thinks the same at private school, and so going to public I was challenged with some different point of views and beliefs which I think strengthens my own and the adjustment was kind of hard, It took me a while to find my place, but it did help that I knew I wanted to do theater coming in, and the theater community is super welcoming and encouraging,” Newell said.

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Writing the common app essay about transferring high schools Answered

Hi everyone,

So I'm completing the writing parts of my Common App and I'm an international student who transferred high schools. First-year of secondary school I did in Brazil in a small independent school and the rest in Venezuela in a larger independent school. I'm not sure why should I write in this mini-essay response, my main reason was because of my dad's job.

If someone could help,

Blockchain in schools and colleges become a big issue. This post is informative so thanks for share. Not get start on the topic that is giving good ideas for essay writing service, this is free essays on beloved. This service provides examples titles and outlines. so see this https://writinguniverse.com/free-essay-examples/beloved/ more detail to confirm all about this service before use.

Earn karma by helping others:

Just say you transferred for economical reasons and your experience in doing so. Whatever you feel brings out your personality best is the way to go.

Hi @valvarg , I'm here to help you. One of the big problems for International students applying to American colleges and universities is that they do not fully understand the educational system in America nor do they understand the purpose of the common app essay.

I'm here to clarify that for you. American colleges get thousands and thousands of applications to each of the 4300 colleges. The most popular aggregator of college applications is the Common App which is used by 950 of the most popular colleges. When a Common App partner college reads an application much of the information and data points are standardized like GPA, Course Rigor, Demographics etc. Therefore, on paper (on screen) there is little to differentiate Candidate #9153 from Candidate #4163 if they have similar statistics.

That is why there are written prompts on the application. These are the main 650 word essay and the short answers for Extracurricular activities, and the optional add'l info section.

What colleges want to learn after reading your main 650 essay is the following types of questions:

-What makes this applicant unique and a stand out human being?

-What new information did I learn from reading this essay that is not apparent in the rest of the application?

-What is special about this applicants personal character, passions, work ethic, intellectual curiosity that is not clearly evident in the rest of the application?

-How brave, resilient, courageous, righteous, thoughtful, kind and selfless is this person I'm reading about?

You see, when applications readers only have about 10 minutes to read your entire Common App file including the essays, they want and need something important and meaningful for them to grab on to about your narrative so they can advocate for you against the sea of nicely breaking waves. They are not looking for a 3 to 5 foot white cap wave in this sea of applications. They are looking for the Tsunami! Someone who is going to make a huge impact and change the world around them.

I hope that helps you and why I felt compelled to offer advice that writing about going to school A and then changing to school B is not ideal unless something significantly transformational happened to your character, outlook, attitude that is visibly impactful.

Calculate for all schools

Your chance of acceptance, your chancing factors, extracurriculars, community guidelines.

To keep this community safe and supportive:

• Be kind and respectful!
• Keep posts relevant to college admissions and high school.
• Don’t ask “chance-me” questions. Use CollegeVine’s chancing instead!

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This school choice ‘evangelist’ is leading a revolution that's changing American education

Parents could see what was happening with their children's education during the covid pandemic, and they didn’t like it. study after study confirms how devastating virtual 'learning' was for kids..

I didn’t think it was possible for anyone to be more despised by the teachers unions than Betsy DeVos , the former Education secretary and billionaire Republican donor who has devoted decades to promoting school choice.

Yet, it seems Corey DeAngelis has taken on that mantle. And he’s loving it. 

DeAngelis bears the label “ school choice evangelist ” with pride, and in the past few years he has quickly risen as one of the most prominent voices in the education freedom realm. In many ways, he’s become the face of the sharp rise in private school choice that’s spread across the country since 2020. 

The senior fellow at the American Federation for Children and visiting fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution has written a book documenting this trend. “ The Parent Revolution: Rescuing Your Kids from the Radicals Ruining Our Schools ” hit the bookshelves this week. 

The dedication sets the tone for DeAngelis’ book: 

" To Randi Weingarten and the teachers unions . You’re doing more to advance freedom in education than anyone could have ever imagined. Thank you for overplaying your hand, showing your true colors, and sparking the Parent Revolution. America is beyond grateful."

Sarcastic? Sure. 

It’s also true. 

A bright side to COVID pandemic: Parents got fed up

DeAngelis credits Weingarten with the school choice explosion because of the COVID-19 school closures that teachers unions forced far beyond what was necessary . 

Parents could see what was happening to their children, and they didn’t like it. Study after study confirms how devastating virtual “learning” was for kids . 

“It was nonstop fearmongering making themselves (unions) look pathetic,” DeAngelis told me this week. “But when they overplayed their hand, what they were really trying to do in pushing to keep the schools closed was to hold children's education hostage as long as possible to extract as many resources from the taxpayer as possible.”

DeSantis is more than anti-'woke.' He just delivered universal school choice to Florida.

In the short run, the unions’ strategy proved effective. Schools got $190 billion in so-called emergency COVID-19 relief , while many remained shuttered to in-person learning.  

“Their plan quickly backfired in a spectacular fashion because through remote learning, which we really should just call it remotely learning because there wasn't a lot of learning going on, families got to see what was happening in the classroom, and parents who thought their kids were in good public schools based on their test scores started to see another dimension of school quality,” DeAngelis said.

They also saw what kids were being taught about race and gender. And many families didn’t think these lessons meshed with their values.

Thus, the beginning of the parent revolution. 

Can this school choice revolution last? 

School choice advocates like DeAngelis seized the frustration that parents felt as an opportunity for substantial change. 

It worked. 

DeAngelis has traveled to states across the nation, working with governors and legislatures to pass expansive choice laws. And organizations like the American Federation for Children helped fund candidates with a strong stance on education freedom.   

'There's going to be a real backlash': Biden's new Title IX rules bring back 'kangaroo courts.' They will hurt, not help, women.

Since 2021, 10 states (eight last year alone) have passed universal or near-universal school choice programs that include private schools – something that didn’t exist on such a broad basis before the pandemic. Those include large states such as Florida and Ohio. 

More than 20 states expanded their choice options in other ways . 

While the major wins have been in red states, DeAngelis hopes that more Democrats will join the movement. As more states offer families more choices for their children's education, it will put pressure on blue states to do the same. 

As a longtime proponent of school choice, I’ve been thrilled to see these developments in recent years. But is it really a sustainable revolution?

DeAngelis believes it is, although teachers unions will try their darnedest to quell this competition, which they hate.

“Parents are never going to unsee what they saw in 2020,” he said. “So this mobilization is going to continue going forward because parents care about their kids more than anybody else, and it’s becoming such a political winner to support parental rights in education.”

Ingrid Jacques is a columnist at USA TODAY. Contact her at [email protected] or on X, formerly Twitter: @ Ingrid_Jacques

'I made the decision to change schools' - PERSONAL CHALLENGE ESSAY

tdcrawf 1 / 1   Sep 20, 2011   #1 HI EVERYONE! Please be very crictical of this essay, Every bit of advice helps. Thank you all! (The topic is in bold/italilcs) Please write a personal statement describing an instance in which you faced a significant personal challenge and discuss the steps you took in response; or copy and paste a previously written work that accurately reflects your writing skills and academic ability. High school was a larger and much more complex environment than junior high and I found the transition more difficult than I had imagined. I watched as both guys and girls I had known since elementary school became entirely different people. My friends who were once critical of those who would say or do anything to be accepted, were now saying and doing what they thought would make them accepted. A small number of my peers stayed true to themselves, while the majority focused on fitting in with the older students. I found myself somewhere in the middle, wanting to be accepted yet not wanting to let go of who I was. I began to feel overwhelmed by the peer pressure and changes that surrounded me. Before long I was struggling in school and my grades began to slip. It was at this point I realized I needed to make a change both socially and academically. I had the option to continue where I was and risk falling further behind in school and losing my true self all together or transfer to a different high school, one with a reputation of being more socially welcoming but also more academically challenging. I was faced with a difficult challenge. After much time spent in prayerful reflection and talking with family and friends, I made the decision to change schools. I welcomed this challenge even though it meant leaving an environment I was familiar with and the friends I had known since elementary school, the ones whom I laughed and shared secrets with. I saw the opportunity in this difficult decision to start fresh and prove to myself that I had what it takes to be successful, the decision turned out to be the right choice. I was able to overcome the social challenges and academic obstacles I faced my freshman year. With a new, friendlier environment I gained the strength and courage I needed to withstand peer pressure. I started setting high standards for myself and pushing my limits to the maximum. After transferring high schools my grades gradually improved, I've made Grand Honor Roll and Honor Roll. I've also made many new friends that continue to have a positive influence on my life. Now it is my senior year and after three years of making changes and adapting to this new place, I am eager to graduate high school, venture out, and move into yet another unfamiliar environment. The trials I endured my freshman year were preparing me for the obstacles I will face throughout the rest of my life. I am confident that I now have the faith and strength to overcome whatever is thrown my direction.

OP tdcrawf 1 / 1   Sep 22, 2011   #3 Your input has been very helpful! THANK YOU:)

Getty Images | iStockphoto

One of best pieces of advice when writing an application essay is to be authentic.

Key Takeaways

• Secondary medical school essays should highlight why an applicant is a good fit.
• Applicants should submit the essays early without compromising quality.
• It's important to be authentic in essay responses.

After receiving primary applications, most medical schools ask applicants to complete a secondary application, which typically includes additional essay questions. While primary essay prompts ask why you're pursuing medicine, medical school secondary essays focus on you and how you fit with a specific school.

Secondary essay prompts vary by school, but they're generally designed to help med schools learn about you at a deeper level. They may ask you to reflect on what makes you who you are, a time when you worked with a population different than yourself, an occasion where you asked for help or a time when you worked in a team. They may ask how you spent a gap year before applying to medical school or what you did after your undergraduate degree.

"What we are trying to figure out is if this is a candidate that can fulfill the premedical competencies and whether they are mission-aligned," says Dr. Wendy Jackson, associate dean for admissions at the University of Kentucky College of Medicine . “Can they help fulfill the needs that our institution is trying to deliver?”

A lot rides on these essays, but keeping a few best practices in mind can make the process less daunting.

Emphasize Fit

The first thing medical schools look for is whether an applicant will be a good fit for the school’s mission, Jackson says.

“I would challenge someone who is completing a secondary application to understand the mission of the school and envision how they are going to contribute to that,” she says. “The vast majority of schools are going to ask why you chose their institution, so you need to be prepared to answer that.”

Some secondary essay questions are optional, but experts recommend answering them even though they're extra work. For example, the Vanderbilt University School of Medicine in Tennessee asks applicants what makes them interested in the school.

“We just want to see if they’re a good fit for us and that they’ve done a little bit of homework about Vanderbilt," says Jennifer Kimble, director of admissions at Vanderbilt's medical school. "We want to make sure that the students we admit are going to be happy with their Vanderbilt experience.”

Avoid focusing on what you’re going to gain from the school – schools are really asking how you'll be an asset to the program.

"It’s almost like if you’re trying to date someone and you tell them, ‘Here’s what I’m going to get from this relationship,’ without saying, ‘We’re better off together,’” says Shirag Shemmassian, founder of Shemmassian Academic Consulting. “You have to sell the idea that you’re bettering one another and how you’re better together than apart. I think students often miss that latter component."

Don't Procrastinate

The medical school application process is often compared to a marathon, but the final steps may feel like a sprint. Applicants typically receive secondary application requests in late June, and in some cases schools want those back within a matter of weeks. Others set deadlines months down the road.

Either way, because of rolling admissions , it's best to send essays in as early as possible without compromising quality, Shemmassian says.

The earlier an applicant submits materials, the less competition they typically face, experts say. For example, Vanderbilt receives nearly 7,000 applications per year. Of those, roughly 600 applicants will be asked to interview and around 260 will be offered admission for 96 spots.

"At the beginning of the cycle, our calendar is wide open and we’re very open to who we bring in for an interview," Kimble says. "Down the road when we only have 30 seats left, it’s highly selective who those candidates are that get those coveted 30 interview spots that are left over."

Prewrite Essays

Applicants won't know the specific language of secondary essay prompts until schools send them, but in many cases, essay prompts are similar year to year and the previous year's prompts are often published on a school's admissions website, experts say. Some schools may change or tweak questions, but you can generally get a head start by prewriting essays based on previous prompts.

"As the new ones come out, you can modify as needed," Shemmassian says. "I would say that about 70% to 80% of prompts will remain the same or similar. If they change, you can usually adapt an essay you’ve written for another school."

Secondary essays vary in length and number. Vanderbilt requires applicants to submit an 800-word essay and two 600-word essays. Some schools may require close to 10 secondary essays. Shemmassian says this is significantly more writing than applicants are used to, so budgeting time is crucial.

But applicants should take care when prewriting essays and make sure each is tailored to the specific school with the correct school name, experts say. Jackson says she's read plenty of essays where applicants included the wrong school name and it cost them.

“You may think you can save time by cutting and pasting or taking half of a previously written essay response and making a modification,” Jackson says. “Be careful, because the questions vary from institution to institution.”

Experts say applicants often neglect to fully read prompts in their haste to complete answers. Though there's a time crunch, it's vital to thoroughly read the prompt and answer the question fully without grammatical or spelling errors.

“That seems kind of silly, but I think we can get going down a road when we’re writing and feel like we’ve completed and written something well but look back and never really have a response to the true question being asked," Jackson says.

Be Authentic

Medical school applicants tend to put a lot of pressure on themselves to write something that schools haven't read before, Kimble says. Given that med schools sift through thousands of applicants a year, "we’ve read all sorts of scenarios in life, so take that pressure and put it on the shelf," she says. "That’s not a concern for us. We aren’t looking for something that’s totally innovative."

Experts say schools are mostly looking for authenticity and an organic, genuine tone. The tone "can make or break an applicant," Jackson says.

It may be tempting, especially given time constraints, to rely on outside help – such as ChatGPT or other AI-powered software – to write essays. While some professors and admissions officers have embraced AI to help automate certain processes, Kimble says she strongly discourages med school applicants from using AI to help with secondary essays.

"We had an (application) that you could clearly see was not written by a human voice," she says. "It sounded very computer generated, so we ended up passing on the candidate just because we want to hear their story in their own words."

A Secondary Essay Example

Shemmassian compiles more than 1,000 sample secondary essays each year, using prompts from more than 150 medical schools in various states, and offers them to paying clients. The excerpted example below, created by Shemmassian's team and used with their permission, shows what he considers to be a successful diversity-themed essay in response to a Yale University School of Medicine prompt that asks applicants to reflect on how their background and experiences contribute to the school's focus on diversity and how it will inform their future role as a doctor.

As a child, one of my favorite times of the year was the summer, when I would travel to Yemen… at least until I turned twelve. Suddenly, the traditional and, in my Yemeni American view, restrictive laws for women, applied to me. Perhaps the most representative of these laws was having to cover my hair with a scarf-like garment. Staying true to my values, I decided against returning to Yemen, thereby losing a vital connection to my culture. However, this estrangement did not inhibit my growth.

The 500-word response continues with how the applicant met a Yemeni student who grew up in France and was barred from wearing a headscarf due to a school uniform policy. Where the applicant saw the headscarf as restrictive, the other student saw it as a connection to her roots. The applicant describes how although the same object held different meanings to two people from the same background, she used that to appreciate different perspectives and to advocate for a woman's right to express herself.

Later that year, I applied this lesson in perspective to my work as a clinical coordinator, when a patient walked into the office and handed me a piece of paper explaining she only spoke Arabic...By thinking critically while vernacularly translating the doctor’s advice, I was directly involved in the process of her medical care. Because of my experience in exploring the multi-cultural barriers I faced alongside the Yemeni French student who cherished her headscarf, I spent time talking to this Yemeni patient about the barriers she had faced in receiving care.

This experience motivated me to help overcome cultural healthcare barriers and disparities, showcasing my devotion to equitable treatment by creating a new protocol within the clinic where I work. Now, when scheduling patients over the phone, we ask if they have any language preferences, and we have a series of scripts we can use during each patient’s treatment.

The applicant then drives home why she believes she's a good fit for the school.

My background and experiences will contribute to Yale School of Medicine’s diversity and inform my future role as a physician by creating a student organization that holds informational workshops, utilizing my unique experiences to connect with Yale’s diverse patient population, and working to address healthcare disparities as a future physician. I envision these informational workshops would operate in the Haven Free Clinic patient waiting rooms to empower all patients, regardless of their background.

This essay is successful because it does more than tell essay readers about the applicant's background, Shemmassian says. It shows how the applicant grew "into a more compassionate and culturally humble future physician who will help patients overcome health care barriers."

"Strong diversity essays will always show admissions committees how a unique trait or life experience will help them become a better physician," he says. "This essay is especially successful because the applicant connects their experiences and what they’ve learned because of them to the Yale School of Medicine itself. This is an applicant who is already thinking deeply about not just what they can get out of medical school but how they can contribute to the values and mission of the school they attend."

Searching for a medical school? Get our  complete rankings  of Best Medical Schools.

Medical School Application Mistakes

Tags: medical school , doctors , graduate schools , education , students

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Zanesville Middle School students have turned difficult situations into solutions

Zanesville students' essays to be placed into the library of congress.

• Hailey Anderson and Levi Knott will travel to Washington D.C. in July as part of their prize.
• Zanesville is one of only five districts in the state that currently participates in the initiative

ZANESVILLE −Hailey Anderson and Levi Knott will travel to Washington D.C. in July as part of their prize for winning the Zanesville Middle School essay contest that falls under Ohio Attorney General’s partnership with the anti-violence program Do the Write Thing, which launched in Ohio in 2021.Zanesville is one of only five districts in the state that currently participates in the initiative, alongside Springfield, Canton, Lima, and Youngstown. Ten Zanesville seventh and eighth graders were elected as finalists from the 435 essays submitted. Levi and Hailey were then selected as the two winners.“The students are really honest in their writing. That’s what I perceive when I read these,” said Zanesville Superintendent Dr. Doug Baker. “They’re talking about something that is very close to their heart. Sometimes it can be issues that are going on in their family, with their friends, sometimes bigger issues in the community — there’s a lot of emotion in that.

“Sometimes when you read these essays your heart breaks a little with what you’re reading. You’re really rooting for a solution.”One of the requirements of the essays is that the middle school student must not only identify a problem, but also a solution.“(The state wants) to have our citizens starting at a young age not just identifying problems but constructively putting that energy into positive effect and making their community a better place,” said Baker.Zanesville Middle School Principal Adrian Williams said they’ve already implemented programs that sparked from this competition.“This year we implemented a program called Watch D.O.G.S., which stands for Dads of Great Students,” said Williams. “A lot of our students go home to no positive male role models. It’s a way to provide male figures in the building. They play basketball with the kids, eat food with them, talk to them. The kids love it.”Hailey and Levi are hoping their essays have an impact, too. Hailey writes about inclusive language Hailey, 12, in seventh grade, hopes that her school and many others begin using more inclusive language that doesn’t focus on parent-centered assumptions.“Schools could be a little bit more sensitive about the topic,” said Hailey, who wrote her essay on growing up without her mother. “If you go to the office and need to call someone, they always ask, ‘Which parent?’ But I spend a lot of time with my grandma, so if they said parent/guardian, that would be more inclusive because not everybody has a parent.”Hailey said her dad is proud of her and they’re both excited for her trip to Washington D.C.“I’m excited to represent my school,” she said.She’s also excited that her essay opened up a lane for herself and other kids like her to talk more openly about loss and other difficult emotions.“My solution talks about ways that schools and teachers could help children open up,” said Hailey. “So we could feel more comfortable talking about (our issues). The essay itself was a way towards that solution.” Levi wants to stop the bullying Seventh grader Levi, 13, agreed that the essays have been not only educational, but therapeutic.“I do think they’re important because it could really help someone share their feelings,” said Levi. “Instead of keeping things inside they can write about how they feel about situations.”Levi wrote about his brother, who is on the spectrum, and how he was bullied.“The solution I said was we could get a speaker in or a counselor in the building at all times to see if the person who’s getting bullied could talk to the counselor and then the counselor could talk to the bullies and settle it that way.”Levi said his brother was excited for Levi’s win. “He was basically jumping up for joy.”Levi’s overall message to bullies is simple: “Stop bullying. Because you don’t know what that person is going through, and you could really hurt them and bring them down a lot.” Transformation Williams said the essays have not only improved the writing of the students, but it’s improved communication throughout the building.“I think the biggest impact I’m seeing is kids are starting to open up more,” said Williams. “They’re feeling this is a space where they have trusted adults, whether it’s things at school or outside of the school.”And for Levi and Hailey, they get one more big achievement to add to their college applications someday: published author.“Their individual writing gets placed in a book and becomes part of the Library of Congress,” said Superintendent Baker. “They’re officially authors at that time.”Williams said the experience in D.C. has transformed the students who attend.“It definitely gets them involved in that civics aspects,” said Williams. “When they come back, they’re more involved, they lead more, they’re not afraid to voice their opinions, and most importantly, instead of just voicing problems, they bring solutions to the table.”

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What Do Students at Elite Colleges Really Want?

Many of Harvard’s Generation Z say “sellout” is not an insult.

Credit... Jeff Hinchee

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By Francesca Mari

• Published May 22, 2024 Updated May 30, 2024

The meme was an image of a head with “I need to get rich” slapped across it. “Freshmen after spending 0.02 seconds on campus,” read the caption, posted in 2023 to the anonymous messaging app Sidechat.

The campus in question was Harvard, where, at a wood-paneled dining hall last year, two juniors explained how to assess a fellow undergraduate’s earning potential. It’s easy, they said, as we ate mussels, beets and sautéed chard: You can tell by who’s getting a bulge bracket internship.

Listen to this article with reporter commentary

“What?” Benny Goldman, a then-28-year-old economics P.h.D. student and their residential tutor, was confused.

One of the students paused, surprised that he was unfamiliar with the term: A bulge bracket bank, like Goldman Sachs , JPMorgan Chase or Citi. The biggest, most prestigious global investment banks. A B.B., her friend explained. Not to be confused with M.B.B. , which stands for three of the most prestigious management consulting firms: McKinsey, Bain and Boston Consulting Group.

While the main image of elite campuses during this commencement season might be activists in kaffiyehs pitching tents on electric green lawns, most students on campus are focused not on protesting the war in Gaza, but on what will come after graduation.

Despite the popular image of this generation — that of Greta Thunberg and the Parkland activists — as one driven by idealism, GenZ students at these schools appear to be strikingly corporate-minded. Even when they arrive at college wanting something very different, an increasing number of students at elite universities seek the imprimatur of employment by a powerful firm and “making a bag” (slang for a sack of money) as quickly as possible.

Elite universities have always been major feeders into finance and consulting, and students have always wanted to make money. According to the annual American Freshman Survey , the biggest increase in students wanting to become “very well off financially” happened between the 1970s and 1980s, and it’s been creeping up since then.

But in the last five years, faculty and administrators say, the pull of these industries has become supercharged. In an age of astronomical housing costs, high tuition and inequality, students and their parents increasingly see college as a means to a lucrative job, more than a place to explore.

A ‘Herd Mentality’

At Harvard, a graduating senior, who passed on a full scholarship to another school, told me that he felt immense pressure to show his parents that their $400,000 investment in his Harvard education would allow him to get the sort of job where he could make a million dollars a year. Upon graduation, he will join the private equity firm Blackstone, where, he believes, he will learn and achieve more in six years than 30 years in a public-service-oriented organization.

Another student, from Uruguay, who spent his second summer in a row practicing case studies in preparation for management consulting internship interviews, told me that everyone arrived on campus hoping to change the world. But what they learn at Harvard, he said, is that actually doing anything meaningful is too hard. People give up on their dreams, he told me, and decide they might as well make money. Someone else told me it was common at parties to hear their peers say they just want to sell out.

“There’s definitely a herd mentality,” Joshua Parker, a 21-year-old Harvard junior from Oahu, said. “If you’re not doing finance or tech, it can feel like you’re doing something wrong.”

As a freshman, he planned to major in environmental engineering. As a sophomore, he switched to economics, joining five of his six roommates. One of those roommates told me that he hoped to run a hedge fund by the time he was in his 30s. Before that, he wanted to earn a good salary, which he defined as $500,000 a year.

According to a Harvard Crimson survey of Harvard Seniors, the share of 2024 graduates going into finance and consulting is 34 percent. (In 2022 and 2023 it exceeded 40 percent. The official Harvard Institutional Research survey yields lower percentages for those fields than the Crimson survey, because it includes students who aren’t entering the work force.)

These statistics approach the previous highs in 2007, after which the global financial crisis drove the share down to a recent low of 20 percent in 2009, from which it’s been regaining ground since.

Fifteen years ago, fewer students went into tech. Adding in that sector, the share of graduates starting what some students non-disparagingly refer to as “sellout jobs” is more than half. (It was a record-shattering 60 percent in 2022 and nearly 54 percent in 2023.)

“When people say ‘selling out,’ I mean, obviously, there’s some implicit judgment there,” said Aden Barton, a 23-year-old Harvard senior who wrote an opinion column for the student newspaper headlined, “How Harvard Careerism Killed the Classroom.”

“But it really is just almost a descriptive term at this point for people pursuing certain career paths,” he continued. “I’m not trying to denigrate anybody’s career path nor my own.” (He interned at a hedge fund last summer.)

David Halek, director of employer relations at Yale’s Office of Career Strategy, thinks students may use the term “sell out” because of the perceived certainty: “It’s the easy path to follow. It is well defined,” he said.

“It’s hard to conceptualize other things,” said Andy Wang, a social studies concentrator at Harvard who recently graduated.

Some students talk about turning to a different career later on, after they’ve made enough money. “Nowadays, English concentrators often say they’re going into finance or management consulting for a couple of years before writing their novel,” said James Wood, a Harvard professor of the practice of literary criticism.

And a surprising number of students explain their desire for a corporate job by drawing on the ethos of effective altruism : Whether they are conscious of the movement or not, they believe they can have greater impact by maximizing earnings to donate to a cause than working for that cause.

But once students board the prestige escalator and become accustomed to a certain salary, walking away can feel funny. Like, well, walking off an escalator.

Financial Pressures

The change is striking to those who have been in academia for years, and not just at Harvard.

Roger Woolsey, executive director of the career center at Union College, a private liberal arts college in Schenectady, N.Y, said he first noticed a change around 2015, with students who had been in high school during the Great Recession and who therefore prioritized financial security.

“The students saw what their parents went through, and the parents saw what happened to themselves,” he said. “You couple that with college tuition continuing to rise,” he continued, and students started looking for monetary payoffs right after graduation.

Sara Lazenby, an institutional policy analyst for the University of Wisconsin-Madison, said that might be why students and their parents were much more focused on professional outcomes than they used to be. “In the past few years,” she said, “I’ve seen a higher level of interest in this first-destination data” — stats on what jobs graduates are getting out of college.

“Twenty years ago, an ‘introduction to investment banking’ event was held at the undergraduate library at Harvard,” said Howard Gardner, a professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. “Forty students showed up, all men, and when asked to define ‘investment banking,’ none raised their hands.”

Now, according to Goldman Sachs, the bank had six times as many applicants this year for summer internships as it did 10 years ago, and was 20 percent more selective for this summer’s class than it was last year. JPMorgan also saw a record number of undergraduate applications for internships and full-time positions this year.

The director of the Mignone Center for Career Success at Harvard, Manny Contomanolis, also chalked up the change, in part, to financial pressure. “Harvard is more diverse than ever before,” Mr. Contomanolis said, with nearly one in five students eligible for a low-income Pell Grant . Those students, he said, weigh whether to, for instance, “take a job back in my border town community in Texas and make a big impact in a kind of public service sense” or get a job with “a salary that would be life changing for my family.”

However, according to The Harvard Crimson’s senior survey, as Mr. Barton noted in his opinion column, “The aggregate rate of ‘selling out’ is about the same — around 60 percent — for all income brackets.” The main distinction is that students from low-income families are comparatively more likely to go into technology than finance.

In other words, there is something additional at play, which Mr. Barton argues has to do with the nature of prestige. “If you tell me you’re working at Goldman Sachs or McKinsey, that’s amazing , their eyes are going to light up,” Mr. Barton said. “If you tell somebody, ‘Oh, I took this random nonprofit job,’ or even a journalism job, even if you’re going to a huge name, it’s going to be a little bit of a question mark.”

Maibritt Henkel, a 21-year-old junior at Harvard, is an economics major with moral reservations about banking and consulting. Ms. Henkel sometimes worries that others might misread her decision not to go into those industries as evidence that she couldn’t hack it.

“Even if you don’t want to do it for the rest of your life, it’s seen kind of as the golden standard of a smart, hardworking person,” she said.

Some students have also become skeptical about traditional avenues of social change, like government and nonprofits, which have attracted fewer Harvard students since the pandemic, according to the Harvard Office of Institutional Research.

Matine Khalighi, 22, founded a nonprofit to award scholarships to homeless youth when he was in eighth grade. When he began studying economics at Harvard, his nonprofit, EEqual, was granting 50 scholarships a year. But some of the corporations that funded EEqual were contributing to inequality that created homelessness, he said. Philanthropy wasn’t the solution for systemic change, he decided. Instead, he turned to finance, with the idea that the sector could marshal capital quickly for social impact.

Employers encourage this way of thinking. “We often talk about the fact that we work with some of the biggest emitters on the planet because we believe that’s how we actually affect climate change,” said Blair Ciesil, the global leader of talent attraction at McKinsey.

The Recruitment Ratchet

Princeton’s senior survey results are nearly identical to The Crimson’s Senior Survey: about 38 percent of 2023 graduates who were employed took jobs in finance and consulting; adding tech and engineering, the rate is close to 60 percent, compared with 53 percent in 2016, the earliest year for which the data is available.

This isn’t solely an Ivy League phenomenon. Schools slice their data differently, but at many colleges, a large percentage of students pursue these fields. At Amherst , in 2022, 32 percent of employed undergrads went into finance and consulting, and 11 percent went into internet and software, for a total of about 43 percent. Between 2017 and 2019, the University of California, Los Angeles, sent about 21 percent of employed students into engineering and computer science, 9 percent into consulting and nearly 10 percent into finance, for a total of roughly 40 percent

Part of that has to do with recruitment; the most prestigious banks and consulting firms do so only at certain colleges, and they have intensified their presence on those campuses in recent years. Over the last five years or so, “the idea of thinking about your professional path has moved much earlier in the undergraduate experience,” Ms. Ciesil said. She said the banks first began talking to students earlier, and it was the entrance of Big Tech onto the scene, asking for junior summer applications by the end of sophomore year, that accelerated recruitment timelines.

“At first, we tried to fight back by saying, ‘No, no, no, no, no, sophomores aren’t ready, and what does a sophomore know about financial modeling?’” said Mr. Woolsey at Union College. But, he added, schools “don’t want to push back too much, because then you’re going to lose revenue,” since firms often pay to recruit on campus.

The Effective Altruist Influence

The marker that really distinguishes Gen Z is how pessimistic its members are, and how much they feel like life is beyond their control, according to Jean Twenge, a psychologist who analyzed data from national surveys of high school students and first-year college students in her book “Generations.”

Money, of course, helps give people a sense of control. And because of income inequality, “there’s this idea that you either make it or you don’t, so you better make it,” Ms. Twenge said.

Mihir Desai, a professor at Harvard’s business and law schools, wrote a 2017 essay in The Crimson titled “ The Trouble With Optionality ,” arguing that students who habitually pursue the security of prestigious employment foreclose the risk-taking and longer-range thinking necessary for more unusual or idealistic achievements. Mr. Desai believes that’s often because they are responding to the bigger picture, like threats to workers from artificial intelligence, and political and financial upheaval.

In recent years, he’s observed two trends among students pursuing wealth. There’s “the option-buyer,” the student who takes a job in finance or consulting to buy more time or to keep options open. Then there’s what he calls “the lottery ticket buyer,” the students who go all-in on a risky venture, like a start-up or new technology, hoping to make a windfall.

“They know people who bought Bitcoin at $2,000. They know people who bought Tesla at $20,” he said.

Some faculty see the influence of effective altruism among this generation: In the last five years, Roosevelt Montás, a senior lecturer at Columbia University and the former director of its Center for the Core Curriculum, has noticed a new trend when he asks students in his American Political Thought classes to consider their future.

“Almost every discussion, someone will come in and say, ‘Well, I can go and make a lot of money and do more good with that money than I could by doing some kind of charitable or service profession,’” Mr. Montás said. “It’s there constantly — a way of justifying a career that is organized around making money.”

Mr. Desai said all of this logic goes, “‘Make the bag so you can do good in the world, make the bag so you can go into retirement, make the bag so you can then go do what you really want to do.’”

But this “really underestimates how important work is to people’s lives,” he said. “What it gets wrong is, you spend 15 years at the hedge fund, you’re going to be a different person. You don’t just go work and make a lot of money, you go work and you become a different person.”

Read by Francesca Mari

Audio produced by Adrienne Hurst .

Inside the World of Gen Z

The generation of people born between 1997 and 2012 is changing fashion, culture, politics, the workplace and more..

Many of Harvard’s Generation Z say “sellout” is not an insult, instead it appears to mean something strikingly corporate-minded .

A younger generation of crossword constructors is using an old form to reflect their identities, language and world. Here’s how Gen Z made the puzzle their own .

For many Gen-Zers without much disposable income, Facebook isn’t a place to socialize online — it’s where they can get deals on items  they wouldn’t normally be able to afford.

Dating apps are struggling to live up to investors’ expectations . Blame the members of Generation Z, who are often not willing to shell out for paid subscriptions.

Young people tend to lean more liberal on issues pertaining to relationship norms. But when it comes to dating, the idea that men should pay in heterosexual courtships  still prevails among Gen Z-ers .

We asked Gen Z-ers to tell us about their living situations and the challenges of keeping a roof over their heads. Here’s what they said .

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NCAA signs off on deal that would change landscape of college sports — paying student-athletes

A major change could be coming for college athletes — they may soon start getting paid.

A tentative agreement announced Thursday by the NCAA and the country’s five biggest conferences to a series of antitrust lawsuits could direct millions of dollars directly to athletes as soon as fall 2025.

The nearly $2.8 billion settlement, which would be paid out over the next decade to 14,000 former and current student-athletes, “is an important step in the continuing reform of college sports that will provide benefits to student-athletes and provide clarity in college athletics across all divisions for years to come,” NCAA President Charlie Baker said in a joint statement Thursday night with the commissioners of the ACC, the Big 10, the Big 12, the Pac-12 and the SEC.

The federal judge overseeing the case must still sign off on the agreement, but if it is approved, it would signal a major shift in college sports in which students would play for compensation, not just scholarships, exposure and opportunities.

“This landmark settlement will bring college sports into the 21st century, with college athletes finally able to receive a fair share of the billions of dollars of revenue that they generate for their schools,” said Steve Berman, one of the lead attorneys for the plaintiffs. “Our clients are the bedrock of the NCAA’s multibillion-dollar business and finally can be compensated in an equitable and just manner for their extraordinary athletic talents.”

The NCAA and power conferences called the settlement a “road map” that would allow the uniquely American institution to provide unmatched opportunity for millions of students and write the “next chapter of college sports.”

The case, which was set to go to trial early next year, was brought by a former and a current college athlete who said the NCAA and the five wealthiest conferences improperly barred athletes from earning endorsement money. Former Arizona State swimmer Grant House and Sedona Prince, a former Oregon and current TCU basketball player, also contended in their suit that athletes were entitled to a piece of the billions of dollars the NCAA and those conferences earn from media rights agreements with television networks.

Michael McCann, a legal analyst and sports reporter at Sportico , told NBC News in an interview on Top Story with Tom Llamas the case has two components that “move away from amateurism” — one that deals with how players are paid for the past loss of earnings, including money they could have made for name, image and likeness.

“The going forward part is that colleges can opt in, conferences can opt in, as well, to pay players, to share revenue with them, to have direct pay, and that would be of course a radical from the traditions of college sports,” McCann said, adding many would say that change is warranted. “Now the athletes, at least at some schools, will get a direct stake.”

Terms of the deal were not disclosed, though some details have emerged in the past few weeks. They signal the end of the NCAA’s bedrock amateurism model that dates to its founding in 1906. Indeed, the days of NCAA punishment for athletes driving booster-provided cars started vanishing three years ago when the organization  lifted restrictions on endorsement deals  backed by so-called name, image and likeness, or NIL, money.

Now it is not far-fetched to look ahead to seasons when a star quarterback or a top prospect on a college basketball team not only is cashing in big-money NIL deals but also has a $100,000 school payment in the bank to play.

A host of  details are still to be determined . The agreement calls for the NCAA and the conferences to pay $2.77 billion over 10 years to more than 14,000 former and current college athletes who say now-defunct rules prevented them from earning money from endorsement and sponsorship deals dating to 2016.

Some of the money would come from NCAA reserve funds and insurance, but even though the lawsuit specifically targeted five conferences that comprise 69 schools (including Notre Dame),  dozens of other NCAA member schools  would get smaller distributions from the NCAA to cover the mammoth payout.

Schools in the Big Ten, the Big 12 and the Atlantic Coast and Southeastern conferences would end up bearing the brunt of the settlement at a cost of about $300 million apiece over 10 years, the majority of which would be paid to athletes going forward.

The Pac-12 is also part of the settlement, with all 12 current schools sharing responsibility even though Washington State and Oregon State will be the only league members left by this fall after the 10 other schools leave.

Paying athletes

In the new compensation model, each school would be permitted but not required to set aside up to $21 million in revenue to share with athletes per year, though as revenues rose, so could the cap.

Athletes in all sports would be eligible for payments, and schools would be given the freedom to decide how the money is divvied up among sports programs. Roster restrictions would replace scholarship limits by sport.

McCann said the back pay would disproportionately go to some sports — such as football and basketball.

“The schools that I think that are certainly big football schools will probably opt in because they’re going to want to compete, they’re going to want to get the best players, because college football generates a lot of revenue,” he said. 

Whether the new compensation model is subject to the Title IX gender equity law is unknown, along with whether schools would be able to bring NIL activities in-house as they hope and squeeze out the booster-run collectives that have sprouted up in the last few years to pay athletes. Both topics could lead to more lawsuits.

“There are all sorts of areas of turbulence that could present themselves,” McCann said of roadblocks that could arise.

More sports coverage

• Four decades after Michael Jordan, Caitlin Clark is getting her own line of Wilson basketballs
• Mario Andretti: Formula 1 owner personally threatened to shut out team Andretti
• Student-athletes are inking lucrative endorsement deals, but a patchwork of laws has created chaos in college sports

Other cases

The settlement is expected to cover two  other antitrust cases  facing the NCAA and major conferences that challenge athlete compensation rules. Hubbard v. the NCAA and Carter v. the NCAA are also in front of judges in the Northern District of California.

A fourth case, Fontenot v. NCAA, creates a potential complication, as it remains in a Colorado court after a judge  denied a request  to combine it with Carter. Whether Fontenot becomes part of the settlement is unknown, and it matters because the NCAA and its conferences don’t want to be on the hook for more damages should they lose in court.

“We’re going to continue to litigate our case in Colorado and look forward to hearing about the terms of a settlement proposal once they’re actually released and put in front of a court,” said George Zelcs, a plaintiffs’ attorney in Fontenot.

Headed in that direction

The solution agreed to in the settlement is a landmark but not surprising. College sports have been trending in this direction for years, with athletes receiving more and more monetary benefits and rights they say were long overdue.

In December, Baker, the former governor of Massachusetts who has been on the job for 14 months,  proposed creating a new tier of Division I athletics  in which the schools with the most resources would be required to pay at least half their athletes $30,000 per year. That suggestion, along with many other possibilities, remains under discussion.

The settlement would not make every issue facing college sports go away. There is still a question of whether athletes should be  deemed employees  of their schools, which Baker and other college sports leaders  are fighting.

Some type of federal legislation or antitrust exemption would most likely still be needed to codify the terms of the settlement, protect the NCAA from future litigation and pre-empt state laws that attempt to neuter the organization’s authority. As it is,  the NCAA still faces lawsuits  that challenge its ability to govern itself, including setting rules limiting multiple-time transfers.

“This settlement is also a road map for college sports leaders and Congress to ensure this uniquely American institution can continue to provide unmatched opportunity for millions of students,” the joint statement said. “All of Division I made today’s progress possible, and we all have work to do to implement the terms of the agreement as the legal process continues. We look forward to working with our various student-athlete leadership groups to write the next chapter of college sports.”

Federal lawmakers have indicated they would like to get something done, but while  several bills have been introduced , none have gone anywhere.

Despite the unanswered questions, one thing is clear: Major college athletics is about to become more like professional sports than ever before.

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