a prominent malaysian leader essay

28 Famous Malaysians You Should Know

Celebrities, politicians, activists, models, millionaires and entrepreneurs; Malaysia has some famous people worth knowing. Here are 28 famous Malaysians you should know.

1. Dato’ Jimmy Choo, OBE Jimmy Choo Yeang Keat

Dato’ Jimmy Choo comes from a family of shoemakers in Penang. His name, Jimmy Choo, was actually misspelled on his birth certificate; Jimmy Choo was supposed to be Jimmy Chow! His company’s international recognition for its expensive and high-end handmade women’s shoes can be traced back to his father who taught Choo how to make his first shoe at the age of 11. Jimmy co-founded Jimmy Choo Ltd in 1996 but has since sold his 50% stake in the company to his co-founder, Tamara Mellon. Based in London, Jimmy Choo is currently involved in a project to set up a shoemaking institute in Malaysia.

2. Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan

A prominent Malaysian lawyer and human rights advocate, Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan graduated, and was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Law, from the University of Exeter in 1979, admitted to the Malaysian Bar in 1982, and is one of the eight recipients of the US International Women of Courage Award in 2009, which she received from Michelle Obama and Hillary Clinton. From 2007 to 2009, she served as the President of the Malaysian Bar Council.

Ambiga is also well-known for her involvement in  Bersih, the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections looking to change the current electoral system in Malaysia. The United States Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton commended Ambiga on her “remarkable record of accomplishment in Malaysia” for being “a resolute advocate of women’s equality and their full political participation”.

See Also : 9 Inspiring Women to Know in Malaysia

3. Tan Sri Tony Fernandes

“Now everyone can fly,” is the famous tagline for AirAsia. And the man behind the successful low-cost airline is non other than the Malaysian-British entrepreneur, Tony Fernandes. Fernandes, the founder of Tune Air, is responsible for introducing Malaysia’s first low-cost airline, AirAsia, and has turned it from a failing government-linked commercial property into a highly lucrative public-listed airline company. Fernandes also lobbied the idea of open skies agreement with Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore to Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamed in the mid-2003. He is also involved in a reality TV series: The Apprentice Asia, is the founder of the Caterham F1 Formula One and the Chairman of Queens Park Rangers. As of February 2014, Forbes Asia’s Malaysia’s Richest valued Fernandes’ net worth at $650 million, ranking him 28th on the list.

4. Abdul Samad Bin Muhammad Said

Better known by his pen name, A. Samad Said is a Malaysian poet and novelist who received the Southeast Asia Write Award in 1979, and the National Laureate title for his continuous writings and contributions to the nation’s literary heritage. A native of a small village called Belimbing Dalam in Malacca; he graduated from Singapore’s Victoria School in 1956 with a Senior Cambridge Certificate, started working as a clerk in a hospital and achieved his ambition of becoming a full-time writer in Utusan Melayu, Warta Tebrau and Berita Harian . A. Samad Said also aided Ambiga Sreenevasan and other activists in organizing the Bersih 2.0 rally on July 9, 2011.

5. Bunkface

Bunkface is Malaysia’s Pop-Punk band from Klang, Malaysia. Formed in 2005, the band consists of lead vocalist and rhythm guitarist Shamsul Anuar (Sam), bass guitarist and backup vocalist Farouk Jaafar (Youk) and lead guitarist Ahmad Farhan (Paan). The band’s name was inspired from one of Sum 41’s songs “Crazy Amanda Bunkface”. Besides Sum 41, they have cited Green Day, Blink 182, Fall Out Boy, The Offspring and Nofx as their main influences and style of music.

6. Jaclyn Victor

Jaclyn entered and won Malaysian Idol in 2004, after receiving immense encouragement from her mother to join the singing competition. Today, Jaclyn has a recording contract with Sony BMG Entertainment under her belt. She is also signed under KRU Music. Jaclyn’s amazing vocal prowess has made her well-known in Asia. Apart from singing, she has also starred in several films including Susuk and Appalam . Her appearance in Talentime (a Yasmin Ahmad production) won her the award for Best Promising Actress at the 22nd Malaysian Film Festival. Jaclyn Victor recently married American singer, songwriter and producer Shawn Rivera, from the RnB group Az Yet.

7. Amber Chia

Born December 14, 1981 in Ipoh, Perak, Amber Chia rose to fame as a model at the age of 17 after she moved to Kuala Lumpur. Securing her position as a finalist in the 2004 Guess Watches Timeless Beauty Contest, the pouty-lipped beauty has been in several advertisements by famous brands such as Sony, L’oreal and Mitsubishi. In fact, one could say that she has an omnipresent face! She has also ventured into the acting field in Chinese movies and series. Amber Chia also opened her own academy, the Amber Chia Academy, to train other up and coming models. In February 2014, she appeared as a guest judge in an episode of Asia’s Next Top Model Cycle 2.

8. Joel Neoh

Joel Neoh is the founder of Groupon Malaysia. He is listed as one of the top 10 youngest entrepreneurs in Asia. His first successful business venture was a student agency set-up which helped to match fresh graduates with employers. In 2007, he was the youngest among 10 contestants to win Malaysia’s first corporate reality television programme “The Firm”. Neoh then co-founded and expanded Youth Asia (a social technology company) into a group of award-winning internet companies. One such company is GroupsMore, which mirrored Groupon’s business model. Four months later, the company joined Groupon and re-branded itself to Groupon Malaysia with Neoh as the CEO.  Neoh has also been named as a member of the World Economic Forum’s Young Global Leaders (YGL) Class of 2013, out of 200 nominees, based on his professional achievements, leadership and commitment to society.

See Also : 6 Exceptional Entrepreneurs Innovating in Malaysia

9. Tan Sri Robert Kuok

Opulence is not an unknown word in Robert Kuok’s dictionary. According to Forbes, Kuok’s net worth is estimated to be at $14.7 billion (February 2012), making him the richest person in Malaysia. Having studied at Raffles Institution and English College Johor Bahru, Kuok was known as the Sugar King of Asia in the 70s’ for monopolizing five percent of the world’s sugar market. The Chinese Malaysian tycoon also made his money in palm oil, shipping and property. The Kuok Group boasts a huge network of companies under 3 main groups in Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysia.

See Also: Ten Richest People in Malaysia

10. Sazali Samad

Sazali Samad is Malaysia’s premier bodybuilder. Born in Batu Pahat, Johor, Samad is a father to  three boys and one girl, and loves to lift weights (obviously) at the Royal Malaysia Police PDRM bodybuilding training centre located in Bukit Aman, where he worked as a sub-inspector. Sazali Samad has represented Malaysia in the Asian Games in 2006 at Doha, Qatar. He has won numerous titles; Mr. Universe in Jeju, Korea (2007), 9-times winner of the World Bodybuilding & Physique Championship, 8-times winner of Mr. Asia, the Sports Man of the Year award (2006) by the Malaysian Sports Council and Anugerah Melayu Cemerlang by UMNO.

11. The late Yasmin Ahmad

Most Malaysians can still recall Yasmin’s heart-warming Petronas commercials during the festive seasons. These commercials were funny and depicted love and unity between all Malaysians. Her works have won multiple awards both within Malaysia and internationally. Born in Muar, Johor, Yasmin originally worked as a copywriter at Ogilvy & Mather before moving to Leo Burnett in 1993 as joint creative director with Ali Mohamed. She soon rose to the position of executive creative director, and became well-known for her inspirational movies such as Rabun, Mukhsin, Talentime and more. In 2009, Yasmin suffered a stroke during a meeting. She was rushed to the hospital where she underwent a neurosurgery procedure. A few days later, she suffered a brain haemorrhage and passed away.

Yuna is an independent Malaysian singer-songwriter. She began composing music at the age of 14 and went on to perform her own songs when she was 19. Since 2006, she has performed in numerous acoustic shows and events throughout Malaysia. US Indie-Pop record label and management company discovered her talent and actually flew to Malaysia to convince her to sign a contract with them. They also managed to get her a deal with FADER Label, which is based in New York. Yuna is currently signed with the Verve Music Group with Grammy-winning producer David Foster heading the creative operations. In 2012, her single “Live Your Life”, produced by Pharrell Williams debuted on iTunes and she was recognized with a National Youth Icon Award by the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

13. Dato’ Lee Chong Wei

Dato’ Lee Chong Wei is a Malaysian Chinese professional badminton player. He was ranked first worldwide for 199 consecutive weeks from 21 August 2008 to 14 June 2012. He is the third Malaysian player to achieve such a ranking (since official rankings were first kept in the 1980s), and is the only Malaysian shuttler to hold the number one ranking for more than a year. Chong Wei is a silver medalist in the 2008, 2012, and 2016 Olympic Games, making him the sixth Malaysian to win an Olympic medal and the first Malaysian to reach the finals in the men’s singles event.

14. Datuk Nicol David

Datuk Nicol Ann David is currently ranked world number 1 in women’s squash. She is the first Asian woman to achieve this title. Nicol is a seven-time World Open Squash Championship record holder and a five-time British Open Squash Championship record holder. She has also won the World Junior Squash Championship title twice and is an eight-time Asian Squash Championship record holder. Nicol held an impressive 13-month, 51-match winning streak from March 2006 until April 2007. She lost in the finals of the 2007 Seoul Open Squash Championship. She was also – on seven occasions – the Women’s Squash Association Player of the year from 2005 – 2010 and 2012.

15. Dato’Sri Haji Mohammad Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak

Dato’ Sri Najib Tun Abdul Razak is the sixth and current Prime Minister of Malaysia. He is the eldest son of Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, and the nephew of Malaysia’s third Prime Minister. Najib’s political career started in 1976 at the age of 23. Since then, he has held various posts in the Malaysian Cabinet including being Deputy Minister of Energy, Telecommunications and Post, Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports, Minister of Defense, Minister of Education and Deputy Prime Minister.  Najib took on the role of Prime Minister on the 3rd of April 2009.

16. Tun Mahathir bin Mohamad

Tun Mahathir was the fourth and longest-serving Prime Minister in Malaysia. He held the post for 22 years from 1981 to 2013, with a political career spanning almost 40 years. During his tenure as Prime Minister, Malaysia experienced a period of rapid modernization and economic growth. His government-initiated, bold infrastructure projects included the Petronas Twin Towers, the construction of the North-South Expressway, and the establishment of car manufacturer Proton. For his efforts to promote economic development of the country, Tun Mahathir was granted the soubriquet of “Father of Modernisation.”

17. Tan Sri Michelle Yeoh

A Malaysian actress best known for performing her own stunts in Hong Kong action films, Tan Sri Michelle Yeoh was chosen by People Magazine as one of the “50 Most Beautiful People in the World” in 1997. She is best known for her roles in the 1997 James Bond film Tomorrow Never Dies and martial arts film Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon where she was nominated for the BAFTA Award for Best Actress in 2000. In 2008, she was ranked the greatest action heroine of all time by the film critic website Rotten Tomatoes. She was listed by People Magazine (the only Asian actress to be listed) as one of the “35 All-Time Screen Beauties” in 2009.

18. Dr Sheikh Muszaphar Shukor

This orthopedic surgeon was the first Malaysian to travel into space. He was launched to the International Space Station aboard Soyuz TMA-11 with the Expedition 16 crew on 10 October 2007. Sheikh Muszaphar flew under an agreement with Russia through the Angkasawan program, and returned to Earth on 21 October 2007, aboard Soyuz TMA-10 with the Expedition 15 crew members.

Datuk Mohammad Nor Khalid, more popularly known as Lat, is a Malaysian cartoonist. Lat is the winner of the Fukuoka Asian Culture Prize in 2002 and has published more than 20 volumes of cartoons since he was 13 years old. While in school, he supplemented his family’s income by contributing cartoon strips to newpapers and magazines. He was 13 years old when he published his first comic book, Tiga Sekawan Menangkap Pencuri ( Three Friends Catch A Thief) . Lat is best known for his work The Kampung Boy , which was published in several countries across the world. His works mostly illustrate Malaysia’s social and political scenes, portraying them in a comedic light without bias.

20. Datin Paduka Marina Mahathir

The eldest child of the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia, Datin Paduka Marina Mahathir is considered to be an inspirational figure in Malaysia. She is a leader in the Malaysian AIDS Foundation and is currently an active sociopolitical blogger. She is an active campaigner for women’s rights and is a member of the board of Sisters in Islam. Marina Mahathir has also called for an end to discrimination based on sexual orientations in 1998 and 1999.

21. Chef Wan

A Malaysian celebrity chef, Redzuawan Ismail, or better known as Chef Wan, started his career as an accountant before turning to cooking. After witnessing the popularity of Asian food in western countries, he decided to promote Malaysia and other South East Asian countries using food from their respective countries. In 2009, he won the Best Celebrity Television Chef of the Gourmand World Cookbook Awards and is Tourism Malaysia’s culinary ambassador.

22. Dato’ Sheila Majid

Dubbed as the “Malaysian Queen of Jazz”, Dato’ Sheila Majid has achieved regional and international recognition over the years with her trademark contemporary- pop songs with a bit of jazz and R&B repertoire. She has won the prestigious BASF Award (Indonesian Music Award) for Best Female Artist in an R&B category in 1987. In 1989, Dato’ Sheila Majid performed at the Tokyo Music Festival and remains the first and only Malaysian artist to successfully infiltrate the Japanese music market. She has performed at a sold-out concert at London’s West End Royalty theatre in 1996 and took the stage to perform at Ronnie Scotts in London, the jazz Mecca of the music world. She is also the first local artiste to perform at the Petronas Filharmonik Hall in 2000.

23. Tan Sri Datuk Amar Dr. P. Ramlee

The Late Tan Sri Datuk Amar Dr. P. Ramlee, better known as P. Ramlee, was a Malaysian film actor, director, singer, songwriter, composer and producer. He is the icon of Malay entertainment in Malaysia, Singapore and Sumatra due to his contributions to the movie and music industry and literary works. P.Ramlee was spotted at a cultural festival in early 1948 singing his own composition “Azizah .” He was spotted by director B.S. Rahjans who invited him to work as a back-up singer for Shaw Brothers studio films. His first acting role was in Cinta ( 1948) as a villain. In the next 18 years under the Malay Film Production unit of Shaw Brothers (popularly known as the Ampas Road studio) he acted, composed music and eventually wrote and directed dozens of Malay movies ranging from historical dramas to contemporary comedies. He won several acting and composing awards at the Asian Film Festival in the 1950s and 1960s.

24. Ananda Krishnan

Tatparanandam Ananda Krishnan is a Malaysian businessman and philanthropist. Nicknamed AK, he is estimated to have a net worth of US$11.7 billion according to Forbes’ latest annual list of wealthiest people, making him the second wealthiest in Southeast Asia behind Robert Kuok. Ananda Krishnan is seldom seen in public. He is known to maintain a low profile for a person of his stature. He started attracting attention when he helped organise the Live Aid concert with Bob Geldof in the mid-1980s. In the early 1990s, he began building a multimedia empire that now includes two telecommunication companies; Maxis Communications, MEASAT Broadcast Network Systems and SES World Skies. He also has three communication satellites circumnavigating the earth.

25. Dato’ Bernard Chandran

Malaysia’s “King of Fashion”, Dato’ Bernard Chandran is a Malaysian fashion designer. His talents have earned him many faithful clients among Malaysia’s elite, most notably the Royal families of Malaysia and Brunei, as well as two former Miss Universe. Chandran is also a Malaysian television personality. He is the chief designer of the reality television show, Project Runway Malaysia. Chandran was also a guest judge on Britain’s Next Top Model, Cycle 6, Episode 12. The top three models were given the chance to model for Chandran’s fashion show during London Fashion Week.

26. Dato’ Siti Nurhaliza binti Tarudin

Malaysia’s “Pop Princess” Dato’ Siti Nurhaliza is a singer, songwriter, record producer, television presenter and businesswoman. Since her debut, she has won a number of international singing competitions. She was crowned the Voice of Asia in 2002 after winning the Grand Prix Champion title at the Voice of Asia singing competition, held in Almaty, Kazakhstan. To date, she has acquired more than 200 local and international awards since her debut at the age of 16. In 1998, she was chosen (amongst a handful of Malaysian artists) to perform during the closing ceremony of the 1998 Commonwealth Games. She performed in front of Queen Elizabeth II, her consort, Prince Philip, and other dignitaries and officials from 70 countries including those from the Commonwealth of Nations. In 2005, she became the first Southeast Asian singer to perform a solo concert at the Royal Albert Hall, while being backed by the London Symphony Orchestra. Her success in the Asian region has gained her honorific titles including “Voice of Asia” and “Asia’s Celine Dion”.

27. Datuk Zang Toi

Fashion icon Zang Toi is a Malaysian fashion designer. Zang Toi started out in New York, where he also studied at the distinguished Parsons School of Design, with just US$300 in his pocket. In 1990, he was awarded the Mouton Cadet Young Designer of the year, which recognizes the top young U.S. designers. This became a springboard to his fame in the fiercely competitive New York fashion world. He went on to win more awards in the coming years. Today, his House of Toi near Fifth Avenue, often dubbed the world’s most expensive street, produces high-end clothes for fine specialty stores in Saks 5th Avenue, Neiman Marcus and Nordstrom. Among his rich-and-famous clientele are Melinda Gates, wife of Microsoft billionaire Bill Gates, actresses Kirstie Alley and Eva Longoria, popstar Fergie of Black Eyed Peas, and even Saudi princesses.

28. Dato’ Seri Anwar Bin Ibrahim

Dato’ Seri Anwar served as Malaysia’s Finance Minister from 1991 to 1998. He was also the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia from 1993 to 1998, when he was a member of UMNO, the major political party in the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. He was dismissed from his post as Deputy Prime Minister by the then Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohamad, and jailed for corruption and sodomy. Dato’ Seri Anwar has been a leading figure in the opposition following his release and is the leader of Pakatan Rakyat, economic advisor to the state government of Selangor and de facto leader of the People’s Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat).

During Dato’ Seri Anwar’s term as Education Minister, he was elected as the 25th President of UNESCO’s General Conference. In 1988, he became the second president of the International Islamic University of Malaysia. He was also selected as the Chairman of the Development Committee of World Bank and International Monetary Fund from March 1998 until September 1998. That year, Newsweek magazine named him “Asian of the Year”.

Who do you think should have been in this list of famous Malaysians? Let us know in the comment section below.

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Friday, March 08, 2013

A prominent malaysian leader - sample essays: continuous writing.

CONTINUOUS WRITING: SAMPLE ESSAY ARTICLE: Description on a Person A Prominent Malaysian Leader             As the fourth and most dynamic Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad will indelible impression on the sands of Malaysia for many years to come. He held the post for 22 years from 1981 to 2003, making him Malaysia's longest-serving Prime Minister, and one of the longest-serving leaders in Asia. Born on 20th December, 1925 in Alor Setar, Dr. Mahathir is the son of a teacher. He is the youngest of nine children of a school teacher and a housewife. His father, Mohamad Iskandar, was of Indian descent, being the son of a Muslim and a Malay mother, while Mahathir's own mother, Datin Wan Tempawan Wan Hanafi, was Malay. He is married to Tun Dr. Siti Hasmah binti Haji Mohamad Ali, they have seven children, four sons and three daughters. From an early age, Tun Mahathir had the importance of education drummed into him by his father, who was also a strict disciplinarian.             After his early education at the Maktab Sultan Abdul Hamid in Alor Setar, he enrolled at the King Edward VII College of Medicine in the University of Singapore. Armed with a MBBS degree in medicine, he set up his own clinic, the Maha Clinic in Alor Setar. As a doctor, Tun Mahathir came into close contact with people from variety of social strata and enjoyed a close rapport with them. He understood their problems. Thus, when he was thrust into the politic limelight, he strove to fulfil the needs of the people. He was first catapulted into the world of politics when he became the Member of Parliement for Alor Setar in 1964. After holding a number of portfolios, including Minister of Education, Minister of Trade and  Industry and Deputy Prime Minister, he finally became the Prime Minister on 16th July, 1981. The country flourished with Dr. Mahathir at the helm of the government. His contributions to the nation are so immense and par excellence. He has left his mark in every aspect – in politics, economy or education. Realizing that government-owned enterprises are neither efficient nor profitable, he initiated the privation policy in 1983. This had immediate effect of cutting down bureaucratic ineptitude and operational cost while at the same time generating more revenue. With collapse of the prices of agricultural commodities in the eighties, Tun Mahathir decided that it was time to shift the nation’s focus to more profitable areas. Thus, he started the industrialization programme. Reputed as the country’s top salesman, he showcased Malaysia to investors abroad in a bid to woo them.  As a result of the heavy industrialization drive, major projects like national car project or PROTON and the steel company, PERWAJA, together with other mega project were launched one after another. Next, realizing that industrialization would require a good infrastructure, he set about improving it. The Mahathir era saw a successful completion of the North-South Highway, the East-West Highway, the Multimedia Super Corridor, the Kuala Lumpur International Airport in Sepang and many more. An astute politician, he charted the growth of the country’s progress from the day he took office. He envisages that Malaysia can only attain the status of a fully developed country if it becomes an industrialization one and this ambition has been his main agenda during his tenure. With this in mind, he announced Vision 2020, his most ambitious vision. Frank and outspoken by nature, Tun Mahathir speak without fear nor favour. This has been the hallmark of thus much respected statesman. The inefficiency of local and international organizations has always come under his scrutiny and critism. It has been almost two decades since Tun Mahathir took over reins of the government. It has undoubtedly been the golden era for Malaysia with many notable achievements. Source: SPM SAMPLE OF ESSAYS - CONTINUOUS WRITING @ English For All

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The end of Umno? Essays on Malaysia's dominant party

Title: The end of Umno? Essays on Malaysia's dominant party Editor/s: Bridget Welsh Author/s: John Funston, Clive Kessler, James Chin, Dato’ Saifuddin Abdullah Publication Date : 2016 Publication type:   B ook Publisher: Gerakbudaya Find this publication at: https://www.gerakbudaya.com/product/the-end-of-umno-essays-on-malaysias-dominant-party

What is the future of UMNO? Is UMNO’s 70th year, in fact, the beginning of the end?

The contributors in this collection study developments in Malaysia’s dominant party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), on the anniversary of its 70th year. The answers to its future lies in part with a better understanding of its past. Four international academics analyse the contemporary history of UMNO, with a particular focus on changes in the last two decades. They draw attention to issues of party identity, leadership, membership, governance, institutional change, party financing, internal divisions and its relations with different communities and the public at large. Not only does this book fill an important gap in the scholarly research on UMNO, this book offers different perspectives on the party’s contemporary challenges.

The contributors in this collection include prominent and established scholars studying Malaysian politics. They are all long-time observers of UMNO and each of the essays builds on their fieldwork and earlier scholarship. John Funston expands upon his seminal work on Malay politics, Malay Politics in Malaysia: A Study of UMNO and PAS. Clive Kessler draws from his rich anthropological work on Kelantanese and Malay society, as well as decades of analysis on Malaysian politics in his analysis of UMNO’s changing political identity. Leading political scientist and political commentator James Chin focuses on the changing perspectives on UMNO amongst the Malaysian Chinese, whilst Bridget Welsh draws from her fieldwork on elections and local party dynamics to examine how UMNO has struggled with reform, crises and an erosion of its political legitimacy.

About the Contributors

• Bridget Welsh, the book’s editor, is a Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asia Democratic Studies, National Taiwan University.
• John Funston is a Visiting Fellow with the Department of Political and Social Change, Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs at The Australian National University.
• Clive Kessler is Emeritus Professor of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of New South Wales in Sydney.
• James Chin is the Director of the Asia Institute at the University of Tasmania.
• Dato’ Saifuddin Abdullah is the Chief Secretary of Pakatan Harapan. ​

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Organizational Leadership Development in Malaysia: Current Practices, Challenges and Future Potentials

• First Online: 03 January 2017

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• Victoria Jonathan 5 &
• Hana Hamidi 5  

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies of Internationalization in Emerging Markets ((PSIEM))

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As an emerging economy, Malaysia depends not only on foreign investment, good infrastructure and technology but also on the talent and leadership abilities of its future leaders. In the Malaysian context, the importance of leadership is reflected in the government’s support for human capital development and developing capable leaders through investment in leadership development initiatives. This chapter presents some of the leadership development practices, challenges and potentials in the public and private sectors in Malaysia. It includes an overview of research on organizational leadership in Malaysia; a description of current leadership development practices, programs and systems in the public and private sectors, including a description of a national leadership development initiative; a look at some challenges to leadership development; and implications for research and practice for sustainable leadership development in the country.

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Jonathan, V., Hamidi, H. (2017). Organizational Leadership Development in Malaysia: Current Practices, Challenges and Future Potentials. In: Ardichvili, A., Dirani, K. (eds) Leadership Development in Emerging Market Economies. Palgrave Studies of Internationalization in Emerging Markets. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58003-0_8

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Lim Fong Seng: Malaysian Civil Rights Leader

Lim Fong Seng: Malaysian Civil Rights Leader Editor: Kua Kia Soong Publisher: LLG Cultural Development Centre Published: April 2015 ISBN: 978-967-11616-7-8 Price: RM40.00 Pages:232

Lim Fong Seng led the Civil Rights Movement during the Eighties, displaying decisive, inclusive and visionary leadership. He articulated the historic civil rights demands in the National Culture Memorandum in 1983 and the Joint Declaration 1985. He will also be remembered for leading the campaign for Merdeka University and taking the case to the highest court of the land. He paid a high price for leading this civil rights struggle by losing business opportunities and suffering detention without trial under Operation Lalang in 1987.

During the seventies, Lim Fong Seng provided the leadership to the Malaysian Independent Chinese Secondary Schools Revival Movement which succeeded in developing the system from fourteen independent schools in 1961 to the present sixty schools. In 1975, he inaugurated the first Unified Examination of the Independent schools despite warnings from the government not to do so. In 1990, he was one of the prime movers of the “Two-Front System” when he led a group of civil rights activists into the Opposition Front to defend democracy and human rights in Malaysia. This political scenario is now a reality in Malaysia.

This tribute to Lim Fong Seng is an inspiration to all Malaysians who treasure civil rights, democracy and the rule of law as the common values for building a united and progressive nation. His leadership of the Malaysian civil rights movement provides us with an exemplary model for leaders in the community.

This book is the collection of the articles selected and translated from Essays in Honour of Lim Fong Seng (2014) （《 林晃昇纪念文集：不让他们渡黄河 》）

Part 1: Lim Fong Seng and The Malaysian Civil Rights Movement 1. Poet, Miner & Civil Rights Leader            Chiam Yan Tuan / Translated by Tan Wen Hui 2. A Strategic Thinker & Practitioner            Lee Ban Chen / Translated by Ling Boo Chong 3. The Merdeka University Campaign        Ser Wue Hiong / Translated by How Xian Neng 4. The Civil Rights Struggle & Operation Lalang    Ong Seng Huat / Translated by Chee Nyuk Yan 5. Chinese Educationists in Politics            Tan Yao Sua 6. A Commitment to Multiculturalism        Kong Wee Cheng / Translated by Show Ying Xin

Part II: Selected Speeched by Lim Fong Seng Translated by How Xian Neng 1. International Opinion on Multi-Lingualism   ，9th April 1983 2. The Two-Coalition System & Democracy   ，14th July 1986 3. Mother Tongue Education & Human Rights ，  2nd October 1986

Illustrations Appendix: The Joint Declaration 1985 Notable Events in the Life of Lim Fong Seng

FOREWORD By S. Pasupathi President of Tamil Foundation Malaysia

The growth of Tamil education in Malaysia has been very much in the shadow of the struggles led by inspired Chinese educationists over the years. Lim Fong Seng is one such inspiration whose contributions we are very appreciative. Lim’s development from being a strong advocate of Chinese culture and language to one that transcended ethnicity and embraced the rights perspective was truly remarkable. His vision stretched beyond polemics and party politics.

Through the years, the Tamils in Malaysia have also struggled for the survival and growth of Tamil education in the country. They have done this with emotion and energy but largely have lacked the backing of the middle class Indians who have not been supportive of Tamil schools. The struggles of Tamils in Malaysia were thus confined to those who were literate in Tamil and these largely belonged to the working class. They trace their origins to the largely plantation based Tamil school system. The Indian community as a whole has been split on the choice for language and culture. The working class Indians has held on to the notion that their ethnic language and culture are non- negotiable essentials for simple dignity and a mother tongue pride grounded in the rich cultural literature in Tamil.

In the Malaysian Chinese community, Lim Fong Seng and other Chinese educationists have transformed the struggle to one that is based on civil rights and not just a cultural need of an ethnic community. A need is usually envisioned as something that is subjective and the fulfilment of that need is treated as a private matter for which the government has no obligation to fulfill. On the other hand, a rights perspective to mother tongue education creates    an obligation on the part of the government to recognize, respect, promote, protect and realize those rights.

Lim Fong Seng was an extraordinary civil rights leader who fearlessly intervened in Malaysian politics for the realization of the rights to mother tongue education. He knew the hostile terrain and the obstacles in the way of achieving these goals. His strategies focused on seeking a political solution to the problems faced by mother tongue education of the ethnic minorities in Malaysia. He concentrated on this work while serving as the President of the Dong Zong from 1973 to 1990. He was instrumental in two distinct political strategies adopted by the Chinese educationists in 1980s and another in 1990s.

The so-called ‘3-in-1’ strategy attempted to unite all the three major Chinese-based political parties (MCA, Gerakan and DAP) to defend the rights of mother tongue education beyond their respective political beliefs. This strategy resulted in 18 Chinese educationists resigning from their various positions in Dong Jiao Zong (DJZ) and joining the Gerakan Party to participate in the 1982 general election. Lim admitted that the failure of this strategy was due to the political differences with DAP and Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohammed’s Malay hegemonic agenda.

Lim’s second strategy in the 1990s moved away from merely working with Chinese-based political parties to a broad based political participation. The formation of the Civil Rights Movement within the DJZ was a progressive move and immediately opened the gates  for cross participation of like-minded groups from other ethnicities and in particular with the Islamic party PAS. However Lim was not successful in forging a link between DAP and PAS and consequently, the much anticipated Two-Front strategy did not materialize at the 1986 General Election. Just a year later the political turmoil within UMNO and the courageous actions of the civil rights movement caused the UMNO regime to launch ‘Operasi Lalang’ in 1987. Lim, together with another 106 Malaysians were detained under the ISA.

These were inspiring moments in Malaysian history when a new political landscape evolved to challenge the BN in the 1990 general election. To provide credence and support, Lim and other prominent Chinese educationists, including civil rights activists such as Kua Kia Soong and Lee Ban Chen joined the DAP prior to the 1990 General Election. Unfortunately, the failure to unite the opposition led to a two front opposition, Gagasan Rakyat led by Semangat 46 and Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah led by PAS. Lim Fong Seng resigned from Dong Zong to join DAP and was appointed adviser of DAP in its 1991 General Assembly.

The policy makers in Malaysia do not seem to have learned the lessons created by Lim Fong Seng and other civil rights activists. Our system of education at the primary level is a combination of national schools and vernacular schools. About ninety three per cent of Chinese children and slightly more than fifty per cent of the Tamil children   are enrolled in Chinese and Tamil primary schools respectively. The percentage of enrolment is increasing with no sign of their numbers dwindling. In addition, the number of non-Chinese children enrolled in the Chinese-medium primary schools is increasing and the figure has reached more than one hundred thousand. Still, the government refuses to treat Chinese and Tamil schools as part of the national education system and entitled to equal and proportionate financial allocation and other resources.

The vision to create national unity through education requires broad and clear thinking. It cannot be achieved covertly. In the past, the vernacular schools were neglected by the British colonial government and the segregation of the different school systems suited their divide and rule strategy. Despite the obstacles, the nation was united in demanding self-rule within a multiethnic political fabric. We achieved independence despite the trying moments and became    a multilingual, multicultural and multi-religious country. Through the years, these struggles have enriched our communities and in the process, these experiences have contributed to our strengths.

Together we recognized the constitution as the supreme law guaranteeing our fundamental rights. Our growth in the last fifty seven years has been remarkable and we could have achieved even more if the economic, educational, social and cultural opportunities had been more equally shared. Our co-existence nurtured by tolerance and acceptance has opened up avenues for respect and dignity. In the process, the nation-state concept of a single identity has proven illusory and that is fast becoming history.

Assimilation is no longer an option for Malaysia – anyone who demands that today is out of step with the progressive positions of the United Nations. The time has come for the ruling party to bury its prejudices against Chinese, Indians and other ethnic groups, the so- called “Non-Bumiputeras”. The national language (Malay) is spoken in every nook and corner of the country while the English language is ubiquitous in the globalized world.

Why then is the government refusing to recognize the roots of our diverse ethnic cultures and languages when our diversity can be seen as a source of our strength? There are enough examples around the world to show that multiculturalism can expand opportunities for people in many ways. Restrictive policies that deny the growth of ethnic identities have been denigrated in the enlightened world community. People the world over want a sense of belonging, to be proud of their origin, culture, religion and language. This is a phenomenon that has been emblematic of human progress through the ages. This inalienable right to mother tongue language, education and culture has even been institutionalized in the United Nations’ International Mother Tongue Day.

In Malaysia, the cooperation and peaceful coexistence of our diverse cultures within a single state is an excellent example to the world. We are proving that national identity need not imply a single homogenous cultural identity. We have certainly not attained the ideal model of that desired society when there are still so many neglected and marginalized communities.

The political will to define a multicultural Malaysia is still elusive and our expectation of the present government to commit itself to this demand still stands. This tribute to Malaysian civil rights leader, Lim Fong Seng is a timely reminder to Malaysians of what still remains to be done to make this a more equal, democratic and just society.

•25 February 2015

—————————–

INTRODUCTION by Kua Kia Soong SUARAM Director & Former Publicity Secretary of the Civil Rights Committee

This tribute to Lim Fong Seng (LFS) could not have come at a more opportune time as the most serious crisis facing the Chinese education movement since its formation deepens and the Chairman and Deputy of Dong Zong (United Chinese School Committees’ Association of Malaysia) still cling on to power despite having lost the confidence    of the majority of its leadership. Clearly, the quality of leaders in the movement has deteriorated in recent years and it is worth the while    of the movement as well as the whole Chinese community to study  the example of Lim Fong Seng as a model leader. He led the Chinese education movement from 1973 to 1990, displaying decisive, inclusive and visionary leadership.

I first came to know Lim Fong Seng in early 1983 when I had just returned to Malaysia from my studies abroad. LFS invited me to serve in the organization and it was my honour and pleasure to be in his team. He had known about my human rights work and firmly believed that the struggle for mother tongue education had to be advocated as a human rights issue and not as a communal issue. My official post was academic adviser in the campaign for the recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) throughout the world. In the eighties and nineties, the mother tongue education and civil rights movement faced numerous obstacles put in its way by the ruling party, UMNO (1).

As LFS’s comrade-in-arms, I had the opportunity to observe at close quarters and study this model of a Malaysian civil rights leader.

Leaders to model Lim Lian Geok, acknowledged as the soul of Malaysian Chinese education, had a well-known rallying cry to the community which was: “The best antidote to sabotage is to construct!” Throughout the fifties and sixties, Malaysian Chinese education faced incessant sabotage from the ruling party, UMNO, and Lim Lian Geok paid the price of adhering to his principles by losing his teaching permit and even his citizenship.

Later, LFS, the father of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) and the Malaysian Independent Chinese Secondary Schools (MICSS) movement, ignited the campaign to construct Merdeka University. In the eighties and nineties Lim was leader of the Malaysian Chinese Civil Rights movement and he too paid a high price for holding firmly to his principles by losing business opportunities and suffering detention without trial under Operation Lalang in 1987.

Sim Mow Yu, the highly respected elder of the mother tongue education movement likewise paid for his principles by being charged under the Sedition Act in the seventies and losing his freedom during Operation Lalang in 1987 together with Lim Fong Seng and the author.

Inspirational leaders such as Lim Lian Geok, Lim Fong Seng and Sim Mow Yu adhered strongly to their principles. And they stood out because they walked their talk! They had a vision of upholding and developing mother tongue education into a complete and excellent educational system in the country. Leaders such as LFS inspired confidence among all sections of the community. Likewise, his vision for Merdeka University and his defence of our civil rights through a two-front political system was unflinching.

These leaders had character which includes honour, integrity and a deep respect for others. They stand out as having vision which allows them to transcend the “small mind” mentality of lesser leaders. They were not men who hankered after titles or other superfluous statuses; they had a sense of serving their historic destinies. These leaders had an authentic presence and were able to connect with their team through dialogue and mutual respect. Such competent leaders command respect and history has accorded them due recognition.

Chiam Yan Tuan’s paper, “Poet, Miner & Civil Rights Leader” (Chapter 1) gives us a fuller picture of the experiences and accomplishments of Lim Fong Seng before he came into the mother tongue education movement and established his credentials as a civil rights leader. Lee Ban Chen’s analysis of LFS as “A Strategic Thinker & Practitioner” (Chapter 2) explains how he led the movement so successfully and initiated the creative campaigns that   are now part of our history. Kong Wee Cheng’s “A Commitment to Multiculturalism” (Chapter 6) shows how LFS took the mother tongue education movement beyond the narrow communal confines of the ethnic community into the international community’s safeguards for multiculturalism.

Malaysian Civil Rights Leader If Lim Lian Geok is the “Soul of the Malaysian Chinese” (2), then Lim Fong Seng surely deserves the epithet “Malaysian Civil Rights Leader”. The Malaysian Chinese leaders before Lim Fong Seng had not articulated the demands and aspirations of the non-Malay communities within the ambit of international human rights and the realization of civil society. Even if they had done so, it was LFS who embraced civil rights as the consistent vehicle to demand the rights of the non-Malays in Malaysia.

Lim Fong Seng (departed 13 March 2002) shall be remembered as a visionary Malaysian civil rights leader who fought courageously for mother tongue education of Malaysians and civil equality to   be recognized as basic human rights and constitutional rights. As Chairman of the United Chinese School Committees Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong), he led the movement through many landmark episodes in its history and became a victim of Malaysia’s infamous Internal Security Act which allows detention without trial in 1987 and 1988. Dr. Ong Seng Huat provides us with a detailed account in “The Civil Rights Struggle & Operation Lalang” (Chapter 4).

Background to the rise of the civil rights movement Soon after Independence, the passing of the Education Act 1961 discriminated against mother tongue education by leaving Chinese- medium secondary education out of the national system and empowering the minister to convert Chinese and Tamil primary (SRJK) schools into “national schools”.

After the 1969 May 13 incident, the New Economic Policy 1971 introduced racially discriminatory economic, educational, social and cultural policies. The “bumiputera/non-bumiputera” dichotomy became a carte blanche for social engineering benefitting the Malay capitalist class and their social base, Malay civil servants and settlers. There was stark discrimination in government expenditure for the Malay and non-Malay sectors. Thus while huge amounts of public money was spent on agricultural and rural development, the New Villages and plantation sector received a pittance. Investment schemes and public enterprises were set up “for bumiputeras only” even though they were secured by all Malaysian tax payers. The issuance of shares in government-linked companies also saw  gross discrimination in favour of bumiputeras (3) .

The grievances felt by the non-bumiputeras over the NEP were exacerbated by the global recession in the mid-eighties. The tin market collapse in 1985 and the drop in rubber, cocoa and palm oil prices hit non-bumiputera smallholders and plantation workers alike. Private investment declined and the Malaysian economy registered a minus one per cent growth rate, its worst since Independence. The scandal involving the MCA-led cooperatives produced general disaffection among the Chinese against the ruling coalition.

The drop in living standard caused by the recession affected not only workers, farmers, fisher folk, hawkers but also the middle class. The unemployment rate reached 10 per cent; 130,000 workers were retrenched between late 1984 and mid-1986, and there were 35,000 unemployed graduates in 1987. Malaysian workers faced labour laws which inhibited effective trade unionism (4).

The NEP also introduced the racially discriminatory “quota system” for enrolment into tertiary institutions while some such as Institut Teknologi Mara were restricted to bumiputeras only. The Universities & University Colleges Act 1971 further disallowed the use of any non-Malay language in any private university, which spelled the death knell for the Chinese community’s Merdeka University. Another cause of discontent was provided by the 1972 Education Amendment Act which intended to do away with the school board, a crucial institution in the preservation of the Chinese schools. This “bumiputera” policy was taken to extreme lengths by overzealous Malay civil servants and politicians and explains the frequent occurrence of controversies during the seventies and eighties.

When Dr Mahathir took over as Prime Minister in 1981, he embarked on economic projects and privatization policies which adversely affected indigenous peoples and other marginalized communities. These included dams, airports, golf courses, highways, plantations, townships, logging and industrial plants. In 1983, residents at Papan, Perak protested against dump sites for radioactive wastes from the plant belonging to Asian Rare Earth Sdn Bhd. The relocation of the proposed dumps to Bukit Merah in 1985 led to more protests there. The decision to build the 2400MW Bakun HEP project led to protests by NGOs and the indigenous peoples in the area. The indiscriminate logging of Sarawak’s rainforests led thousands of indigenous peoples there to form human blockades across logging roads to stop the destruction of their native customary lands.

Standing up to authoritarianism During the seventies, Lim Fong Seng provided the leadership to the MICSS (Malaysian Independent Chinese Secondary Schools) Revival Movement which succeeded in developing MICSS from fourteen independent schools in 1961 to the present sixty schools. He was the key figure in fund-raising and organising the committees which made this possible. Throughout this movement, he displayed clear vision, implacable resolve and courage.

In 1975, when the Chinese Education Movement decided to hold the first ‘Unified Examination’ for all the Independent Chinese Secondary Schools, they were asked to rescind that decision by then Education Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The grounds given were that the independent schools were trying to set up a separate education system and that this would disrupt national unity. When the Unified Examination was about to begin, the Chinese educationists led by Lim Fong Seng were summoned to Parliament House by Dr Mahathir. The latter did not mince his words but told the Chinese education movement leaders that the Unified Examination had better not be held “or else…” He did not ask for any response and dismissed the Chinese educationists with a curt “…that is all.” (5)

Under LFS’s leadership, Dong Jiao Zong (6) decided they were prepared to face the consequences and the first Unified Examination was held as scheduled at the end of 1975. Through his foresight and courage, the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) is today recognized all over the world except in Malaysia. The National University of Singapore (ranked #21 in the world) for example, accepts hundreds of UEC graduates.

Lim Fong Seng will also be remembered for his courage in taking the Merdeka University case to the highest court of the land. This became a cause celebre from the end of the sixties after then Minister of Education Mohd Khir Johari announced that students going overseas for further studies would need to have a credit in SPM Bahasa Malaysia. This would have deprived many students in the MICSS the opportunity to continue their tertiary education abroad since they were/are barred from the local public sector educational institutions.

In 1978, the Minister for Home Affairs Ghazali Shafie summoned the Chinese educationist leaders and warned them of the consequences of pursuing the Merdeka University campaign and that the Government would not change its policy on private universities. The police even banned a meeting called by all the registered Chinese associations on 22 October 1978.

LFS subsequently took the Merdeka University case to court but the suit was dismissed in the Kuala Lumpur High Court. The Chinese educationists finally lost the appeal at the Federal Court on 6 July 1982. Despite losing this legal battle, the justice of the Chinese educationists’ cause was clear for all to see from their Queen’s Counsel’s presentation of their case and the dissenting judge’s summation (7). Dr. Ser Wue Hiong’s article, “Leading the Merdeka University Campaign” (Chapter 3) takes us through LFS’s leadership of this historic campaign.

The Malaysian Civil Rights Spring The Eighties can be described as the Civil Rights Spring in Malaysia and will remain an inspiration for the ethnic minorities in our country. If it had not been for this civil rights movement, the questionable National Culture Policy would have been steamrolled over the rights  of the non-Malays; Bukit Cina, our centuries’ old heritage would have been leveled for commercial development, and even more discriminatory policies implemented against the interests of the non- Malays. When the 1980 controversy erupted over the Education Ministry’s “3 M” system in which all subjects other than Chinese and Mathematics in Chinese and Tamil schools were to be conducted in Malay, LFS led the protests against this injustice. Again in 1983, he was at the forefront of the opposition to the National Culture Policy, which he saw to be an attempt at assimilation of the non-Malay cultures in this country.

Through many attempts at changing the character of the Chinese and Tamil schools, eg. the Kuala Lumpur Education Department’s directive in 1984 and the ‘Integrated Schools’ proposal in 1985, LFS provided stoic leadership to withstand these challenges. At the same time, he continued with his efforts to constructively develop the independent schools through fund raising, promoting the Unified Examination, compiling textbooks, publishing magazines,   planning teacher-training, awarding scholarships and loans.

During the Eighties, the historic role played by the 13 state Chinese Assembly Halls which united with Dong Jiao Zong in the ‘15 Huatuan’ (Chinese Associations) can be attributed to the leadership provided by Lim Fong Seng and Khoo Siong Chi. Together they put forward the historic civil rights demands in the National Culture Memorandum in 1983 and the Joint Declaration in 1985.

One of the concrete measures taken by the 15 Huatuan after endorsing the National Culture memorandum was to establish the Huazi Research Centre. (8) It was set up in 1985 for the purpose of sourcing data and other resources and to act as a think tank for the civil rights movement. I became its first research director.

One of the first tasks of Huazi was to organize intellectuals in   the community to draft the Joint Declaration (JD85) to point out government policies and measures that had eroded our civil rights and to show the way forward for the nation. The declaration issued demands and proposals to the government in the form of a charter on civil rights for all Malaysians. In this work, LFS demonstrated a spirit of inclusiveness that succeeded in mobilizing intellectuals from all shades of the political spectrum to draft this civil rights charter.

JD85 – A consistent commitment to civil rights The JD85 stands as the historic document which best represents the aspirations and concerns of the Malaysian civil rights movement of the Eighties. It is not a document written only from the point of view of the Malaysian Chinese community as in previous memoranda by the Chinese associations. Its demands for civil and political rights are part and parcel of the general demand for democracy and human rights   of all the Malaysian peoples, including the poor and marginalised in all the communities, the repeal of draconian laws that violate basic human rights and the condemnation of all acts of aggression by imperialist powers.

Another unjust Government directive in September 1987 to send non-Mandarin qualified officers to the Chinese schools led to widespread protests by the Chinese community. LFS was one of the key leaders in the campaign to rescind this directive. The Mahathir government resorted to the use of detention without trial under ‘Operation Lalang’ to detain among others, LFS, Sim Mow Yu, Tuang Pik King and the writer. Throughout his detention at Kamunting, Lim Fong Seng withstood the camp conditions with dignity despite poor health and advancing age.

Forging inter-ethnic solidarity through the Civil Rights Committee Throughout my association with Lim Fong Seng, he impressed me as  a Malaysian Chinese leader who genuinely believed in forging a civil society through inter-ethnic understanding. He was instrumental in initiating the historical dialogue with PAS leaders in 1986 after then PAS Vice-President Haji Hadi Awang announced that “the question of privileges for the Malays does not arise under Islamic law”.

To implement the demands of the Joint Declaration 1985, the 15 Huatuan set up a Civil Rights Committee (CRC) to champion the civil rights of Malaysians. Throughout the second half of the Eighties, the CRC played a vital role as the voice of the Malaysian civil rights movement. Besides criticism of the New Economic Policy and the National Culture Policy, the CRC supported the civil rights    of the people in Papan and Bukit Merah in Perak who were opposing the siting of radioactive waste in their locality; at Bukit Peninjau, Sarawak where plantation workers were protesting against wage   cuts and other management policies in 1986; at the Upper Baram river, Sarawak where the Kenyah, Kayan and Penans were protesting against logging on their ancestral lands, and also at Bakun where indigenous communities were protesting against the building of the 2400MW Bakun HEP dam.

Taking civil rights into the political arena The government’s crackdown on dissent through Operation Lalang in October 1987 was as much a subterfuge to crackdown on the judiciary as it was to punish all the NGOs that had been demanding civil rights in the Eighties. But LFS’s detention under Operation Lalang failed to break his resolve and commitment to civil rights. In 1990, he was one of the prime movers of the “Two-Front System” when he led a group of civil rights activists including the writer into the Opposition Front to defend democracy and human rights in Malaysia. Sim Mow Yu, the respected elder in the Chinese community called this movement the “1990 Democratic Uprising”. This action revealed his principled political analysis, courage and willingness to put conviction into action.

Lim Fong Seng did not take an active part in politics but believed strongly that the issue of civil rights in Malaysia had to be resolved politically. Few successful businessmen would have been prepared to risk victimization and deprived opportunities as he had done for the sake of his beliefs. Dr. Tan Yao Sua’s critical look at “Chinese Educationists in Politics” (Chapter 5) evaluates the successes and failures of the Chinese educationists in the political arena in the eighties and nineties.

Watered down civil rights after LFS After LFS stepped down as chairman of DZ, the Chinese associations were infiltrated by leaders who leaned toward the ruling coalition and they began to methodically defuse the civil rights movement. The long-awaited registration of the Federation of Chinese Assembly Halls (Tanglian) after years of official denial also saw the withering away of the CRC. In contrast to the 15 Huatuan, Tanglian began to function separately from Dong Jiao Zong. The national CRC became neglected as the new Tanglian leaders did not want to embarrass their allies in the ruling coalition. The palpable change in the quality of the leadership of the Chinese associations including Dong Jiao Zong was seen when they backed down from the Suqiu election demands after the 1999 general election in the face of threats by UMNO Youth. Such a climb-down would have been inconceivable during the civil rights movement under LFS’s leadership.

It was through Lim Fong Seng’s principled and firm resistance to UMNO’s encroachments on the rights of non-Malays in this country that we value our civil rights and the need to defend the limited rights we have today. It was his leadership in this resistance that has ensured that our civil rights have not been completely taken away.

Qualities of a civil rights leader How can the present Chinese education leaders who have split the Chinese education movement for the first time in its nearly century old history learn from the model set by Lim Fong Seng’s leadership? The future of the movement calls for the highest qualities of character from the leaders in the movement. Leaders like Lim Fong Seng inspire loyalty and devotion that transcend time and place and are based on trust and respect that survive through all our generations. His example uplifts and motivates all of us in the movement through his leadership qualities which include the following:

1.Being visionary and principled: Good leaders like LFS hold a vision that guides their every action as well as lead the members in the movement. It is the vision that gives meaning to their work and inspires them to strive for the attainment   of that vision. He stood firmly by his principles with courage and was prepared to sacrifice his freedom and comforts for his beliefs. Thus, while Lim Fong Seng was detained under the ISA for his defence of mother tongue education and civil rights, it did not stop him from voicing the vision and the demands of the Chinese community at every opportune time.

2.Being dignified and honourable: Secondly, Lim Fong Seng was a refined gentleman steeped in the fine traditions of Chinese culture and conducted his life with decorum, dignity and discipline. He did not hanker after honorific titles or crave for dubious educational honours. Leaders need to have capability and courage, competence and character. When we honour a leader, we have great respect for and trust in such a person. We hold in high esteem those leaders who are honest and have integrity in their values and in their actions. Honour requires living with the highest moral principles, adhering to truth and involves accepting personal responsibility for one’s own actions.

3.Being inclusive: Thirdly, LFS was a leader who was consistently inclusive in his dealings with young and old. He was non-partisan and empowered people to work for the movement. He had vision and commanded respect and commitment from members of the movement and knew how to draw people with high potential into the movement. Although he was a successful businessman in his own right, he never ever put on airs like some nouveau riche or assume the “boss’ role” within the movement. He was fully aware that the Chinese education movement was not hierarchical but egalitarian and that final responsibility rested on the shoulders of its leaders. Throughout the seventies and eighties, Lim Fong Seng did not need to play the role of “Executive Chairman” – the CEO of the secretariat executed the work for him. Leaders like Lim Fong Seng stressed empowerment and human development rather than subordination to a chain of command. It was thus a pleasure to serve under his leadership.

4.Being a good communicator: A good leader knows how to communicate with his team through his style, his voice, his manner, ie. by displaying competence and character. He does not resort to black operations and under-hand tactics to get his way. Communication is what defines the style of leadership that reconciles efficiency with human values. Good leaders need to be good listeners, to use listening both as a tool to gather information and as a way of making people feel their ideas and views are of value. A good leader is one who knows how to bring out the best in people and we can only do that if we really listen.

Martin Luther King Jr., the leader of the American Civil Rights Movement, has said:

“The biggest job in getting any movement off the ground is to keep together the people who form it. This task requires more than a common aim; it demands a philosophy that wins and holds the people’s allegiance; and it depends upon open channels of communication between the people and their leaders.”

Thus, the Malaysian civil rights movement needs leaders who are visionary, principled, who cannot be compromised by the ruling coalition, and who have an inclusive attitude to all who can contribute to the movement. Corrupt and opportunistic leaders do not have a place in a progressive movement. It was through Lim Fong Seng’s leadership and principled resistance to UMNO’s encroachments on the rights of non-Malays in this country that has ensured that our civil rights have not been completely taken away and has given inspiration to Malaysian civil society today.

notes: 1    See Kua Kia Soong, “The Chinese Schools of Malaysia”, 2008; “The Malaysian Civil Rights Movement”, 2005 2    See Kua Kia Soong (ed.), ‘Lim Lian Geok: Soul of the Malaysian Chinese’, LLG 2010. 3    See Kua Kia Soong, “The Malaysian Civil Rights Movement”, SIRD 2005:9-21 ibid, p.13 4    Kua Kia Soong, ‘A Protean Saga: The Chinese Schools of Malaysia’, 1999:106 5    The collective name for Dong Zong and Jiao Zong (United Chinese Teachers Association of Malaysia) 6    See Kua Kia Soong, 1999: 111-132 7    It has been renamed Huayan or the Malaysian Chinese Research Centre, based at the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall. 8    See the statement by Civil Rights Activists who joined Opposition Front, 1990 in Kua Kia Soong, 2005:98

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Please note you do not have access to teaching notes, school leadership theories and the malaysia education blueprint: findings from a systematic literature review.

International Journal of Educational Management

ISSN : 0951-354X

Article publication date: 10 September 2018

The purpose of this paper is to provide a systematic review of the Malaysian literature on three prominent leadership models (instructional, distributed and transformational), linked to a major educational reform initiative captured in the Ministry of Education’s Malaysia Education Blueprint (MEB).

Design/methodology/approach

The approach is a systematic review of all relevant Malaysian literature, in English and Bahasa Malaysia, on instructional, distributed and transformational leadership and alternative terms linked to these models.

The findings show that there is an emerging literature on these leadership models and their prevalence in Malaysian schools but that they have been interpreted in ways that are distinctive to the highly centralised Malaysian context. For example, instructional leadership is prescribed, so there is some evidence of its practice, notably in respect of monitoring. Similarly, distributed leadership is allocative, rather than emergent, as suggested in western literature.

Research limitations/implications

The findings show that, while research on these models is emerging, much more research is required to establish whether and how leadership practice in Malaysia differs from that outlined in the normative western literature.

Practical implications

There is emerging evidence to suggest that instructional and distributed leadership, if enacted carefully, can have a positive impact on student outcomes.

Social implications

The leadership models were developed in western, mainly decentralised, contexts, and there are clear implications for how such models might apply in highly centralised cultures, such as that prevailing in Malaysia.

Originality/value

This is believed to be the first systematic review of the Malaysian literature on school leadership models, linked to the MEB. It is also distinctive in including both English language and Bahasa Malaysia sources.

• Transformational leadership
• Instructional leadership
• Distributed leadership
• Malaysia Education Blueprint

Bush, T. , Abdul Hamid, S. , Ng, A. and Kaparou, M. (2018), "School leadership theories and the Malaysia Education Blueprint: Findings from a systematic literature review", International Journal of Educational Management , Vol. 32 No. 7, pp. 1245-1265. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJEM-06-2017-0158

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Copyright © 2018, Emerald Publishing Limited

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