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mccarthyism essay leaving cert

McCarthyism and the red scare

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McCarthyism and the Red Scare

In the end, President Eisenhower had no choice but to fight back against Senator Joseph McCarthy—and he did

Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy

In the early 1950s, American leaders repeatedly told the public that they should be fearful of subversive Communist influence in their lives. Communists could be lurking anywhere, using their positions as school teachers, college professors, labor organizers, artists, or journalists to aid the program of world Communist domination. This paranoia about the internal Communist threat—what we call the Red Scare—reached a fever pitch between 1950 and 1954, when Senator Joe McCarthy of Wisconsin, a right-wing Republican, launched a series of highly publicized probes into alleged Communist penetration of the State Department, the White House, the Treasury, and even the US Army. During Eisenhower’s first two years in office, McCarthy’s shrieking denunciations and fear-mongering created a climate of fear and suspicion across the country. No one dared tangle with McCarthy for fear of being labeled disloyal.

Any man who has been named by a either a senator or a committee or a congressman as dangerous to the welfare of this nation, his name should be submitted to the various intelligence units, and they should conduct a complete check upon him. It’s not too much to ask. Senator Joseph McCarthy, 1953

It has long been a subject of debate among historians: Why didn’t Eisenhower do more to confront McCarthy? Journalists, intellectuals, and even many of Eisenhower’s friends and close advisers agonized over what they saw as Ike’s timid approach to McCarthyism. Despite his popularity and his enormous political capital, they believed, Ike refused to engage directly with McCarthy. By avoiding the Red-hunting senator, some have argued, Eisenhower allowed McCarthyism to continue unchecked.

A 1953 letter from President Eisenhower to his brother Milton

By contrast, later scholars working from the documentary record perceived a design in Eisenhower’s strategy with McCarthy. Ike adopted an “indirect approach.” Instead of going right at McCarthy, Eisenhower worked behind the scenes to undercut and stymie the senator and his attacks. The political scientist Fred Greenstein, for example, argued that Eisenhower’s handling of McCarthy provides evidence of a “hidden hand” approach to government. In this interpretation, Ike rode above the fray of politics while secretly pulling levers and using White House influence to obstruct McCarthy and his allies.

President read my text with great irritation, slammed it back at me and said he would not refer to McCarthy personally—‘I will not get in the gutter with that guy.’ C. D. Jackson, Eisenhower speechwriter, 1953

edited page of Eisenhower speech draft

Looking at all the evidence, the clearest conclusion is that Eisenhower did not want to confront Joe McCarthy at all. And during 1953, he tried to avoid the whole issue, hoping the Senate would silence the explosive senator. McCarthy was a Republican, after all, and many fellow senators supported him. Ike needed to keep his party unified to pass bills in other areas; battling McCarthy would only stir up a civil war inside the GOP.

Furthermore, Eisenhower did not want to appear “soft” on the problem of internal subversion. There had, after all, been real spies who penetrated into the State Department, notably Alger Hiss.

Alger Hiss

And Communist agents had stolen classified secrets from the wartime Manhattan Project that built the atomic bomb. When Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were condemned to die in the electric chair as punishment for their theft of atomic secrets, Eisenhower did not for a moment consider granting them clemency. On June 19, 1953, they were both put to death.

Eisenhower in 1953 improvised in dealing with McCarthy, at first trying to ignore him, then trying to outdo him in the Red-hunting business. Then he tried to seduce him with promises of new legislation to destroy Communism in America. None of these tactics worked. ‘The Age of Eisenhower ,’ chapter 6

New York Times article on Joseph McCarthy

But at the start of 1954, the picture changed. Joe McCarthy turned his investigatory resources on the US Army and on members of the administration itself. Eisenhower had no choice but to fight back. The first move the White House made was to try to discredit the men around McCarthy, notably the lawyer Roy Cohn, who was leading the investigation, and Cohn’s assistant David Schine, who had recently been drafted into the Army.

The Army compiled a damaging dossier of dirt on Cohn, showing that he used threats and intimidation to demand that Schine be given plum assignments and easy duty. The White House leaked this dossier to the press and Congress. McCarthy and Cohn now stood accused of abuse of power.

Ike went one step further. In order to close down McCarthy’s reckless use of subpoenas to compel witnesses to testify before his committee, Eisenhower invoked executive privilege.

Eisenhower memo to secretary of defense

In May 1954, Ike simply said that administration officials and all executive branch employees would ignore any call from McCarthy to testify. Eisenhower explained his action, declaring that “it is essential to efficient and effective administration that employees of the executive branch be in a position to be completely candid in advising with each other on official matters,” without those conversations being subject to Congressional scrutiny.

It was a bold and daring move, and it worked. McCarthy, his credibility in tatters and now starved of witnesses, hit a brick wall—and his fellow senators turned against him. In early December 1954, the Senate passed a motion of condemnation, in a vote of 67 to 22. McCarthy was ruined—and within three years he was dead from alcohol abuse. The era of McCarthyism was over. Ike had helped bring it to a bitter end.

Senate Resolution 301

Return to THE AGE OF EISENHOWER landing page

Spies on the radio.

old radio

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, dramatic radio programs told tales of government agents on a quest to find Communist infiltrators who, in the words of one, "would undermine our America."

David Harding, Counterspy  began in 1942 as the story of an American operative fighting the Nazis, and the long-running program easily adapted to a Cold War narrative in the late 1940s and early 1950s. In this episode from December 1950, Harding reads a message from FBI director J. Edgar Hoover calling on law enforcement officers, patriotic organizations, and individuals to report on anything that might indicate espionage, sabotage, or subversive activities.

I Was a Communist for the FBI , based on a film of the same name, ran for just over a year, from April 1952 until October 1953. In this episode, from April 1953, Matt Cvetic describes his undercover assignment: "For nine years I was living on the brink of a volcano, a volcano called Communism, a volcano which is centered in Soviet Russia but which is erupting all over the world."  

Comics and pulps

Comic books and pulp fiction magazines also brought the threat of Communism to life. The Catholic Catechetical Guild of Minneapolis published these two comics for distribution in 1947 and 1960.

Comic cover: "Is this tomorrow?"

McCarthy begins to question Ike

In this November 24, 1953, address over radio and television, McCarthy turned an attack on former President Truman to questions directed at Eisenhower. “Even for McCarthy," says Will Hitchcock in The Age of Eisenhower , this was a loopy, unhinged performance.”

Death of a senator

The new york times reports on mccarthy's death.

Front page New York Times story on Joe McCarthy's death

McCarthy died of liver failure on May 2, 1957. The following day the New York Times front page story said, “After the Senate voted in December 1954 to condemn his tactics, his political power waned. He was seldom in his Senate seat and his advice, seldom offered, was little heeded.”

Affect of McCarthyism on Society Essay

Introduction.

The term McCarthyism was derived from Joseph McCarthy a former US senator who was a republican of Wisconsin. According to American history, McCarthyism is regarded as the period from 1950 to 1954. During this era, the United States of America was involved in a lot of anti-communism. At this period, the American government considered the American communist party rebellious. The American leadership together with its citizens were assumed either as suspects of communists or communist sympathizers (Keach, 2000, para 6). Thus, this was an era that involved many accusations that were not supported by any evidence. Therefore McCarthyism is a term used to refer to the false allegation of one political faction, on the basis of their political stand. It was a period that existed in America from 1950 to 1954 which affected the majority of Americans negatively. It intimidated the Americans who were pro-communism and resulted to be discriminated against in employment opportunities. This affected their social life negatively. Thus, McCarthyism is not appropriate and hence should not be exercised not only in America but in any state.

Definition of McCarthyism

McCarthyism is defined as a practice of accusing people of disloyalty and especially during pro-communist activity (Keach, 2000, para 6). These accusations are not supported by relevant evidence. Alternatively, McCarthyism can also be referred to as any effort that tries to hinder political criticism or curtail a certain group to express its views on certain issues happening in the government.

Description of McCarthyism

McCarthyism started in the 1940s and ended in 1950. ‘Witch-hunt’ was the term used to refer to McCarthyism. This meant acts of making accusations that were baseless. This period was referred to as the second red scare because it was the period Americans feared communist. Joseph McCarthy used this period to intimidate people for his personal gain. Nowadays, McCarthyism is still in existence and is used to describe the practice of making false allegations to people without adequate proof of such an existence (Keach, 2000, para 8).

Negative effects of McCarthyism on the lives of Americans

The lives of many Americans were negatively affected by McCarthyism. Majority of Americans who were considered pro-communism lost their lives, while others suffered by losing their jobs. In addition, this period ruined the good perception people had about America. This period was regarded as evil due to the fear it was associated with it (Keach, 2000, para 8). Therefore, anybody that practiced it was excluded from opportunities such as jobs. Many American citizens who were accused suffered greatly as the majority lost their jobs. Thus, it greatly affected the social lives of many Americans negatively. This is because, despite the worldwide belief in American brotherhood, McCarthy had divided the Americans into two factions; the communists and the pro-communist. During recruitments, employers asked the interviewees questions which they were aimed at disclosing which group they supported to affirm whether they will be granted the jobs. The answers were supposed to be according to the Waldorf statement which stated that no known communist would be fired and therefore the pro- communists were fired.

McCarthyism’s effect on the political thinking of Americans

Americans feared communalism and the accusations of McCarthy which had no relevant evidence made people not support communism. This is because instead of the government protecting its people by maintaining justice, it accused them falsely. Thus, people had negative attitudes towards politics (Keach, 2000, para 5).

According to the effects that McCarthyism had on the lives of the Americans such as people losing their lives, increased unemployment, and giving America a bad image national wide, then McCarthyism was and not appropriate. For example, during interviews, the firm asked employees questions on politics or other related areas in order to determine their political stand. How they answered these questions enabled the team to determine their stand which resulted in the pro-communist losing the opportunities to be employed, while the communists were employed. Therefore, there was no discrimination among employees.

McCarthyism is not appropriate in any society. It has many negative effects on people and the politics of the country. Therefore, McCarthyism should not be applied because it does not support justice and many innocent people suffer.

Keach, W. (2000). Rehabilitating McCarthyism. International Socialist .

  • Chicago (A-D)
  • Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2021, December 25). Affect of McCarthyism on Society. https://ivypanda.com/essays/affect-of-mccarthyism-on-society/

"Affect of McCarthyism on Society." IvyPanda , 25 Dec. 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/affect-of-mccarthyism-on-society/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Affect of McCarthyism on Society'. 25 December.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Affect of McCarthyism on Society." December 25, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/affect-of-mccarthyism-on-society/.

1. IvyPanda . "Affect of McCarthyism on Society." December 25, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/affect-of-mccarthyism-on-society/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Affect of McCarthyism on Society." December 25, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/affect-of-mccarthyism-on-society/.

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Europe and the wider world

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Ireland and its place in the wider world

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Today’s World

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This course aims to maximise students’ ability to achieve the highest possible grade in the Leaving Certificate Higher Level Irish exam. Comprehensive questions and answers are covered in all sections, with specific emphasis on the oral component.

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Due to syllabus length, this course is divided into Paper 1 and Paper 2. Each is treated as a separate subject when calculating fees.

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Coordinate Geometry of the Line

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  • Experiment: To verify Boyle’s Law
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  • Experiment: To verify Snell’s law of refraction.
  • Experiment: To measure the refractive index of a liquid or a solid.
  • Experiment:  To measure the focal length of a converging lens

Day 2:  Electricity 1

  • Static Electricity
  • Distribution of Charge
  • Electric Fields
  • Coulomb’s Law

Day 3: Electricity 2

  • Capacitance and Current Electricity
  • Experiment: To verify Joules Law

Day 4: Electricity 3

  • Capacitance
  • The Effects of Electricity
  • Experiment: To measure the resistivity of the material of a wire
  • Experiment: To investigate the variation of the resistance of a metallic conductor with temperature
  • Experiment: To investigate the variation of current with voltage for(a) a metallic conductor (b) a filament bulb (c) copper sulphate solution with copper electrodes
  • Fully worked out answers to a selection of past paper questions on these topics will also be provided. (Experiments 21, 22, 24 a,b,c)

Bring maths tables, past papers and calculator

  • Stationary Waves on Strings
  • Sound Intensity
  • Experiment: To investigate the variation of the fundamental frequency of a stretched string with length.
  • Experiment: To investigate the variation of the fundamental frequency of a stretched string with tension

This course gives an intensive overview of key elements of the Leaving Certificate Higher Level Politics & Society exam. Exam preparation techniques, including study skills for Politics & Society, exam strategy and timing will also be covered during the course.

Power & Decision Making

  • Integrating Key Thinkers into your essay writing – Focusing on Karl Marx, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, and Robert Nozick,
  • The Essay Marking Scheme (including paragraph/essay structure and presenting a ‘counter-narrative’).

Human Rights & Responsibilities

  • Key Global and National Institutions, Case Studies, and possible essay Questions.
  • Children’s Rights and the Case Studies.

Addressing the Data-Based Question

  • Key Terminology in DBQs, including structures for the 10 & 20-mark answers.
  • Key Concepts including Sampling, Bias, Authorship, Comparative Approaches, and the DES-highlighted key terms: “analyse / compare / critique / discuss / evaluate / justify / comment”.
  • Sample answers from previous SEC exams with student responses and outlines for improving overall grades in this area. Special attention will be paid to approaching the 50 Mark Question – Q (g).

The Irish Electoral System

  • This session looks at the Irish electoral system in the context of other global systems aimed at addressing the Politic & Society Specification’s requirement that students can assess “whether the Irish system of government is effective in representing the will of all the Irish people

Irish Political Structures

  • This session focuses on addressing the much-anticipated exam question examining “the effectiveness of the Irish system of elections in representing the will of all the Irish people”. This includes “Selecting an Executive”, “Political and Voting Structures”, and International Comparisons.

This course is designed to prepare students for the Leaving Certificate Higher Level Spanish exam.

General overview of the exam paper

  • Key grammar points.
  • Verbs: present, future, conditional, 3 past tenses, subjunctive.
  • Some special verbs: gustar , ser and estar .
  • Vocabulary: Synonyms and False Friends.
  • Exam techniques and vocabulary from past papers.
  • Opinion piece (Structure, topics, vocabulary, idiomatic expressions…)
  • Writing techniques for Diary entries and Notes.
  • Sentence building. Work on common errors.

Listening comprehension

  • Vocabulary from past papers.
  • Vocabulary for the weather report.
  • Strategies to maximise marks.
  • Understanding the oral exam.
  • Interview. Expanding on common topics.
  • Sample answers.
  • Role-plays – preparation.
  • Tips on how to perform best on the day.
  • Using technology to improve.

Students can choose to attend classes either onsite at our Lesson Street campus in Dublin City Centre or live online. Please see the timetable below for details.

Please note:

  • 10% reduction for the second and subsequent members of the same family, attending the same courses. Please contact our office to avail of this discount.
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A: Please click here to view the timetable of subjects on offer at Leeson Street.

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A: This depends on the number of subjects taken. Please refer to the fees table to see a list of fees.

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A: Please click here to view the timetable of subjects on offer online.

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A: We would advise that all students enrolling in our online classes have the following:

• Access to a reliable wifi service. • Access to a PC, Laptop, Tablet, or similar device. • We would not recommend using a mobile phone. • Headphones/earphones.

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Home — Essay Samples — History — History of the United States — Mccarthyism

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Essays on Mccarthyism

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Mccarthyism and Anti-communist Campaigns in America

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Similarities Between Mccarthyism and Salem Witch Trials in The Crucible

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Comparison of Cold War to Mccarthyism in The United States

The crucible as an allegory of mccarthyism, representation of mccarthyism in the witch of blackbird pond by elizabeth george speare, analysis of key similarities between mccarthyism and the crucible, the salem witch trials and mccarthyism: a comparative analysis, joseph mccarthy - america's witch hunter, the image of mccarthyism and mass hysteria in the crucible, analysis of parallels between the play ‘the crucible’ and mccarthyism, the influence that mccarthyism had on the development of america, highlighting the laws of mccarthyism in the film rear window , the salem witch trials and mccarthyism: exploring parallels.

Joseph McCarthy

c. 1950 - c. 1954

United States

McCarthyism is part of the Red Scare period of American history in the late 1940s and 1950s. It is a practice of making accusations of subversion and treason, related to communism and socialism. It is a produced series of investigations and hearings in an effort to expose supposed communist infiltration of various areas of the government of United States.

McCarthyism was supported by the American Legion and various anti-communist organizations. One core element of support was a variety of militantly anti-communist women's groups. The right-wing radicals were the bedrock of support for McCarthyism.

In the mid and late 1950s, the attitudes and institutions of McCarthyism slowly weakened. McCarthyism both reached its peak and began its decline during the “McCarthy hearings”. While McCarthyism proper ended with the senator’s downfall, the term still has currency in modern political discourse.

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mccarthyism essay leaving cert

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Leaving Cert history: Extra time and choice ‘should be made permanent’

‘it was a paper for the well prepared higher-level student’, says one teacher.

mccarthyism essay leaving cert

Leaving Cert students faced the history exam on Wednesday afternoon. Photographer: Dara Mac Dónaill

The higher-level history paper provided students with choice and time, and the adjustments should be made permanent, according to Susan Cashell, history teacher at The Institute of Education.

“It was a paper for the well prepared higher-level student,” Ms Cashell said.

Jamie Dockery, a teacher at Tyndall College in Co Carlow, agreed that amendments made to this year’s exam following the Covid 19 pandemic have made a decent grade in this exam much more achievable.

“This has been very much welcomed by both teachers and students,” said Mr Dockery, who is also a Studyclix.ie subject expert for history. “The exam has often been criticised for being a race against the clock, but this was not the case this summer.”

Charlie Bird’s wife Claire on his last story: ‘I will try to live my life without this great man beside me’

Charlie Bird’s wife Claire on his last story: ‘I will try to live my life without this great man beside me’

On Instagram I see the body of a Palestinian toddler, an ad for a wetsuit, Oprah talking

On Instagram I see the body of a Palestinian toddler, an ad for a wetsuit, Oprah talking

What has David Nucifora ever done for Irish rugby?

What has David Nucifora ever done for Irish rugby?

Here’s hoping household chores don’t include having to ask men to do them ‘properly’

Here’s hoping household chores don’t include having to ask men to do them ‘properly’

Ms Cashell said that, similarly to last year, students only had to answer the documents based question (DBQ) and write two essays. Normally they have to answer the DBQ and write three essays.

This meant candidates had one hour for each essay and 50 mins for the documents based question.

“The added time is such a bonus it should be adopted permanently,” she said.

Ms Cashell said the compulsory document based question on Coleraine was straightforward, provided that students knew the key words autobiography and objective.

“Some students might have been surprised by the contextualisation question 4 that didn’t just concentrate on Coleraine but asked for other issues that contributed to tension in Derry in the 1960′s,” Ms Cashell said.

[  Examwatch 2022: Reaction to Junior Cycle and Leaving Cert exams  ]

This year, students only had to answer two essay questions instead of three.

“This would have given them time to answer the good choice of lovely survey questions in the US section such as the strengths and weaknesses of the US economy 1945-89 and developments in race relations 1945-89,” Ms Cashell said.

Ms Cashell said that the dictatorship section, which is popular among students, provided sufficient choice, although those who had studied Stalin had to be careful to note that the question included peace and war.

“The sovereignty section, which also proves popular, was more limited. There was a good question on factors that contributed to partition but it was not a question to attempt unless you have done it before.

“The question on the case study of the Eucharistic congress was on its impact and some students might find it difficult to write enough on that subject,” Ms Cashell said.

Mr Dockery said section two of the higher level exam was not as straightforward but still presented candidates with some good opportunities.

“Students banking on the reliable ‘Hitler question’ in the dictator and democracy topic will have been left disappointed with their offering here: ‘Why did Italy and/or Germany embrace dictatorship in the inter‐war period?’ Overall however, as a teacher, I couldn’t be much happier with the choices students were given here.”

On the ordinary level paper, Mr Dockery said that students were not burdened with the lengthy essay answers that their Higher Level classmates have to grapple with.

“With the Covid 19 amendments, ordinary Level students have been given even more opportunities to do well as the exam has even more question options than usual.

“Overall, the ordinary level exam was a nice one which gave those students who prepared well the opportunity to achieve a good grade.

“ It was particularly pleasing to see a number of questions related to significant women who contributed to Irish and world history with Isabella Tod, Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington, Evie Hone, Maureen O’Hara, Leni Riefenstahl, Simone de Beauvoir, Margaret Thatcher and Betty Friedan among those making an appearance,” Mr Dockery said.

Try this one at home:

Leaving Cert history, higher level

Dictatorship and democracy in Europe, 1920‐1945: Answer one of the following questions:

Why did Italy and/or Germany embrace dictatorship in the inter‐war period? What were the main social and economic challenges facing Britain during the period 1920‐1939? What were the characteristics of Stalin’s leadership during peace and war? What was the impact of Anglo‐American popular culture on Europe?

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© THE INTERCEPT

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

University Professors Are Losing Their Jobs Over “New McCarthyism” on Gaza

As brutal police repression sweeps campus encampments, schools have been cutting ties with pro-Palestine faculty members without tenure.

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Many scholars committed to Palestinian liberation can no longer do their jobs. That’s because many of the professors most supportive of Palestine don’t have jobs anymore.

This is nowhere truer than in the Gaza Strip — where all 12 universities have been reduced to rubble , and more than 90 professors have been reported killed during Israel’s assault on the territory. The gravity of what United Nations experts warn could amount to U.S.-backed “ scholasticide ” has no equivalent on American soil.

Yet Israel’s attempted eradication of intellectual life in Gaza echoes far beyond the territory, with U.S. universities ensuring that some professors vocal in their support of Palestine can no longer do their jobs either.

Since the beginning of Israel’s war on Gaza, academics in fields including politics, sociology, Japanese literature, public health, Latin American and Caribbean studies, Middle East and African studies, mathematics, education, and more have been fired, suspended, or removed from the classroom for pro-Palestine, anti-Israel speech.

These educators have little in common. They live in different cities and states and hail from different countries. Some have been teaching in their institutions for decades, some were newly hired. Some taught at private universities, others public. They have varying degrees of job security, from a tenured professor to the most precarious adjunct contracts. And they are racially, ethnically, religiously, age, and gender diverse.

mccarthyism essay leaving cert

From UCLA to Columbia, Professors Nationwide Defend Students as Politicians and Police Attack

What they share is that, in recent months, they have all staked out positions in favor of Palestinian freedom — positions that lead them to be targeted by pro-Israel groups.

From campus to campus, professors have defended students’ right to protest , but when scholars themselves espouse support for Palestine and opposition to the Israeli state, professional consequences have frequently been grave.

There’s no official tally of the number of academic workers who have lost jobs or faced suspension over support for Palestine, not least because higher education in this country is disarticulated, often privatized, and reliant on short-term contract labor. By and large, professors facing job loss and suspensions over Palestine have brought these allegations into public view by speaking out themselves. Scores of academics across the country are likely under investigation, and many stand to have their contracts quietly expire without renewals.

The Intercept spoke with more than a dozen professors, both adjuncts and those with tenure, whose employment has been imperiled by their pro-Palestine speech. Of the professors I talked to, all were at one point under investigation since October 7; some of the probes closed without findings of wrongdoing. Several faced varying degrees of suspensions, and four of the professors lost their jobs or expect to lose them next week when the semester ends without the renewal of their contracts.

The interviews, including those with campus labor activists and academic associations, revealed a pattern of politically motivated repression where campaigns by pro-Israel advocates can mar the careers of academics because of comments that express outrage at Israel’s ongoing occupation and its war in Gaza.

“Of the cases that we’ve opened, none of them have been related to pro-Israel speech. All of them have been in support of the Palestinian cause.”

“The bulk of our inquiries, even our cases, have to do with violations of due process related to non-reappointment, to dismissal, to tenure award, et cetera,” said Anita Levy, senior program officer with the American Association of University Professors. Levy told me that the nonprofit organization, which advocates for faculty rights and academic freedom, currently has opened five cases in recent months related to pro-Palestinian speech.

“When we get five or six of these cases in a two-month period, where there are suspensions related to social media posts over a current event, shall we say, the war in Gaza, that is unusual,” she said. “Of the cases that we’ve opened, none of them have been related to pro-Israel speech. All of them have been in support of the Palestinian cause.”

We are at the dawn of a “new McCarthyism,” Levy said. “This may be the tip of the iceberg.”

mccarthyism essay leaving cert

Institutions are well positioned to eliminate political dissenters from their payrolls under the misleading banner of protecting Jewish people, primed by heightened Republican attacks on higher education.

“This is beyond the new McCarthyism. This has to deal fundamentally with Islamophobia, anti-Muslim racism, anti-Arab racism, anti-Palestinian racism,” said Mohamed Abdou, who is a visiting professor in Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African studies at Columbia University — that is, until this semester ends .

Columbia President Minouche Shafik announced that the university was cutting ties with Abdou during a congressional hearing last month about antisemitism on campus. Abdou was one of five professors named by the school administrator but the only one without the relative protection of tenure. His one-year contract ends this month.

“What she effectively did was blacklist me globally,” Abdou told me of Shafik’s testimony. (Columbia did not respond to a request for comment.)

Abdou said he was smeared for words in a Facebook post on October 11 that were taken dramatically out of context. The activist-scholar was framed in Congress and in the right-wing media as an antisemite and Hamas supporter. His lengthy post asks readers to think about a future for Palestine, and support for resistance, beyond the binary of a secularized, Eurocentric state formation, or “Hamas and Islamic Jihad’s neoconservative idea of Sharia.”

“I’m against any form of authoritarianism,” Abdou — whose work focuses on Islam, anarchism, and settler colonialism since 1492 — told me.

One extramural social media post has been weaponized to undo Abdou’s career, after 20 years of teaching in Canada, Egypt, and the U.S. in fields including queer studies and Indigenous studies, leaving the scholar with scant recourse and limited options. He is hardly alone.

“Fired After 18 Years”

Anti-Palestinian repression on U.S. campuses since October 7 has not been subtle. Students and faculty face far-reaching discriminatory censure and defamatory allegations for pro-Palestinian advocacy, as administrators jump to appease pro-Israel donors and conservative political interests.

In the last months, school administrators called in riot cops to clear student encampments and arrest thousands at Columbia University, City College of New York, Emerson College, Emory University, New York University, the University of Austin at Texas, and more. It was brutal state violence against students not seen since the campus movement against the Vietnam War — justified this time by flimsy claims about student safety, undergirded by a conflation of anti-Zionism and antisemitism.

There have been scenes of faculty solidarity. Last week, faculty members at the New School in New York, where I teach, launched the first faculty-led solidarity encampment, following the shuttering of the student encampment with mass arrests. In late April, dozens of professors and others from New York University formed a line around their protesting students as police were called in to raid their encampment; faculty and students were all arrested together. Footage capturing the arrests of Emory Philosophy Department Chair Noëlle McAfee and economics professor Caroline Fohlin, the latter who was slammed brutally to the ground by cops, was shared widely online.

Yet once media attention moves away from encampment sweeps and violent arrests, many professors who have lost work will still be without their livelihoods or left facing precarious futures with their reputations unfairly besmirched.

“I was fired after 18 years as a professor of Latin American and Caribbean studies at John Jay College of Criminal Justice,” Danny Shaw said. He was told last month by administrators at the college, which is part of the public City University of New York system, that he would not be reappointed to his longtime adjunct position. Shaw’s colleagues had moved to reappoint him but were overruled by John Jay President Karol Mason, according to an open letter from the economics department.

“The non-reappointment of Danny Shaw is an unacceptable action,” Shaw’s colleagues in the economics department wrote in their open letter. “Danny Shaw is a valuable member of his department who has been teaching at John Jay since 2007. Professor Shaw is an excellent teacher who has received a Distinguished Teaching Award.”

NEW YORK, NEW YORK - MAY 09: Cresa Pugh, new school professor of sociology, blocks of a police school safty van, holding arrested students outside the New School faculty's pro-Palestinian encampment on May 09, 2024 in New York City. The New School faculty set up the first faculty-led, pro-Palestinian encampment in memory of Refaat Alareer, a Palestinian professor, poet, and writer who was killed in an Israeli airstrike last December. (Photo by Michael Nigro/Sipa USA)(Sipa via AP Images)

The dismissal followed right-wing, pro-Israel online harassment, Shaw said, in response to his showing vocal support for Palestine and opposition to Israel following October 7 and the start of Israel’s bombardments.

“I saw a genocide in motion, so I began to organize demonstrations and teach-ins and conferences,” Shaw told me.

On his X account in mid-October, in the wake of stridently bellicose remarks from Israeli officials, Shaw wrote in a now-deleted post that Zionism “is beyond a mental illness; it’s a genocidal disease.” The target was unambiguously Zionist ideology and its adherents, not Jews for being Jewish. The speech is also clearly within the bounds of First Amendment protections. It was, of course, decried as antisemitic.

The pattern is now familiar. Zionist groups like Canary Mission and Antisemitism.org, which have made a business of going after faculty and students online , single out those on campus with pro-Palestine views. Universities then face political and donor pressure to censure the targeted professors.

Many academics now facing termination, suspension, or having their contracts not renewed told me their open support for Palestinian freedom was nothing new and had never been a significant issue before. “I’ve been doing Palestinian solidarity work since the 1990s when I was a teenager,” Shaw said.

At the time John Jay cut ties with Shaw, CUNY was facing increasing pressure from the city and state, with the threat of funding loss tied to trumped-up claims of spiking antisemitism on campus. In late October, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul ordered an independent investigation into antisemitism at CUNY. (A spokesperson for John Jay College said the school can’t comment on personnel matters.)

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CUNY has ended its relationship with at least on other professor because of speech related to Israel’s war on Gaza. One, Lisa Hofmann-Kuroda, a scholar of Japanese literature formerly at CUNY’s Hunter College, told me in a statement that a student reported several of her pro-Palestine social media posts to the head of her department in November. Nothing in the posts, she noted, was antisemitic. “The only thing I have done,” she said, “is to criticize the state of Israel for its 75-year brutal occupation of Palestine and criticize Americans for their complicity or silence in this genocide.”

Pro-Israel speech incurs consequences much less frequently, but it does happen. In one case, Arizona State University put postdoctoral research fellow Jonathan Yudelman on leave after a video of a pro-Israel rally went viral . In the video, shot near campus in May, Yudelman gets in the face of a woman in a hijab, who says her religious boundaries are being violated. Yudelman replies, “You disrespect my sense of humanity, bitch.” A statement released by the school last week said that Yudelman “is on leave from Arizona State University pending the outcome of an investigation” into the incident. The statement said that, prior to the event, “Yudelman had already resigned his position at ASU, effective June 30, and he was not scheduled to teach any additional courses.”

Yudelman’s case is a rare exception to the rule that treats support for Palestine as a professional liability.

Tenure in the Age of Unsafety

What the late, legendary civil rights attorney Michael Ratner coined as “the Palestine exception to free speech” is not new, though its escalation in the months since October has been ferocious.

“Repression of anti-Zionism has a long and ugly history in academe. It really started to pick up after 1967,” Palestinian American scholar and author Steven Salaita told me by email, referring to the period of the 1967 Arab–Israeli War, a time when support for Israel was growing in the U.S. “Too many people to remember have been negatively affected. But it’s worse now than I’ve ever seen it.”

Salaita was fired for pro-Palestinian speech in 2014, a forerunner for the current repressive moment. After Salaita was let go from a tenured position in American Indian Studies at the University of Illinois over tweets criticizing Israel, a public records request on Salaita’s behalf revealed communications between the university and several wealthy donors threatening to withdraw financial support unless Salaita was fired. The university eventually settled a lawsuit by Salaita for $875,000.

“I’d say that on the one hand my situation with the University of Illinois a decade ago is exactly like what so many of my colleagues and comrades currently suffer,” Salaita told me. “On the other hand, my situation was different insofar as I was fired from a tenured professorship, which is highly uncommon.”

mccarthyism essay leaving cert

Some Universities Chose Violence. Others Responded to Protests by Considering Student Demands.

In recent years, right-wing culture warriors and administrators with their eyes on the bottom line have been trying to find ways to fire tenured professors . As political theorist Joshua Clover, a tenured professor at the University of California, Davis, pointed out, universities for the most part have only been able to achieve this by closing down whole departments on purported economic grounds. The attack of pro-Palestinian speech, though, offers a whole new avenue, under the guise of protecting Jewish students.

Broad and vague charges of “making students feel unsafe” allow universities to scrutinize everything a professor does, inside or outside of the classroom. Clover, who has himself been targeted by Canary Mission for anti-Zionist speech, told me this enables “extramural speech to be treated as something relevant to people’s work situation.”

“There’s nothing extramural anymore,” he said. “We’re all at work 24 hours a day, wherever we are.”

It was extramural speech — an essay for a leftist publisher — that earned a suspension from teaching for Jodi Dean, a tenured political theorist at Hobart and William Smith Colleges in New York, where she has taught for 30 years. (She remains employed at the university.) Her essay was condemned for describing seeing images of the breach of the Gaza wall on October 7 as “exhilarating,” and the college president said in a letter that there “may be students on our campus who may feel threatened in or outside of the classroom.”

“I have been here for 20 years and I haven’t seen anything like this,” Paul Passavant, a professor of politics at Hobart and William Smith, told Middle East Eye of Dean’s suspension. “​​It is a total violation of academic freedom. And it violates the integrity of the institution as an academic institution.”

In response to requests for comment, a Hobart and William Smith spokesperson forwarded three letters from university leadership that had been sent out to the college community in mid-April.

“Professor Dean has the right to express her views,” the school’s provost and dean of faculty Sarah Kirk wrote in an April 15 letter . “It is also true that Hobart and William Smith has the obligation under federal anti-discrimination laws, including Title VI, to investigate and take prompt action where the possibility exists that there is a hostile environment based on national origin, shared ancestry, or other protected classes that may interfere with a student’s ability to learn and enjoy the benefits of an education.” The letters all say that Dean has been “relieved” of classroom duties while she is under investigation by the school.

Activist and scholar Amin Husain likewise was punished for extramural speech. He had called for Palestinian liberation for many years, but he was only suspended from his adjunct position at New York University in January of this year.

“I’ve been teaching for seven or eight years. Never one complaint.”

Husain told me that the university’s human resources department questioned him not only about his anti-Zionist statements, but also about social media content posted by an abolitionist art collective, Decolonize This Place, that he is affiliated with. None of the collective’s posts were attributed to Husain specifically.

“I’ve been teaching for seven or eight years. Never one complaint,” Husain told me. He added that his suspension was not the result of a student complaint but evidence taken from “doxing outlets.” While he is technically suspended, Husain is an adjunct with a contract ending this month. (NYU did not respond to a request for comment.)

“I’m never going to be hired by NYU,” he told me. Of the university, he said, “You destroyed my reputation, and you never even did the due diligence.”

A letter of support for Husain, signed by over 2,000 artists, writers, academics, and students, said, “These attacks on speech (and speakers) reflect the ideology behind the logic of destruction inflicted on the cultural infrastructure of Palestine itself.”

AUSTIN, TEXAS - MAY 05: Professor Craig Campbell speaks alongside gathered faculty on the South Lawn at the University of Texas at Austin on May 05, 2024 in Austin, Texas. During a rescheduled May Day rally, students and faculty gathered on the South Lawn to continue calling upon the university to fully divest from Israel.  (Photo by Brandon Bell/Getty Images)

“Now Is the Time”

The issue of academic freedom on Palestine is inseparable from the labor struggles that have been rocking universities over the past decade.

“Until recently, labor unions in this country have been incredibly weak, the impact of which is emboldened university leaders who are enacting increasingly repressive policies on their campuses,” Molly Ragan, a union organizer with UAW Local 7902, who teaches at the Parsons School of Design, part of the New School university. “What I’ve learned in my two years as a UAW staff organizer working with faculty and student workers in NYC is that the labor movement and pro-Palestine movement go hand in hand.”

Alongside the New School’s Students for Justice in Palestine chapter, two student worker unions, both unionized with the UAW, organized the student-led encampment on campus. Two weeks ago, that protest camp was cleared out in a surprise police raid involving over 40 arrests.

Ragan noted that labor involvement aimed to provide “a legal shield for the encampment because any retaliation is a violation of our basic Section 7 right to concerted activity under the NLRA” — a reference to the National Labor Relations Act’s protection of workplace collective action. On Monday , ACT-UAW Local 7902 filed an unfair labor practice charge against the school over the arrests on campus and treatment of the encampment participants.

The importance of supporting scholars who speak out for Palestine, however, goes far beyond free speech and worker protections. Israel’s occupation and its ongoing brutal war are constant reminders of the more salient issues at work.

“If silence is the desired outcome, then Zionist organizations are failing miserably.”

Despite continuous police raids, the protest camps are spreading. Nearly 200 campuses nationwide established encampments in the last month to demand divestment from Israel, its military apparatus, and the corporations that benefit from it.

“I don’t think the repression will work, not if its ultimate goal is to keep people quiet. If the goal is punishment in and of itself, then the tactic is effective,” Salaita, the scholar, told me. “But if silence is the desired outcome, then Zionist organizations are failing miserably, and will continue to fail miserably. Nobody’s going to stop talking about Palestine at this point.”

Clover, the Davis professor, echoed the sentiment. “If you’re going to be fired for standing up for Palestine, now is the time to do it anyway,” Clover said. “Now is the time to do it in the most serious and principled ways.”

Nowhere is this principled defiance better exemplified than among the Palestinian scholars who have lost the most.

“We will never tire, be frightened, or threatened to stop advocating for justice and peace and to stop the ongoing slaughter and genocide in Palestine,” Ahmed Alhussaina, the vice president of Israa University , one of Gaza’s most celebrated institutions of higher education and research, told me by email.

“It’s really a shame to witness such a disgrace in the American political system,” said Alhussaina. “There is a McCarthyite campaign to silence the Palestinian voice in all American universities, large and small, but there is broad determination and support for Gaza and Palestine in all universities, and it will be difficult to contain this youth tide.”

Alhussaina, who has lost 102 relatives to Israel’s onslaught, fled Gaza in November. At the start of the war, the Israeli military seized his university and turned it into a barracks and a detention center, before destroying it in a massive, controlled explosion.

Contact the author:

NEW YORK, NEW YORK - NOVEMBER 20: People gather to protest the banning of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) at Columbia University on November 20, 2023 in New York City. Students, alumni of both schools, some dressed in caps and gowns, and supporters held a "Denouncement Ceremony" and pledged not to donate money to the schools after the banning of the student groups for holding a nonviolent but unsanctioned protest demanding a ceasefire in Gaza. More than 20 progressive elected officials have sent a letter to the university calling for the reinstatement of the groups. Calls for a ceasefire in Gaza continue as the death toll from Israel’s invasion of Gaza has increased in the weeks since the October 7 Hamas attack. (Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

October 7 Survivors Sue Campus Protesters, Say Students Are “Hamas’s Propaganda Division”

Protest signs lay in the grass as people gather on the campus of Northwestern University to show support for residents of Gaza on April 25, 2024 in Evanston, Illinois. The rally is among many roiling university campuses across the country in response to the ongoing war in Gaza. (Photo by Scott Olson/Getty Images)

A Billionaire-Funded Website With Ties to the Far Right Is Trying to “Cancel” University Professors

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ASHDOD, ISRAEL - FEBRUARY 01: Some of Jewish protestors, belonged to 'Hill Youth' group, sit on the ground and in front of the trucks, trying to reach the port and block the passage of vehicles as they stage a demonstration to prevent humanitarian aid being sent to Gaza near the port in Ashdod, Israel on February 01, 2024. (Photo by Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu via Getty Images)

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The State Department Says Israel Isn’t Blocking Aid. Videos Show the Opposite.

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