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Current Perspectives in Forensic Psychology and Criminal Behavior

Curt R. Bartol
Anne M. Bartol
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This book contains a range of contemporary articles to supplement and extend students' knowledge and understanding of issues relating to Forensic Psychology.

This book provides Foundation Degree learners that are new to criminology and forensic psychology a broad overview of the topic. It is a good introductory text to the links between criminology, psychology, forensics and the law. It demonstrates how psychological research and theory contribute to the understanding of criminal behaviour. it will support modules that critically examine criminal psychology

This is one of the books that provide beginners with a through introduction to the field of psychology and law. It offers a unique overview of the filed of forensic psychology. It synthesizes a wide variety of empirical studies and in so doing provides an evidence-based view of the subject matter.

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Thirty articles—new to this edition— provide cutting-edge research in police, legal and correctional psychology, as well as the psychology of criminal behavior and victimization.
An introductory section opens the book with two articles that offer discussions of undergraduate and graduate training in forensic psychology along with a suggested list of core competences for education in the field.
Police and public safety section focuses on current controversies such as false confessions, interrogation tactics, and eyewitness identification.
Concise summaries of current research relating to violence risk assessment, child abduction, and correctional assessment and treatment are featured throughout.
Articles specifically relating to juveniles offer discussions around the teenage brain, risk taking, and treatment for juvenile offenders.
An updated victimology section includes topics of great interest to young adults such as hate crimes, intimate partner violence, and dating violence.
References have been moved to the end of each article so that readers can easily locate sources for further research.

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The book's readings are edited journal articles published after 2000, most within the past five years.
High-interest topics include false confessions, the reliability of children’s evidence, divorce and children’s adjustment, adolescent risk taking, on-line sex offenders, evaluating sex offenders, campus hate crimes, intimate partner violence, and correctional treatment.
The importance of ethnic and racial sensitivity to successful practice and research is emphasized throughout the book.
First-hand, research-based reports help readers understand the contributions of forensic psychology to civil and criminal justice.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Psychology and Crime

Introduction, foundations.

Mental Illness
Personality
Cognitive Processes
Social Processes
Psychology in Court
Risk Assessment
Treatment of Offenders
Detecting Deception
Eyewitness Testimony
Offender Profiling
Geographical Offender Profiling
Case Linkage

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Forthcoming articles expand or collapse the "forthcoming articles" section.

Education Programs in Prison
Juvenile Justice Professionals' Perceptions of Youth
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Psychology and Crime by David Canter LAST REVIEWED: 13 January 2014 LAST MODIFIED: 13 January 2014 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195396607-0114

Psychologists have studied many aspects of crime and criminality ever since modern psychology began to emerge in the late 19th century. The founding fathers of psychology taught courses on criminal psychology and considered delinquency at the time they were laying their foundations. Just about every psychological theory has been applied to the consideration of crime or its prosecution, from Freudian psychodynamics to neuropsychology, by way of learning theories and studies of memory. These theories have covered the causes of crime, psychological aspects of criminal investigations, assessment of criminals, court psychology, interventions to reduce offending and help offenders cope with prison, and victimology and the nature of criminal activity, emphasizing behavioral variations between offenses that have the same legal definition. In the last forty years the study of psychological aspects of crime and criminals has also become part of the professional discipline of forensic psychology. Thus, any review of psychology and crime now overlaps with considerations of the professional roles of psychologists in a variety of legal, investigative, correctional, and therapeutic settings. The influence of the legal context and culture as well as the local institutional frameworks, therefore, always needs to be kept in mind when considering publications on psychology and crime. For example, access to offenders in prison for research purposes is currently extremely difficult in the United States but is much easier in developing countries. Consequently, a bias results in what is actually studied depending on where the studies take place. What is considered criminal and how crime is dealt with varies considerably from one jurisdiction to another. These variations carry implications for how readily findings can be generalized or acted on in practice beyond the context in which they were established. Furthermore, many of the considerations of the psychological aspects of crime take place under the umbrella of other disciplines, notably criminology but also socio-legal studies and even jurisprudence. Writings on psychology and crime, consequently, vary in the depth of their scholarship and the validity of their arguments. This qualitative range is further extended by the enormous popular interest in crime, both in fact and in fiction, producing a plethora of opinions on criminals that have little basis in systematic research or even, often, in objective evidence. The purpose of this bibliography is to capture the major psychological publications on crime. Because of the popular interest in this topic, it is of value to refer to some of the early foundations that still haunt public debate before moving on to the rapidly growing range of currently significant research.

Major figures in late 19th century medicine, notably Havelock Ellis ( Ellis 1890 ) and Richard von Krafft-Ebing ( von Krafft-Ebing 1998 ) wrote about criminals as being abnormal in some way, treating criminality as a form of illness or an indication that the offender was less than fully human. They were greatly influenced by Darwinian theories, seeing criminals as some sort of evolutionary throwback to an early stage of human development. This view reached its most extreme form in the writings of Cesare Lombroso, particulary in Lombroso 1911 . Such views, embedded in a biological or clinincal explanation of why people become criminals is still a dominant strand in many discussions. It is also still reflected in the fact that psychological studies of crimnals are dominated by examination of bizarre criminal activity, sexual crimes, and homicide. So, although the extremes of Lomborso’s claims, which include reference to physiognomic features that he thought indicated a lower level of human evolution, have long since been discredited, the view that criminals are different from noncriminals still dominates many psychological considerations. A second, rather different strand grew out of a social science tradition that sees criminals as no different from anyone else except for their circumstances. This line of reasoning is most clearly articulated in Sutherland 1924 .

Ellis, Havelock. 1890. The Criminal . New York: Scribner & Welford.

Along with von Krafft-Ebing 1998 , holds the view of criminality as a form of illness.

Lombroso, Cesare. 1911. Crime, its causes and remedies . Translated by Henry P. Horton. London: Little, Brown.

Originally published in 1899 as Le crime; causes et remédes (Paris: Reinwald).

Sutherland, Edwin H. 1924. Criminology . Philadelphia: Lippincott.

Revised and reprinted many times. In contrast to the clinical psychology emphases, this perspective has tended to focus on more day-to-day crimes such as burglary and delinquency.

von Krafft-Ebing, Richard. 1998. Psychopathia sexualis . Translated by Franklin S. Klaf. New York: Arcade.

A seminal work, originally published in 1886.

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Biological explanations of criminal behavior

Shichun ling.

a Department of Criminology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA

Rebecca Umbach

b Department of Psychology, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA

c Behavioral Sciences Training in Drug Abuse Research, NYU Rory Meyers College of Nursing, New York, NY, USA

Adrian Raine

d Departments of Criminology, Psychiatry, and Psychology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA

There is a growing literature on biological explanations of antisocial and criminal behavior. This paper provides a selective review of three specific biological factors – psychophysiology (with the focus on blunted heart rate and skin conductance), brain mechanisms (with a focus on structural and functional aberrations of the prefrontal cortex, amygdala, and striatum), and genetics (with an emphasis on gene-environment and gene-gene interactions). Overall, understanding the role of biology in antisocial and criminal behavior may help increase the explanatory power of current research and theories, as well as inform policy and treatment options.

A growing body of literature has indicated the importance of considering neurobiological factors in the etiology of antisocial and criminal behavior. Behaviors, including criminality, are the result of complex, reciprocally influential interactions between an individual’s biology, psychology, and the social environment ( Focquaert, 2018 ). As research progresses, the misconception that biology can predetermine criminality is being rectified. Elucidating the biological underpinnings of criminal behavior and broader, related outcomes such as antisocial behavior can provide insights into relevant etiological mechanisms. This selective review discusses three biological factors that have been examined in relation to antisocial and criminal behavior: psychophysiology, brain, and genetics.

Psychophysiology, or the levels of arousal within individuals, has become an important biological explanation for antisocial and criminal behavior. Two common psychophysiological measures are heart rate and skin conductance (i.e. sweat rate). Both capture autonomic nervous system functioning; skin conductance reflects sympathetic nervous system functioning while heart rate reflects both sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous system activity. Blunted autonomic functioning has been associated with increased antisocial behavior, including violence ( Baker et al., 2009 ; Choy, Farrington, & Raine, 2015 ; Gao, Raine, Venables, Dawson, & Mednick, 2010 ; Portnoy & Farrington, 2015 ). Longitudinal studies have found low resting heart rate in adolescence to be associated with increased risk for criminality in adulthood ( Latvala, Kuja-Halkola, Almqvist, Larsson, & Lichtenstein, 2015 ; Raine, Venables, & Williams, 1990 ). However, there is likely a positive feedback loop whereby blunted autonomic functioning may lead to increased antisocial/criminal behavior, which in turn may reinforce disrupted physiological activity. For example, males and females who exhibited high rates of proactive aggression (an instrumental, predatory form of aggression elicited to obtain a goal or reward) in early adolescence were found to have poorer skin conductance fear conditioning in late adolescence ( Gao, Tuvblad, Schell, Baker, & Raine, 2015 ; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997 ).

Theories have been proposed to explain how blunted autonomic functioning could increase antisociality. The fearlessness hypothesis suggests that antisocial individuals, due to their blunted autonomic functioning, are not deterred from criminal behavior because they do not experience appropriate physiological responses to risky or stressful situations nor potential aversive consequences ( Portnoy et al., 2014 ; Raine, 2002 ). Alternatively, the sensation-seeking hypothesis suggests that blunted psychophysiology is an uncomfortable state of being, and in order to achieve homeostasis, individuals engage in antisocial behavior to raise their arousal levels ( Portnoy et al., 2014 ; Raine, 2002 ).

Another mechanism that could connect disrupted autonomic functioning to antisocial behavior is the failure to cognitively associate physiology responses with emotional states. Appropriately linking autonomic conditions to emotional states is important in socialization processes such as fear conditioning, which is thought to contribute to the development of a conscience. The somatic marker hypothesis ( Bechara & Damasio, 2005 ) suggests that ‘somatic markers’ (e.g. sweaty palms) may reflect emotional states (e.g. anxiety) that can inform decision-making processes. Impairments in autonomic functioning could lead to risky or inappropriate behavior if individuals are unable to experience or label somatic changes and connect them to relevant emotional experiences. Indeed, psychopathic individuals exhibit somatic aphasia (i.e. the inaccurate identification and recognition of one’s bodily state; Gao, Raine, & Schug, 2012 ). Moreover, blunted autonomic functioning impairs emotional intelligence, subsequently increasing psychopathic traits ( Ling, Raine, Gao, & Schug, 2018a ). Impaired autonomic functioning and reduced emotional intelligence may impede the treatment of psychopathy ( Polaschek & Skeem, 2018 ) and disrupt development of moral emotions such as shame, guilt, and empathy ( Eisenberg, 2000 ). Such moral dysfunction, a strong characteristic of psychopaths, may contribute to their disproportionate impact on the criminal justice system ( Kiehl & Hoffman, 2011 ).

While there is evidence that antisocial/criminal individuals typically exhibit abnormal psychophysiological functioning, it is important to acknowledge that there are different antisocial/criminal subtypes, and they may not share the same deficits. Whereas individuals who are high on proactive aggression may be more likely to exhibit blunted autonomic functioning, individuals who are high on reactive aggression (an affective form of aggression that is elicited as a response to perceived provocation) may be more likely to exhibit hyperactive autonomic functioning ( Hubbard, McAuliffe, Morrow, & Romano, 2010 ; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997 ). This may have implications for different types of offenders, with elevated autonomic functioning presenting in reactively aggressive individuals who engage in impulsive crimes and blunted autonomic functioning presenting in proactively aggressive offenders engaging in more premediated crimes. Similarly, psychopaths who are ‘unsuccessful’ (i.e. convicted criminal psychopaths) exhibit reduced heart rate during stress while those who are ‘successful’ (i.e. non-convicted criminal psychopaths) exhibit autonomic functioning similar to non-psychopathic controls ( Ishikawa, Raine, Lencz, Bihrle, & LaCasse, 2001 ). Despite differences among subgroups, dysfunctional autonomic functioning generally remains a reasonably well-replicated and robust correlate of antisocial and criminal behavior.

There has been increasing interest in the role of the brain in antisocial/criminal behavior. In general, research suggests that antisocial/criminal individuals tend to exhibit reduced brain volumes as well as impaired functioning and connectivity in key areas related to executive functions ( Alvarez & Emory, 2006 ; Meijers, Harte, Meynen, & Cuijpers, 2017 ; Morgan & Lilienfeld, 2000 ), emotion regulation ( Banks, Eddy, Angstadt, Nathan, & Phan, 2007 ; Eisenberg, 2000 ), decision-making ( Coutlee & Huettel, 2012 ; Yechiam et al., 2008 ), and morality ( Raine & Yang, 2006 ) while also exhibiting increased volumes and functional abnormalities in reward regions of the brain ( Glenn & Yang, 2012 ; Korponay et al., 2017 ). These prefrontal and subcortical regions that have been implicated in antisocial/criminal behavior are the selective focus of this review.

Conventional criminal behavior has typically been associated with prefrontal cortex (PFC) structural aberrations and functional impairments ( Brower & Price, 2001 ; Yang & Raine, 2009 ). The PFC is considered the seat of higher-level cognitive processes such as decision-making, attention, emotion regulation, impulse control, and moral reasoning ( Sapolsky, 2004 ). In healthy adults, larger prefrontal structures have been associated with better executive functioning ( Yuan & Raz, 2014 ). However, structural deficits and functional impairments of the PFC have been observed in antisocial and criminal individuals, suggesting that PFC aberrations may underlie some of the observed behaviors.

While many studies on brain differences related to criminal behavior have consisted of correlational analyses, lesion studies have provided some insight into causal neural mechanisms of antisocial/criminal behavior. The most well-known example of the effects of prefrontal lobe lesions is the case of Phineas Gage, who was reported to have a dramatic personality change after an iron rod was shot through his skull and damaged his left and right prefrontal cortices ( Damasio, Grabowski, Frank, Galaburda, & Damasio, 1994 ; Harlow, 1848 , 1868 ). Empirical studies suggest that prefrontal lesions acquired earlier in life disrupt moral and social development ( Anderson, Bechara, Damasio, Tranel, & Damasio, 1999 ; Taber-Thomas et al., 2014 ). A study of 17 patients who developed criminal behavior following a brain lesion documented that while these lesions were in different locations, they were all connected functionally to regions activated by moral decisionmaking ( Darby, Horn, Cushman, & Fox, 2018 ), suggesting that disruption of a neuromoral network is associated with criminality. Nevertheless, while lesion studies have implicated specific brain regions in various psychological processes such as moral development, generalizability is limited because of the heterogeneity of lesion characteristics, as well as subjects’ characteristics that may moderate the behavioral effects of the lesion.

In recent years, non-invasive neural interventions such as transcranial magnetic stimulation and transcranial electric stimulation have been used to manipulate activity within the brain to provide more direct causal evidence of the functions of specific brain regions with regard to behavior. These techniques involve subthreshold modulation of neuronal resting membrane potential ( Nitsche & Paulus, 2000 ; Woods et al., 2016 ). Using transcranial electric stimulation, upregulation of the PFC has been found to decrease criminal intentions and increase perceptions of moral wrongfulness of aggressive acts ( Choy, Raine, & Hamilton, 2018 ), providing support for the causal influence of the PFC on criminal behavior.

Importantly, there is evidence of heterogeneity within criminal subgroups. Successful psychopaths and white-collar offenders do not seem to display these prefrontal deficits ( Raine et al., 2012 ; Yang et al., 2005 ). While unsuccessful psychopaths exhibit reduced PFC gray matter volume compared to successful psychopaths and non-offender controls, there are no prefrontal gray matter volume differences between successful psychopaths and non-offender controls ( Yang et al., 2005 ). Similarly, while prefrontal volume deficits have been found in conventional criminals (i.e. blue-collar offenders), white-collar offenders do not exhibit frontal lobe reductions ( Brower & Price, 2001 ; Ling et al., 2018b ; Raine et al., 2012 ) and in fact may exhibit increased executive functioning compared to blue-collar controls ( Raine et al., 2012 ). Lastly, antisocial offenders with psychopathy exhibited reduced gray matter volumes in the prefrontal and temporal poles compared to antisocial offenders without psychopathy and non-offenders ( Gregory et al., 2012 ). It is therefore important to acknowledge that there are various types of antisocial and criminal behavior that may have different neurobiological etiologies.

The amygdala is an important brain region that has been implicated in emotional processes such as recognition of facial and auditory expressions of emotion, especially for negative emotions such as fear ( Fine & Blair, 2000 ; Murphy, Nimmo-Smith, & Lawrence, 2003 ; Sergerie, Chochol, & Armony, 2008 ). Normative amygdala functioning has been thought to be key in the development of fear conditioning ( Knight, Smith, Cheng, Stein, & Helmstetter, 2004 ; LaBar, Gatenby, Gore, LeDoux, & Phelps, 1998 ; Maren, 2001 ), and appropriate integration of the amygdala and PFC has been argued to underlie the development of morality ( Blair, 2007 ). The amygdala is thought to be involved in stimulus-reinforcement learning that associates actions that harm others with the aversive reinforcement of the victims’ distress and in recognizing threat cues that typically deter individuals from risky behavior. However, amygdala maldevelopment can lead to a diminished ability to recognize distress or threat cues; disrupting the stimulus-reinforcement learning that discourages antisocial/criminal behavior ( Blair, 2007 ; Sterzer, 2010 ). Indeed, while reduced amygdala volume in adulthood has been associated with increased aggressive and psychopathic characteristics from childhood to early adulthood, it is also associated with increased risk for future antisocial and psychopathic behavior ( Pardini, Raine, Erickson, & Loeber, 2014 ).

Although the amygdala has been implicated in criminal behavior, there may be important differences between subtypes of offenders. Whereas psychopathic antisocial individuals may be more likely to exhibit cold, calculating forms of aggression, non-psychopathic antisocial individuals may be more likely to engage in impulsive, emotionally-reactive aggression ( Glenn & Raine, 2014 ). Research suggests the former may exhibit amygdala hypoactivity and the latter, amygdala hyperactivity ( Raine, 2018a ). Indeed, violent offenders have been found to exhibit increased amygdala reactivity in response to provocations ( da Cunha-Bang et al., 2017 ). Spousal abusers have also been found to exhibit increased amygdala activation when responding to aggressive words compared to nonabusers ( Lee, Chan, & Raine, 2008 ). In a community sample of healthy adults, psychopathy scores were negatively related to amygdala reactivity while antisocial personality disorder scores were positively associated with amygdala reactivity after adjusting for overlapping variance between psychopathy and antisocial personality disorder ( Hyde, Byrd, Votruba-Brzal, Hariri, & Manuck, 2014 ). Nevertheless, more research is needed to determine whether the presence of callous-unemotional traits (e.g. lack of guilt; Lozier, Cardinale, VanMeter, & Marsh, 2014 ; Viding et al., 2012 ) or severity of antisocial behavioral traits ( Dotterer, Hyde, Swartz, Hariri, & Williamson, 2017 ; Hyde et al., 2016 ) are most relevant to the observed amygdala hypo-reactivity.

The striatum has recently garnered more attention as a region that could be implicated in the etiology of criminal behavior because of its involvement in reward and emotional processing ( Davidson & Irwin, 1999 ; Glenn & Yang, 2012 ). Dysfunction in the striatum has been hypothesized to be a neural mechanism that underlies the impulsive/antisocial behavior of criminals. Indeed, individuals with higher impulsive/antisocial personality traits have been found to exhibit increased activity in the striatum ( Bjork, Chen, & Hommer, 2012 ; Buckholtz et al., 2010 ; Geurts et al., 2016 ). Psychopathic individuals, compared to non-psychopathic individuals, demonstrate a 9.6% increase in striatal volumes ( Glenn, Raine, Yaralian, & Yang, 2010 ). Moreover, striatal enlargement and abnormal functional connectivity of the striatum has specifically been associated with the impulsive/antisocial dimension of psychopathy ( Korponay et al., 2017 ), suggesting this dimension of psychopathy is related to reward processes ( Hare, 2017 ).

While much of the literature on striatal abnormalities in antisocial individuals has focused on psychopathic individuals, there is some evidence that offenders in general exhibit striatal abnormalities. Increased volume ( Schiffer et al., 2011 ) and increased reactivity to provocations ( da Cunha-Bang et al., 2017 ) have both been found in violent offenders as compared to non-offendersMoreover, weak cortico-striatal connectivity has been associated with increased frequency of criminal convictions ( Hosking et al., 2017 ). In contrast, one study found reduced striatal activity to be associated with antisocial behavior ( Murray, Shaw, Forbes, & Hyde, 2017 ). While more research is needed, current literature suggests that striatal deviations are linked to criminal behavior. One important consideration for future studies is to determine a consistent operationalization for the striatum, as some studies examine the dorsal striatum (i.e. putamen and caudate; Yang et al., 2015 ), others assess the corpus striatum (i.e. putamen, caudate, and globus pallidus; Glenn et al., 2010 ), and still others analyze the role of the ventral striatum (i.e. nucleus accumbens and olfactory tubercle; Glenn & Yang, 2012 ) in relation to antisocial/criminal behavior.

Abnormalities in brain regions other than the PFC, amygdala, and striatum are also associated with antisocial behavior. The neuromoral theory of antisocial behavior, first proposed by Raine and Yang (2006) , argued that the diverse brain regions impaired in offenders overlap significantly with brain regions involved in moral decision-making. A recent update of this theory ( Raine, 2018b ) argues that key areas implicated in both moral decision-making and the spectrum of antisocial behaviors include frontopolar, medial, and ventral PFC regions, and the anterior cingulate, amygdala, insula, superior temporal gyrus, and angular gyrus/temporoparietal junction. It was further hypothesized that different manifestations of antisocial behavior exist on a spectrum of neuromoral dysfunction, with primary psychopathy, proactive aggression, and life-course persistent offending being more affected, and secondary psychopathy, reactive aggression, and crimes involving drugs relatively less affected. Whether the striatum is part of the neural circuit involved in moral decision-making is currently unclear, making its inclusion in the neuromoral model debatable. Despite limitations, the neuromoral model provides a way of understanding how impairments to different brain regions can converge on one concept – impaired morality – that is a common core to many different forms of antisocial behaviors.

One implication of the model is that significant impairment to the neuromoral circuit could constitute diminished criminal responsibility. Given the importance of a fully developed emotional moral capacity for lawful behavior, moral responsibility would appear to require intactness of neuromoral circuity. To argue that the brain basis to moral thinking and feeling are compromised in an offender comes dangerously close to challenging moral responsibility, a concept which in itself may be just a short step removed from criminal responsibility.

There is increasing evidence fora genetic basis of antisocial/criminal behavior. Behavioral genetic studies of twins and adoptees have been advantageous because such designs can differentiate the effects of genetics and environment within the context of explaining variance within a population ( Glenn & Raine, 2014 ). Additionally, a variety of psychological and psychiatric constructs associated with antisociality/criminality, such as intelligence, personality, and mental health disorders, have been found to be heritable ( Baker, Bezdjian, & Raine, 2006 ). While individual study estimates vary, meta-analyses have suggested the level of heritability of antisocial behavior is approximately 40–60% ( Raine, 2013 ). Shared environmental factors have been estimated to explain approximately 11–14% of the variance in antisocial/criminal behavior and non-shared environmental influences approximately 31–37% ( Ferguson, 2010 ; Gard, Dotterer, & Hyde, 2019 ). However, the heritability of antisocial/criminal behaviors vary in part based upon the specific behaviors examined ( Burt, 2009 ; Gard et al., 2019 ).

Inspired by prominent theories of the neurobiology of aggression, there have been several candidate genes implicated in the serotonergic and catecholaminergic neurobiological systems that have been examined in relation to antisocial/criminal behavior ( Tiihonen et al., 2015 ). However, a meta-analysis of genetic variants related to antisocial/criminal behavior yielded null results at the 5% significance level ( Vassos, Collier, & Fazel, 2014 ). Nevertheless, genes do not operate in isolation, thus it is important to consider the context in which genes are activated.

Gene-environment (G x E) interactions have garnered increasing attention over the years, as these can increase risk for antisocial behavior and/or produce epigenetic changes within individuals. Longitudinal studies and meta-analyses have documented the moderating effect of the monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) gene on the relationship between maltreatment and antisocial behaviors, with the maltreatment-antisocial behavior relationship being stronger for individuals with low MAOA than high MAOA ( Byrd & Manuck, 2014 ; Caspi et al., 2002 ; Fergusson, Boden, & Horwood, 2011 ; Kim-Cohen et al.,2006 ). Similarly, in a large study of African-American females, having the A1 allele of the DRD2 gene or a criminal father did not individually predict antisocial outcomes, but having both factors increased risk for serious delinquency, violent delinquency, and police contacts ( Delisi, Beaver, Vaughn, & Wright, 2009 ). This type of G x E interaction reflects how genotypes can influence individuals’ sensitivity to environmental stressors. However, there may be important subgroup differences to consider when examining genetic risk for criminal behavior. For example, low-MAOA has been associated with higher risk for violent crime in incarcerated Caucasian offenders but not incarcerated non-Caucasian offenders ( Stetler et al., 2014 ). Additionally, high-MAOA may protect abused and neglected Caucasians from increased risk of becoming violent or antisocial, but this buffering effect was not found for abused and neglected non-Caucasians ( Widom & Brzustowicz, 2006 ). Thus, while the MAOA gene has been associated with antisocial/criminal behavior, there are still nuances of this relationship that should be considered ( Goldman & Rosser, 2014 ).

Another way in which G x E interactions manifest themselves is when environmental stressors result in epigenetic changes, thus becoming embedded in biology that result in long-term symptomatic consequences. For example, females exposed to childhood sex abuse have exhibited alterations in the methylation of the 5HTT promoter region, which in turn has been linked to subsequent antisocial personality disorder symptoms ( Beach, Brody, Todorov, Gunter, & Philibert, 2011 ). There has been a growing body of work on such epigenetic mechanisms involved in the biological embedding of early life stressors and transgenerational trauma ( Kellermann, 2013 ; Provencal & Binder, 2015 ). Thus, just as biological mechanisms can influence environmental responses, environmental stressors can affect biological expressions.

While genes may interact with the environment to produce antisocial/criminal outcomes, they can also interact with other genes. There is evidence that dopamine genes DRD2 and DRD4 may interact to increase criminogenic risk ( Beaver et al., 2007 ; Boutwell et al., 2014 ). The effect of the 7-repeat allele DRD4 is strengthened in the presence of the A1 allele of DRD2, and has been associated with increased odds of committing major theft, burglary, gang fighting, and conduct disorder ( Beaver et al., 2007 ; Boutwell et al., 2014 ). However, there is some evidence that DRD2 and DRD4 do not significantly affect delinquency abstention for females ( Boutwell & Beaver, 2008 ). Thus there may be demographic differences that moderate the effect of genetic interactions on various antisocial outcomes ( Dick, Adkins, & Kuo, 2016 ; Ficks & Waldman, 2014 ; Rhee & Waldman, 2002 ; Salvatore & Dick, 2018 ), and such differences warrant further research.

Importantly, biological correlates of antisocial and criminal behavior are inextricably linked in dynamical systems, in which certain processes influence others through feedback loops. While a detailed summary is beyond the scope of this review, some interactions between biological mechanisms are briefly illustrated here. Within the brain, the PFC and amygdala have reciprocal connections, with the PFC often conceptualized as monitoring and regulating amygdala activity ( Gillespie, Brzozowski, & Mitchell, 2018 ). Disruption of PFC-amygdala connectivity has been linked to increased antisocial/criminal behavior, typically thought to be due to the impaired top-down regulation of amygdala functioning by the PFC. Similarly, the brain and autonomic functioning are linked ( Critchley, 2005 ; Wager et al., 2009 ); output from the brain can generate changes in autonomic functioning by affecting the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, but autonomic functions also provide input to the brain that is essential for influencing behavioral judgments and maintaining coordinated regulation of bodily functions ( Critchley, 2005 ). While not comprehensive, these examples illustrate that biological systems work together to produce behavior.

While biological processes can contribute to antisocial/criminal behavior, these do not guarantee negative outcomes. Considering that many of the aforementioned biological risk factors are significantly influenced by social environment, interventions in multiple spheres may help mitigate biological risks for antisocial behavior.

With regard to psychophysiological correlates of antisocial behavior, research suggests differential profiles of arousal impairment depending on the type of antisocial behavior ( Hubbard et al., 2010 ; Vitiello & Stoff, 1997 ). Treatments designed to address the issues associated with psychophysiological differences are typically behavioral in nature, targeted at associated symptoms. Studies of mindfulness have suggested its utility in improving autonomic functioning ( Delgado-Pastor, Perakakis, Subramanya, Telles, & Vila, 2013 ) and emotion regulation ( Umbach, Raine, & Leonard, 2018 ), which may better help individuals with reactive aggression and hyperarousal. Hypo-arousal has been associated with impaired emotional intelligence ( Ling et al., 2018a ), but emotional intelligence training programs have shown some promise in reducing aggression and increasing empathy among adolescents and increasing emotional intelligence among adults ( Castillo, Salguero, Fernandez-Berrocal, & Balluerka, 2013 ; Hodzic, Scharfen, Ropoll, Holling, & Zenasni, 2018 ), and in reducing recidivism ( Megreya, 2015 ; Sharma, Prakash, Sengar, Chaudhury, & Singh, 2015 ).

Regarding healthy neurodevelopment, research has supported a number of areas to target. Poor nutrition, both in utero and in early childhood, have been associated with negative and criminal outcomes ( Neugebauer, Hoek, & Susser, 1999 ). Deficits of omega-3 fatty acids have been linked with impaired neurocognition and externalizing behavior ( Liu & Raine, 2006 ; McNamara & Carlson, 2006 ). The opposite relationship is also supported; increased intake of omega-3 fatty acids has been associated with a variety of positive physical and mental health outcomes ( Ruxton, Reed, Simpson, & Millington, 2004 ), increased brain volume in regions related to memory and emotion regulation ( Conklin et al.,2007 ), and reduction in behavioral problems in children ( Raine, Portnoy, Liu, Mahoomed, & Hibbeln, 2015 ). Studies examining the effect of nutritional supplements have suggested that reducing the amount of sugar consumed by offenders can significantly reduce offending during incarceration ( Gesch, Hammond, Hampson, Eves, & Crowder, 2002 ; Schoenthaler, 1983 ). Thus, nutritional programs show some promise in reducing antisocial and criminal behavior.

A healthy social environment is also crucial for normative brain development and function. Early adversity and childhood maltreatment have been identified as significant risk factors for both neurobiological and behavioral problems ( Mehta et al., 2009 ; Teicher et al., 2003 ; Tottenham et al., 2011 ). A review of maltreatment prevention programs supports the efficacy of nurse-family partnerships and programs that integrate early preschool with parent resources in reducing childhood maltreatment ( Reynolds, Mathieson, & Topitzes, 2009 ). Promoting healthy brain development in utero and in crucial neurodevelopmental periods is likely to reduce externalizing behaviors, as well as other psychopathology.

Knowing that the social context could help to buffer biological risks is promising because it suggests that changing an individual’s environment could mitigate biological criminogenic risk. Rather than providing a reductionist and deterministic perspective of the etiology of criminal behavior, incorporating biological factors in explanations of antisocial/criminal behaviors can highlight the plasticity of the human genome ( Walsh & Yun, 2014 ). They can also provide a more holistic understanding of the etiologies of such behavior. For example, sex differences in heart rate have been found to partially explain the gender gap in crime ( Choy, Raine, Venables, & Farrington, 2017 ). Social interventions that aim to provide an enriched environment can be beneficial for all, but may be particularly important for individuals at higher biological risk for antisocial behavior. While biological explanations of antisocial and criminal behavior are growing, they are best thought of as complementary to current research and theories, and a potential new avenue to target with treatment options.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

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Psychology Research Guide

Forensic psychology.

According to the American Board of Forensic Psychology This link opens in a new window (ABFP), "Forensic Psychology is the application of the science and profession of psychology to questions and issues relating to law and the legal system. The word “forensic” comes from the Latin word 'forensis,' meaning 'of the forum,' where the law courts of ancient Rome were held. Today forensic refers to the application of scientific principles and practices to the adversary process where scientists with specialized knowledge play a role." Areas of forensic psychology include criminal justice, correctional psychology, forensic evaluation, expert testimony, eyewitness testimony, competence to testify, and other legal applications of psychology.

What is Forensic Psychology? This link opens in a new window
Forensic Psychology - Sage Video This link opens in a new window
Forensic Psychology Research Topics This link opens in a new window List of forensic psychology topics with links to overviews for each. Includes criminal competencies, criminal responsibility, death penalty, eyewitness memory, forensic assessment, juvenile offenders, etc.

Forensic Psychology Databases

Research in forensic psychology utilizes psychology databases as well as resources in Criminal Justice, Justice Studies, Law, and Sociology. You may find it helpful to search the following databases for your forensic psychology topics or research questions, in addition to the core Psychology resources listed on the home page of this guide.

This resource contains full-text articles and reports from journals and magazines.

HeinOnline Legal Databases This link opens in a new window Core collection of current and historical law and law-related periodicals, classic books and reports. Includes government and political documents, such as World Constitutions, US Congressional Documents, the Federal Register and much more. Includes the HeinOnline Slavery in America and the World Collection (found within the UNC Press Law collection).

This resource contains newspaper articles.

Forensic Psychology Subject Headings

You may find it helpful to take advantage of predefined subjects or subject headings in Shapiro Databases. These subjects are applied to articles and books by expert catalogers to help you find materials on your topic.

Learn more about Subject Searching

Consider using databases to perform subject searches, or incorporating words from applicable subjects into your keyword searches. Here are some forensic psychology subjects to consider:

correctional psychology
criminal behavior
expert testimony
eyewitness testimony
forensic assessment
forensic evaluation
institutionalization
psychological autopsy

Forensic Psychology Organization Websites

American Academy of Forensic Psychology This link opens in a new window A non-profit organization of board certified forensic psychologists whose mission is to contribute to the development and maintenance of forensic psychology as a specialized field of study, research and practice by providing continuing education workshops, a forum for the exchange of scientific information among its members, and conferring awards upon outstanding students and practitioners in the field of forensic psychology.
American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law (AAPL) This link opens in a new window American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law. AAPL (pronounced "apple") is an organization of psychiatrists dedicated to excellence in practice, teaching, and research in forensic psychiatry. Founded in 1969, AAPL currently has over 2,000 members in North America and around the world.
American Board of Forensic Psychology This link opens in a new window As in many professions, Specialty Board Certification in Forensic Psychology signifies that an individual has met the established standards for the profession as maintained and protected by an organization that the field recognizes for that role. The organization entrusted with that role regarding board certification in Forensic Psychology is the American Board of Professional Psychology (ABPP), which attests that the certified professional possesses a high level of professional competence in the specialty area.
UVA Institute of Law, Psychiatry, & Public Policy This link opens in a new window The Institute of Law, Psychiatry and Public Policy at the University of Virginia is an interdisciplinary program in mental health law, forensic psychiatry, forensic psychology, forensic neuropsychology and forensic social work. Institute activities include academic programs, forensic clinical evaluations, professional training, empirical and theoretical research, and public policy consultation and review.
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Forensic psychology research topics.

Criminal Competencies Research Topics

Adjudicative Competence of Youth Capacity to Waive Rights Capacity to Waive Miranda Rights Checklist for Competency for Execution Evaluations Competence Assessment for Standing Trial for Defendants With Mental Retardation (CAST*MR) Competency, Foundational and Decisional Competency Restoration Competency Assessment Instrument (CAI) Competency for Execution Competency Screening Test (CST) Competency to Be Sentenced Competency to Confess Competency to Stand Trial Competency to Waive Appeals Competency to Waive Counsel (Proceed Pro Se) Delusions Evaluation of Competence to Stand Trial–Revised (ECST–R) Fitness Interview Test–Revised (FIT–R) Georgia Court Competence Test (GCCT) Grisso’s Instruments for Assessing Understanding and Appreciation of Miranda Rights Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scales Hallucinations Interdisciplinary Fitness Interview (IFI) MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Criminal Adjudication (MacCAT–CA) Psychotic Disorders

Criminal Responsibility Research Topics

Evaluation of Aggravating and Mitigating Circumstances in Capital Cases American Bar Association Resolution on Mental Disability and the Death Penalty Automatism Battered Woman Syndrome Battered Woman Syndrome Testimony Criminal Responsibility Assessment Criminal Responsibility Defenses and Standards Delusions Diminished Capacity Dissociative Identity Disorder Extreme Emotional Disturbance Guilty but Mentally Ill Verdict Hallucinations Insanity Defense Reform Act (IDRA) Mens Rea and Actus Reus Mental Illness and the Death Penalty Mental Retardation and the Death Penalty M’Naghten Standard Psychotic Disorders Rogers Criminal Responsibility Assessment Scales (R–CRAS)

Death Penalty Research Topics

Evaluation of Aggravating and Mitigating Circumstances in Capital Cases Aggravating and Mitigating Circumstances Effects of on Jurors in Capital Trials American Bar Association Resolution on Mental Disability and the Death Penalty Capital Mitigation Checklist for Competency for Execution Evaluations Competency for Execution Death Penalty Death Qualification of Juries Jury Understanding of Judges’ Instructions in Capital Cases Juvenile Death Penalty Mental Illness and the Death Penalty Mental Retardation and the Death Penalty Moral Disengagement and Execution Religion and the Death Penalty Victim Impact Statements

Divorce and Child Custody Research Topics

Ackerman-Schoendorf Parent Evaluation of Custody Test (ASPECT) Adult Attachment Interview (AAI) Child Abuse Potential (CAP) Inventory Child Custody Evaluations Child Maltreatment Child Sexual Abuse Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) Divorce and Child Custody Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI) Parenting Satisfaction Scale (PSS) Parenting Stress Index (PSI) Tender Years Doctrine Termination of Parental Rights Uniform Child Custody Evaluation System (UCCES)

Education and Professional Development Research Topics

Diplomates in Forensic Psychology Doctoral Programs in Forensic Psychology Ethical Guidelines and Principles Master’s Programs in Forensic Psychology Postdoctoral Residencies in Forensic Psychology Trial Consultant Training

Eyewitness Memory Research Topics

Alcohol Intoxication Impact on Eyewitness Memory Appearance-Change Instruction in Lineups Clothing Bias in Identification Procedures Cognitive Interview Computer-Assisted Lineups Confidence in Identifications Confidence in Identifications Malleability Conformity in Eyewitness Reports Cross-Race Effect in Eyewitness Identification Double-Blind Lineups Elderly Eyewitnesses Estimator and System Variables in Eyewitness Identification Expert Psychological Testimony on Eyewitness Identification Accuracy of Eyewitness Descriptions Eyewitness Identification: Effect of Disguises and Appearance Changes Eyewitness Identification: Field Studies Eyewitness Identification: General Acceptance in the Scientific Community Eyewitness Memory Lay Beliefs About Eyewitness Memory Facial Composites False Memories Forced Confabulation Hypnosis and Eyewitness Memory Best Practices in Identification Tests Instructions to the Witness Juries and Eyewitnesses Lineup Fillers Lineup Size and Bias Motions to Suppress Eyewitness Identification Mug Shots Neil v. Biggers Criteria for Evaluating Eyewitness Identification Optimality Hypothesis in Eyewitness Identification Police Eyewitnesses Popout Effect in Eyewitness Identification Postevent Information and Eyewitness Memory Presence of Counsel Safeguard and Eyewitness Identification Reconstructive Memory Repeated Recall Repressed and Recovered Memories Response Latency in Eyewitness Identification Retention Interval and Eyewitness Memory Showups Simultaneous and Sequential Lineup Presentations Source Monitoring and Eyewitness Memory Stress and Eyewitness Memory Training of Eyewitnesses Unconscious Transference Verbal Overshadowing Voice Recognition Weapon Focus Effect

Forensic Assessment Research Topics

Ackerman-Schoendorf Parent Evaluation of Custody Test (ASPECT) Adjudicative Competence of Youth Adult Attachment Interview (AAI) Evaluation of Aggravating and Mitigating Circumstances in Capital Cases American Bar Association Resolution on Mental Disability and the Death Penalty Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) Antisocial Personality Disorder Automatism Battered Woman Syndrome Capacity to Consent to Treatment Instrument (CCTI) Capacity to Waive Miranda Rights Capacity to Waive Rights Checklist for Competency for Execution Evaluations Child Abuse Potential (CAP) Inventory Child Custody Evaluations Child Maltreatment Child Sexual Abuse Civil Commitment Classification of Violence Risk (COVR) Competence Assessment for Standing Trial for Defendants With Mental Retardation (CAST*MR) Competency Foundational and Decisional Competency Restoration Competency Assessment Instrument (CAI) Competency for Execution Competency Screening Test (CST) Competency to Be Sentenced Competency to Confess Competency to Stand Trial Competency to Waive Appeals Competency to Waive Counsel (Proceed Pro Se) Conduct Disorder Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) Consent to Clinical Research Criminal Responsibility Assessment Criminal Responsibility, Defenses and Standards Danger Assessment Instrument (DA) Delusions Diminished Capacity Assessment of Disability and Workers’ Compensation Claims Disparate Treatment and Disparate Impact Evaluations Dissociative Identity Disorder Divorce and Child Custody Domestic Violence Screening Instrument (DVSI) Ethical Guidelines and Principles Ethnic Differences in Psychopathy Evaluation of Competence to Stand Trial–Revised (ECST–R) Extreme Emotional Disturbance Financial Capacity Financial Capacity Instrument (FCI) Fitness-for-Duty Evaluations Fitness Interview Test–Revised (FIT–R) Forensic Assessment Georgia Court Competence Test (GCCT) Grisso’s Instruments for Assessing Understanding and Appreciation of Miranda Rights Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scales Guilty but Mentally Ill Verdict Hallucinations Hare Psychopathy Checklist–Revised (2nd edition) (PCL–R) Hare Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version (PCL:SV) Hare Psychopathy Checklist: Youth Version (PCL:YV) HCR–20 for Violence Risk Assessment Hopkins Competency Assessment Test (HCAT) Insanity Defense Reform Act (IDRA) Interdisciplinary Fitness Interview (IFI) Jail Screening Assessment Tool (JSAT) Litigation Stress MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Criminal Adjudication (MacCAT–CA) MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Treatment (MacCAT–T) MacArthur Violence Risk Assessment Study Malingering Probability Scale Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument–Version 2 (MAYSI–2) Mens Rea and Actus Reus Mental Illness and the Death Penalty Mental Retardation and the Death Penalty Mild Traumatic Brain Injury Assessment Miller Forensic Assessment of Symptoms Test (M–FAST) Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–III (MCMI–III) Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory–2 (MMPI–2) Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory–2 (MMPI–2) Validity Scales Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool–Revised (MnSOST–R) M’Naghten Standard Mood Disorders Novaco Anger Scale Parens Patriae Doctrine Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI) Parenting Satisfaction Scale (PSS) Parenting Stress Index (PSI) Pedophilia Personal Injury and Emotional Distress Personality Disorders Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Presentence Evaluations Psychological Autopsies Psychological Inventory of Criminal Thinking Styles Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI) Psychopathy Psychopathy Treatment Psychotic Disorders Rapid Risk Assessment for Sexual Offense Recidivism (RRASOR) Return-to-Work Evaluations Risk Assessment Approaches Risk-Sophistication-Treatment Inventory (RSTI) Rogers Criminal Responsibility Assessment Scales (R–CRAS) Sex Offender Assessment Sex Offender Civil Commitment Sex Offender Needs Assessment Rating (SONAR) Sex Offender Recidivism Sex Offender Risk Appraisal Guide (SORAG) Sexual Harassment Sexual Violence Risk–20 (SVR–20) Short-Term Assessment of Risk and Treatability (START) Spousal Assault Risk Assessment (SARA) STABLE–2007 and ACUTE–2007 Instruments STATIC–99 and STATIC–2002 Instruments Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth (SAVRY) Structured Interview of Reported Symptoms (SIRS) Substance Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence Substance Use Disorder Suicide Assessment and Prevention in Prisons Suicide Assessment Manual for Inmates (SAMI) Testamentary Capacity Test of Memory Malingering (TOMM) Uniform Child Custody Evaluation System (UCCES) Validity Indicator Profile (VIP) Violence Risk Appraisal Guide (VRAG) Violence Risk Assessment Waiver to Criminal Court

Juvenile Offenders Research Topics

Adjudicative Competence of Youth Capacity to Waive Miranda Rights Juvenile Offenders Juvenile Offenders Risk Factors Juvenile Psychopathy Juvenile Death Penalty Legal Socialization Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument–Version 2 (MAYSI–2) Mental Health Needs of Juvenile Offenders Risk-Sophistication-Treatment Inventory (RSTI) Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth (SAVRY) Victim-Offender Mediation Waiver to Criminal Court

Mental Health Law Research Topics

Capacity to Consent to Treatment Civil Commitment Consent to Clinical Research End-of-Life Issues Forcible Medication Guardianship Institutionalization and Deinstitutionalization Mandated Community Treatment Mental Health Courts Mental Health Law Mental Health Needs of Juvenile Offenders Involuntary Outpatient Commitment Patient’s Rights Proxy Decision Making Psychiatric Advance Directives Substance Abuse Treatment Therapeutic Jurisprudence

Psychological Assessment Instruments Research Topics

Ackerman-Schoendorf Parent Evaluation of Custody Test (ASPECT) Adult Attachment Interview (AAI) Capacity to Consent to Treatment Instrument (CCTI) Checklist for Competency for Execution Evaluations Child Abuse Potential (CAP) Inventory Classification of Violence Risk (COVR) Competency Assessment Instrument (CAI) Competency Screening Test (CST) Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) Danger Assessment Instrument (DA) Domestic Violence Screening Instrument (DVSI) Evaluation of Competence to Stand Trial–Revised (ECST–R) Financial Capacity Instrument (FCI) Fitness Interview Test–Revised (FIT–R) Georgia Court Competence Test (GCCT) Grisso’s Instruments for Assessing Understanding and Appreciation of Miranda Rights Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scales Hare Psychopathy Checklist–Revised (2nd edition) (PCL–R) Hare Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version (PCL:SV) Hare Psychopathy Checklist: Youth Version (PCL:YV) HCR–20 for Violence Risk Assessment Hopkins Competency Assessment Test (HCAT) Interdisciplinary Fitness Interview (IFI) Jail Screening Assessment Tool (JSAT) MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Clinical Research (MacCAT–CR) MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Criminal Adjudication (MacCAT–CA) MacArthur Competence Assessment Tool for Treatment (MacCat–T) Malingering Probability Scale Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument–Version 2 (MAYSI–2) Miller Forensic Assessment of Symptoms Test (M–FAST) Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–III (MCMI–III) Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory–2 (MMPI–2) Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory–2 (MMPI–2) Validity Scales Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool–Revised (MnSOST–R) Novaco Anger Scale Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI) Parenting Satisfaction Scale (PSS) Parenting Stress Index (PSI) Psychological Inventory of Criminal Thinking Styles Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI) Rapid Risk Assessment for Sexual Offense Recidivism (RRASOR) Risk-Sophistication-Treatment Inventory (RSTI) Rogers Criminal Responsibility Assessment Scales (R–CRAS) Sex Offender Needs Assessment Rating (SONAR) Sex Offender Risk Appraisal Guide (SORAG) Sexual Violence Risk–20 (SVR–20) Short-Term Assessment of Risk and Treatability (START) Spousal Assault Risk Assessment (SARA) STABLE–2007 and ACUTE–2007 Instruments STATIC–99 and STATIC–2002 Instruments Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth (SAVRY) Structured Interview of Reported Symptoms (SIRS) Suicide Assessment Manual for Inmates (SAMI) Test of Memory Malingering (TOMM) Uniform Child Custody Evaluation System (UCCES) Validity Indicator Profile (VIP) Violence Risk Appraisal Guide (VRAG)

Psychology of Crime Research Topics

AMBER Alert System Battered Woman Syndrome Battered Woman Syndrome, Testimony on Bias Crimes Child Abuse Potential (CAP) Inventory Child Maltreatment Child Sexual Abuse Classification of Violence Risk (COVR) Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) Criminal Behavior, Theories of Criminal Responsibility, Assessment of Criminal Responsibility, Defenses and Standards Cybercrime Domestic Violence Screening Instrument (DVSI) Elder Abuse Elderly Defendants Homicide, Psychology of Intimate Partner Violence MacArthur Violence Risk Assessment Study Media Violence and Behavior Obscenity Pedophilia Pornography, Effects of Exposure to Psychological Autopsies Public Opinion About Crime Serial Killers Sex Offender Civil Commitment Sex Offender Community Notification (Megan’s Laws) Sex Offender Treatment Sex Offender Typologies Stalking Substance Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence Suicide by Cop Terrorism Therapeutic Communities for Treatment of Substance Abuse Treatment and Release of Insanity Acquittees Victim-Offender Mediation With Juvenile Offenders

Psychology of Policing Research Topics

Behavior Analysis Interview Competency to Confess Confession Evidence Crisis and Hostage Negotiation Critical Incidents Detection of Deception: Cognitive Load Detection of Deception: Event-Related Potentials Detection of Deception: Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) Detection of Deception: Nonverbal Cues Detection of Deception: Reality Monitoring Detection of Deception: Use of Evidence in Detection of Deception by Detection “Wizards” Detection of Deception in Adults Detection of Deception in Children Detection of Deception in High-Stakes Liars False Confessions Fitness-for-Duty Evaluations Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scales Interrogation of Suspects Police as Eyewitnesses Police Decision Making Police Decision Making and Domestic Violence Police Interaction With Mentally Ill Individuals Police Occupational Socialization Police Psychologists Police Psychology Police Selection Police Stress Police Training and Evaluation Police Use of Force Polygraph and Polygraph Techniques Profiling Public Opinion About the Polygraph Reid Technique for Interrogations Return-to-Work Evaluations Statement Validity Assessment (SVA) Suicide by Cop Videotaping Confessions

Sentencing and Incarceration Research Topics

Community Corrections Competency to Be Sentenced Conditional Release Programs Death Penalty Domestic Violence Courts Drug Courts Juvenile Boot Camps Parole Decisions Presentence Evaluations Prison Overcrowding Probation Decisions Public Opinion About Sentencing and Incarceration Sentencing Decisions Sentencing Diversion Programs Stanford Prison Experiment Substance Abuse Treatment Suicide Assessment and Prevention in Prisons Suicide Assessment Manual for Inmates (SAMI) Supermax Prisons Therapeutic Communities for Treatment of Substance Abuse Treatment and Release of Insanity Acquittees

Symptoms and Disorders Research Topics

Antisocial Personality Disorder Automatism Battered Woman Syndrome Child Maltreatment Child Sexual Abuse Conduct Disorder Delusions Dissociative Identity Disorder Hallucinations Malingering Mild Traumatic Brain Injury, Assessment of Mood Disorders Pedophilia Personality Disorders Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Psychopathy Psychotic Disorders Substance Use Disorders

Trial Processes Research Topics

Aggravating and Mitigating Circumstances in Capital Trials, Effects on Jurors Alibi Witnesses Alternative Dispute Resolution Amicus Curiae Briefs Bail-Setting Decisions Battered Woman Syndrome, Testimony on Chicago Jury Project Children’s Testimony Children’s Testimony, Evaluation by Juries Complex Evidence in Litigation Confession Evidence CSI Effect Damage Awards Death Qualification of Juries Domestic Violence Courts Drug Courts “Dynamite Charge” Elderly Defendants Expert Psychological Testimony Expert Psychological Testimony, Admissibility Standards Expert Psychological Testimony, Forms of Expert Psychological Testimony on Eyewitness Identification Expert Testimony, Qualifications of Experts Fingerprint Evidence, Evaluation of Hearsay Testimony Inadmissible Evidence, Impact on Juries Insanity Defense, Juries and Judges’ Nonverbal Behavior Juries and Eyewitnesses Juries and Joined Trials Juries and Judges’ Instructions Jury Administration Reforms Jury Competence Jury Decisions Versus Judges’ Decisions Jury Deliberation Jury Nullification Jury Questionnaires Jury Reforms Jury Selection Jury Size and Decision Rule Jury Understanding of Judges’ Instructions in Capital Cases Legal Authoritarianism Legal Negotiation Legal Socialization Leniency Bias Litigation Stress Mental Health Courts Parole Decisions Plea Bargaining Pretrial Publicity, Impact on Juries Probation Decisions Procedural Justice Prosecutorial Misconduct Public Opinion About Crime Public Opinion About the Courts Public Opinion About the Polygraph Race, Impact on Juries Racial Bias and the Death Penalty Religion and the Death Penalty Scientific Jury Selection Sexual Harassment, Jury Evaluation of Statistical Information, Impact on Juries “Stealing Thunder” Story Model for Juror Decision Making Translated Testimony Trial Consulting U.S. Supreme Court Victim Impact Statements Voir Dire Witness Preparation Wrongful Conviction

Victim Reactions to Crime Research Topics

Battered Woman Syndrome Child Maltreatment Child Sexual Abuse Coping Strategies of Adult Sexual Assault Victims Danger Assessment Instrument (DA) Elder Abuse Intimate Partner Violence Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Rape Trauma Syndrome Reporting Crimes and Victimization Sexual Harassment Stalking Victimization Victim-Offender Mediation With Juvenile Offenders Victim Participation in the Criminal Justice System

Violence Risk Assessment Research Topics

Classification of Violence Risk (COVR) Danger Assessment Instrument (DA) Domestic Violence Screening Instrument (DVSI) Hare Psychopathy Checklist–Revised (2nd edition) (PCL–R) Hare Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version (PCL:SV) Hare Psychopathy Checklist: Youth Version (PCL:YV) HCR–20 for Violence Risk Assessment Jail Screening Assessment Tool (JSAT) MacArthur Violence Risk Assessment Study Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument–Version 2 (MAYSI–2) Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool–Revised (MnSOST–R) Novaco Anger Scale Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI) Psychopathy Psychopathy, Treatment of Rapid Risk Assessment for Sexual Offense Recidivism (RRASOR) Risk Assessment Approaches Sex Offender Assessment Sex Offender Civil Commitment Sex Offender Needs Assessment Rating (SONAR) Sex Offender Recidivism Sex Offender Risk Appraisal Guide (SORAG) Sexual Violence Risk–20 (SVR–20) Short-Term Assessment of Risk and Treatability (START) Spousal Assault Risk Assessment (SARA) STABLE–2007 and ACUTE–2007 Instruments STATIC–99 and STATIC–2002 Instruments Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth (SAVRY) Substance Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence Substance Use Disorders Violence Risk Appraisal Guide (VRAG) Violence Risk Assessment

Psychology and law play a significant role in postgraduate education and professional development. Forensic psychology courses are increasingly common in undergraduate psychology programs, and many such offerings are filled to capacity with undergraduate students weaned on justice- and crime-themed media and literature. Attracted by the compelling application of psychology to real-world criminal investigations and trials, undergraduate students frequently volunteer as research assistants in forensic psychology laboratories. Master’s and doctoral programs focusing on various aspects of forensic psychology have been developed and provide the research and service industries with additional intellectual capital. Postdoctoral training and professional certification options in forensic psychology support the development of a profession that is uniquely qualified to address mental health issues in a wide variety of legal contexts.

Forensic Research Psychologist

A forensic psychology researcher may serve in a number of capacities, from practitioners to consultants to researchers and educators. As researchers, forensic psychologists participate in the collection and dissemination of data relevant to any number of legal issues.

Research abounds throughout the field. An effective forensic research psychologist is basically a consumer of existing forensic psychological research studies that have data that necessitate the skills to understand and interpret this data.

They are able to examine statistical data, critically read and evaluate forensic psychology research, and apply the results of the research to the clinical and correctional setting, the judicial process, and to bring about change to public policy including policy related to policing strategies.

A forensic research psychologist working in research or academic settings may teach or conduct research on any topic in which psychology and the law intersects. Just a few of the areas of research and education in this subfield of psychology include:

Criminal profiling
Crime trends
Effective mental health treatment for offenders
Effective treatment for substance abusers
Techniques for jury selection
Impact of divorce, visitation, custody, etc.

Forensic Psychologists as Researchers

It is important to note that forensic psychology research jobs may work exclusively in the field of research, but they just as often serve in a dual role as clinicians and researchers. Whether or not they are directly involved in research, forensic psychologists always seek to employ relevant research in their clinical practice.

For example, clinical forensic psychologists may rely on psychological research to do everything from extracting empirical data about psychological tests to determining the efficacy of different interrogation techniques.

Did you know that there are over 7,672 Forensic Psychologists currently employed in the United States, out of which, 57.9 % of them are women.

Some forensic psychologists choose to teach in the field and combine teaching with research in their area of interest.

Researchers in the forensic arena may focus their work on any research issue that relates to the law or legal system. Their work may focus on the effectiveness of risk assessment strategies, the importance of questioning eyewitness memory recall, the evaluation of offender and victim treatment programs, or the effect of stress management interventions for police officers, just to name a few.

Some researchers focus their work on the development of tests intended to improve the process of criminal assessment, while others analyze treatments used on convicted criminals. Still, others focus their research efforts on factors that contribute to criminal delinquency and violent behavior.

Regardless of the focus of their research, forensic psychologists work to discover trends, identify patterns, and/or make new discoveries. The findings of their research are often published in scholarly journals, such as:

The American Journal of Forensic Psychology
The Open Access Journal of Forensic Psychology

Many forensic psychology researchers have dedicated web pages that detail their ongoing research projects. Just a few of the projects, listed on The American Psychology-Law Society Division 41 website, include:

Dating Violence Research, San Diego State University
Eyewitness Lab, University of Northern Iowa
Eyewitness Memory, Iowa State University
Investigative Interviewing Research Laboratory, University of Texas at El Paso
Psychology and Law Research Lab, University of Wyoming
Psychology and Law Lab, University of Arkansas
The Police Investigation Techniques Lab, Ryerson University
Witness Research Lab, The University of Alabama

Interested in how much a forensic psychologist makes? Find forensic psychologist salaries in your state.

How to Become a Forensic Research Psychologist

Forensic Research Psychologists interested primarily in research related to criminal and antisocial thinking and behavior typically opt for Ph.D. programs in forensic psychology which tend to have a stronger focus on research methods than the more practice-focused PsyD programs. Some of these programs may be devoted solely to the study of forensic psychology, while others include study in other areas of psychology, such as:

Personality
Organizational
Developmental

However, most of these programs will include a faculty member who is conducting research in a forensic area. Regardless of the type of Ph.D. program chosen, students interested in pursuing research in forensic psychology will focus their graduate research on a topic related to forensic psychology.

Forensic Psychology Resources
Forensic Psychology Careers
Forensic Psychology Salaries
Schools By State
What is Forensic Psychology?
Forensic Psychology Scholarships
Forensic Psychology Specialties
Civil Law and Personal Injury
Corrections
Criminal Psychology
Criminology
Expert Witness
Family Law and Child Custody
Insanity and Competency to Stand Trial
Juvenile Justice
Military PTSD Assessment
Military TBI Assessment
Trial Consultant
Violence Risk Assessment

Best PhD Programs for Forensic Psychologists

Drexel University

Program Duration: 5 yrs.
Tuition fee: $13,232 (full-time)

Fordham University

Tuition fee: $39,312 per year

Nova Southeastern University

Tuition fee: $1352.00 per credit

Walden University

Program Duration: up to 8 yrs.
Tuition fee: $620 per quarter credit hour

Montclair State University

Program Duration: varies
Tuition fees: $746.93 per credit

Palo Alto University

Program Duration: 7 yrs.
Tuition fees: $60,240 per year

University of Alabama

Program Duration: 9 yrs. (without master’s degree)
Tuition fees: $5,550 (resident), $16,200 (non-resident)

Spalding University

Tuition fees: $1055 per credit

Pacific University

Tuition fees: $42,985 per year

University of Denver

Tuition fees: Not specified

Key Takeaways

The job growth rate for forensic psychologists is expected grow to 6% by 2028.
The typical salary range for forensic psychologists falls between $106,160 and $129,774.
It takes 4-8 years to complete a PhD in forensic psychology.

Did you know that there are no doctorate programs in forensic psychology? Most universities offer it as a concentration of other psychology majors like clinical psychology. However, finding those schools is like finding a needle in a haystack. This is why we did the research for you and made this list featuring the best PhD programs for forensic psychologists to help you find the program of your dreams!

Stack of books and a notebook with a pen, all placed in one table

Due to the vital role they play in solving real-life criminal cases, the demand for forensic psychologists has constantly been on the rise. In fact, Zippia projects a forensic psychologist job growth rate to go up to 6% by 2028. Better yet, about 11,300 new jobs for forensic psychologists are projected to open up over the next decade.

With the field becoming increasingly popular and talked about, you might be curious about what PhD programs hold for forensic psychologists. Fortunately, there are many options for you to choose from. To make it simpler, we’ve rounded up the top PhD programs in forensic psychology along with some key factors worth considering:

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Tuition + fees

Student body

Median SAT/ACT

Career Outlook for degree at Drexel University

Financial aid: Yes
Graduation rate: 69.4%
Acceptance rate: 80%
Accreditation: Yes (MSCHE)

Overview of Drexel University

Program duration: 5 years
Credit hours of the program: 90 quarter credits

What Do We Love About Drexel University?

Founded in 1891, Drexel University offers competitive doctoral degrees in 48 subject areas, making it the top choice for many students across the US. The PhD in clinical psychology at Drexel University lets you select forensic psychology as your concentration, which includes forensic psychology-focused thesis and dissertation

Drexel University is great for students who: Prefer studying on their terms since Drexel University allows customization for on-campus students to prepare them for roles outside academia.
Drexel University might not be the best fit for those who: Prioritize affordability as Drexel University’s tuition is high, yet on par with most private schools.
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Career Outlook for degree at Fordham University

Graduation rate: 79%
Acceptance rate: 54%
Accreditation: Yes (Higher Learning Commission)

Overview of Fordham University

Credit hours of the program: 60 course credits

What Do We Love About Fordham University?

Fordham University is another fantastic option for students seeking a PhD program in forensic psychology. As an integral part of an APA-accredited program, the forensic psychology major at Fordham comprehensively trains you for different clinical and legal applications.

As a part of Fordham’s clinical psychology major , you can take doctoral-level courses and exams, and enjoy field research opportunities. While the curriculum is a bit strict, you can enjoy flexible learning and explore multiple independent careers.

Fordham University is great for students who: Want a traditional campus vibe. Fordham University is an excellent spot, only a twenty-minute train ride away from Manhattan.
Fordham University might not be the best fit for those who: Rely on academic or need-based awards to complete their PhD since Fordham has relatively fewer aid opportunities.

Fordham University’s Online Degrees

Required Credits : 50
Completion Time : None Reported
Format : Online
Required Credits : 36
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Career Outlook for degree at Nova Southeastern University

Graduation rate: 56%
Acceptance rate: 76%
Accreditation: Yes (SACSCOC)

Overview of Nova Southeastern University

Tuition fee: $1352.00 per credit
Credit hours of the program: 118 total credits

What Do We Love About Nova Southeastern University?

Acknowledging the role of skilled clinical psychologists in the justice system, Nova Southeastern University offers a clinical psychology forensic concentration. The program helps you dig deeper into critical areas like criminal responsibility, civil trials, psychological autopsies, and criminal profiling.

If you wish to work alongside police to prevent and solve crimes or join hands with attorneys as an expert witness or jury consultant, a PhD from Nova Southeastern University can get you to your goal. The degree equips you with the skills you need to face real-world challenges and excel in the field.

Nova Southeastern University is great for students who: Want a university with a decent reputation in academics and job placement.
Nova Southeastern University might not be the best fit for those who: Prefer a less pressurizing study environment, as the regulations at NSU are known to be strict.

Nova Southeastern University’s Online Degrees

Required Credits : 64
Required Credits : 67

Degree Concentrations

Juvenile Justice
Behavioral Science
Organizational Leadership
Required Credits : 60
Curriculum And Teaching
Educational Leadership
Higher Education Leadership
Human Services Administration
Instructional Technology And Distance Education
Reading Education
Special Education
Required Credits : 55
Curriculum And Instruction
Mathematics Education
Required Credits : 30
Nursing Education Curriculum
Required Credits : 39
Required Credits : 61
Community-Based Conflict
Conflict In Organizations
Global Conflict
Interpersonal Conflict
Required Credits : 76

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Career Outlook for degree at Walden University

Graduation rate: 33%
Acceptance rate: 100%

Overview of Walden University

Tuition fee: $620 per quarter credit hour for coursework
Program duration: Up to 8 years
Credit hours of the program: 80 quarter credits (Track I), 110 quarter credits (Track II)

What Do We Love About Walden University?

Founded in 1970, Walden University is a private, for-profit university offering an 8-year-long online PhD in forensic psychology. The program explores biological, psychological, and socio-economic factors that drive criminal actions.

Typically, students at Walden remain enrolled in the doctoral study course until they finish their capstone project and are given approval. The best part is that you may earn the degree entirely online, without the hassle of attending in-person classes.

Walden University is great for students who: Prefer flexibility since Walden University’s forensic program can be attended entirely online so students can study at their own pace.
Walden University might not be the best fit for those who: Prefer shorter-duration programs as WU requires around eight years of commitment.
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Career Outlook for degree at Montclair State University

Graduation rate: 46%
Acceptance rate: 91%
Accreditation: Yes (MSCHE)

Overview of Montclair State University

Tuition fee: $746.93 per credit
Program duration: Varied
Credit hours of the program: 86 credits

What Do We Love About Montclair State University?

Montclair State University also offers a top-notch PhD program in clinical psychology with a forensic concentration. MSU aims to equip students with advanced knowledge and expertise in clinical psychology research and practice, with a focus on promoting equity, diversity, and inclusion.

What’s more, the PhD program is accredited by the American Psychological Association (APA), which makes it the top choice for many.

Montclair State University is great for students who: Thrive in a welcoming environment since MSU features a supportive and inclusive environment.
Montclair State University might not be the best fit for those who: Reside out of state and wish to attend a PhD program with less financial strain . This is because MSU offers very few aid options for out-of-state students.
Graduation rate: 29%
Acceptance rate: 12%
Accreditation: Yes (American Psychology Association)

Overview of Palo Alto University

Tuition fee: $60,240 per year
Program duration: 7 years
Credit hours of the program: 150 units of academic coursework

What Do We Love About Palo Alto University?

The PhD in forensic psychology at Palo Alto University is designed for training specialists to apply clinical psychology principles to the legal system. The program offers a blend of general clinical training, specialized psychology programs and forensic elective courses, and practical experiences.

The forensic sequence consists of five different courses totaling 15 credits, meeting the training requirements and competencies outlined by relevant professional bodies. Plus, you’ll be required to complete a practicum placement in a forensic-relevant setting based on your interests.

Palo Alto University is great for students who: Want more career opportunities, since a degree at PAU lands you onto many promising career paths, specifically in forensics.
Palo Alto University might not be the best fit for those who: Are seeking a more budget-friendly PhD program since PAU’s graduate program in forensic psychology comes with a hefty price tag.
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Career Outlook for degree at University of Alabama

Graduation rate: 55%

Overview of the University of Alabama

Tuition fee: $5,550 (resident), $16,200 (non-resident)
Program duration: 9 years (without master’s degree)
Credit hours of the program: N/A

What Do We Love About the University of Alabama?

Founded in 1831, the University of Alabama remains one of the oldest universities offering advanced degrees in psychology . Their PhD in clinical psychology emphasizes research on memory, behavioral intervention, cultural diversity, youth violence, and forensic psychology.

The program focuses on integrating scientific knowledge with the practical skills required to excel as a clinical psychologist in academic, research, clinical, or forensic settings.

The University of Alabama is great for students who: Want a decently vibrant campus life since the University of Alabama has fun things to do with a great administration backing it.
The University of Alabama might not be the best fit for those who: Don’t reside in Alabama, since the tuition rates for their PhD program might be more than double that of in-state students per annum.

University of Alabama’s Online Degrees

Required Credits : 72
Format : None Reported
School Library Media Specialist
Required Credits : 73
Required Credits : 66
Required Credits : 33
Required Credits : 40

Library full of students, seated and busy on the long wooden tables

Career Outlook for degree at Spalding University

Graduation rate: 30%
Acceptance rate: 98%

Overview of Spalding University

Tuition fee: $1055 per credit hour
Program duration: 5 years
Credit hours of the program: 18 credit hours/ year

What Do We Love About Spalding University?

In Spalding University ’s PhD in clinical psychology, students develop competence in forensic psychology through a well-crafted program. This private institute offers three doctoral programs for graduate students, with online course options for added flexibility.

In addition, Spalding University allows students to choose and customize their training and select five electives or choose to take one elective and four content-specific classes. The program also offers students the chance to polish their research skills and personal development through various workshops.

Spalding University is great for students who: Prefer more hands-on experience before starting out a professional career since the university prepares students for experiences beyond academia.
Spalding University might not be the best fit for those who: Want access to many campus facilities, since resources at Spalding may be limited with a small faculty body.
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Career Outlook for degree at Pacific University

Graduation rate: 58%
Acceptance rate: 92%
Accreditation: Yes (NWCCU)

Overview of Pacific University

Tuition fee: $42,985/year, $9,170/year (internship)
Credit hours of the program: 100+ additional track-specific credit requirements and full-time clinical internship

What Do We Love About Pacific University?

Pacific University gives students the opportunity to pursue a specialized and flexible PhD in forensic psychology. With a selection of seven subject areas, doctoral students can make sure their program aligns with their interests.

The university offers both on-campus and online classes, which helps students pursue their advanced degrees at their own pace. Better yet, the program’s customizable nature opens doors to various career pathways in clinical and forensic settings.

Pacific University is great for students who: Prefer individual attention since the smaller class sizes and student-to-faculty ratio of 10:1 ultimately mean more interactions with the professors.
Pacific University might not be the best fit for those who: Want more work opportunities around campus since Pacific University is located in a relatively smaller town.
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Career Outlook for degree at University of Denver

Graduation rate: 70%
Acceptance rate: 78%

Overview of the University of Denver

Tuition fee: Tuition Estimator
Program duration: 5 years (minus 1 if bringing an MA)
Credit hours of the program: 120

What Do We Love About the University of Denver?

Founded in 1864, the University of Denver is a private research university in Colorado featuring a 125-acre campus. Students pursuing a PhD in clinical psychology at the University of Denver often take specialty coursework specific to forensic psychology.

The best part? If you have a master’s degree in the field, you can complete your PhD in as little as 4 years from the University of Denver.

The University of Denver is great for students who: Prefer more campus facilities since the resources and opportunities at the University of Denver make it worth each penny.
The University of Denver might not be the best fit for those who: Wish for a less expensive doctorate, since the University of Denver might be super pricey, particularly for out-of-state students.

A man and a woman wearing suits, looking at images of suspects in the interrogation room

What are the requirements for a PhD in forensic psychology?

Typically, most schools require a bachelor’s degree in forensic psychology or related field when applying for a PhD. However, some schools offering psychology degrees may even require a master’s degree, which may allow you to complete your PhD sooner. The most important requirement, though, is maintaining a high academic standing, with a GPA of at least 3.0 in major classes.

To make it simpler, here’s a list of admission prerequisites for a PhD in forensic psychology:

Letters of Recommendation
Statement of Purpose
Research Experience

How long is a PhD program in forensic psychology?

Typically, completing a PhD in forensic psychology takes around 4 to 8 years. However, the time taken to complete the degree largely depends on factors like program structure (full-time or part-time), educational background, and selected dissertation topic.

What is the highest-paying forensic psychology career?

Forensic medical examiners are the highest-paying professionals in the field of forensic psychology , making around $100,000 annually. Forensic analysts and clinical psychologists also make an average of over $100k yearly.

Now that you’ve gone through the list of some of the best PhD programs for forensic psychologists, it’s time to decide which one aligns with your career aspirations. With numerous courses in the discipline relating to criminal justice, you can become a part of this rapidly growing field and contribute to real-life cases while also financially securing yourself.

Using virtual reality to get inside the criminal mind

More on this topic

ECU psychology researchers have revealed new insights into the criminal mind thanks to virtual reality. It follows a study involving 101 participants who took part in mock crimes and subsequent interrogations, during VR scenarios.

VR burglar sitting on a sofa inside mansion

Psychologists from Edith Cowan University (ECU) have used virtual reality (VR) technology in a new study which aims to better understand criminals and how they respond when questioned.

"You will often hear police say, to catch a criminal, you have to think like a criminal – well that is effectively what we are trying to do here," said Dr Shane Rogers, who led the project alongside ECU PhD candidate Isabella Branson.

The forensic psychology research project involved 101 participants, who role-played committing a burglary in two similar virtual mock-crime scenarios.

"Afterwards, I interviewed them about the experience in a mock police interview", ECU PhD researcher Isabella Branson said.

"The interview takes place in a virtual interrogation room, and I ask the questions in real time, with real responses."

A forensic deep dive

Dr Shane Rogers said the study has the potential to unlock new insights into the criminal mind, and why they make the decisions they do.

"We know that historically criminals aren't forthcoming and often lie when questioned by the authorities," he explained.

"By putting non-criminals in criminal scenarios, we are given credible insight into how and why decisions are made in illegal scenarios or situations. This is why using mock crime scenarios is an invaluable method within forensic psychology research."

Traditionally, researchers have had people act out crimes on the university campus.

"Using virtual reality, we can have people engage in experiences that more faithfully recreate a criminal experience to obtain more reliable and valid findings."

"In our study we found that participants were able to get into the role of acting as a criminal in virtual reality. We also found that a higher level of motivation for conducting the crime also had them feeling more motivated to try and be deceptive in the follow up interview," Dr Rogers said.

Virtual Reality: A role in law enforcement

Dr Shane Rogers said VR has a future in training police, more specifically detectives for interviews, where interview practice can be conducted in a wide range of virtual scenarios.

"Going a step further, potentially we could also see a future where offenders are questioned in a virtual reality environment. Somewhere that is dissimilar to the usual physical location, like an interview room or a prison cell – it could be somewhere less intimidating where they can feel more comfortable to respond more truthfully when interrogated," Dr Rogers said.

Beyond the law

The development of virtual reality mock crime experiences has applications beyond interviewing.

"These scenarios can also be used to study how everyday people, and criminal offenders, go about conducting crimes. What points of entry are preferred? What kinds of things provide the most deterrent?," Dr Rogers explained.

"Police officers could role-play as criminals in these virtual scenarios themselves, to put themselves in the shoes of a criminal to better understand how they think and act."

Read the full research paper Intrinsic motivation in a virtual reality mock crime affects participants willingness to invest more effort in deceptive interviews by Isabella Banson, Professor Craig Speelman and Dr Shane Rogers.

Relationship Between Criminal Intention and Criminal Behavior

Published: 03 March 2023
Volume 38 , pages 555–566, ( 2023 )

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Jiun-Yih Huang ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3537-972X 1 &
Chien-An Chen 1

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This study employed the theory of planned behavior to explore the relationship between criminal intention and criminal behavior and the factors influencing them. The present study focused on injury, theft, and drug use, the three most prominent types of criminal behavior in Taiwan. An anonymous online questionnaire survey of male adults was conducted with 864 valid responses returned. The responses revealed that attitudes toward crime, subjective norms, and perceived behavior control effectively predict the intention to injure, steal, or use drugs. Criminal intention effectively predicts the occurrence and the frequency of injury to others, theft, and drug use. Planning and anticipated regret do not moderate the relationship between criminal intention and criminal behavior. The implications of the findings and their practical application are discussed.

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Verifying the usefulness of the theory of planned behavior model for predicting illegal use of online content: the role of outcome expectancies and social loafing

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This study was funded by the Ministry of Science and Technology (grant number: MOST 106–2410-H-364 -002-SSS).

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Huang, JY., Chen, CA. Relationship Between Criminal Intention and Criminal Behavior. J Police Crim Psych 38 , 555–566 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11896-023-09576-4

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