two causes of gender based violence in south africa essay

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Gender-based violence in South Africa

Gender-based violence in south africa – understand.

Civil society organisations across the country formed the National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence campaign, demanding a fully-costed, evidence-based, multi-sectoral, inclusive and comprehensive NSP to end GBV. [Photo: Alexa Sedgwick, Sonke Gender Justice]

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a profound and widespread problem in South Africa, impacting on almost every aspect of life. GBV (which disproportionately affects women and girls) is systemic, and deeply entrenched in institutions, cultures and traditions in South Africa.

This introduction will explore what GBV is and some of the forms it takes, examine GBV in South Africa, and begin to explore what different actors are doing to respond to GBV.

What is gender-based violence?

GBV occurs as a result of normative role expectations and unequal power relationships between genders in a society.

There are many different definitions of GBV, but it can be broadly defined as “the general term used to capture violence that occurs as a result of the normative role expectations associated with each gender, along with the unequal power relationships between […] genders, within the context of a specific society.” [1]

The expectations associated with different genders vary from society to society and over time. Patriarchal power structures dominate in many societies, in which male leadership is seen as the norm, and men hold the majority of power. Patriarchy is a social and political system that treats men as superior to women – where women cannot protect their bodies, meet their basic needs, participate fully in society and men perpetrate violence against women with impunity [2].

Forms of gender-based violence

There are many different forms of violence, which you can read more about here . All these types of violence can be – and almost always are – gendered in nature, because of how gendered power inequalities are entrenched in our society.

GBV can be physical, sexual, emotional, financial or structural, and can be perpetrated by intimate partners, acquaintances, strangers and institutions. Most acts of interpersonal gender-based violence are committed by men against women, and the man perpetrating the violence is often known by the woman, such as a partner or family member [3].

Violence against women and girls (VAWG)

GBV is disproportionately directed against women and girls [4]. For this reason, you may find that some definitions use GBV and VAWG interchangeably, and in this article, we focus mainly on VAWG.

Violence against LGBTI people

However, it is possible for people of all genders to be subject to GBV. For example, GBV is often experienced by people who are seen as not conforming to their assigned gender roles, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and/or intersex people.

More information

For more information on intimate partner violence and domestic violence, read this WHO brief

Intimate partner violence (IPV)

IPV is the most common form of GBV and includes physical, sexual, and emotional abuse and controlling behaviours by a current or former intimate partner or spouse, and can occur in heterosexual or same-sex couples [5].

Domestic violence (DV)

Domestic violence refers to violence which is carried out by partners or family members. As such, DV can include IPV, but also encompasses violence against children or other family members.

Sexual violence (SV)

Sexual violence is “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work.” [6]

What is violence?

For more information on forms of violence, read our introduction on " What is violence? "

Indirect (structural) violence

Structural violence is “where violence is built into structures, appearing as unequal power relations and, consequently, as unequal opportunities.

Structural violence exists when certain groups, classes, genders or nationalities have privileged access to goods, resources and opportunities over others, and when this unequal advantage is built into the social, political and economic systems that govern their lives.”

Because of the ways in which this violence is built into systems, political and social change is needed over time to identify and address structural violence.

GBV in South Africa

Societies free of GBV do not exist, and South Africa is no exception [7].

Although accurate statistics are difficult to obtain for many reasons (including the fact that most incidents of GBV are not reported [10] ), it is evident South Africa has particularly high rates of GBV, including VAWG and violence against LGBT people.

Population-based surveys show very high levels of intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-partner sexual violence (SV) in particular, with IPV being the most common form of violence against women.

• Whilst people of all genders perpetrate and experience intimate partner and or sexual violence, men are most often the perpetrators and women and children the victims [7].
• More than half of all the women murdered (56%) in 2009 were killed by an intimate male partner [8].
• Between 25% and 40% of South African women have experienced sexual and/or physical IPV in their lifetime [9, 10].
• Just under 50% of women report having ever experienced emotional or economic abuse at the hands of their intimate partners in their lifetime [10].
• Prevalence estimates of rape in South Africa range between 12% and 28% of women ever reporting being raped in their lifetime [10-12].
• Between 28 and 37% of adult men report having raped a women [10, 13].
• Non-partner SV is particularly common, but reporting to police is very low. One study found that one in 13 women in Gauteng had reported non-partner rape, and only one in 25  rapes had been reported to the police [10].
• South Africa also faces a high prevalence of gang rape [14].
• Most men who rape do so for the first time as teenagers and almost all men who ever rape do so by their mid-20s [15].
• There is limited research into rape targeting women who have sex with women. One study across four Southern African countries, including South Africa, found that 31.1% of women reported having experienced forced sex [16].
• Male victims of rape are another under-studied group. One survey in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape found that 9.6% of men reported having experienced sexual victimisation by another man [17].

Drivers of GBV

Drivers of GBV are the factors which lead to and perpetuate GBV. Ultimately, gendered power inequality rooted in patriarchy is the primary driver of GBV.

GBV (and IPV in particular) is more prevalent in societies where there is a culture of violence, and where male superiority is treated as the norm [18]. A belief in male superiority can manifest in men feeling entitled to sex with women, strict reinforcement of gender roles and hierarchy (and punishment of transgressions), women having low social value and power, and associating masculinity with control of women [18].

These factors interact with a number of drivers, such as social norms (which may be cultural or religious), low levels of women’s empowerment, lack of social support, socio-economic inequality, and substance abuse.

In many cultures, men’s violence against women is considered acceptable within certain settings or situations [18] - this social acceptability of violence makes it particularly challenging to address GBV effectively.

In South Africa in particular, GBV “pervades the political, economic and social structures of society and is driven by strongly patriarchal social norms and complex and intersectional power inequalities, including those of gender, race, class and sexuality.” [19].

Impact of gender-based violence

GBV is a profound human rights violation with major social and developmental impacts for survivors of violence, as well as their families, communities and society more broadly.

On an individual level, GBV leads to psychological trauma, and can have psychological, behavioural and physical consequences for survivors. In many parts of the country, there is poor access to formal psychosocial or even medical support, which means that many survivors are unable to access the help they need. Families and loved ones of survivors can also experience indirect trauma, and many do not know how to provide effective support.

Jewkes and colleagues outline the following impacts of GBV and violence for South Africa as a society more broadly [20]:

• South African health care facilities – an estimated 1.75 million people annually seek health care for injuries resulting from violence
• HIV – an estimated 16% of all HIV infections in women could be prevented if women did not experience domestic violence from their partners. Men who have been raped have a long term increased risk of acquiring HIV and are at risk of alcohol abuse, depression and suicide.
• Reproductive health - women who have been raped are at risk of unwanted pregnancy, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections.
• Mental health - over a third of women who have been raped develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which if untreated persists in the long term and depression, suicidality and substance abuse are common. Men who have been raped are at risk of alcohol abuse, depression and suicide.

Violence also has significant economic consequences. The high rate of GBV places a heavy burden on the health and criminal justice systems, as well as rendering many survivors unable to work or otherwise move freely in society.

A 2014 study by KPMG also estimated that GBV, and in particular violence against women, cost the South African economy a minimum of between R28.4 billion and R42.4 billion, or between 0.9% and 1.3% of gross domestic product (GDP) in the year 2012/2013. [21]

What do we do?

South Africa is a signatory to a number of international treaties on GBV, and strong legislative framework, for example the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) (1998), the Sexual Offences Act (2007) and the Prevention and Combatting of Trafficking in Human Persons (2013) Act” [22].

Response services aim to support and help survivors of violence in a variety of ways. Prevention initiatives look at how GBV can be prevented from happening.

Whilst international treaties and legislation is important it is not enough to end GBV and strengthen responses.

Addressing GBV is a complex issue requiring multi-faceted responses and commitment from all stakeholders, including government, civil society and other citizens. There is growing recognition in South Africa of the magnitude and impact of GBV and of the need to strengthen the response across sectors.

Prevention and Response

For more information, check the page What Works in preventing GBV

Broadly speaking, approaches to addressing GBV can be divided into response and prevention . Response services aim to support and help survivors of violence in a variety of ways (for instance medical help, psychosocial support, and shelter). Prevention initiatives look at how GBV can be prevented from happening. Response services can in turn contribute towards preventing violence from occurring or reoccurring.

Responses are important. Major strides are being made internationally on how to best respond and provide services for survivors of violence. WHO guidelines describe an appropriate health sector response to VAW – including providing post-rape care and training health professionals to provide these services [32].

WHO does not recommend routine case identification (or screening) in health services for VAW exposure, but stresses the importance of mental health services for victims of trauma.

Need to address underlying causes

Much of our effort in South Africa has been focused on response. However – our response efforts need to be supported and complemented by prevention programming and policy development. By addressing the underlying, interlinked causes of GBV, we can work towards preventing it from happening in the first place.

SACQ: Primary prevention

For more information on prevention programmes that work, have a look at the South African Crime Quarterly 54 on evidence-based primary prevention.

Violence prevention policies and programmes should be informed by the best evidence we have available. Programmes that are evidence based are [35]:

• built on what has been done before and has been found to be effective;
• informed by a theoretical model;
• guided by formative research and successful pilots; and
• multi-faceted and address several causal factors.

Several GBV prevention programmes which have support for effectiveness have been implemented in South Africa. A summary of the prevention programmes mentioned below can be found in the South African Crime Quarterly 51: Primary prevention (see table on pgs. 35-38):

• Thula Sana: Promote mothers’ engagement in sensitive, responsive interactions with their infants
• The Sinovuyo Caring Families Programme: Improve the parent–child relationship, emotional regulation, and positive behaviour management approaches
• Prepare: Reduce sexual risk behaviour and intimate partner violence, which contribute to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STIs)
• Skhokho Supporting Success: Prevent IPV among young teenagers
• Stepping Stones: Promote sexual health, improve psychological wellbeing and prevent HIV
• Stepping Stones / Creating Futures: Reduce HIV risk behaviour and victimisation and perpetration of different forms of IPV and strengthen livelihoods
• IMAGE (Intervention with Microfinance for AIDS and Gender Equity): Improve household economic wellbeing, social capital and empowerment and thus reduce vulnerability to IPV and HIV infection

Importance to develop evidence base

At the same time, it is important to develop the evidence base further by exploring a range of other interventions that have the potential to be effective in a South African context. Many actors, including government, civil society and funders, as well as community members, are working in creative and innovative ways every day to address GBV.

For example, several civil society organisations are working with women’s groups to build their agency and empower them to address the issues that impact their lives, such as structural and interpersonal violence. Others are tackling specific drivers of GBV, such as substance abuse and gangsterism. Still others take a “whole community” approach to dealing with GBV, involving community members and leaders in the fight against violence in their communities.

Many of these interventions have not yet been formally documented, but they are nevertheless promising models which play an important role in the overall fight against GBV.

While South Africa has high levels of GBV, we are also a leader in the field of prevention interventions in low and middle income countries [36].

We are identifying models which work to respond to and prevent violence, and we can work on scaling those up to reach more people. At the same time, as a society, we can work together to find new ways to address GBV, building the current evidence base and responding to this national crisis.

[1] Bloom, Shelah S. 2008. “Violence Against Women and Girls: A Compendium of Monitoring and Evaluation Indicators.” Carolina Population Center, MEASURE Evaluation, Chapel Hill, North Carolina. https://www.measureevaluation.org/resources/publications/ms-08-30

[2] Sultana, Abeda, Patriarchy and Women’s Subordination: A Theoretical Analysis, The Arts Faculty Journal, July 2010-June 2011 http://www.bdresearch.org/home/attachments/article/nArt/A5_12929-47213-1-PB.pdf

[3] World Health Organisation, 2005, WHO multi-country study on women's health and domestic violence against women. REPORT - Initial results on prevalence, health outcomes and women's responses http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/publications/violence/24159358X/en/

[4] Decker MR et al., Gender-based violence against adolescent and young adult women in low- and middle-income countries , The Journal of Adolescent Health, 2015. 56(2): p. 188-96.

[5] 1 Garcia-Moreno, C., Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women. WHO clinical and policy guidelines - what’s new?, in SVRI Forum 2013: Evidence into Action, 14 – 17 October 2013. 2013, Sexual Violence Research Initiative: Bangkok, Thailand.

[6] 2 Jewkes, R., P. Sen, and C. Garcia-Moreno, Sexual Violence in World Report on Violence and Health, E. Krug, et al., Editors. 2002, World Health Organization: Geneva.

[7] 3 Dartnall, E. and R. Jewkes, Sexual Violence against Women: The scope of the problem. Best Practice & Research Clinical Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 2012. Special Issue.

[8] 4 Abrahams, N., et al., Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009. PLoS medicine, 2013. 10(4).

[9] 5 Jewkes, R., J. Levin, and L. Penn-Kekana, Risk factors for domestic violence: findings from a South African cross-sectional study. Social science & medicine, 2002. 55(9): p. 1603-17.

[10] 6 Machisa, M., et al., The War at Home. 2011, Genderlinks, and Gender and Health Research Unit, South African Medical Research Council (MRC) Johannesburg.

[11] 7 Dunkle, K.L., et al., Prevalence and patterns of gender-based violence and revictimization among women attending antenatal clinics in Soweto, South Africa. American journal of epidemiology, 2004. 160(3): p. 230-9.

[12] 8 Jewkes, R., et al., Understanding Men's Health and Use of Violence: Interface of rape and HIV in South Africa. 2009.

[13] 9 Jewkes, R., et al., Gender inequitable masculinity and sexual entitlement in rape perpetration South Africa: findings of a cross-sectional study. PloS One, 2011. 6(12).

[14] 10 Jewkes, R., Streamlining: understanding gang rape in South Africa. 2012: Forensic Psychological Services, Middlesex University.

[15] 11 Jewkes, R., et al., Why, when and how men rape? Understanding rape perpetration in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 2010. 34(December).

[16] Sandfort, TGM, et al, Forced sexual experiences as risk factor for self-reported HIV Infection among Southern African lesbian and bisexual women, PLoS ONE, 8:1, 2013.

[17] Dunkle, K, et al, Prevalence of consensual male–male sex and sexual violence, and associations with HIV in South Africa: a population-based cross-sectional study, PLoS Medicine, 10:6, 2013.

[18] Jewkes, R, Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002. 359: 1423–29.

[19] Cornelius R., T. Shahrokh and E. Mills. Coming Together to End Gender Violence: Report of Deliberative Engagements with Stakeholders on the Issue of Collective Action to Address Sexual and Gender-based Violence, and the Role of Men and Boys . Evidence Report, 2014. 12 (February), Institute of Development Studies.

[20] 12 Jewkes, R., et al. Preventing Rape and Violence in South Africa: Call for Leadership in A New Agenda For Action. MRC Policy Brief, 2009.

[21] Muller R, Gahan L & Brooks L (2014). Too costly to ignore – the economic impact of gender-based violence in South Africa. Available online . Accessed 16 July 2015.

[22] Moolman, B. Human Sciences Research Council (HRSC) (2016). Research Report on the Status of Gender-based Violence Civil Society Funding in South Africa.

[23] Van Dorn, R., J. Volavka, and N. Johnson, Mental disorder and violence: is there a relationship beyond substance use? Soc Psychiatry Psychiatr Epidemiol, 2012. Mar(47(3)): p. 487-503.

[24] Eckenrode, J., M. Laird, and D. J., School performance and disciplinary problems among abused and neglected children. Dev Psychol., 1993. 29: p. 53-62.

[25] Anda, R.F. and V.J. Felliti, The Relationship of Adverse Childhood Experiences to Adult Medical Disease, Psychiatric Disorders, and Sexual Behavior: Implications for Healthcare., in The Hidden Epidemic: The Impact of Early Life Trauma on Health and Disease., L.R.a.V. E, Editor. 2009, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.

[26] Anda RF, et al., The enduring effects of abuse and related adverse experiences in childhood. Eur Arch Psychiatry Clin Neurosci, 2006. 256: p. 174-186.

[27] Westad, C. and D. McConnell, Child welfare involvement of mothers with mental health issues. . Community Mental Health Journal, 2012. 48: p. 29-37.

[28] Committee on Child Maltreatment Research, Policy, and Practice for the Next Decade: Phase II; , A.C. Petersen, J. Joseph, and M. Feit, Editors. 2014 Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Institute of Medicine; National Research Council: Washington (DC).

[29] Messman-Moore, T.L. and P.J. Long, The role of childhood sexual abuse sequelae in the sexual revictimization of women. Clinical psychology review, 2003. 23(4): p. 537-571.

[30] Millett, L.S., et al., Child maltreatment victimization and subsequent perpetration of young adult intimate partner violence: an exploration of mediating factors. Child Maltreat. , 2013. 18(2)(May): p. 71-84.

[31] Jewkes, R., Rape Perpetration: A review. 2012, Sexual Violence Research Initiative, hosted by the South African Medical Research Council: Pretoria.

[32] WHO, Responding to intimate partner and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines., D.o.R.H.a. Research, Editor. 2013, World Health Organisation: Geneva.

[33] Jewkes, R., et al., Prospective study of rape perpetration by young South African men: incidence & risk factors for rape perpetration. PLoS ONE, 2012. 7(5): p. e38210.

[34] Jewkes, R., Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002. 359(9315): p. 1423-9.

[35] Dartnall, E. and A. Gevers, Editorial. South African Crime Quarterly, 2015. In press.

[36] Shai NJ and Y. Sikweyiya, Programmes for change: Addressing sexual and intimate partner violence in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 2015. 51(March) .

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH

Gender-based violence in South Africa: A narrative reflection

Department of Practical Theology and Mission Studies, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

Correspondence

The pervasiveness of gender-based violence (GBV) against women and children constitutes the most severe expression of discrimination and dehumanisation of women and children in South Africa. Even before the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic came, domestic violence was already one of the greatest human rights violations. Women for centuries suffered different forms of violation and continue to struggle in subtle forms in the 21st century. This article investigates the sociocultural theories, narrative reflections and COVID-19 pandemic challenges associated with the prevalence of GBV in South Africa. The article argues that patriarchal culture, religion, gender norms, lockdown and violence in South Africa perpetuate gender-based abuse. Therefore, the article unfolds this research through a literature review and narrative approach which is used to allow the co-researchers to share their stories. The article embarks on sociocultural experiences, the scourge of GBV in South Africa, the impact of COVID-19 pandemic, qualitative interviews and theological reflections and concludes by suggesting future possibilities to fight GBV. CONTRIBUTION : This article contributes to an understanding that abafazi nabantwana baphefumla ngenxeba [women and children are breathing through the wound] amid the global COVID-19 pandemic. It discusses the prevalence of GBV, the intersection of religious cultural effects, social sciences, gender inequality and the continued oppression of women and children

Keywords : gender-based violence; narrative; violence; sociocultural; COVID-19 pandemic; qualitative interviews; practical theology; South Africa.

Introduction

I have been reading and reflecting on social critical matters affecting 'women and children in South Africa'. Also, listening narratives of violence and sociocultural aspects that probably escalate the gender-based violence (GBV) during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. I observed the theme of the conference, Discerning Times, Doing Practical Theology in a Post-Pandemic World. 1 The topic has been a challenging one concerning questions that can be presented in the post-pandemic world: where we have been, where we are and where we are going? Is COVID-19 gone for now or gone for good or in remission? This article is driven by the gross killings of women and children in South Africa under lockdown regulations during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ward (2017:5) defines 'Practical Theology as any way of thinking that takes both practices and theology seriously'. In this regard, practical theology responds to the contextual needs of the church and society. The article attempts to respond to this national crisis and the ramification of the pandemic through a literature review, narrative inquiry and a practical theological reflection. In this article, we shall listen to the co-researcher's narratives and interpretations concerning GBV during COVID-19. This will be done using narrative research and qualitative interviews. Literature studies reveal that 'gender abuse, domestic violence and sexual assault affect anyone, regardless of race, age, gender, religion, culture, social class or sexuality' (Boonzaier & De la Rey 2004:444; Ratele 2008). The methodology of the study follows the qualitative research design grounded in the narrative theoretical framework. Narratives have been accepted as a particularly instructive method of studying the human drive for meaning (Moro et al. 2008:9), and through narration, co-researchers construct meaning (Chase 2005:2).

This article aims to discover the meaning, social constructs and experiences that probably led to this gross perpetual violation of the rights of women and children during the COVID-19 pandemic. The National Police Minister Bheki Cele (Comins 2021:1) 'released the latest crime statistics between July and September 2021 that 9556 people, most of whom were women, were raped'. In addition to that (Vellai 2021:1), 'Over 9500 gender-based violence cases were reported, 13 000 cases of domestic violence and during the quarter 897 women were murdered'. Vellai (2021) states that 'sexual offence cases increased by 4.7%, with 9556 rapes between July and September up to 7.1% from the previous year's second quarter 8922'. President Cyril Ramaphosa expressed that 'these statistics are shameful, we are in the grip of a relentless war, being waged on the bodies of women and children, despite our best efforts, there are no signs of abating' (Desk of the President, 22 November 2021).

A sociocultural theory

This study contends that sociocultural factors such as language use, customs, belief systems and 'gender inequality exacerbate gender-based abuse' (Ratele 2008:10). The use of male-dominant language in households and African cultural practices, such as lobola and ulwaluko , 2 'indirect reinforces abuse against women' (Frieslaar & Masango 2021:4). Various factors, including 'individual characteristics, family dynamics and socio-economic contexts interact with each other to form particular constructs that dehumanise women and children' (Matebeni 2014:22; Msibi 2013:109). For example, 'cultural practices that consider men as sole economic providers for women and children aggravate gender abuse'. Additionally, researchers contend that (Frieslaar & Masango 2021:4); 'when men are seen in this way, they are mainly perceived as providers and women as receivers of financial benefits even in intimate relationships'. According to Crowell and Burgess (eds. 1996:32), 'GBV is a complex phenomenon, a result of various factors operating at different levels'. Heise adds that (1998:262), 'the ecological model conceptualises violence, as a multifaceted phenomenon grounded in the interplay of personal, situational and sociocultural factors, each influencing the likelihood of GBV within a specific setting'. Lastly, Heise (2011:vii) says that one of the structural factors that affect this ecology is 'religious institutions and ideology, with its resultant messaging, beliefs and norms'. For example, some religious institutions support patriarchy and teach that divorce is a sin. As a result, some women stay in an abusive marriage relationship in obedience to their partners and God. Kobo (2016) argues vehemently against patriarchy that:

Patriarchy violates the life of a child who is brought up in such disintegrated spaces where she/he has to learn to preserve the status quo. How does it help us in producing responsible men that do not rape, physical abuse and assault women and children? (p. 4)

To affirm this, Bond-Nash (2002) argues that:

[ M ]any women are socialised to believe women are powerless and have no right to 'own' power and it becomes more painful when women as agents of socialisation drive this harmful trend. (p. 45)

In support, Bond-Nash (2002) alluded to, Rahma, Sili and Wati (2017) argue that:

These stereotypes are the wrong impression for women to gain a place in a public position. Even the challenge against women gaining position is not only opposed by the men but also by their sex which is women. (pp. 14-15)

The experiences related to the 'oppression faced by women necessitate a rational response' (Kobo 2018:3). How women at times articulate God concerning who he is blocks that rational response or at times women themselves perceive God as a male and that makes them inferior to men (Kobo 2018). The persistence of 'sociocultural norms, traditional beliefs and gender stereotypes is the most frequently cited obstacle', which perpetuates GBV (Kobo 2018). Msibi (2013:104) articulates that 'different treatment of boys and girls are strengthened by the culture, social norms and historical traditions of gender inequality'. In agreement with Msibi, in some African homes, boys are taught, disciplined and socialised differently from girls. Boys are taught to be strong, brave and leaders, hence the term indoda ayikhali [man does not shed tears, it is considered weakness] emerged. On the other hand, girls are socialised to behave well, cook and do house chores as future mothers.

Abafazi nabantwana baphefumla ngenxeba

The above sub-heading derived originally from the Xhosa 3 term Siphefumla ngenxeba 4 which was a reverberating term in every corner of the global community towards the end of 2019. Siphefumla ngenxeba is a term which was used on television by Outsurance vehicle insurance as an advert, in the same year 2019, the brutal murder of Ms Uyinene Mkrwetyana, the 19-year-old student at the University of Cape Town (Lyster 2019:1; cf. Rasool 2020) shattered everyone in South Africa. Ms Uyinene Mkrwetyana was strangled to death by a man working in the post office while she went to collect her parcel in the afternoon. The South African crisis concerning GBV prompted the president of South Africa, President Cyril Ramaphosa, to address the nation on 05 September 2019 and declare GBV as a national crisis. The rise of the slogan 'Am I next movement?' was co-opted by abafazi nabatwana baphefumla ngenxeba in South Africa (Lyster 2019:1). The notion was that amadoda abulala abafazi nabantwana [men are killing women and children], as there were other incidences where women and children were grossly killed in South Africa. It is stated that (Lyster 2019:1), 'a twenty-five-year-old boxing champion, Leighandre Jegels was shot dead by her ex-boyfriend in East London, a policeman, while she was driving'.

The Star (2018) newspaper reported that 'half of the women killed were murdered by someone with whom they had an intimate relationship'. The phrase andikwazi ukuphefumla [I cannot breathe] became popular all over the world in 2020 when George Perry Floyd was suffocated to death by a white policeman in the United States of America (CNN 2020). The phrases: 'I can't breathe, Am I next, Black lives matter and Siphefumla ngenxeba ', became slogans at awareness campaigns and protests in South Africa and worldwide against the brutal killing of women and children, racism, oppression and marginalisation. The World Health Organization (WHO) (2020) declares that 'violation and killing of women have become a global threat' (p. 1). The WHO (2020) states the following aspect:

Violence against women is highly prevalent. Intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence. Globally, 1 in 3 women worldwide has experienced physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or sexual violence by any perpetrator in their lifetime. Most of this is intimate partner violence. (p. 1)

The 'political instability, social ills, economic stress and the impact of COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated pre-existing toxic social norms and gender inequality' (Dlamini 2020:3). The increased psychological stress, fears of contracting a virus and financial challenges aggravated the level of GBV (UN Women 2020):

[ T ]he possibility of job loss and restricted movement, which requires victims and perpetrators to remain close and constant contact with one another, are just some of the more obvious factors which spike GBV during the global lockdown. (p. 3)

Dlamini (2020:4) articulates that, 'restriction of visits during COVID-19 lockdowns meant that fewer people, especially, family members, can spot abuse and neglect including GBV against women and girls in households'. The limitation on movement allowed the culprits to isolate the victims from social support and protective networks by using a virus as a manipulation tool to trap them in houses (Dlamini 2020; UN Women 2020):

[ A ]t the time when half of the world population was in lockdown, due to COVID-19, the number of women and girls between the ages of 15 and 49, who had been subjected to sexual and/or physical violence perpetrated by an intimate partner (GBV) was no less than 243 million. (n.p.)

President Ramaphosa (Ellis 2020:1) described femicide and the scourge of GBV that, 'one woman is killed every 3 hours in South Africa'. According to Mile (2020):

[ A ] woman dies at the hands of a partner, and as of June 2020, 51% of South African women had faced violence from their male partners; accounting for more than 14 million women. (p. 1)

Rasool (2020:65) espouses that 'some women may be reaching out for help, while others have less access to support and protection because of lockdown conditions. With the COVID-19 pandemic, the increasing number of GBV worsens the situation in South Africa. At least, '21 women and children were murdered in South Africa, during level-5 lockdown, five women killed in June alone' (June 2020, Catholic Bishops Conference). Ramaphosa called GBV 'second pandemic' in a country where 'COVID-19 infected over 97,000 people and killed 1,930' (Agenzia 2020:2). Germanos (2020:5) states that, 'the nature of violence and, in particular, gender-based violence (and even more particularly, during this pandemic) is indicative of a very disturbed societal psyche, with very serious social issues'.

The methodological approach

In this article, the narrative methodological approach is used. In her reflections, Moen (2006) places narrative research within the framework of sociocultural theory:

[ W ]here the challenge of this article is to examine and understand how human actions are related to the social context in which they occur and how and where they occur through growth. (p. 56)

It is described (Dlamini 2020:2; WHO 2021) that 'the most common narratives of GBV occur in the family, but it also takes place in other areas of society, private and public'. Muller (2009) states that:

[ T ]he narrative or social constructionist forces us to first listen to the stories of people struggling in real situations, not merely to a description of a general context, but to be confronted with a specific and concrete situation. (p. 295)

Narrative research : It is increasingly used in various studies, practices and experiences, chiefly because 'human beings are storytellers who individually and socially lead storied lives' (Connelly & Clandinin 1990:7). Narrative research is a study of how 'human beings experience the world, and narrative researchers collect these stories and write them' (Gudmundsdottir 2001:56). It has been shown in previous studies that the dominating narrative of patriarchy in South Africa (Davis & Meerkotter 2017:18) remains the key driver in the perpetration of GBV. This study endeavours to take the above issues further, exploring sociocultural narratives of GBV in a South African context, simultaneously attempting to address the research by listening to stories of the co-researchers during the COVID-19 pandemic:

[ … ] Our lives are multistoried, many stories are occurring at the same time and different stories can be told about the same events. No single story can be free of ambiguity or contradiction and no single story can encapsulate or handle all the contingencies of life[ … ]. (Morgan 2000:8; cf. White & Epston 1990:11)

Qualitative research : According to Rubin and Rubin 1995, 'qualitative interviewing is a way of finding out what others feel and think about their worlds'. Schurink (2003:3) states that 'qualitative research is concerned with how the social world is interpreted, understood, produced or experienced - it focuses on discovery, description and meaning'. While narrative theory views human beings as social actors who, through linguistic and cultural scripts, continuously make meaning of themselves and their interactions with other people (Crossley 2007:138), qualitative research takes place within what has been described as an interpretative paradigm (Denzin and Lincoln 2005).

Co-researchers : This qualitative study will comprise two co-researchers, a black man from Alexandra Gender-Based Violence Walking Support Centre and a coloured 5 woman who is a clinical psychologist from a Pretoria suburb. The co-researchers were selected because of their intense involvement in work related to violence, abuse, gender, sexual assault and counselling. They are Christians coming from different races, cultures, gender and class. Alexandra is a black underprivileged community township in Johannesburg separated by a highway from the highly affluent suburb of Sandton, and these cities are in Gauteng province. The co-researchers are aged between 30 and 40 years.

Consent and interviewing method : A consent for the study was obtained at multiple levels. In order to maintain the co-researchers' anonymity and confidentiality, names are removed from the article. The interviews were conducted on the zoom platform with the co-researcher from Alexandra and in person with the clinical psychologist. In each interview, it was explained that the researcher is interested in hearing the narratives that lead to the perverseness of GBV in South Africa particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. In a narrative interview, 'the agenda is flexible, open to change and only partially guided by the researcher's meaning frame' (Hollway & Jefferson 2000:34). The unstructured interview was guided by a broad open-ended question, aimed at eliciting the co-researchers' stories of their experience and understanding of GBV. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Narrative interpretations : The co-researchers' accounts were interpreted using a narrative approach. Therefore, 'a narrative research process can only be "understood and evaluated" in the light of narrative discourses' (Muller & Schoeman 2004:8). An understanding and interpretation of GBV stories, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, should be part of the research process.

A narrative interpretation interview process involved a repeated reading of the interview transcripts, to acquire a sense of an entire narrative. The transcripts were read by the researcher and sent to the co-researchers for verification and confirmation. Subsequent readings, which involved a more detailed interpretation, elicited general themes that are followed throughout the narratives. The narrative interviews were conducted in English. The narratives experienced by the co-researchers are 'informed by the society and culture in which they are situated' (Atkinson & Delmont 2006:167).

Themes emerged, integration of interviews and literature reflection

In the following section, the article focuses on the themes that emerged from the narratives, integration of interviews and literature reflection. The findings are illustrated using excerpts from the interview transcripts. The two co-researchers' excerpts have some commonalities, differences, critical arguments and convergences in their narratives. Moreover, Boonzaier and De la Rey (2004:449) state that; 'narrative and discursive researchers are less concerned about the "truth value" of participants' stories and more concerned with subjectivity, language and meaning'. Congruent with Rubin and Rubin (1995:3), 'qualitative research listens to people, describe how they understand the worlds, in which they live and work'. Qualitative research focuses on co-researchers, experiences and the context. Meaning is constructed and finds its expression in stories (Muller 2009). The illustrations of excerpts from both the male (M) and female (F) co-researchers are marked with (M) and (F) and attached numbers for clear discussion purposes. Due to the small sample size, participant information has been limited to protect anonymity.

Patriarchy and family

The literature states that the root cause of GBV is contributed by patriarchy and family construction. According to Klaasen (2018:2), 'centuries of hierarchy and patriarchy, in all facets of the identity of women and men, have made negative normative for girls and women'. In the following paragraph by the male co-researcher:

'Gender-based violence is broad and it is contributed by different factors, patriarchy and culture are one of the contributing factors, as we grew up, we knew back home that a man is the head of the family and gender-based violence is happening inside the families and in relationships, but not recognised. During the COVID-19 pandemic other men lost their jobs so these men grew up knowing that they had to support their families. These men started to have a problem with violence, and mental health challenges so these are the problems that came into effect during this time. You know that we come from different cultures and beliefs, so patriarchy is the culture and practice that we believe in.' (M)

The male co-researcher explains that although he is in an urban environment, GBV in men is precipitated by their home cultural and traditional family backgrounds. He says that, 'man is a head of the family and GBV is not easily recognised in family relationships'. The patriarchal culture of the Bible and our culture subscribe to same kind of socialisation that 'teaches that boys and men are to be leaders, authority figures, independent, strong and aggressive while girls and women are to be followers, obedient and dependent' (Maluleke & Nadar 2002:14-15). The aforementioned sentences are a saturated catastrophe in South Africa that abafazi nabantwana baphefumla ngenxeba ngenxa yamadoda [women and children are breathing through the wounds because of the evilness perpetuated by men]. The festering of GBV challenges the South African common phrase derived from the women of 1956 that wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo uzofa 6 [you tampered with women, you struck a rock and you shall die].

The excerpt from a female co-researcher reflects:

'I think it is probably problems in people's backgrounds, the way they grew up in their family homes, and difficulties that could cause gender-based violence in their relationships. It could also be caused by childhood trauma that can affect your future relationship, it could carry you through your childhood until you are an adult, and your relationship will face problems. I think modelling the behaviour of parents is very important, like if you had a mother and father growing up and your father used to physically abuse your mother or verbally or sexually, you can get that behaviour. The children look up to their parents, they reciprocate that behaviour in their relationships and if the behaviour is negative, then they can take it with them into their relationships. However, some will dislike that behaviour and never do it and others could go with positive depending on the experience.' (F)

The female co-researcher shares the same views with the male co-researcher on patriarchy and home family backgrounds. She refers to childhood trauma and family modelling behaviour as critical factors that could lead to GBV. The psychologist, Albert Bandura (1925-2021) explains 'the link between violence exposure, a recurrence of violence; violence is considered a learned behaviour, acquired through modelling and reinforcement of the same behaviour by others' (Moffitt & Caspi 2003:113).

Masculinities

Men are expected to adhere to traditional and cultural norms which exist within a certain social construct. Ratele (2008:520) says 'men are not by nature men, they are imbued with ideas about male practices'. Men take pride in working, having money and providing for the family. In the paragraph below, the man argues about some traditional roles that are embedded in men in their families, and when men are unable to fulfil these roles, they feel emasculated. However, I differ with his interpretation of the African wedding song mentioned in the paragraph that the song is rather entrenching domestication than violence.

'When you get married, there is a traditional wedding song perpetrating violence, the one that says UMAKOTI NGOWETHU UZOSIPHEKELA ASIWASHELE , which means the bride is ours, she is going to clean, cook for the family of the man. So, if that is not happening that is where the violence starts firing up. The man is regarded as the financial provider, if the man is unemployed and does the house chores wholeheartedly and looks after the children by the belief of patriarchy he is considered a man EDLISIWEYO (bewitched through traditional medicine).' (M1)

The man gives an argument that GBV is indirectly entrenched by boys' parents. He mentions in the following statement that men and boys can become victims of GBV by being expected to comply with masculinity and gender traditional norms:

'The parents also perpetrate violence when saying to a boy child, you can't be beaten by a girl. By saying that, they do not understand that they are perpetuating violence, they expect a boy child to be strong and use masculinity.' (M2)

The female co-researcher presents her argument as follows:

'We grew up, learning from the Word and learning from our Christian grandparents, who believed in the Word, the scripture also says that GOD created Adam and also created Eve who came from Adam's rib. This comes from many centuries, that is how we grew up and that is possibly why males would have picked the concept of gender-based violence because we grow up with stronger male figures and it is only changing now. But, it has not changed enough, women are still submissive and they are meant to be quiet, but it will possibly change with our kids if they see the behaviour of our generation.' (F1)

The female co-researcher argues that the historical concept of the scripture has been used to justify oppression against women. She argues the religious hegemony of women's submission to their husbands with a principle for change in this generation and generation to come. She attests that GBV is also driven by the submission of women to men. However, nowadays women seem to have changed more than women in the past. According to Klaasen (2018:18), 'theologians seek to transcend, the present reality and seek the authenticity of humanity, beyond the distorted notion of the image of God'.

South Africa is regarded a violent, angry country in the world and 'it has dropped in the latest index, with an index score of 57, and is now ranked the fifth most dangerous country out of the 144 countries covered' (Gullup 2020). Some people argue that 'the history of violence is traced to colonialism, apartheid and post-apartheid' (Gupta & William 2010:2). However, this does not justify GBV towards women and children. The female co-researcher's paragraph notes that violence can be the result of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and if that is not dealt with it can cause violence in a man's relationship:

'I would say that violence and anger come from the issues you have not dealt with, and what you have been through in your life, for example, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and apartheid abuse. A lot of people stay with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder with them. For example, losing a job would be a trigger, having communication problems in a relationship, having a child with an illness, a lot of things trigger certain things in a person's mind, it could lead to a fight or flight situation and then you just fight physically.' (F2)

In the excerpt below, the man shares his experience as one of the leaders of the GBV community forums. Men do not find it easy to report abuse; they are reluctant to come to the police station or social support group. They find it hard to express emotional abuse or any form of abuse perpetrated by a woman because of the embedded masculinity syndrome. Men have a term that says indoda ayikhali, ikhalela ngaphakathi [Men do not cry, only sob and die inside]. The narrative below reflects that men and boys could be subjected to GBV but become silent because of the stigma of being harassed by other men and law enforcement officers:

'I can tell you what I see, the man starts being violent because when he goes to the police station he becomes a laughing stock. After all, they know that men are masculine, when he opens a case saying that his woman beats him they laugh at him. Because they grew up knowing the man is the head of the family and a man can use his masculinity in any way. If a woman is harassed by a man, she can report it easily to the police, but a man cannot report that freely.' (M3)

For instance (Sida 2015):

[ M ]en and boys could feel ashamed and teased for not being 'real' men, by not complying with social expectations on manhood and masculinity norms, like gay, trans, bisexual and/or being identified as belonging to a low-status masculinity identity. (p. 6)

Theological reflection

According to Klaasen (2018:4), 'theology is about imagination characterised by willingness and beyond, we are agents of God's creation and we must practice vulnerability'. Therefore, this article avers that women and children 'are human beings created in the image and likeness of God, imago Dei ', Genesis 1:27. Berman (2015) says:

[ O ]ne does not mean to argue that femaleness is perfect as opposed to maleness, but holds an equally shared participation in humanity and the God-image, which lead to a healthier state of God's creation. (p. 131)

Sadly, patriarchy defines 'women as inferior to men, perpetuating the oppression of women by religion and culture' (Frieslaar & Masango 2021:6). The women under some church leaders remain vulnerable and deplorable and the Bible is a tool being misused. In support of this, Magezi and Manzanga (2021) assert that:

The notion of women's inferiority by Christian men in church emanates from the belief that women were 'created inferior to men'. This view springs from and is sustained in churches through invalid interpretations of certain biblical passages. For example, one of the interpretations is that Eve was created from the man's rib and was named by Adam. (p. 1)

In light of the above, research reveals misinterpretation of the scriptures as well by some churchwomen. For example, Nason-Clark (2000) states that churchwomen could sacrifice their lives for the sake of marriage relationships:

Religious women tend to think that marriage vows are forever, that they promised God, families, as well as their partners that they would love their husbands until death, do them apart - the biblical admonition (Mat. 18:21-22) to forgive 70 times seven means a perpetual cycle of hope and humiliation, or that women's cross to bear may be abuse in the family (Luk. 14:26-27). Women often blame themselves and cling endlessly to the hope that the relationship will improve and the violence will stop. (pp. 364-365)

Violence and oppression towards women have the potential to disguise the divine creation embedded in both men and women, which is the Imago Dei . It is the responsibility of both 'women and men to transcend the violent culture prevalent in South Africa, embedded in patriarchy and hierarchy' (Klaasen 2018:4). Theologically speaking, 'whatever diminishes or denies the full humanity of women, must be presumed not to reflect the divine or an authentic relation to the divine' (Ruether 1983:19). What does practical theology allow us to understand concerning GBV and the pandemic? For example, Genesis 3:16b says, 'God said to the woman your desire shall be for your husband, and he shall rule over you'. This text is misused to justify the control of men over women. However, Bond-Nash (2002:45) describes this passage 'as the result of sin entering the world and is a description of fallen humanity, rather than a prescription of what God had intended'.

Moreover, GBV is an ancient problem, the biblical text that pulls together various dimensions of women's exploitation by men, 2 Samuel 13:19-23, 'the narrative of Tamar who was tricked and raped by her half-brother Amnon' and Judges 19:22-30, 'the narrative of the unnamed woman who was raped, abused and killed'. The aforementioned biblical passages show how women have been often subjected to gross oppression and their inability to defend themselves in a patriarchal-dominated society. Magezi and Manzanga (2019:6) propose that 'Practical Theology should engage everyday concerns, issues of GBV which entails intentional focus, on making the church, interface with non-ecclesial communities'. The church should engage the community to fight GBV against women. In this regard, practical theology is expected to respond to the needs of the Christian communities and globally. There is a notion that 'the church is certainly involved, sadly, more from the point of burial of the victims of GBV than from remedial interventions' (Banda 2020:2). Therefore, the church is challenged to change in the way of doing the ministry, with the hope of a society of peace, in which GBV will come to an end. Lastly, the church must model the leadership of Jesus. There is nowhere in the Bible where Jesus mocked or oppressed women. I concur with Borland (2017:n.p.) when he emphasises that 'Jesus demonstrated the highest regard for women, in both his life and teaching, He honoured women, taught women, and ministered to women in thoughtful ways'.

Future possibilities

In a narrative approach, nothing is ever finished and completed because the stories are being storied. In response to the challenge of GBV, interventions should target multiple social levels, including public policy and government officials. Additionally, individual men, women and families, community leaders, schools and faith-based organisations such as churches should work together in the fight against GBV. Churches are significant in communities and in social institutions, which could play a pivotal role in addressing GBV, both traditional and cultural stereotypes. The GBV should be taken seriously by South Africans as a dreadful pandemic. Civil society should contribute to building strong advocacy and awareness about the scourge of GBV. Preventative measures should be the focus of a long-term solution to reduce violence. Harmful behaviours, distorted beliefs, negative attitudes, and bad social and cultural practices must be unlearnt and corrected (Sida 2015):

[ P ]revention strategies, entail a shift from ' victims ' to ' survivors ' with a focus on women and girls, efforts to increase women's political, economic empowerment, sexual and reproductive rights and to incorporate men and boys into work. (p. 4)

The male co-researcher mentioned the following in one of his excerpts:

'There is a saying take a girl child to work, to reverse the past situation and working opportunities are for women, what about the boys? If you look at empowerment programmes, they focus on women and girls, what about the boys and men who are left out of the system? They are talking about women's empowerment to address the imbalances of the past that were there before in the 60s and 70s and those are the people who grew up without equality. Nowadays when the government equalises they do it extremely, they hire more women than men in projects.' (M4)

The study assertion is that there is no justification for GBV or the killing of women and children; everyone has a right to life. Men and women should play their roles to solve their intimate relationship problems. The boy and girl children should model proper behaviour from their parents to stop the scourge of GBV. Community structures and local community projects should assist the people, and the men's forum should be actively involved in every community in South Africa to complete the end of the GBV. As Kobo (2016:3) suggests, 'this will somehow reduce the way men view women as sexual objects and eradicate the belief by some men that women are property to be owned'. The study demonstrated the significance of qualitative and narrative research through the findings from the co-researchers which were attested to the literature. This article found through narratives that men and boys feel neglected by the democratic government system in terms of empowerment. The article argued, on the other hand, that cultural norms such as gender roles, social construct, COVID-19 impact and misinterpretation of the scriptures contribute to GBV. The issue that remains a problem for the researcher and future challenge is how the government can create a space where men and women could engage in dialogue together on issues of GBV without excusing men's violent behaviour.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the female Clinical Psychologist from Pretoria and the man from Alexandra Gender-Based Violence Walking Support Centre for their willingness to be interviewed as part of the support and contribution in conducting this research.

Competing interests

The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

Author's contributions

W.B. is the sole author of this article.

Ethical considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

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Received: 16 May 2022 Accepted: 16 Sept. 2022 Published: 22 Dec. 2022

1 . This article was presented at the Society for Practical Theology in Southern Africa (SPTSA) conference, hosted by the University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics from 17 to 19 February 2021. 2 . Ulwaluko , 'when a male gets to a certain age, he is permitted to undergo the rites of passage, such as ulwaluko among amaXhosa and lebollo (Moja) among Basotho' (see Ratele 2008). This circumcision initiation rite is intended to prepare boys to enter into manhood. However, the outcome is negative at times as some men claim to have authority over the women and children. They demand certain respect, tend to abuse alcohol and attend elderly meetings in the community such as imbizo or legotla, while young women of their age do not attend. Lobola is a bride price which is given by the groom through negotiations arranged by the elders and the aim is to unite the families. Unfortunately, ' lobola is one of the reasons for violence against black women since it reduces women to the property of men' (Kobo 2016:4). 3 . Xhosa is one of the 11 official languages and the second spoken language in the country. It is dominant in the southern part of South Africa in Eastern Cape and Western Cape provinces. 4 . Siphefumla ngenxeba is the term that was popularised by Bakhepi on OUTsurance advert 'switch and save' in November 2019. The term means 'breathing through the wound', and is used to refer to being in a heavily uncomfortable situation. The term became more popular in May 2020 during the incident of George Perry Floyd who was apprehended and strangled by a white policeman. 5 . 'Coloured' is a legal classification as per the Apartheid Population Registration Act of 1950 . This term is still in use. Academically, the term can be used in a critical manner (like people of mixed ancestry in South Africa). In countries such as the United States of America, they are classified as black people, while in some other countries, they refer to people of mixed race. 6 . Wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo uzofa meaning, 'you strike women, you strike a rock, and you will die'. This phrase comes from the famous resistance song symbolising a courage and strength expressed at Women's March of 1956 when 'South African women refused to give into increasing oppression without some form of protest' (Clark, Mafokoane & Nyathi 2019). Women marched into Union buildings against the pass laws.

Contemporary Issues on Governance, Conflict and Security in Africa pp 287–307 Cite as

Gender-Based Violence in South Africa: The Second Pandemic?

• Nompumelelo Ndawonde 2  
• First Online: 26 May 2023

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8 Altmetric

This chapter argues that GBV in South Africa is a dynamic, multi-layered phenomenon, whose underlying causes are located in the intersection of race, gender, sexual orientation and gender identity and expression. It thus presents a holistic overview of GBV. The chapter begins with an introduction. Section two defines GBV and discusses its causes. Section three presents the masculinities approach and social norms theory, and the fourth section historicises GBV in South Africa. Section five examines the roles played by non-state actors in addressing GBV. Lastly, the chapter focuses on GBV as a human rights violation and presents recommendations and a conclusion.

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According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), femicide refers to the intentional murder of women simply because they are women or due to their gender or biological makeup which makes them different from men. A broader definition includes any killing of women or girls. The different types of femicide include intimate femicide, murders in the name of “honour”, dowry-related femicide, and non-intimate femicide. Femicide also refers to the killing of women by an intimate male partner, see Brodie ( 2019 ) and World Health Organisation ( 2012 ).

Intersectionality ‘refers to the idea that people have multiple identities and that people experience and perform/live within multiple, intersecting, and concurrent positions of privileges and oppressions’ (Patton et al., 2010 : 270). It enables an understanding of how race, gender, sexual orientation as well as gender identity and expression intersect in GBV.

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Ndawonde, N. (2023). Gender-Based Violence in South Africa: The Second Pandemic?. In: Contemporary Issues on Governance, Conflict and Security in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29635-2_17

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Gender-based violence in South Africa: what’s missing and how to fix it

Professor of Political Science, Stellenbosch University

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Valencia Farmer was 14 years old when she was brutally gang raped and murdered . She was stabbed 53 times. That was in 1999 and her killer was only sentenced for the crime 17 years later.

Sihle Sikoji was 19 years old and some men didn’t like the fact that she was a lesbian. So they stabbed her to death with a spear .

Anene Booysen was gang raped and disemboweled in 2013. Less than a month later athlete Oscar Pistorius shot and killed Reeva Steenkamp through a closed toilet door.

In May 2017, Karabo Mokoena became the latest face of South Africa’s gender-based violence epidemic. She was killed and her body burned beyond recognition, allegedly by her ex-boyfriend.

People remember these gruesome cases that end up on newspapers’ front pages. These women’s stories come with a flare up of societal outrage, protest and collective introspection. Then South Africans live in hope for a while, believing that this time something might change. But nothing does in a country marked by unusually high levels of rape and femicide.

There is little fluctuation in these statistics, which are reported annually by the South African Police Services. What this means is that without political will, a change in the sensationalism and narratives around the reporting of gender based violence and men’s greater involvement as allies with women when it comes to gender based violence, nothing will change.

Bad reporting, bad use of words

One of the problems is how violence against women is reported. A 2011 study by Tshwaranang Legal Advocacy Centre found that court proceedings got a lot of media coverage if they met a simple, grisly requirement: they should be brutal and shocking.

Brutality may capture people’s attention, but a lot of discussion around gender based violence in South Africa is devoid of contextual analysis .

This comes with consequences. It normalises violence and narratives are produced in popular reporting that don’t help society identify the right interventions for dealing with violence. People come to think that the solution to gender based violence lies in greater incarceration and retributive justice, rather than interventions with society at large that produces violent men. In the absence of interventions women vent their frustrations and pain in Twitter hashtags like #menaretrash . These stigmatise all men as contributing to gender based violence.

As I perused the newspapers, online reporting and Sunday papers after Karabo Mokoena’s death, I read the word “scourge” several times. This creates the impression that violence is visited upon us like the plagues in the Bible, without us knowing who is doing it or why. It makes the perpetrators of violence invisible. It also suggests that there’s a cure, if we just wait long enough. This type of reporting encourages short term responses but not immediate committed action and interventions.

When Anene Booysen’s killer applied for bail, the then-minister of Women, Youth and People with disabilities Lulu Xingwana shouted “all rapists must rot in jail”. During Oscar Pistorius’ trial the governing party’s Women’s League echoed this sentiment.

It is clear from these remarks that the governing African National Congress (ANC) sees higher incarceration rates as the solution to rape and femicide. Its members’ oft-repeated cry of “rot in jail” also suggests that rehabilitation is not viewed as a priority.

The problem is that this response individualises the challenge of violence. It focuses on individual perpetrators without attempting to understand the very complex social conditions in South Africa that contribute to men’s violent behaviour. These conditions include colonial and apartheid histories of violence, endemic poverty, substance abuse, deeply held patriarchal attitudes about women’s place in society and the emasculation of unemployment when men measure their worth through work, or an absence of it.

These issues all beg for solutions on a collective level. Without that sort of intervention, gender based violence will continue unabated.

Lack of political will

There is also a visible absence of political will to fight these kinds of crimes. After Anene Booysen’s murder, enraged South Africans called for a National Council on Gender Based Violence to be formed. President Jacob Zuma agreed to this and asked his then-Minister of Women, Youth and People with Disabilities to spearhead the initiative .

But after the country’s 2014 election the ministry was closed down. Now women’s issues are represented by a single minister in the Presidency, and there’s no sign of the council that was promised.

Susan Shabangu, who is the minister for Women in the Presidency, has not demonstrated much will to genuinely tackle gender based violence. She recently described Karabo Mokoena as weak , saying this caused her death. Here we see the lack of political will to deal with sexual violence: the minister has not initiated any interventions or projects to deal with the country’s outrageous proportions of gender based violence.

What needs to change

South Africans are frustrated. Some express their feelings of hopelessness around violence on social media, tagging posts with #MenAreTrash. This is an example of women finding solidarity in their victimisation through telling their stories of sexual violence. These stories must be told and heard, because they show how vast the problem is and how women rarely speak out.

But this particular campaign also stigmatises all men as deviant. Many men may react by becoming defensive. Potential allies are alienated. Gender based violence will only diminish if men and women unite to fight against it. Men have an important role to play in this struggle.

Men will have to speak out to other men who are contributing to rape culture. They must start to address other men’s perceptions and stereotypes about women’s sexuality. They must call out men who believe women can be beaten to “discipline” them, or who refer to women as “sluts” when they do not like their behaviour.

Without intervention, the problem of sexual violence will not stop. Karabo Mokoena’s name will be joined by hundreds more on a never-ending list of loss and brutality.

• Oscar Pistorius
• Violence against women
• South Africa
• Media coverage
• Intimate partner violence
• Women abuse
• Reeva Steenkamp
• Gender-based violence
• Women and girls

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Gender-Based Violence in South Africa

Gender-based violence is any harm done to a person or group of persons because of their actual or perceived sex, gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity. Any act of gender-based violence, whether public or private, causes or is likely to inflict bodily, sexual, or psychological pain or suffering to women, including threats of such actions, coercion, or arbitrary loss of liberty. Gender-based violence is motivated by a desire to humiliate and make a person or group feel inferior or submissive and is based on a power imbalance.

The violence is deeply ingrained in society’s social and cultural institutions, habits, and beliefs, and it is usually perpetrated through the use of technology. As Suzor et al. (2018) illustrated, gender-based violence can take many forms, ranging from verbal hostility and hate speech on the Internet to rape or murder. A former spouse or a current, a family member, a co-worker, schoolmates, friends, an unknown individual, or someone acting on behalf of cultural, religious, state, or intra-state institutions can all perpetuate it. This essay covers a gender-based violence practice against women, in particular, the rising rape cases in South Africa.

Rape is defined broadly under South Africa’s judicial system. Moreover, it comprises oral, anal, or vaginal penetration of a person’s mouth with an animal’s sexual organs and anal or vaginal penetration with any item. In the 2019/20 fiscal year, the police recorded 42,289 rapes, up from 41,583 in the previous fiscal year (Banda, 2020). The data equates to an average of 116 rapes every day reported to the police (Banda, 2020). The ISS has cautioned that police rape data are not an “accurate indicator of either the extent or trend of this crime.

The findings supports my rationale for focusing on rape, a well-known form of gender-based violence in South Africa that affects young women. The steady rise in violence against women has become one of the most visible and destructive vestiges of this complicated history, intensified by apartheid’s aggression, the social consequences of the migrant labor force, and patriarchal authority’s impact. Sexual assault was used to maintain control, submission, and interracial compliance during the colonial era and the apartheid era.

The act is the most heinous kind of gender-based violence that exists. Hence, it is critical to endorse stringent policies to combat the steady surge of rape cases in South Africa. Several rape cases were recorded from January to March 2021, the data represents a 387-case decrease over the same period in 2020 (Banda, 2020). The number of rape cases documented at that time, according to one gender activist, illustrates how little is being implemented in the country to fight GBV. More than 2 000 people have reported rape cases in Gauteng since the beginning of the year, ranking it as the country’s economic hub the top province for verified rapes in South Africa.

After critical analysis, it is clear that South Africa is a society riven with deep contradictions, especially between the pledges of the legislation and the reality of modern life. Legislation is a step forward, but official legal reform is merely the beginning. Implementing tools for cultural change is critical, yet changing a society’s culture is not simple. Because of the apartheid heritage, sexual violence remains rampant; nonetheless, the legal elimination of apartheid did not eliminate the institutions that held society in check. Violence continues to be a part of many people’s lives, particularly women’s lives. The system of government and its institutions, such as the police force, have established sexual violence as a social standard rather than making genuine efforts to counteract it, resulting in the continuation of sexual violence.

Most research on rape researcher has emphasized that historical studies of sexual violence against women are crucial. In that regard rape is seen as not only a severe problem that needs to be addressed but also as a vehicle for exploring bigger issues of gender-based violence. Insight into significant historical themes can be gained through research into rape in South Africa.

Three hypotheses have dominated the rape debate since the 1970s. Rape theories are classified as Feminist, Social Learning, and Biological (Kukkaje, 2019). Despite their popularity, these ideas have proven ineffective in describing the South African reality because of their western focus. The principles of Feminist Theory and Social Learning theory, on the other hand, have informed my view of rape’s origins. According to the Feminist theory, rape is the product of ancient and profound entrenched social practices, in which males have dominated all critical political and economic activities practically. According to the theory, women have been barred from gaining social and economic power in society. As a result, they’ve been labeled as unequal.

Men commit domination and reinforce women’s subordination through physical violence, known as women rape. Donnerstein and Malamuth’s Social Learning Theory, the notion emphasizes the role of cultural variables in understanding rape (Fritz, et al., 2020). This perspective contends that rape is a taught habit influenced by culture and a society’s prevalence of violence. As a result, images of sex and violence, often known as “rape myths” and desensitization to these effects, all play a part in forming rape culture. The third rape theory, as exacerbates that aggressive sexual conduct by males is a response to natural selection and the drive to reproduce (Baumeister, 2018). Accordingly, aggressive copulatory methods are an extreme reaction to natural selection pressure for men to be pushier in their attempts to copulate than females. Both the Feminist and Social Learning theories may be applied to the rape epidemic in South Africa. The identification of a gender hierarchy in feminist theory applies to male-dominated townships. Due to their marginalization as citizens, women have had little social or political authority in these areas.

Survivors experience diverse negative impacts of sexual assault; there is no list of typical “symptoms” they should exhibit. What is shared is that such effects are profound, affecting the physical and mental health of victims/survivors and their interpersonal relationships with family, friends, partners and colleagues. More than this, the impacts of sexual assault go beyond the individual to have a collective effect on the social wellbeing of our communities.

There are a variety of effects on humans, the most significant of which are psychological and emotional repercussions. Sexual assault has been linked to various short- and long-term mental and emotional impacts (Voth et al, 2018). Thus, it is usual to have symptoms like extreme dread of death and detachment during an assault. These are normal bodily reactions. The fact that terror paralyzed the victim does not indicate she consented to the attack. After a case of rape, the most common reactions are anxiety and acute terror. As a result of sexual assault, many people are afraid of catching HIV/STIs and becoming pregnant. Sexual assault can lead to fears of future attacks and other damage. This presumption is shattered if the victim/survivor has previously regarded the world as essentially a secure place.

The trauma response model and the clinical diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have aided in recognizing the gravity of the pain inflicted on those who have been sexually assaulted and the scope of the violation they have endured. Not every woman who has been sexually assaulted suffers from physical damage or medical issues. Sexual assault, on the other hand, can result in a wide range of physical damage and health effects. Injuries might occur as a direct result of the assault, subsequent problems, or psychological harm. For sure victims of penetrative sexual assault, physical consequences might include injury to the urethra, vagina, and anus; gastrointestinal, sexual, and reproductive health issues; pain syndromes; and eating disorders, including bulimia nervosa—increased risk of sexually transmitted illnesses such as HIV/AIDS, unintended pregnancy, and abortion decisions. Irritable bowel syndrome, chronic diseases like diabetes and arthritis, headaches, and gynecologic symptoms like dysmenorrhea, pain or cramps in the lower abdomen during menstruation, menorrhagia (abnormally heavy or prolonged bleeding during menstruation), and sex-related issues are just a few examples.

People who have been sexually abused have lower self-esteem than those who have never been sexually abused. Sexual assault can affect how the victim/survivor interacts with family, friends, and the community at large. Following a sexual assault, interpersonal connections with intimate partners and friendships and familial interactions can be impacted. Communication problems, intimacy issues, trust issues, sexual relations issues, and the pleasure of social activities can all be harmed. Overprotectiveness on the victim might also be a problem due to avoidance of social interactions and feelings of poor self-worth and self-doubt. Family, friends, and partners’ reactions might assist or harm the situation. The victim’s survivor’s Negative emotions can lead to avoidant coping strategies linked to a lower recovery success rate, but supportive reactions can help in recovery and healing.

Sexual assault has ramifications for the victim’s partner, children, family, and friends, as well as the larger community: A sexual assault and its aftermath can affect non-perpetrator family members, partners, acquaintances, and children of victims/survivors; these persons are frequently referred to as “secondary victims.” Secondary victims often suffer from the impacts of trauma, with symptoms that are sometimes comparable to those experienced by primary victims, and knowledge of a traumatic incident experienced by a significant other is painful in and of itself – this is secondary trauma.

Even though it is impossible to put a monetary number on the trauma inflicted by sexual assault, it is crucial to recognize that the victim and the wider community bear financial expenses. Loss of actual wages, future earning potential, medical expenditures; intangible costs (loss of quality of life, sorrow, and suffering); and counseling fees are just a few examples. The victim frequently incurs such expenses and costs; nevertheless, the whole community bears the consequences of sexual assault, both financial and non-financial. In each state and territory, monetary compensation may be offered through the relevant organization. Furthermore, details, connections, and information may be found. Rapists’ psychological reasons are more complicated than previously imagined. They might include the urge to punish, exact vengeance, inflict pain, demonstrate sexual prowess, or exert control via terror.

Mann, 2021, compares rape victims to those who are in excruciating pain but can’t help themselves. The juxtaposition of animal predation with routine sexual assault begs the question of how a reaction reserved for deadly, no-way-out conditions in animals is present in modes of violation when the victim does not report fear of death or serious bodily damage.

Many people experience remorse after witnessing rape victims. They visualize their counterpart’s agony, making them fearful of being in a similar circumstance. Furthermore, they have a variety of psychological reactions, but they frequently involve feelings of guilt, humiliation, uncertainty, fear, and wrath. Victims often describe a pervasive sensation of filth, an inability to feel clean, an overpowering sense of vulnerability, and a paralyzing sense of powerlessness over their life. Many people are terrified of returning to the crime scene, being followed, and having any sexual connections. Others have sleep or food routines that have been disrupted for a long time or cannot perform at work.

For the record, eliminating violence against young women and girls requires a multi-pronged, community-based strategy as well as ongoing interaction with a wide range of stakeholders, such as everyone’s participation. In order to be most effective, violence prevention initiatives must address underlying risk factors for violence, such as gender roles in society and societal tolerance for violence. If we do not address this issue now, we will incur significant costs in the future. Children who grow up in a violent environment are more likely to become future survivors or perpetrators of violence, according to numerous research.

Banda, Z. J. (2020). A survey on gender-based violence – The paradox of trust between women and men in South Africa: A missiological scrutiny. HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies , 76 (1). Web.

Baumeister, H. (2018). Theories and legislative histories of war rape and forced marriage. Sexualised Crimes, Armed Conflict and the Law, 43–81. Web.

Fritz, N., Malic, V., Paul, B., & Zhou, Y. (2020). A descriptive analysis of the types, targets, and relative frequency of aggression in mainstream pornography. Archives of Sexual Behavior , 49 (8), 3041–3053. Web.

Kukkaje, M. (2019). Violence against women: A review of literature with reference to men perpetrators. Artha – Journal of Social Sciences , 18 (1), 1–12. Web.

Mann, B. (2021). Rape and social death. Feminist Theory. Web.

Suzor, N., Dragiewicz, M., Harris, B., Gillett, R., Burgess, J., & Van Geelen, T. (2018). Human Rights by design: The responsibilities of social media platforms to address gender-based violence online. Policy & internet, 11(1), 84–103. Web.

Voth Schrag, R. J., & Edmond, T. E. (2018). Intimate partner violence, trauma, and mental health need among female community college students. Journal of American College Health , 66 (7), 702-711. Web.

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Gender-Based Violence in South Africa Essay – 300, 500 Words

Essay on gender-based violence in south africa – 300 words.

Gender-based violence (GBV) remains a deeply entrenched crisis in South Africa, casting a dark shadow over the nation’s progress and potential. Despite legislative efforts and heightened awareness, the prevalence of GBV continues to haunt the lives of countless individuals, predominantly women and girls. This essay explores the factors contributing to the persistence of GBV in South Africa and highlights the urgent need for comprehensive solutions.

Table of Contents

A complex interplay of socio-economic, cultural, and historical factors has contributed to the alarming rates of GBV in South Africa. The legacy of apartheid, where violence was used as a tool of oppression, has perpetuated a culture of violence in many spheres of society. Economic disparities, inadequate access to education, and limited employment opportunities fuel a cycle of poverty, trapping many women in situations where they are vulnerable to abuse.

Cultural norms and traditional attitudes further exacerbate the problem. Patriarchal notions of masculinity and femininity often enforce power imbalances, normalizing the domination of women and subjugating their rights. Moreover, harmful practices such as forced marriages, female genital mutilation, and “corrective” rape against LGBTQ+ individuals persist, amplifying the spectrum of violence faced by various marginalized groups.

The legal framework in South Africa is relatively robust, with laws such as the Domestic Violence Act and the Sexual Offences Act. However, implementation and enforcement remain challenging due to limited resources, corruption, and a lack of awareness about legal protections. A culture of impunity prevails, enabling perpetrators to escape accountability and perpetuate the cycle of violence.

To address this crisis, a multi-faceted approach is essential. Comprehensive sex education, starting at an early age, can challenge harmful gender stereotypes and promote respectful relationships. Strengthening economic opportunities for women, coupled with accessible healthcare and counseling services, can provide pathways to independence and healing for survivors. Civil society organizations and government agencies must collaborate to enhance awareness campaigns, provide safe spaces, and streamline reporting processes.

In conclusion, gender-based violence in South Africa continues to be a deeply rooted and concerning issue, impeding the nation’s social progress. The convergence of historical, cultural, and economic factors has perpetuated the cycle of violence against women and vulnerable groups. A concerted effort involving legal reforms, education, economic empowerment, and cultural transformation is imperative to break the chains of GBV and pave the way for a more just and equitable society.

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Essay on Gender-Based Violence in South Africa – 500 Words

Introduction Gender-based violence (GBV) remains a deeply entrenched issue in South Africa, posing significant challenges to the nation’s social fabric and development. Despite progress in various areas, the prevalence of GBV continues to cast a shadow over the country’s efforts toward equality, human rights, and empowerment. This essay explores the root causes, manifestations, and efforts to combat GBV in South Africa.

Root Causes The pervasive nature of GBV in South Africa can be attributed to a complex interplay of historical, cultural, socio-economic, and structural factors. A history of apartheid, racial segregation, and inequality has contributed to a legacy of violence and power imbalances. High levels of poverty, unemployment, and inadequate access to education exacerbate the problem, as they limit opportunities for personal and economic growth, particularly among women.

Manifestations of Gender-Based Violence GBV in South Africa takes various forms, including physical, sexual, emotional, and economic abuse. Women and girls are disproportionately affected, facing intimate partner violence, domestic abuse, sexual assault, and human trafficking. The deeply ingrained cultural norms and beliefs often perpetuate a cycle of violence, where victim-blaming and silencing victims hinder reporting and legal action.

Efforts to Combat Gender-Based Violence South Africa has taken steps to address GBV through legislative, policy, and advocacy initiatives. The National Policy Framework for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality seeks to integrate gender considerations into all aspects of government planning and programming. The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act strengthens legal protection against sexual offenses and rape. Additionally, campaigns such as “16 Days of Activism for No Violence Against Women and Children” raise awareness and promote community involvement.

However, challenges persist due to implementation gaps, inadequate resources, and cultural resistance to change. The criminal justice system’s inefficiencies often lead to low conviction rates, perpetuating a sense of impunity among perpetrators. Furthermore, patriarchal norms and traditional attitudes continue to hinder progress, as they can discourage survivors from seeking help and pursuing legal action.

Civil society organizations and grassroots movements have emerged as critical players in the fight against GBV. Initiatives like the “Soul City” multimedia campaign engage communities in discussions about gender norms, power dynamics, and violence prevention. Women’s shelters and support centers provide safe spaces and resources for women survivors. These efforts underscore the importance of involving all segments of society in creating a comprehensive response.

Conclusion Gender-based violence in South Africa remains a pervasive issue with deep-rooted causes and complex manifestations. Despite the country’s legislative and policy measures to combat GBV, progress has been slow due to systemic challenges and cultural resistance. To truly address this issue, a multi-faceted approach is required, involving government action, community engagement, education, and advocacy. Eradicating GBV requires a collective commitment to changing cultural norms, empowering women, and building a society where safety and equality are paramount. Only then can South Africa strive toward a future free from the shadow of gender-based violence.

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Gender Based Violence against Women in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Cross-Sectional Studies

Muluken dessalegn muluneh.

1 School of Nursing and Midwifery, Western Sydney University, Parramatta South Campus, Parramatta, NSW 2151, Australia

2 Amref Health Africa in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 17022, Ethiopia

Virginia Stulz

3 School of Nursing and Midwifery, Western Sydney University, Locked Bag 1797, Penrith, NSW 2751 Australia

Lyn Francis

Kingsley agho.

4 School of Health Sciences, Western Sydney University, Locked Bag1797, Penrith, NSW 2571, Australia

5 African Vision Research Institute (AVRI), University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 4041, South Africa

Associated Data

This study aimed to systematically review studies that examined the prevalence of gender based violence (GBV) that included intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-IPV among women in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This evidence is an important aspect to work towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) target of eliminating all forms of violence in SSA. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) guidelines were followed. Ovid Medline, CINAHL, Cochrane Central, Embase, Scopus and Web of Science were used to source articles with stringent eligibility criteria. Studies on GBV in SSA countries that were published in English from 2008 to 2019 were included. A random effect meta-analysis was used. Fifty-eight studies met the inclusion criteria. The pooled prevalence of IPV among women was 44%, the past year-pooled prevalence of IPV was 35.5% and non-IPV pooled prevalence was 14%. The highest prevalence rates of IPV that were reported included emotional (29.40%), physical (25.87%) and sexual (18.75%) violence. The sub-regional analysis found that women residing in Western (30%) and Eastern (25%) African regions experienced higher levels of emotional violence. Integrated mitigation measures to reduce GBV in SSA should focus mainly on IPV in order to achieve the SDG’s that will lead to sustainable changes in women’s health.

1. Introduction

According to the United Nations (UN), gender based violence (GBV) is defined as “any act of gender based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life [ 1 ].” GBV occurs and is classified in various ways. It can be defined depending on the relationship between the perpetrator and victim (intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-IPV), or by type of the act of GBV, such as sexual, physical or emotional violence [ 2 ]. This definition resonates throughout this manuscript.

GBV is a global public health problem that poses challenges in human health, with a higher prevalence in developing countries [ 3 , 4 ]. GBV not only plays a significant component in the morbidity and mortality of women, but this form of violence disproportionately affects the health status of women and their children [ 4 ]. GBV is an abuse of human rights that occurs internationally, in both developing and developed countries, regardless of culture, socio-economic class or religion [ 2 , 5 , 6 ] and varies in frequency, forms and extent from country to country [ 6 ].

It is often considered a ‘tip of the iceberg or silent epidemic’ as victims are hesitant to reveal their experiences of violence due to many barriers [ 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 ]. The barriers that women experience about reporting GBV include fear of stigma and shame, financial barriers, lack of awareness of available services, fear of revenge, lack of law enforcement action and attitudes surrounding violence as a normal component of life. Subsequently, this results in underreporting and challenges in accurately measuring the prevalence of GBV [ 7 , 10 ]. Overall, it is estimated that 30% of women have experienced at least one form of GBV in their lifetime since the age of 15 [ 4 ]. A World Health Organisation (WHO) multi-country study among women of reproductive age revealed that the overall prevalence of IPV ranged between 15% in urban areas (such as Japan) to 71% in provincial areas (such as Ethiopia) [ 3 ]. Evidence reveals that the problem is mostly prominent in developing countries where socioeconomic status is low and education is limited, especially in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) countries [ 11 , 12 ].

The SDG’s are targeting eliminating all forms of violence against women and that all countries should be free from IPV by the year 2030, considering the deep rooted practices and effects of GBV against women [ 13 ]. In response to this, all stakeholders in all countries need to improve and work towards decreasing the prevalence of IPV [ 14 ]. Hence, better understanding of the prevalence of GBV is necessary for government and nongovernment organisations to inform an appropriate and effective policy response.

Despite the scope of this problem, most available studies are limited to developed countries with limited evidence focused on SSA countries [ 4 , 7 , 11 ]. Setting priority prevention and mitigation measures using the evidence from developed countries alone have substantial drawbacks [ 4 , 13 ]. In addition, studies conducted in SSA countries were focused on small-scale studies such as provinces and districts in particular countries that could overestimate the prevalence of GBV [ 3 , 4 ]. The small-scale studies conducted cannot be generalizable to the wider population. As a result, many SSA countries are yet to include the elimination of GBV on their policy agendas as a serious human rights violation with severe short and long-term implications [ 15 ]. There have been limited studies to date that have collectively and systematically examined the prevalence of GBV in varying forms among women aged 15-49 years of age in SSA countries, besides these small-scale studies.

Therefore, the aim of this research was to systematically determine the pooled prevalence rates of GBV including IPV and non-IPV in SSA countries. Additionally, the study analysed pooled prevalence rates of physical, sexual and emotional IPV in SSA countries. Findings reported in this study will provide vital evidence to inform policy and guide health investments to respond and prevent violence in alignment with the SDG’s target by 2030. In addition, the research findings will serve as a stimulus for further research on the dynamics of GBV in SSA countries to close existing gaps in the literature.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. study setting.

According to the United Nation (UN) World Population Review 2019, SSA consists of 48 countries with a population of 1,066,283,427 and accounts for 14.2% of the world population, with a growth rate of 2.66% in 2019 [ 16 ]. According to the UN sub-classification, regions are subdivided in to four regions including Western, Central African, Eastern, and Southern SSA [ 16 ]. Western SSA included Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo. Central African SSA included Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo Republic-Brazzaville, Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Sao Tome and Principe. Southern SSA included Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe [ 16 ]. The fourth least developed sub-region of SSA is Eastern SSA that included Burundi, Comoros, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Rwanda, Seychelles, Somalia, Somaliland, Tanzania and Uganda [ 16 ].

GBV is reported as a common practice in SSA and sexual violence prevalence is high in some countries such as Zambia (90%) and Ethiopia (711%) [ 3 , 17 ]. According to the Gender Equality Index Report, which includes data on reproductive health, employment, and empowerment, 27 of the 30 countries in the world that exhibit unequitable gender indices, are in Africa [ 13 ]. Most African cultural beliefs and traditions promote men’s hierarchical role in sexual relationships and especially in marriage [ 18 ]. Almost two-thirds (63%) of the African population live in remote rural settings that increases the difficulty to access basic amenities [ 16 ] and communities are disparate from the influence of central government or laws that prohibit GBV [ 13 ]. Only 22 African countries have adopted laws that prohibit GBV [ 14 ].

2.2. Information Source

A search of six electronic databases including Ovid Medline, CINAHL, Cochrane Central, EMBASE, Scopus, and Web of Science were undertaken. Relevant reference listings were checked, and grey literature was included, in addition to key research publications. Prior to starting this systematic review, the authors ensured the research question did not appear in any existing systematic reviews using Cochrane, Health Services Research Projects in Progress (HSRProj), and Prospero International Prospective Register of Systematic Reviews (PROSPERO) database registries.

2.3. Search Strategy

This systematic review was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 19 ]. Pre-selected Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) terms and text words were used and searched in the above six databases for peer reviewed articles published between January 2008 and July 2019. The year 2008 was used as a baseline that provided increased global commitment of addressing GBV over the past decade [ 20 ]. There has been an increased uptake on the number of studies determining GBV prevalence internationally [ 20 ]. Moreover, the population dynamics have changed rapidly over the past ten years including improvements in health service access and education [ 21 ]. The search was limited to English language papers. Gender-based violence, intimate partner violence, domestic violence, spouse abuse, physical abuse, emotional violence, reproductive coercion, sexual assault, sub-Saharan countries, women aged 15-49 years, prevalence, magnitude and estimates were the key words used to conduct the search ( Table S1 ). The specified age of 15 years was used as a baseline as most studies used Demographic Health Surveys (DHS) that focused on women aged 15 to 49 years of age.

2.4. Eligibility Criteria

The following eligibility criteria were used to include studies in the systematic review:

• (i) Studies that reported the prevalence of GBV that focused on either or a combination of IPV, non-IPV, physical, sexual or emotional violence;
• (ii) Sample size greater than 300;
• (iii) Females within the age range of 15–49 years of age;
• (iv) Studies conducted in SSA countries [ 16 ] including countries in Western, Central, Eastern and Southern countries (see study setting for the list of countries);
• (v) Published in English from 2008 to 2019;
• (vi) Only quantitative studies.

2.5. Exclusion Criteria

• GBV studies with no prevalence reported for example, studies that focused on factors associated with GBV; GBV consequences;
• Sample size less than 300;
• Qualitative studies not included as the main objective was to generate a pooled prevalence of GBV using the meta-analysis;
• Studies conducted outside SSA;
• Studies published before 1st of January 2008;
• Studies published other than English;
• Study participants less than 15 years of age or greater than 49 years of age.

2.6. Quality of Study

The quality of the studies that met the inclusion criteria was appraised using a Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) checklist for cross-sectional studies [ 22 ]. The following criteria were the key questions derived from the CASP to appraise the quality of the studies:

• Did the study address a clearly focused issue?
• Were the participants of the study recruited in an acceptable way?
• Was the outcome accurately measured to minimise bias?
• Was the sampling appropriate for the study?
• What are the results of the study?
• How precise are the tools used to measure the results?
• Do you believe the results?
• Can the results be applied to the local population?
• Are the results of the study relevant and fit with other available evidence?
• What are the implications of this study for practice?

The two independent reviewers rated the quality of each study by screening and considering the findings in relation to current practice or policy or relevant research-based literature and whether the findings can be transferred to other populations. The quality of each paper was rated using a ten-point scale using the CASP measurement criteria, 0 (none of the quality measures met) to ten (all quality measures met). The quality of the paper was based on the sum of points awarded. Studies were rated as poor quality (score ≤ 6); medium quality (7–8); and high quality (≥9) (See Table S2 in the Supplementary Materials .

2.7. Data Extraction

Endnote was used to manage search results. The authors reviewed the titles, abstracts, and keywords of every article retrieved by the search according to the selection criteria developed that included author, country, population/study subjects, study design, sample size and key findings and quality of the paper. The full texts of the articles were retrieved for further assessment if the information suggested that the study met the selection criteria or if there was any doubt regarding eligibility of the article based on the information in the title and abstract. Outcome data were extracted from studies using a tailored data extraction form adopted from various literature.

2.8. Data Analysis and Synthesis

This study was based on secondary data analysis. The syntax “metaprop” in Stata version 16.0 [ 23 ] was used to generate forest plots for each of the Figures S1–S8 . Each forest plot showed the prevalence of an indicator in individual authors and countries and its corresponding weight, as well as the pooled prevalence in each sub-region and its associated 95% confidence intervals (CI’s). A test of heterogeneity of the DHS and other data sets were obtained for the different authors and countries that showed a high level of inconsistency (I 2 > 50%) thereby warranting the use of a random effect model in all the meta-analyses. Sensitivity analyses were conducted to examine the effect of outliers by using a method similar to that employed by Patsopoulos and colleagues [ 24 ] which involves comparing the pooled prevalence before and after elimination of one author or country at a time. Subgroup analysis was conducted by Eastern Africa, Western Africa and Southern Africa based on the UN classification [ 16 ]. The findings of the systematic review are synthesized and presented in summary form in Table 1 .

Characteristics of included studies (intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-IPV).

2.9. Ethical Statement

This review used secondary data available in the public domain including the six electronic databases for the systematic review and the DHS dataset that are publicly available. Therefore, ethical approval was not required for this study because the data included in this analysis contained no identifying information and is publicly available and ethical approval has already been obtained by the original author or by the DHS program.

A total of 4931 articles were found in the initial search from all databases. After removal of duplicates, 3275 remained for screening. Screening by title led to the exclusion of 3021 articles. Further reading of abstracts for 245 full-text articles led to the exclusion of another 187 articles. Twelve grey literature articles were included. Finally, 58 articles met the inclusion criteria ( Figure S1 ).

3.1. Description of Included Studies

Fifty-eight articles were reviewed for data analysis and interpretation. The majority (95%) [ 4 , 9 , 15 , 21 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 , 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 ] of research articles included in this review were cross-sectional and the remaining (5%) were cohort studies [ 86 , 87 , 88 ]. Only cross-sectional studies were used to estimate the pooled prevalence rates. Overall, the total sample sizes ranged from 300 to 86,024 women of reproductive age ( Table 1 ).

Overall, 58 cross-sectional studies investigated the prevalence of IPV either in the woman’s lifetime or over the previous year. Four studies reported non-IPV [ 4 , 27 , 60 , 80 ]. The studies that focused on IPV included 23 that reported physical violence, 18 that reported sexual violence and 20 studies that reported emotional violence. A relatively larger number of studies were found from Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya, Ethiopia and Uganda ( Table 1 ). The assessment of the studies’ quality found that 30 (52%) were very good, 22 (38%) were medium quality and six (10%) studies were deemed low quality. The details of this assessment are provided as a supporting document (Table S2) .

3.2. Prevalence of IPV among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age

The prevalence of IPV in various SSA countries was sourced from 25 studies. The findings showed the prevalence ranged from as low as 13.9% (95% CI 10.8, 17.6%) [ 86 ] in a study conducted on perinatal women with depression symptoms in South Africa to as high as 97% (95% CI 94.6, 98%) [ 37 ] in a study conducted among rural women in Nigeria. The overall meta-analysis estimate for prevalence of IPV was 44.4% (95% 38.4, 49.8%) ( Figure S2 ).

3.3. Prevalence of Intimate Partner Physical or Sexual Violence among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age Using DHS Data (2008–2019)

Additional information was sourced from the most recent DHS reports that were conducted in SSA countries from 2008 to 2019 [ 101 ]. Only 29 sub-Saharan countries from the DHS reported on GBV. The prevalence focused on physical or sexual violence committed by a husband or partner against women [ 101 ]. We found that prevalence ranged from as low as 6.4 % in Comoros to 51% in Cameroun [ 101 ]. The meta-analysis showed a pooled prevalence of 31.3% (95% CI 26.3, 36.3) with heterogeneity detected among various surveys and countries ( Figure S3 ).

3.4. Prevalence of Past Year IPV among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age

A total of 18 studies investigated experiences of IPV over the past year among 24,941 women. The highest prevalence of IPV was found among women engaged in commercial sex work 78.7% (95% CI 75.2, 81.8%) in Kenya and in Nigeria (52.5%) (95% CI 46.7, 58.2%) [ 66 ]. Furthermore, a meta-analysis was estimated at 35.5 % (95% CI, 27.2, 44.12) ( Figure S4 ). The sub-region analysis showed the highest pooled estimates in Eastern Africa (38.93%), followed by Western Africa (32%). Limited studies were sourced in South and Central SSA countries on IPV over the past year. Another sub-group analysis over the past year’s prevalence of GBV among pregnant and non-pregnant women showed the prevalence of experiencing any form of GBV amongst pregnant women was 30.5% (95% CI 21.2, 39.6) compared to non-pregnant women 39.8% (95% CI 26.98, 52.69) ( Figure S4 ).

3.5. Prevalence of Physical IPV among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age

Prevalence of physical violence was found in 23 studies ranging from 5.5% (95% CI 3.9, 7.9%) [ 47 ] among nurses in Ethiopia and 5.9% (95% CI 3.6–9.3%) [ 66 ] among HIV positive pregnant women in Nigeria to 59.9% (95% CI 55.5–63.8%) [ 29 ] among women in Uganda. A total of 66,361 women participants were included in the meta-analysis. Further, analysis of sub-regional estimates of physical violence was 29.3%, (95% CI 20.49, 38.09%) in Eastern Africa, 22.38% (95% CI 17.64, 27.12%) in Western Africa, 26.59% (95% CI 18.79, 34.38%) in Central Africa and 29.29% (95% CI 10.36, 48.18%) in Southern Africa. The overall pooled prevalence of physical violence was 26.14% (95% CI 21.69, 30.40%) with differences detected amongst the studies ( Figure S5 ). Eleven studies showed that over the past year, the prevalence of IPV ranged from 9.3% (95% CI 8.3, 10.6%) in a Tanzanian study [ 96 ] to 43.8% (95% CI 39.5, 47.8%) [ 29 ] in Uganda. The pooled past year prevalence of physical IPV was estimated at 21.59% (95% CI 15.84, 27.33%).

3.6. Prevalence of Sexual IPV among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age

Seventeen studies showed an overall prevalence of violent experiences and seven studies found experiences of sexual violence over the past year. Overall, pooled prevalence of sexual violence was 18.61% (95% CI 15.21, 22.00) with a high disparity among studies detected ( Figure S6 ). The highest prevalence report was found in women in Northern Uganda (50%) (95% CI 46, 53%) [ 29 ], followed by a study conducted amongst women (39.7%) (95% CI 32.2, 47.2) in the Democratic Congo [ 31 ]. The lowest prevalence was found in Ghana (4%) (95% CI 3.1, 5.1) [ 37 ] and Nigeria (6.6%) (95% CI 6.3, 6.9) [ 45 ] amongst women of reproductive age. Similarly, a study conducted amongst nurses in Ethiopia showed one in 25 nurses (3.8%) had an experience of sexual violence (95% CI 2.5, 5.6) [ 47 ]. Eastern African women experienced relatively more sexual violence compared to other sub-regions. Among the seven studies with women experiencing sexual violence over the past year, violence ranged from the highest in Nigeria (42%) [ 66 ] and Ethiopia (31%) [ 39 ] to the lowest being 2% (95% CI 1.1–3.6 %) in a study conducted among HIV infected pregnant women in South Africa [ 93 ]. The results show there were no differences in lifetime and past year sexual IPV experiences ( Figure S6 ).

3.7. Prevalence of Emotional IPV among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age

There were 57,434 study participants included in the analysis. The prevalence of emotional violence was the highest among health care workers in Ethiopia (53.1%) (95% CI 48.7%, 57.4) [ 100 ] to Rwanda 9.7% (95% CI 8.8, 10.7) [ 56 ]. In particular regions, one in three women in most parts of Western Africa were emotionally abused by their partner. For instance, two studies conducted amongst women aged 15–49 years of age in Nigeria indicated the prevalence rate of emotional violence experienced was 44.4% (95% CI 40.9, 47.9) [ 58 ] and 34.7% (95% CI 29.5, 40.2) [ 28 ]. The most common type of violence was purported to be emotional violence in these countries in comparison to other regions. Sub-group analysis was conducted based on timing of the violence and found a pooled overall prevalence of emotional violence of 29.36% (95% CI 24.77, 33.9) and past one-year prevalence rate of 21.42% (95% CI 17.58, 25.26) ( Figure S7 ). The test of heterogeneity and publication bias was detected (I 2 = 98.9% and 88.6%, Egger’s test = 0.205).

Six studies have demonstrated the magnitude of emotional violence over the past year. The highest prevalence was found among female sex workers (31.9%) (95% CI 26.7, 37.1) [ 71 ] in Nigeria, followed by a study in Ghana (24.6%) (95% CI 20.5, 29.2) [ 98 ]. Correspondingly, a study conducted in Ethiopia showed one in five pregnant women experienced IPV over the past year [ 52 ].

3.8. Prevalence of Non-IPV among Women Aged 15–49 Years of Age

Non-IPV studies were rarely found. Of the total studies screened (58), only four studies investigated non-IPV. The highest non-IPV was found in Uganda (18.5%) and Somalia (16.5%) [ 60 , 80 ]. One out of six women reported experiencing physical and/or sexual violence by a non-intimate partner during their lifetime [ 60 , 80 ]. Two international studies showed that the prevalence of non-IPV was 11% (95% CI 4.5, 37.5) and 11.1 % (95% CI 8.5, 15.3) [ 4 , 5 ]. The pooled prevalence of non-IPV was 14.18 % (95% CI 11.61, 16.97) ( Figure S8 ).

4. Discussion

This review incorporated all forms of GBV, including physical, sexual and emotional violence and IPV and non-IPV. The findings showed the pooled prevalence of GBV was high in SSA countries. This high pooled prevalence included almost half of the women experiencing IPV and a considerable number of females being abused by non-IPV. Emotional IPV violence was the most common type of violence in SSA. GBV was more prevalent in the sub-regions, in Western and Eastern Africa as compared to southern regions of SSA countries. Methodological quality of cross-sectional studies was appraised. We used only cross-sectional studies because we only found three cohort studies and/or randomized controlled trials.

Overall, a high pooled prevalence of IPV among women in SSA was found as compared to the global estimate which was conducted in 56 countries in 2013 [ 4 ] and SSA countries [ 5 , 21 , 102 , 103 ]. The findings of this review are comparable or slightly higher to studies conducted in 14 SSA countries [ 27 , 102 ]. The higher prevalence of IPV in our study could provide a better overview compared to previous studies where the number of countries involved were relatively small. Most importantly, this high prevalence might be due to the prevalence of gender inequality in regions for reasons including prerogative perceptions to males, tolerant attitudes in the community to IPV, poor education of women, female disempowerment and limited law enforcement in SSA [ 3 , 4 , 21 , 102 , 104 , 105 ].

Further analysis of the pooled prevalence rate over the past year revealed that more than two out of five women have reported experiencing IPV in SSA countries. This figure is consistent with a study conducted in other SSA countries [ 104 ] and more than five percent greater than the global lifetime prevalence of IPV (30%) [ 4 ]. This figure could be even higher, in reality, due to the underreporting associated with GBV [ 7 ] because of factors associated with fear of stigma, women preferring to keep quiet and fear of divorce, amongst many other reasons [ 6 , 7 , 14 , 17 ].

One of the interesting findings from this study is that the proportion (18%) of women affected during their lifetime and over the past year’s experiences of IPV were exactly the same as shown in Figures S2 and S4 . This finding reflects that women in SSA countries are being subjected to experiences of violence continuously compared to other areas [ 14 ]. Overall, IPV in SSA countries is the most prevalent and challenging public health issue. The social context of the region is very complex and strong ties, extended family size and large communities of relatives are quite common that might expose women to potential perpetrators [ 106 ]. The prevention and management of GBV makes it more difficult in SSA countries.

The finding of pooled prevalence of IPV of the DHS was very high. There were statistical differences compared to the pooled prevalence of IPV computed from the electronic sourced articles. Moreover, the pooled prevalence from non-DHS studies found in electronic databases and DHS reviews were statistically different ( p < 0.01). Our systematic review focused on IPV that included any of the combinations of physical, sexual or emotional violence or coexistence while DHS data focused on either physical or sexual violence among married women. In addition, DHS only explored married women, while in our study we used any population group in the age range of 15–49 years of age.

In this review, the pooled prevalence of all types of GBV, physical, sexual and emotional violence were consistently higher in SSA countries as compared to many other regions in the world [ 25 , 102 , 103 ]. Emotional violence was the most prevalent reported type of violence. Sexual experiences are reported not as frequently in many African countries for numerous reasons. The pattern of sexual violence is lower than emotional and physical violence, which might be related to victimized women being unlikely to report an attack due to fear of discrimination, feeling shame, and not being able to identify as well as physical violence [ 7 , 14 ].

One of the unexpected findings among health care providers was the highest prevalence rates (53%) of emotional violence and lowest prevalence rates (5%) of physical violence being reported in Ethiopia [ 100 ]. This high prevalence of emotional violence may be related to less satisfaction of service users due to long waiting times and less experienced health workers working in the health facilities. The majority of health care providers in the studies were females and this may be a reflection of gender inequality in the work areas. Most importantly, there is a lack of violence tracking or reporting mechanisms when it occurs among service providers, specifically focusing on emotional violence in the health care system [ 100 , 107 ]. Alternatively, the low prevalence of physical violence may be due to nurses having an understanding of the local context of GBV and being more likely to notify cases that would prevent perpetrators committing acts of violence [ 9 , 11 ]. Additionally, perpetrators may be unlikely to attack nurses at places such as a hospital or health centre where many other patients are receiving care from nurses.

The sub region analyses found that Eastern Africa (42%) including Ethiopia and Uganda were the most affected by all forms of IPV [ 29 , 47 ], followed by Western Africa (41.7%). In line with our findings, the two regions that experienced high prevalence rates of IPV in comparison to other African regions [ 7 , 25 ] was also consistent with other studies conducted in SSA countries [ 4 , 5 ]. In Eastern Africa, physical and sexual violence prevalence rates were worse and emotional violence prevalence rates were more common in Western Africa. This finding is consistent with findings of other studies [ 2 , 6 , 15 , 27 ]. This might be attributed to factors such as socioeconomic class, women’s disempowerment, community acceptance for wife beating and the type of community in which the study was conducted [ 4 , 6 , 27 , 29 , 108 , 109 ].

Alternatively, in Southern regions of Africa, the educational qualifications are relatively much better when compared to Eastern African countries [ 110 ]. A study conducted in South Africa found a combined intervention of economic intervention and education reduced IPV prevalence rates by 55% over a period of two years. Therefore, education differences could explain the differences of IPV prevalence in the two regions [ 110 ].

The pooled non-IPV prevalence (14%) experiences were very high. The pooled non-IPV prevalence experiences were slightly higher than the three studies that were conducted internationally, which was 11% [ 4 , 5 , 27 ]. The highest non-IPV prevalence may be related to political instability and war violence. For example, in Somalia the non-IPV prevalence was found to be 16.5% [ 80 ] which is mainly related to political instability and migration of the region. Moreover, some basic services are lacking, for example, health services, water and education. As a result, women are forced to travel long distances, which puts women more at risk to be subjected to violence as compared to those who have easy access and less travel time to those services.

4.1. Policy Implication

Findings reported in this study provide vital evidence to inform policy and guide health practitioners to respond and prevent violence in alignment with the SDG’s target by 2030. The aftermath of GBV has large ramifications for women’s health. It will be a challenge to achieve the SDG’s target to eradicate IPV by the year 2030, unless there is a timely intervention and policy designed for SSA regions. Governmental policies top priorities should focus on prevention of GBV, especially with the high prevalence of both IPV and non-IPV in all regions of SSA countries. This strategy needs to be supported by a legal framework to accommodate social support that includes educational and economic growth and provision of health information and services. All SSA countries need to develop an immediate action plan to support the challenges that women are facing with GBV. This review has added evidence to the current existing knowledge in the literature and has provided a stimulus for future research on the dynamics of GBV in SSA countries.

4.2. Strengths and Limitations of this Review

This is the first systematic review and meta-analysis to quantitatively summarize the prevalence of GBV that includes IPV and non-IPV that extends to SSA countries. A rigorous search was conducted from many electronic databases and selected nationally representative data sets (DHS) were used for most studies. A quality assessment was conducted with two independent reviewers conducting the quality screening. Only studies with adequate samples greater than 300 for representativeness were included in the review.

Despite the rigorous process of the systematic review, the searches only included articles published in English. The heterogeneity in our review could have been due to various factors such as different recall periods, underreporting, contextual differences including conflict, cultural differences and the quality of tools used to assess GBV. The generalizability of some small-scale studies is limited as studies may overestimate or underestimate GBV depending upon the context of the study. In addition, the number of studies on non-IPV were limited and it was difficult to identify the broader picture of GBV in the region. Furthermore, this review only included quantitative studies, most of which were cross-sectional. Therefore, qualitative studies were not included which may provide further information on the attitudes of women and communities about GBV that could indicate higher prevalence rates of GBV.

5. Conclusions and Recommendations

GBV against women is a pertinent health challenge in SSA countries. GBV that includes IPV and non-IPV are prevalent in SSA. More than two-fifths (44%) of women aged 15–49 years of age in SSA countries experienced some form of IPV and almost a fifth (14%) experienced non-IPV. All types of IPV (physical, sexual and emotional violence) are common experiences among women in SSA countries, with emotional violence being the most prevalent. Women living in Eastern and Western African regions experience the highest levels of GBV.

The need for an integrated mitigation measure to reduce GBV needs to be considered as a top priority in line with the SDG target in 2030 to reduce all forms of violence in SSA countries. Hence, government and private organisations should understand and address the problem of GBV. All organisations can allocate resources and design appropriate interventions that includes law enforcement to ensure social support is provided for women in the quest to eradicate GBV. In addition, more research is required to provide information on the dynamics of communities, the context, and associated factors of GBV and the subsequent effects of women’s reproductive health and beyond. Furthermore, more studies on IPV in SSA are required, especially in areas where political instability and war are on the increase.

Acknowledgments

This study is part of the first author’s work for Doctor of Philosophy at Western Sydney University, Australia. We are very grateful for the support of Maereg Wagnew during screening, data abstraction and quality assessment.

Supplementary Materials

The following are available online at https://www.mdpi.com/1660-4601/17/3/903/s1 , Figure S1: PRISMA flow chart for selection of studies on prevalence of GBV; Figure S2: overall pooled prevalence of IPV; Figure S3: pooled prevalence of physical or sexual violence committed by husband/partner among ever-married women age 15-49 years of old using latest DHS surveys; Figure S4: past one year pooled prevalence of IPV; Figure S5: pooled prevalence of physical IPV; Figure S6: pooled prevalence of sexual IPV by timing; Figure S7: overall pooled prevalence and recent past year prevalence of emotional IPV; and Figure S8: pooled prevalence of non-IPV. In addition, Table S1: search strategy, and Table S2: quality assessment of included studies.

Author Contributions

M.D.M., V.S., L.F. and K.A. were involved in the conceptualization of this study. M.D.M. carried out the analysis and drafted the manuscript. V.S., L.Y. and K.A. were involved in the revision and editing of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

This research received no external funding.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Published on 05 December 2022 in ISS Today

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What it will take to prevent SA’s gender-based violence

South africa can break its cycles of violence by investing in supporting children and caregivers..

By Senzekile Bengu Chandré Gould Judy Connors Lucy Jamieson Sara Naicker Tarisai Mchuchu-MacMillan

The annual campaign of 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence that kicked off on 25 November will temporarily sustain the focus on South Africa’s need to reduce and prevent gender-based violence.

Getting this right depends on numerous factors, including a collective understanding of how different forms of violence, visible and invisible, intersect and reinforce one another and what individuals, institutions and companies can do to prevent it. It also requires acknowledging why past efforts have failed, and identifying concrete steps to achieve our goals.

Several of the multisectoral ‘clinics’ convened during the Presidential Summit on Gender-based Violence and Femicide on 1 and 2 November addressed these issues. Gender-based violence can’t be considered in isolation from other forms of violence. A growing body of research shows how they are connected and reinforce one another.

Recent findings from a 30-year study involving South Africans born in the Soweto-Johannesburg area in 1994 reveal important facts. The study covers the nature of violence, its impact on human development, and what it will take to prevent and break cycles of violence.

Gender-based violence can’t be considered in isolation from other forms of violence

Results showed that 87% of the study cohort, both boys and girls, were exposed to four or more forms of violence, such as physical, sexual, emotional and substance abuse, by the age of 18. This increased their likelihood of becoming a victim or perpetrator ‒ or both ‒ of further violence. It also confirmed what many other studies have shown: that experiences of violence in childhood are not only common but also cumulative.

It is not only that violence begets violence. Experiences of violence significantly influence a range of other outcomes. Suffering violence in childhood increases the likelihood of unemployment, school dropout, substance abuse, and dependence on a social grant. In short, violence is a strong contributing factor to many of the challenges that hamper South Africans’ wellbeing and national development.

At the summit, President Cyril Ramaphosa acknowledged that South Africa needs to pay more attention to preventing gender-based violence. At the same time, in early November, some provincial departments of social development were reducing funding for social services that are crucial safety nets and key to preventing violence. Examples are after-school care programmes, soup kitchens and parent-support initiatives.

What is the solution? All South Africans must contribute to removing sources of harm and inequality and healing woundedness, by intentionally growing an ethic of mutual care, respect, and inclusion.

This understanding of violence prevention – developed by the multi-sectoral Violence Prevention Forum and endorsed by two ‘clinics’ convened during the presidential summit – holds that preventing and responding to violence are two sides of the same coin. How we respond to cases can determine whether someone experiences more or less violence in future.

For example, suppose a teacher or a clinic sister becomes aware of a child or a patient in a difficult relationship. Their response, whether kind or uncaring, can affect that person’s decisions, what they disclose, and whether they’re likely to experience further violence.

A strong resourcing plan from Treasury, the private sector and civil society must be developed

The discussions at the summit also acknowledged that numerous structural factors stand in the way of effective violence prevention in South Africa. The government is stretched and lacks capacity. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are not as well connected as they could be, and their services are not assured because of resource challenges. The research community isn’t adequately supporting policymakers and implementers. And the private sector is unclear about its role in violence prevention.

Agreement was reached on a set of five resolutions that, if implemented, will contribute to a safe and healthy society. First, a strong resourcing plan from National Treasury, the private sector and civil society for prevention must be developed. Treasury must work with departments and experts to identify and ring-fence funds in a way that considers the long-term nature of prevention and the need for sustainability.

Second, we need processes to enable the scale-up of evidence-led programmes. Among them are parenting interventions that have significant potential for inter-generational impact on social norms, are context relevant and whose implementation is well resourced and supported. A costing model for evidence-led parenting programmes has been developed, and an existing network of service providers creates the opportunity for scaling up.

Third, South Africa must invest time and resources in developing and supporting local efforts and enable NGOs and government services to be linked up and mutually supportive. Fourth, we need a large-scale three-year multisector-led national communication campaign to showcase a universally shared understanding of violence prevention, and to build a hopeful and healing South African narrative.

We must generate evidence of what works, even if what we find challenges our existing beliefs

Last, we must develop programmes and interventions to prevent violence, and identify what’s working and where there are gaps at national, provincial and local levels. Here, evidence is our guiding tool: we must keep learning and generating evidence of what works, even if what we find challenges our existing beliefs.

South Africa has one of the highest murder rates in the world. Over 7 000 people were murdered in the second quarter of 2022 alone. The knee-jerk temptation is to respond by investing more in policing. This is misguided. Without resolving the top leadership crises identified in the 2012 National Development Plan as a start to improving police professionalism, increasing spending on a compromised and weak police service isn’t the answer .

The roots of gender-based and other forms of violence are deep and extensive. Our efforts to address this must be equally comprehensive, coordinated and far-reaching. Devoting time, expertise and resources to preventing children from experiencing violence, and nurturing their development, is key to breaking intergenerational cycles of violence.

These efforts offer the additional benefit of positively shaping human and social development, and creating environments less tolerant of, and more resistant to, violence.

Chandré Gould, Senior Research Fellow, ISS; Judy Connors, Independent Consultant; Tarisai Mchuchu-MacMillan, Executive Director, Mosaic; Lucy Jamieson, Senior Researcher, Children’s Institute, University of Cape Town; Sara Naicker, Research Project Manager, DSI-NRF Centre of Excellence in Human Development, and Senzekile Bengu, Researcher, ISS

Image: ©  Ashraf Hendricks / GroundUp

Exclusive rights to re-publish ISS Today articles have been given to Daily Maverick in South Africa and Premium Times in Nigeria. For media based outside South Africa and Nigeria that want to re-publish articles, or for queries about our re-publishing policy, email us .

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Gender-based violence in South African universities: an institutional challenge

2019, CHE - Briefly Speaking

South Africa has witnessed increasing incidents of gender-based violence reportedly perpetrated within and around campuses of higher education institutions. The gender-based violence incidents that became local and/or national news are a tiny fraction of all such incidents in the country as the majority are not reported for various reasons. This makes it difficult to acquire a full picture of the scale of the scourge of gender-based violence in the country. Despite being one of the most common forms of human rights violations not only in South Africa, but in other countries as well, gender-based violence has not attracted much research interest as other forms of abuses of human rights. The result is that there is poor understanding of, and insight into this phenomenon which, in turn, constrain efforts to develop effective interventions to abate and eliminate gender-based violence. The paper looks at gender-based violence in higher education institutions as a challenge that needs to be addressed. It explores the possible causal factors and the reasons why it is difficult to acquire information about all incidents of gender-based violence in higher education institutions. It also assesses how universities respond to gender-based violence, and suggest an integrated framework that universities could adopt in order to effectively respond to the scourge of gender-based violence.

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Gender based violence is one of the most frequent type of human rights violation against girls and women. Having this background, the major objectives of this research was investigating the types, cause and consequences of this gender based violence against female students in Bahir Dar University. A qualitative study has been used predominantly to have a deep in-sight about the experiences of female students with regard to gender based violence (GBV). A case study design has been used, whereby the researcher investigates the respondents’ perspectives on their experience of GBV. A focus group discussion has also been employed to give depth to the study through analyzing groups’ consensus. Furthermore, in-depth interviews with key informants have been conducted to gather data on the prevailing norms and practices of the University in relation to GBV. Finally, beside the above major techniques, questionnaires have been distributed to female and male students to supplement the qualitative data with quantitative results. The out come of the research confirmed that, different sorts of GBV are committed against female students in Bahir Dar University. Sexual harassment is the most frequent form of sexual violence perpetrated against female students. In addition, attempted rape and rape too were perpetrated against female students mainly outside of the University. Psychological and emotional violence are also inflicted against female students through insult, humiliation and embarrassment. Economic violence, denial of liberty and discrimination in the form of giving priority to male students, are the other types of GBV observed in Bahir Dar University. Female students are also victims of physical violence through slap, battering and kicking. The causes for such types of violence were identified as legal and structural constraints. The legal challenges associated with the University which failed to have a specific policy on the rights of girls and its failure in incorporating the rights of girls within the existing senate legislation. Furthermore, absence of any nationwide law that protects girls against campus based GBV is another challenge. The structural constraints include the discriminatory culture, and poverty which are related to the society. The physical environment, alcoholism and drugs abuses are the other challenges related to the University and the students, respectively. GBV has various consequences on female students’ physical, emotional and psychological health and educational achievements. The study showed that GBV is one the major cause for female students’ lower academic achievements. Finally, the study points out some recommendations.

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How to tackle Gender-Based Violence in South Africa