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Essay Writing Tips in the Urdu Language

• Post author: Mr-Teacher
• Post last modified: February 21, 2023

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Are you learning Urdu and need to write your first essay in the Urdu language? It won’t be as easy as ABC because you must do much research to complete a high-quality paper. Urdu refers to rare languages and has distinctive features and peculiarities. More and more students decide to contact professional academic writers at essay writing services not to fail and submit a flawless essay in Urdu. Want to write an insightful essay that will be evaluated positively? You’ve come to the right place. Here is a collection of expert writing tips from SmartWritingService that will make the essay writing process easier and more effective. 

Choose the Topic You Know the Best

First, choose the topic you can reveal in the Urdu language. If you are a beginner, you shouldn’t pick complex topics. It will be hard to discuss them, and you won’t be able to give information on all the topic issues. Don’t choose too broad or too narrow topics. Brainstorm ideas on the topics you are interested in and feel passionate about discussing. Ensure you know all the necessary Urdu words and terms to discuss the chosen subject.

Conduct Research and Analysis

The second thing you need to do is to search for credible sources of information. You need to use only educational websites and electronic libraries with trusted sources. Don’t use any facts or data until you make sure all the information is true. You can use books, articles from newspapers, and web sources. The more sources you use, the better. Collect all the information on the topic you can find and analyze what pieces of information are valuable for your essay.

Write a Detailed Essay Outline

Now you have a topic and enough material to get started. Make an essay outline to have a clear picture of how to structure your essay paper. Using a good outline you won’t miss any important ideas on the subject. 

Divide Your Content into 3 Parts

Your essay should consist of 3 parts: an introduction, the main body, and the conclusion. You should start with an engaging opening paragraph. The main key to success is to include interesting facts or a story about your topic. You should structure your essay, so the content is easy to perceive and understand. There is a wealth of literature in Urdu. This is the literature of Indian Muslims that dates back to the 13th century. Until the beginning of the 19th century, it was represented mainly by lyric poetry on religious-philosophical themes and was strongly influenced by Persian poetry. It’s a good idea to include poetry in your essay. Find several lines that reflect on your essay topic and use them at the beginning of your essay paper.

Write a short introduction to attract the reader’s attention and proceed to the main part of the essay. Here, you need to discuss all the key issues, give arguments for each of the discussion points, and start any new idea from the new paragraph. Finally, conclude your Urdu essay with several sentences that will make it clear to the reader why he/she has spent time learning the topic. Write about the possibility of further research on the topic. The conclusion should be brief, clear, and concise. 

Pay a Special Attention to Grammar in Urdu

The grammar of Urdu is generally similar to that of Hindi; however, due to the cultural separation of Muslims from Hindus, Urdu has incorporated some elements characteristic of the grammar of Arabic and Persian. 

• Nouns, pronouns, and verbs change in numbers (singular and plural) and cases (direct, indirect, vocative), verbs, some adjectives, and nouns also in gender (masculine and feminine). Some postpositions also vary in gender and number.
• Urdu pronouns are classified into several groups of meanings. Urdu has no negative pronouns; instead, negative constructions with indefinite pronouns are used. By the nature of the changes and functions in the sentence, pronouns are divided into pronouns-nouns, pronouns-adjectives, and pronouns-numerals. There are several types of participles in Urdu. The participles combine verbal and nominal signs. Foreign language (Arabic, Persian) participles in Urdu are used as ordinary adjectives.
• There are several types of verb tenses in Urdu. In terms of the present, there are two kinds, in terms of the past – three, and in terms of the future, the kind can both be expressed (in three forms) and remain unexpressed. Most tenses are formed by creating a nominal predicate from a participle and an auxiliary verb. The imperative mood has several forms, which differ in the degree of politeness. Also, in Urdu, there are “intensive verbs” – combinations of the stem of a verb with one of the 12 service verbs. As a result of this combination, the main verb receives a refined shade of its meaning. Intensive verbs are usually not recorded in dictionaries, they are not separate verbs, and in each particular case, they are formed directly in speech.

Proofread and edit the essay, if necessary. Make sure it doesn’t contain grammar errors, and that the whole essay sounds logical. If you lack essay writing skills or knowledge of the Urdu language, don’t hesitate to ask custom writers to check your paper and make it error-free. Experienced writers will provide a high-quality essay sample on the necessary topic to get inspired and learn how to express your thoughts in Urdu.

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Urdu Essays

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Urdu Essays by Syed Zaheeruddin Madni

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South Seattle Emerald

PHOTO ESSAY | Pro-Palestinian Protesters Mark 76th Anniversary of the Nakba

Hundreds gathered to rally and march at westlake, where activists painted a mural..

by Alex Garland

On Saturday, May 11, hundreds gathered in Westlake Park for a rally and march to commemorate the 76th anniversary of the Nakba , which refers to the displacement of Palestinian people by Zionist settlers, and later the Israeli government and the Israel Defense Forces, during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. 

Speakers at the local event included representatives from multiple organizations, a Jewish grandmother, and an Indigenous spoken-word poet. As they addressed the crowd, approximately 25 activists began painting a mural on the ground at Westlake Park. Outlined with chalk and painted with nontoxic and water-soluble paint, the activist-artists finished a large mural that read from top to bottom, “Remember – Long Live Palestinian Resistance – Return” with a red poppy painted in the center. Activists marched a few blocks and returned to Westlake. 

“Nakba” translates to “catastrophe” in English. During the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, more than 750,000 Palestinians were forced to uproot their lives, 500 towns and villages were destroyed or renamed by Israeli settlers, and more than 15,000 Palestinians were killed, Palestinian women raped, and hundreds of homes looted. 

Since 1948, Palestinians have been denied the right to travel freely, and for those abroad, the right to return to their homeland. This has led to several of the symbols seen during demonstrations: the watermelon, an artistic response to a ban of colors of the Palestinian flag; and the keffiyeh, a type of traditional Palestinian scarf with black and white patterns of olive leaves, fishing nets, and bold lines for the Silk Road. 

There were no arrests or incidents of violence during the event. The mural has been removed by the City of Seattle.

Alex Garland is a photojournalist and reporter. With a degree in emergency administration and disaster planning from the University of North Texas, Alex spent his early professional career as a GIS analyst for FEMA. Follow him on Twitter .

📸  Featured Image: A sign with a watermelon and “Free Palestine” is seen at the 76th Anniversary of the Nakba during a rally at Westlake Park. (Photo: Alex Garland)

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In the campus protests over the war in Gaza, language and rhetoric are—as they have always been when it comes to Israel and Palestine—weapons of mass destruction.

By Zadie Smith

A philosophy without a politics is common enough. Aesthetes, ethicists, novelists—all may be easily critiqued and found wanting on this basis. But there is also the danger of a politics without a philosophy. A politics unmoored, unprincipled, which holds as its most fundamental commitment its own perpetuation. A Realpolitik that believes itself too subtle—or too pragmatic—to deal with such ethical platitudes as thou shalt not kill. Or: rape is a crime, everywhere and always. But sometimes ethical philosophy reënters the arena, as is happening right now on college campuses all over America. I understand the ethics underpinning the protests to be based on two widely recognized principles:

There is an ethical duty to express solidarity with the weak in any situation that involves oppressive power.

If the machinery of oppressive power is to be trained on the weak, then there is a duty to stop the gears by any means necessary.

The first principle sometimes takes the “weak” to mean “whoever has the least power,” and sometimes “whoever suffers most,” but most often a combination of both. The second principle, meanwhile, may be used to defend revolutionary violence, although this interpretation has just as often been repudiated by pacifistic radicals, among whom two of the most famous are, of course, Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr . In the pacifist’s interpretation, the body that we must place between the gears is not that of our enemy but our own. In doing this, we may pay the ultimate price with our actual bodies, in the non-metaphorical sense. More usually, the risk is to our livelihoods, our reputations, our futures. Before these most recent campus protests began, we had an example of this kind of action in the climate movement. For several years now, many people have been protesting the economic and political machinery that perpetuates climate change, by blocking roads, throwing paint, interrupting plays, and committing many other arrestable offenses that can appear ridiculous to skeptics (or, at the very least, performative), but which in truth represent a level of personal sacrifice unimaginable to many of us.

I experienced this not long ago while participating in an XR climate rally in London. When it came to the point in the proceedings where I was asked by my fellow-protesters whether I’d be willing to commit an arrestable offense—one that would likely lead to a conviction and thus make travelling to the United States difficult or even impossible—I’m ashamed to say that I declined that offer. Turns out, I could not give up my relationship with New York City for the future of the planet. I’d just about managed to stop buying plastic bottles (except when very thirsty) and was trying to fly less. But never to see New York again? What pitiful ethical creatures we are (I am)! Falling at the first hurdle! Anyone who finds themselves rolling their eyes at any young person willing to put their own future into jeopardy for an ethical principle should ask themselves where the limits of their own commitments lie—also whether they’ve bought a plastic bottle or booked a flight recently. A humbling inquiry.

It is difficult to look at the recent Columbia University protests in particular without being reminded of the campus protests of the nineteen-sixties and seventies, some of which happened on the very same lawns. At that time, a cynical political class was forced to observe the spectacle of its own privileged youth standing in solidarity with the weakest historical actors of the moment, a group that included, but was not restricted to, African Americans and the Vietnamese. By placing such people within their ethical zone of interest, young Americans risked both their own academic and personal futures and—in the infamous case of Kent State—their lives. I imagine that the students at Columbia—and protesters on other campuses—fully intend this echo, and, in their unequivocal demand for both a ceasefire and financial divestment from this terrible war, to a certain extent they have achieved it.

But, when I open newspapers and see students dismissing the idea that some of their fellow-students feel, at this particular moment, unsafe on campus, or arguing that such a feeling is simply not worth attending to, given the magnitude of what is occurring in Gaza, I find such sentiments cynical and unworthy of this movement. For it may well be—within the ethical zone of interest that is a campus, which was not so long ago defined as a safe space, delineated by the boundary of a generation’s ethical ideas— it may well be that a Jewish student walking past the tents, who finds herself referred to as a Zionist, and then is warned to keep her distance, is, in that moment, the weakest participant in the zone. If the concept of safety is foundational to these students’ ethical philosophy (as I take it to be), and, if the protests are committed to reinserting ethical principles into a cynical and corrupt politics, it is not right to divest from these same ethics at the very moment they come into conflict with other imperatives. The point of a foundational ethics is that it is not contingent but foundational. That is precisely its challenge to a corrupt politics.

Practicing our ethics in the real world involves a constant testing of them, a recognition that our zones of ethical interest have no fixed boundaries and may need to widen and shrink moment by moment as the situation demands. (Those brave students who—in supporting the ethical necessity of a ceasefire—find themselves at painful odds with family, friends, faith, or community have already made this calculation.) This flexibility can also have the positive long-term political effect of allowing us to comprehend that, although our duty to the weakest is permanent, the role of “the weakest” is not an existential matter independent of time and space but, rather, a contingent situation, continually subject to change. By contrast, there is a dangerous rigidity to be found in the idea that concern for the dreadful situation of the hostages is somehow in opposition to, or incompatible with, the demand for a ceasefire. Surely a ceasefire—as well as being an ethical necessity—is also in the immediate absolute interest of the hostages, a fact that cannot be erased by tearing their posters off walls.

Part of the significance of a student protest is the ways in which it gives young people the opportunity to insist upon an ethical principle while still being, comparatively speaking, a more rational force than the supposed adults in the room, against whose crazed magical thinking they have been forced to define themselves. The equality of all human life was never a self-evident truth in racially segregated America. There was no way to “win” in Vietnam. Hamas will not be “eliminated.” The more than seven million Jewish human beings who live in the gap between the river and the sea will not simply vanish because you think that they should. All of that is just rhetoric. Words. Cathartic to chant, perhaps, but essentially meaningless. A ceasefire, meanwhile, is both a potential reality and an ethical necessity. The monstrous and brutal mass murder of more than eleven hundred people, the majority of them civilians, dozens of them children, on October 7th, has been followed by the monstrous and brutal mass murder (at the time of writing) of a reported fourteen thousand five hundred children. And many more human beings besides, but it’s impossible not to notice that the sort of people who take at face value phrases like “surgical strikes” and “controlled military operation” sometimes need to look at and/or think about dead children specifically in order to refocus their minds on reality.

To send the police in to arrest young people peacefully insisting upon a ceasefire represents a moral injury to us all. To do it with violence is a scandal. How could they do less than protest, in this moment? They are putting their own bodies into the machine. They deserve our support and praise. As to which postwar political arrangement any of these students may favor, and on what basis they favor it—that is all an argument for the day after a ceasefire. One state, two states, river to the sea—in my view, their views have no real weight in this particular moment, or very little weight next to the significance of their collective action, which (if I understand it correctly) is focussed on stopping the flow of money that is funding bloody murder, and calling for a ceasefire, the political euphemism that we use to mark the end of bloody murder. After a ceasefire, the criminal events of the past seven months should be tried and judged, and the infinitely difficult business of creating just, humane, and habitable political structures in the region must begin anew. Right now: ceasefire. And, as we make this demand, we might remind ourselves that a ceasefire is not, primarily, a political demand. Primarily, it is an ethical one.

But it is in the nature of the political that we cannot even attend to such ethical imperatives unless we first know the political position of whoever is speaking. (“Where do you stand on Israel/Palestine?”) In these constructed narratives, there are always a series of shibboleths, that is, phrases that can’t be said, or, conversely, phrases that must be said. Once these words or phrases have been spoken ( river to the sea, existential threat, right to defend, one state, two states, Zionist, colonialist, imperialist, terrorist ) and one’s positionality established, then and only then will the ethics of the question be attended to (or absolutely ignored). The objection may be raised at this point that I am behaving like a novelist, expressing a philosophy without a politics, or making some rarefied point about language and rhetoric while people commit bloody murder. This would normally be my own view, but, in the case of Israel/Palestine, language and rhetoric are and always have been weapons of mass destruction.

It is in fact perhaps the most acute example in the world of the use of words to justify bloody murder, to flatten and erase unbelievably labyrinthine histories, and to deliver the atavistic pleasure of violent simplicity to the many people who seem to believe that merely by saying something they make it so. It is no doubt a great relief to say the word “Hamas” as if it purely and solely described a terrorist entity. A great relief to say “There is no such thing as the Palestinian people” as they stand in front of you. A great relief to say “Zionist colonialist state” and accept those three words as a full and unimpeachable definition of the state of Israel, not only under the disastrous leadership of Benjamin Netanyahu but at every stage of its long and complex history, and also to hear them as a perfectly sufficient description of every man, woman, and child who has ever lived in Israel or happened to find themselves born within it. It is perhaps because we know these simplifications to be impossible that we insist upon them so passionately. They are shibboleths; they describe a people, by defining them against other people—but the people being described are ourselves. The person who says “We must eliminate Hamas” says this not necessarily because she thinks this is a possible outcome on this earth but because this sentence is the shibboleth that marks her membership in the community that says that. The person who uses the word “Zionist” as if that word were an unchanged and unchangeable monolith, meaning exactly the same thing in 2024 and 1948 as it meant in 1890 or 1901 or 1920—that person does not so much bring definitive clarity to the entangled history of Jews and Palestinians as they successfully and soothingly draw a line to mark their own zone of interest and where it ends. And while we all talk, carefully curating our shibboleths, presenting them to others and waiting for them to reveal themselves as with us or against us—while we do all that, bloody murder.

And now here we are, almost at the end of this little stream of words. We’ve arrived at the point at which I must state clearly “where I stand on the issue,” that is, which particular political settlement should, in my own, personal view, occur on the other side of a ceasefire. This is the point wherein—by my stating of a position—you are at once liberated into the simple pleasure of placing me firmly on one side or the other, putting me over there with those who lisp or those who don’t, with the Ephraimites, or with the people of Gilead. Yes, this is the point at which I stake my rhetorical flag in that fantastical, linguistical, conceptual, unreal place—built with words—where rapes are minimized as needs be, and the definition of genocide quibbled over, where the killing of babies is denied, and the precision of drones glorified, where histories are reconsidered or rewritten or analogized or simply ignored, and “Jew” and “colonialist” are synonymous, and “Palestinian” and “terrorist” are synonymous, and language is your accomplice and alibi in all of it. Language euphemized, instrumentalized, and abused, put to work for your cause and only for your cause, so that it does exactly and only what you want it to do. Let me make it easy for you. Put me wherever you want: misguided socialist, toothless humanist, naïve novelist, useful idiot, apologist, denier, ally, contrarian, collaborator, traitor, inexcusable coward. It is my view that my personal views have no more weight than an ear of corn in this particular essay. The only thing that has any weight in this particular essay is the dead. ♦

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A Judge Had a 13-Year-Old Girl Handcuffed for No Reason. A Year Later, He’s Faced Basically No Consequences.

Back in March 2023, I reported for Slate on a federal judge who handcuffed and berated an innocent 13-year-old girl who was in court to view her father’s sentencing. Over a year later, following a formal investigation , there have been only minimal consequences for that judge. This update shows how life-tenured federal judges, whose imperious self-regard can lead them to abuse spectators, can act with near impunity even when they are found culpable by their colleagues.

When Mario Puente showed up in San Diego U.S. District Court on Feb. 13, 2023, he had good reason to fear that he would be sent back to prison for violating his supervised release (the federal term for parole) on drug charges. He had no reason to worry, however, that his young daughter, who had just come along to show support for her dad, would end up in handcuffs. But that is what happened when Senior Judge Roger Benitez decided to teach an uncalled-for lesson to the 13-year-old girl, as recorded in the official transcript, who had done nothing more than sit quietly in the spectators’ section next to her aunt and a family friend.

In his last-ditch plea to stay out of prison, Puente made the fateful mistake of telling the court that he hoped to move away from his drug-infested neighborhood, where the bad company was already beginning to influence his daughter.

Benitez took that as a cue to turn to the girl, whose name has not been disclosed. “Com[e] up for just a second,” he instructed her, “and stand next to that lawyer over there.”

He then told a deputy U.S. marshal to “put the cuffs on her” and escort her to the jury box. The judge kept her cuffed for several minutes before he told the marshal to remove the restraints, and he hectored the sobbing girl about her perceived future:

If you’re not careful, young lady, you’ll wind up in cuffs, and you’ll find yourself right there where I put you a minute ago. I hope you remember this mean, old face. Look at it carefully. Remember that some day, those drugs may land you in a courtroom just like this.

After Benitez finally allowed the daughter to return to her seat, he proceeded to sentence her father to 10 months in prison. (Puente was soon released on time served when his case was transferred to another judge.)

To his credit, Chief District Judge Dana Sabraw quickly initiated  a formal   complaint against Benitez under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 . Although such complaints are ordinarily confidential at the initial stage, this one was publicly disclosed under a provision of the law to “maintain public confidence in the judiciary’s ability to redress misconduct or disability.” By then, however, Benitez’s misconduct had already been widely reported on legal blogs and in the California press.

A special investigating committee of five judges spent over a year reviewing the written record and interviewing numerous witnesses. Although Benitez declined to appear personally before the committee, he submitted two written responses to the complaint. The committee’s recommendation was then presented to the Judicial Council of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9 th Circuit, comprising nine federal trial and appellate court judges and chaired by Chief Judge Mary Murguia, which issued a final ruling earlier this month.

Remarkably, Benitez told the investigating committee that he would not straightforwardly apologize to the teenager he’d mistreated. Instead, he insisted that he’d simply taken an opportunity “to possibly alter the destructive trajectory of two lives,” meaning Puente and his daughter. He would therefore only apologize “if I could also briefly explain why I did what I did.”

He implausibly denied that he had done anything to “demean or shame” Puente’s daughter, as though standing in a crowded courtroom, weeping and handcuffed, while receiving a lecture on drug use, was something an innocent child could be expected to endure without humiliation.

Taking no responsibility for the harm he’d inflicted, Benitez blamed virtually everyone else in the courtroom for his behavior. The deputy marshals raised no objections to the handcuffing, he rationalized, and the defense lawyers, from the federal defenders’ office, had subjected Benitez to “emotional manipulation” by “telling [him] how much she loved her father.”

“Trying to help a 13-year-old girl,” Benitez maintained, “can’t be judicial misconduct.”

He was in deep and arrogant denial. The judicial council made short work of his defenses, unanimously concluding that Benitez had committed judicial misconduct by engaging in “abusive or harassing behavior [that] undermined the public’s trust and confidence in the judiciary.” Specifically, by “creating a spectacle out of a minor child in the courtroom [Benitez chilled] the desire of friends, family members, and members of the public to support loved ones at sentencing.”

While the condemnation of Benitez’s conduct was unequivocal, the consequence did not match the offense. Judicial councils have a limited range of available penalties, given that federal judges cannot be removed from office other than by impeachment. But even so, Benitez’s fellow judges let him off easier than they might have.

In a typical criminal case, for example, a defendant’s lack of remorse would call for a significant sentencing enhancement, and Benitez showed no contrition. As the judicial council found, “At no point during this investigative process has Judge Benitez accepted that his actions were ill-advised, improper, and damaging to the public’s trust in the judiciary.”

Nonetheless, the judicial council issued only a public reprimand and prohibited Benitez from presiding over new criminal cases for three years. The first penalty is less severe than censure, which is also available under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 , and the latter is meaningless, given that Benitez, as a senior judge, had recently exercised his option to refrain from new criminal cases. (Puente was before Benitez on a supervised release revocation, which counted as an old case; the judicial council also gave defendants the right to recuse Benitez from hearing supervised release violations in the future.)

A more fitting penalty also available under the law, although unmentioned in the judicial council decision, would have been to suspend Benitez from presiding over any cases at all “for a time certain.” A judge who will not accept responsibility for abusing a child in open court has no business sitting in judgment of anyone, even in civil cases.

Given his arrogant refusal to acknowledge his grave misconduct, it is hardly likely that the reprimand alone will teach Benitez the necessary lesson. Perhaps 10 months completely away from the bench—the same length of time to which he sentenced Mario Puente—might bring about some serious and much-needed reflection.

Top 5 Urdu Websites

ذیل میں اردو کی کچھ بہترین ویب سائٹ کے نام دیے جاتے ہیں۔

2016ء میں بنائی گئی یہ ویب سائٹ اردو زبان سے محبت کرنے والوں کے لیے دنیا کی کچھ بہترین ویب سائٹ میں شمار کی جاتی ہے۔ یہ ویب سائٹ اردو ادب کے ادنیٰ سے ادنیٰ طالب علم کے لئے بہترین اور عمدہ مواد فراہم کرتی ہے۔ اس ویب سائٹ پر مضمون نگاری، اردو گرامر، درخواست اور خطوط لکھنے کے طریقوں کے علاوہ M.A Urdu اور PHD اسکالرز کے لئے بہترین مواد موجود ہے۔ یہ ویب سائٹ آسان لفظوں میں مواد فراہم کرنے کی وجہ سے اردو ادب کے طلباء کی توجہ کی مرکوز بنی ہوئی ہے۔اردو زبان و ادب کے متعلق ہر قسم کے کوئیز (Quiz) کھیلنے کے لئے بھی یہ ویب سائٹ بہت ہی اچھی ہے۔

یہ ویب سائٹ بھی حالیہ دنوں میں انٹرنیٹ پر اپنے مخصوص انداز میں اردو ادب کے محبین کی توجہ کا مرکز بنی ہوئی ہے۔ اس ویب سائٹ پر آپ کو اردو زبان سے متعلق ہر قسم کے سوالات اور انکے جوابات پڑھنے کو ملیں گے۔اس ویب سائٹ پر رجسٹر کرکے آپ اپنے علم میں بے بہا اضافہ کر سکتے ہیں۔

اگر آپ اردو زبان میں مختلف حکایات، خطوط، اور بہترین اقوال پڑھنے کے شوقین ہیں تو آپ کے لیے یہ ویب سائٹ بہت ہی مفید رہے گی۔ ہر قسم کی شاعری پڑھنے اور ڈاون لوڈ کرنے کے لئے بھی یہ سائٹ کارآمد ہے۔

Urdu Channel

اگر آپ اردو زبان میں مختلف قسم کی کتابیں پڑھنے کے شوقین ہیں تو آپ کے لیے یہ ویب سائٹ بہت ہی اچھی ہے۔ اس ویب سائٹ پر آپ کو اردو ادب سے متعلق ہر قسم کی کتابیں ڈاؤن لوڈ کرنے اور آن لائن پڑھنے کی سہولت میسر رہے گی۔ اس کے علاوہ اردو زبان سے متعلق بہت سی ویڈیوز بھی اس ویب سائٹ پر دیکھنے کو ملیں گی۔اردو نثر کے متعلق مواد فراہم کرنے پر یہ ویب سائٹ بہت ہی بہت اچھا کام کر رہی ہے۔

Urdu Fiction

اردو نثر کے متعلق مواد فراہم کرنے اور اردو کتب کو ڈاؤن لوڈ کرنے کے لئے یہ ویب سائٹ بھی اچھی مانی جاتی ہے۔ اس ویب سائٹ پر مختلف مضامین، تبصرے اور اردو زبان سے متعلق سوالات اور جوابات کا سلسلہ دیکھنے کو ملے گا۔اردو زبان و ادب کو فروغ دینے میں یہ ویب سائٹ بھی اچھا کام کر رہی ہے۔

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Benjamin H Thompson wins 2024 Toulson Essay Competition

Final-year Law student, Benjamin H Thompson, won a cash prize of £100 for the inaugural Toulson Essay Competition.

Undergraduate law students who attended the 2024 Toulson Lecture given earlier this year by Lord Burrows, Justice of the UK Supreme Court, were invited to submit an essay of up to 1,000 words, reflecting on Lord Burrows’s remarks. Lord Burrows’s lecture was on ‘Precedent and Overruling’ .

Head of School, Professor Bebhinn Donnelly-Lazarov said: "We heartily congratulate Benjamin for winning the 2024 Toulson Essay Competition and wish him good luck in future. He submitted an excellent essay on overruling and the rule of law, so his victory is well-deserved." 

Benjamin said: "Participating in the Toulson Essay Competition was a valuable experience that allowed me to delve deeper into the intricacies of precedent and overruling in the UK Supreme Court. Lord Burrows's illuminating lecture provided me with insights that significantly informed my essay. I'm truly grateful for such a unique opportunity and the knowledge gained from it."

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