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Essay on Kazakhstan

Students are often asked to write an essay on Kazakhstan in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Kazakhstan

Introduction to kazakhstan.

Kazakhstan is a big country in Central Asia. It’s the ninth-largest in the world. This place used to be part of the Soviet Union until 1991. Now it’s its own country with Astana as the capital.

People and Culture

Lots of people live in Kazakhstan, from different backgrounds. They have their own language, Kazakh, but many also speak Russian. They enjoy music, dance, and tasty food like beshbarmak.

Nature and Geography

Kazakhstan has mountains, flat lands, and lakes. The land is home to animals like snow leopards. People visit to see its beauty and rare creatures.

The country is rich in oil and minerals. These resources help Kazakhstan make money and grow. It also farms a lot, growing things like wheat.

Kazakhstan faces problems like pollution and changing weather. Leaders are working to make things better for the future.

250 Words Essay on Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan is a big country in Central Asia. It is the ninth largest country in the world. This nation is known for its beautiful nature and rich history.

Kazakhstan has many kinds of places, like mountains, deserts, and flat lands. It has long, cold winters and hot summers. The country is home to many animals and plants.

Lots of different people live in Kazakhstan. They speak Kazakh and Russian. The country is famous for its traditional music and dances. People there also enjoy sports, especially soccer and ice hockey.

Kazakhstan has a long past. It used to be part of the Soviet Union until 1991. When the Soviet Union broke up, Kazakhstan became its own country.

The country is rich in resources like oil and minerals. These resources help Kazakhstan make money and provide jobs for people. The nation is working to grow its economy and improve life for its citizens.

Kazakhstan is an interesting place with a lot to offer. It has a mix of old traditions and new ideas. The country is growing and changing as it looks to the future.

500 Words Essay on Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan is a large country located in Central Asia. It is the ninth biggest country in the world. This land has a rich history and is known for its beautiful landscapes that include mountains, flatlands, and lakes. Kazakhstan is also a place where many different kinds of people live together, sharing their cultures and traditions.

Geography and Climate

Kazakhstan has a lot of different types of places within it. There are huge areas of flat land called steppes, tall mountains like the Tian Shan, and even parts of the Caspian Sea. Because Kazakhstan is so big, the weather can change a lot depending on where you are. Some places are very cold, especially in the winter, while others can be quite warm.

People and Language

Many people live in Kazakhstan, and they come from different backgrounds. The main language spoken here is Kazakh, but Russian is also widely used. The country has a mix of cultures, with people celebrating their own traditions and holidays. This makes Kazakhstan a colorful and interesting place.

Government and Economy

Kazakhstan is a country that decides things through a government called a republic. This means they have a president and other leaders who help make important decisions. The country has a lot of natural resources, like oil and minerals, which help it make money. Farming is also important, with crops like wheat grown in the fertile lands.

Education and Cities

Education is a big part of life in Kazakhstan. Children go to school to learn many subjects, and there are also universities for higher education. The biggest city is Almaty, which used to be the capital. Now, the capital is Nur-Sultan, which was known as Astana before. These cities are modern and have many buildings, shops, and places to visit.

Culture and Traditions

Kazakhstan has a rich culture with music, dance, and art that people enjoy. There are traditional clothes and foods that are special to this country. Holidays like Nauryz, which marks the start of spring, are celebrated with joy and bring people together.

Nature and Wildlife

The nature in Kazakhstan is beautiful, with places like the Altai Mountains and the Charyn Canyon. There are also many animals, such as eagles, wolves, and the rare snow leopard. People work to protect these animals and the natural places they live in.

Kazakhstan is a country with a lot to offer. It has a mix of old traditions and new ideas. The people are friendly, and there are many beautiful places to see. From its snowy mountains to its busy cities, Kazakhstan is a land of diversity and beauty that is worth learning about.

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Kazakhstan at a crossroads – photo essay

Living in Kazakhstan for more than three years, photojournalist Frédéric Noy documented the culture and atmosphere of a turbulent country working to define itself in the shadow of the Soviet Union

S haped in the crucible of central Asia, Kazakhstan , the largest landlocked country in the world, remains for most foreigners a huge void on the map, somewhere between Russia and China. With a surface area five times the size of France, it has long sailed along with history and the great empires.

A landowner, his son and his brother leave the vast plain surrounding Taraz, where kokpar – an ancient equestrian game – was organised. In a trailer attached to the landowner’s old Lada stand his two horses with their heads covered to protect them from the biting evening wind on their way back

From Alexander to Genghis Khan, from the Russian conquest in the 19th century to the integration into the Soviet Union, it has hardly known a period as a nation state, as Vladimir Putin liked to point out perfunctorily in August 2014, a few months after the annexation of Crimea: “The Kazakhs have never had a state,” suggesting that their only way out was to be integrated into the great Russian entity. A notable exception: the autonomy of Alash, from 1917 to 1920, a liberal-nationalist political breathing space between the Tsarist and Soviet authoritarian eras, on a territory roughly corresponding to that of the present republic.

Tourists in the seaside town of Balkhash on the lake of the same name

Cadets walk through Panfilov Park, Almaty, in front of the monument to the legendary 28 Panfilov guardsmen

In the fallow ideological space created by the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991, of which ironically it was the last member for four days, Kazakhstan had to construct an alternative discourse of national cohesion, an attempt to define itself in the eyes of the world, but also to claim a distant glorious past, in order to remain definitively master of its destiny.

The Eucharist during Sunday service in the Russian Orthodox Ascension Cathedral, also named Zenkov after its architect, located in Panfilov Park, Almaty. Built between 1904 and 1907, constructed entirely of wood, it was confiscated by the state and transformed into a museum during the Soviet period, becoming a place of orthodox worship again in May 1995, a few years after independence

This is a complicated challenge, since its territory was an open-air laboratory for the industrial, atomic, agricultural, political and social experiments of the Soviet Union, traumatic experiments whose after-effects are still felt in the national psyche. This was an immense challenge for a country whose intellectual elite was strangled by the Stalinist purges and whose communal balance of power in the Soviet Union favoured Slavic groups and Russian speakers.

During a self-defence class at a gym in Almaty, Maria Makarevich, a Kazakh national boxing and kickboxing champion and former bodyguard of wealthy business people, teaches young women how to defend themselves in the event of an attack, including domestic violence, a serious problem in Kazakhstan

At independence, Kazakhs were in the minority in their own homeland. In order to change the demographic balance, a repatriation programme over 25 years (from 1991 to 2015) brought the return of more than 1 million people – about 5% of a population of more than 19 million inhabitants. Most of the exiles were descendants of those who fled the USSR in the 1920s and 1930s to escape repression, forced collectivisation and famine.

Members of Q-Pop band Ninety One warm up in a discreet studio in Almaty before their Saturday night show, during which they write a song in an hour. In the corseted Kazakh society, their appearance has revolutionised gender representation, revolted conservatives and boosted the use of Kazakh in contemporary song

Kazakh snowboarders sit in a cable car that takes them to the Shymbulak ski resort, 2,200 metres high on the outskirts of Almaty

For the 51% of the population born after independence on 16 December 1991, Ninety One is more likely to remind them of of the Q-pop group than the year of independence, although one is named after the other. Since then, contemporary Kazakhstan has been going its own way, incognito, far from the eyes of the west, despite the international fame of the film Borat. It reinvents itself. Connected to the world, trying to forge a modern and hi-tech identity, carrying from its Soviet past an industrial glory, and from its nomadic origins a rural nostalgia.

At the end of the very long and rich dastarkhan (low dining table) set up for the spring festival Nauryz, the women of a village family joke and discuss

The Oralman family of Zukhra Mukanova (wearing a blue scarf), in their living room in the village of Chubarsu, a few kilometres from Shymkent

Oralman are descendants of Kazakhs who fled the Soviet regime from 1920 onwards, Kazakhs in the ethnic sense of the word and mostly living in other central Asian states. Zukhra Mukanova and her daughters moved from Uzbekistan to Kazakhstan in 2010. Although she has a residence permit, she has started the process of obtaining citizenship so that her daughters will automatically become Kazakhstani. Aizhan Mukanova, pictured above wearing an orange scarf with her daughter resting on her legs, said: “Sometimes my child gets sick, and I couldn’t go to the doctor. When she was born, we went to Shymkent to do an MRT, all newborns have to do it once every two to three months, but we can’t do it in the public hospital because of a lack of papers. We have to use private doctors.”

For many years, the Aral Sea gave these men no cause for celebration. Fishing died out in the 1980s, after the Soviet government drained the sea to feed cotton fields far upstream. The once colossal Aral shrank to one-tenth of its original volume, becoming a tragic shadow of its former self. Its fish have died, its most successful fishers have left. Thanks to the construction of a dam financed by the World Bank, the northern part of the sea has filled up enough for fish to return

At dawn, off the coast of the village of Tastubek, fishers pull up nets they set the night before

The country built its new capital in the middle of the steppe to prevent the dreaded expansionism of the Russian big brother, and to give new life to the atrophied Aral Sea. A society whose soul is symbolised by kokpar, an ancestral equestrian sport, and whose cultural virtues include opera and ballet. A nation, the cradle of apples, whose subsoil contains 99 periodic elements. An immensity irrigated by the memory of itinerant times and whose umbilical cord remains the train, an artefact if ever there was one of sedentary life. A space whose cardinal points are unknown to each other, while in Almaty, the cultural capital, activists and young protesters electrify the gatherings and nights.

Dozens of young people, activists and members of civil society, sensitive to queer and feminist causes, meet in one of the only two LGBT-friendly nightclubs in Almaty, during a demonstration afterparty

In Almaty, Kazakhstan’s more political, youthful and anti-establishment city, the organisers of the International Women’s Day march greet 1,000 participants

People gather in Republic Square, Almaty, in memory of the victims of the January violence; a group in Almaty protest to mark International Women’s Day on 8 March

Workers clear away rubble and strip the Akimat, Almaty’s monumental city hall, down to its metal structure. As the centre of riots in Kazakhstan earlier this year, it was stormed by a mob and set on fire on 5 January. The burnt-out wreckage was the seat of power in the country’s largest city

Formerly the headquarters of the central committee of the Communist party, inaugurated in 1980, the huge Akimat dominates the city from its elevated position, overlooked by the Ile-Alatau mountains. Its rapid reconstruction is a priority to prove the return of control by the government and the return to normality.

Meat hangs from metal spikes along the aisles of the northern part of the Zelionyj or Green Bazaar in Almaty. As a traditionally nomadic nation, meat and dairy products take up a lot of space in the bazaar. Several aisles are dedicated to horse products. Originally, this place served as a stopover for merchant caravans travelling through central Asia

The name of the country in -stan, so pejorative to Elbasy (Father of the Nation) Nursultan Nazarbayev, that he suggested calling it Kazakh Yeli (Country of the Kazakhs) in 2014. Since 1991, more than 30 years passed largely under his rule. First secretary of the Kazakh Communist party in 1989, he retained the leadership of the country after the fall of the USSR, where no election was ever recognised as free and independent by international observers. He finally handed over the presidency in 2019 to a loyalist, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, in a departure that was more formal than real, since he retained a major influence

For a few bucks, an iman leads the prayer for visitors to the huge Akmeshit cave (White Mosque in Kazakh). For security reasons, the visitors are wearing helmets. According to local belief, this is a sacred place that can perform miracles in the lives of visitors who pray or make a wish there. Many of them are women who are unable to have children or people who hope to be cured of an illness. According to legend, women and children took refuge in the underground cave, the entrance to which is invisible above ground, during the wars between the Kazakhs and Dzungars from 1643 to 1756

The subtle mixture of geopolitical invisibility, relative prosperity paid for at the price of a policed authoritarianism and immobile evolution in which Kazakhstan bathed was pulverised last January during disturbances that were as brief as they were bloody. The official death toll of at least 227, including 19 members of the security services, hardly bears witness to the trauma in Kazakh society.

In the waiting hall of a station, a large mosaic commemorates a glorious episode of the fishers of the Aral Sea: their contribution of 14 wagons of fish to famine-ravaged regions during the tumultuous early days of the USSR

A Kazakh couple on their way to Kyzylorda from Almaty (a 23-hour journey). The train remains the mode of transport for the classes less favoured by the economic boom in Kazakhstan. The distances between cities are very long and it takes hours to get from one to the other

The end of an era? In any case, that of the Nazarbayev dynasty. A new chapter? On 16 March 2022, President Tokayev promised extensive political reforms and constitutional changes to move from a “super-presidential” regime to a presidential republic with a “presidential” structure.

During a photoshoot for a Kazakh artist’s project, the actor Almira Tursyn holds a baby saiga, a rare species of Eurasian antelope that lives mainly on the steppes of Kazakhstan. A trained psychologist, she was chosen from 15,000 applicants to play Tomyris, the legendary queen of the steppe.

• The Guardian picture essay
• South and central Asia

Kazakhstan’s Foreign Policy: A Role Model, from Past to Present

Dr. Mehmood Ul Hassan Khan has specialties in management, marketing, economics and governance. He has also master degree in Development with specialization in Diplomacy and Public Relations. He has also a rich experience in research, peace and conflict resolution and defence issues. His research and comprehensive articles have already been published in China, Uzbekistan, Iran, Turkey, Azerbaijan, USA, South Korea, UAE and Kuwait too.

He has great experience in the socio-economic, geo-politics and geo-strategic issues of Central Asia, Caucasus and Middle East. He is a famous expert on CIS and Caucasus in Pakistan. Member Board of Experts: CGSS, Islamabad. Ambassador at large at IHRFW.

The “Geneva of Asia”, Republic of Kazakhstan has a pragmatic, forward looking and progressive foreign policy which emphasizes to foster strong, sustainable alliances, meaningful partnerships, and trustworthy friendships based on mutual respect. Due to its visionary leadership it has many foreign policies and diplomatic accomplishments during the last thirty years.

Kazakhstan seems a kind of positive/soft state having rich natural resources, the world’s ninth largest country by area, and located in the very geographical center of Eurasia.

It does not have favourable geopolitical conditions and moreover its own position at the junction of the interests of global players, yet it confidently maintains domestic political stability, sustainable economic growth and constructive relations with all the main actors of the global power politics.

Kazakhstan, shares one of the longest land borders with two world powers, Russia and China, manages to successfully maneuver in the dark waters of world politics.

According to Kazakhstan’s official statistics (2019-2020) China second-largest trading partner of it. In this connection, bilateral trade reached $11 billion in 2018. China is also a major investor in Kazakhstan through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Kazakhstan’s Khorgos Gateway, the biggest dry port in the world, was constructed by Chinese companies.

Kazakhstan has also maintained cordial bilateral relations with Russia since its inception. According to Kazakhstan’s official statistics (2019-2020) Russia is its largest trading partner, with an estimated $18 billion in 2018. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has very trustworthy relations with President Vladimir Putin.

In this context, security agreements provide a stable base for the Russian-Kazakh relationship as well as Kazakhstan’s membership to the Moscow-led Eurasian Economic Union. In January 2019, the two governments ratified a deal under which Kazakhstan will assemble Russian military helicopters. That same year, Kazakh troops participated in the Russian-led multinational exercise center 2019. But it has rejected Moscow’s offer to build a nuclear power plant in its territory which showed its independent foreign policy.

Since its independence, Kazakhstan has been a successful model of political stability, consistence democratization, social cohesion, and people’s friendly legislation and structural reforms which is based on the foreign policy strategy of H.E. Nursultan Nazarbayev, the First President of the country.

Nazarbayev, like Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore, is the real de facto architect of modern Kazakhstan. H.E. Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Nazarbayev’s successor and the former Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations, succeeded in the presidential elections of 2019, and continued and consolidated uniqueness of its foreign policy and followed the line of his predecessor.

Kazakhstan’s foreign policy does not envision itself as a pawn on some Eurasian chessboard, but rather as an independent power with its own objectives and ambitions. Moreover, Kazakhstan is looking to increase its image and influence, in Central Asia and beyond.

The Republic of Kazakhstan managed risks of foreign policy through the balanced development orientations of external relations in all strategic areas. It followed a “multi-vector” principle, which remained doctrinal significance for Kazakhstani diplomacy.

It distinguishes Kazakhstan from other Central Asian Countries which has an ideal combination of consistency and flexibility in the implementation of this principle and it remained strong, stable and sustainable in all its important parameters of national sovereignty, territorial integrity, politicization and democratization, socio-economic prosperity, effective good governance and last but not least, human survival and productive channels.   

It has been a reasonable pragmatism and the rational decision making “not to put all eggs in one basket” which created strategic cushion to move forward in a peaceful manners. In this context, Kazakhstan has been applying the “multi-vector” model to almost all spheres of its international cooperation, engagements and dialogues since its inception. 

Kazakhstan protected all its vested interest of security through innovative diplomatic maneuvering and economic manipulation since 1991 and successfully surpassed all regional as well as international crises. Formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was a deliberate strategic move to achieve element of diplomatic diversity and further sustainability among the regional main stakeholders. It has actually enhanced its regional connectivity and Out-Reach Policy (ORP) of South Asian Region.

Kazakhstan also followed Balancing Act Doctrine and has been an active participant in the NATO Partnership for Peace program, and maintains close cooperation with the United States, which, despite some kind of displeasure and discomfort in Moscow and Beijing, plays an important stabilizing role in the region from the point of view of Kazakhstan’s vested interests.

Kazakhstan has also friendly ties with USA. The U.S. former President Donald Trump and former Kazakhstan President Nazarbayev met in January 2018, a high-level meeting which was followed by another in September 2019 in New York between Presidents Trump and Tokayev. Regular official contacts with senior U.S. officials also occur through the C5+1 group comprised of the five Central Asian states and the U.S.

According to Kazakhstan’s official statistics (2019-2020) bilateral trade between Washington and Nur-Sultan reached $2.1 billion in 2018. This marked a new milestone in bilateral trade, which has generally increased in recent years; traffic of goods and services reached $1.3 billion in 2017.

Right from the beginning, Kazakhstan sought to expand the orbit of its interests, intentionally associating itself with a broader international agenda. In this connection, Kazakhstan initiated the idea of Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building measures in Asia (CICA) the only international platform providing a stable dialogue on security issues in Asia as a whole. It enabled to identify its presence in European Union (EU) through the chairmanship of the OSCE in 2010 which further enhanced its pivotal role in the European security architecture especially energy security.

Kazakhstan and the European Union (EU) have signed a new trade agreement, the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), which entered into force on March 1, 2020. According to the European Commission (2020) the EU is Kazakhstan’s biggest trade partner as a bloc, with almost 40 percent share in its total external trade. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development has invested in Kazakhstan’s energy industry by building solar power facilities.

Kazakhstan consistently adopted and implemented the principle of economic pragmatism, which remained the main criteria for all strategic decisions for the last thirty years. Economy first, then politics”, remained dominating factor during former president Nazarbayev and is still the role model of incumbent government. This approach was development oriented which promoted economic stability and ultimately achieved its sustainability.

It blocked political radicalism within the country, but also in the external arena, in relations with strategic partners. Nevertheless gradual political reforms have been initiated which also created befitting business equity and political tranquility in the country. 

Kazakhstan’s engagement with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), invariably emphasizes the purely economic nature of this organization. Thus Nazarbayev’s principled position in favor of economic pragmatism blocked all attempts to politicize the union.

Kazakhstan’s inclusion in the Turkic Council is another prime example of its economic and commercial diplomacy which has actually further diversified its regional as well as international relations.

Kazakhstan has been performing status of facilitator and mediator for the last thirty years. It hosted a round of the negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program back in 2013, and has hosted over a dozen rounds of talks intended to find a solution for the conflict in Syria under the flagship of the “Astana Peace Process (APP)”.

Moreover, its successful diplomatic efforts to reconcile Putin with Erdogan in 2016 became possible in particular because of special relations with Turkey which successfully averted an imminent diplomatic tussle and maintained peace in the region and beyond.  Nazarbayev’s personal trusting relationship with both leaders played a special role which defused widening political and diplomatic rift between two countries. In this regard, Kazakhstan’s spirit of classical old diplomacy played a decisive role.

Interestingly, Kazakhstan followed anti-crisis diplomacy due to which Kazakhstan was able to avoid the risk of being drawn into contradictions between world powers.

In this connection, the Russian-Georgian conflict of August 2008 somehow created a difficult situation for the multi-vector policy of the country. Refusing to openly accuse the Kremlin at the start of the conflict, Nazarbayev, at the same time, was able to withstand the pressure from Moscow to recognize South Ossetia’s independence was a “master stroke” of its foreign policy. Afterward, Kazakhstan actively supported the resolution calling “for preserving the territorial integrity of states.” at the SCO summit.

Kazakhstan’s peaceful persuasion of diversification energy policy in terms of supplies and production should be treated as a significant “balancing” step to begin exporting oil to the West through the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline which was aimed at partially reducing the dependence on the transport and communication systems of Russia.

Right from the beginning, Kazakhstani has been staunch supporter of conflict resolution and always seeks to independently create favorable external conditions.

Kazakhstan striving hard spirits developed spirits of rational decision making which secured its strategic interest and developed economic self-reliance and financial stability during the intensification in relations between the West and Russia, as well as deepening contradictions between the US and China, and resultantly it has created the Astana International Financial Center (AIFC). The establishment of AIFC has actually further enhanced inflows of FDIs, FPIs and joint ventures in the country and moreover, enabled it to enter in the Russian and Chinese financial markets.

Formation of the AIFC vividly reflects Kazakhstan’s ability to skillfully integrate itself into the dynamics of relations between different poles of power, effectively capitalizing its competitive advantages as a transit zone.

Kazakhstan has been following systematic efforts to integrate its foreign policy initiatives into the very center of international politics. Furthermore, this policy pursues a number of specific tasks, such as preventing a marginalization of Kazakhstan, as well as the inclusion of Central Asian region in the international arena.

Since its inception, Kazakhstan unilaterally rejected nuclear weapons arsenal. It is pertinent to mention that Kazakhstan possessed the 4th largest nuclear capability in the world, which was more than what China, the UK, and France had combined.

In this connection, its zero nuclear arsenal policy won the hearts and souls of all the regional as well as international power brokers. Voluntary rejection of Weapon of Mass Destruction (WMD) was the innovative move which has certain socio-economic, geopolitical and geostrategic dividends. It fostered its credibility in the West and among the international community in general.

Its rational thinking to abandon of nuclear potential has also secured numerous tangible dividends. Since 1991, Kazakhstan has attracted more than $300 billion of foreign direct investment, accounting for 75 percent of all investments in Central Asia as a whole.

Its visionary leadership created “Greater Eurasia” which was based on the unification of the Eurasian Economic Union, the Silk Road Economic Belt, and the European Union into a single mega-project. It was announced at the 70th session of the UN General Assembly in 2015.

The idea of Greater Eurasia (GE) triggered its regional connectivity and further consolidated its economic potential.  It opened a new window of opportunity for all the regional players to form befitting propositions in terms of economy, trade and commerce, investments, and commercial diplomacy. Finally it promoted the principle of “inseparable of security”.

Kazakhstan has been following proactive politics is now the best way to stay afloat, which makes it possible not to become a passive hostage of a steadily escalating rivalry between major powers. It tried to promote spirits of harmony, peace and stability.

Its Astana club created a new format for meetings of political and business elites. It is a unique forum where the most influential representatives of the USA, Russia, China, Iran, Turkey, and 30 other, mainly Eurasian, countries gather at the same table to resolve issues.

According to its Foreign Ministry (2019) Kazakhstan has established relations with Barbados and with all Latin American and Caribbean nations which vividly reflected its diversified, dynamic and constructive foreign policy.

It hopes that in the near future, the “Asian Vienna (Kazakhstan) might be of considerable interest, because of its ability to resolve contradictions along the USA-Russia, USA-China, USA-Iran lines. The visionary leadership of Kazakhstan and its rich and diversified diplomatic and mediating experience may turn out to be very valuable assets.

Kazakhstan is a member of many influential international organizations. It is active member of the United Nations (UN), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and last but not least, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).

Since 2003, it has been arranging the Congresses of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in its country, aiming to unit at one table the leaders of all leading world religious confessions.

Kazakhstan also chaired the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries, a 32 member state initiative under the umbrella of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.

Furthermore, Kazakhstan remains the only Central Asian nation to have held a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), for 2017-2018.

Kazakhstan took its participation in the UN to a new level when it deployed for the first time a company of 120 peacekeepers to the UN mission in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in October 2018 and a new contingent was sent in November 2019. No other Central Asian country has sent this amount of military personnel to UN peace missions.

Now President Tokayev has carried on the multi-vectored doctrine that First President Nursultan Nazarbayev implemented during his presidency. Both leaders believe that by enacting strong political and economic reforms, the country will be in a better position to build its relationships with other nations.

Kazakhstan is a neutral nation, which has worked hard to reform its military, political and economic policies as it advances toward a full democracy. The new concept of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy openly declares its intentions to secure the status of a “leading state” in the region.

On March 6, 2020, a presidential decree has approved the Republic of Kazakhstan’s Foreign Policy Concept for 2020-2030.

It highlights salient features of its system of fundamental views, i.e. the principles, goals, objectives, priorities, and mechanisms of the country’s foreign policy during the reference period.

In this context, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Zhomart Tokayev from the very beginning clearly emphasized the need to continue exercising the country’s endorsed political course, the foundations of which were laid by country’s first president Nursultan Nazarbayev.

It seems that the adoption of a new Foreign Policy Concept aimed at pursuing a multi-vector and well-balanced foreign policy . It is blue print for the new era. It is road map of further strengthening of bilateral relations and achieving of objectives of commercial diplomacy. It facilitates the associated main stakeholders to jointly work for the further development of the positive developments of Kazakhstan.

The new concept of foreign policy has some certain additions, variations and supplements which jointly shape its future recourse, formation of national narrative, development plans and above all specific priorities in diverse filed of economy, trade & commerce, investments, structural reforms, politicization and democratization, new social norms and devising of new comprehensive grand strategy to combat with all emerging state and non-state threats and crises.

It pinpoint strategic therapy to merging threats like climate change,     conflict between various international actors, including sanctions, erosion of the international law principles, increased extremism, terrorism, and the arms race, the intensification of hybrid, cyber, trade and currency wars, among others.

It affirms Kazakhstan imperative and advantageous position of an active and responsible international community participant and contributor to ensuring international and regional stability and security. It emphasizes to maintain friendly, predictable and mutually beneficial relations with foreign partners.

It seems that Kazakhstan is interested to remain distant and neutral in contradictions and conflicts of world power brokers. Therefore, a multi-vector and pragmatic foreign policy permits Kazakhstan to build relations with other countries and international organizations as per its vested interests and on an equal and constructive basis.

It chalks out new principles including helping build stable, fair and democratic world order, promoting the state’s external openness and the inextricable link between security and development in international relations. It urges an equitable integrative world to take care of global political, economic and humanitarian issues.

The new concept highlights the strategic importance of multiculturalism and aiming at establishing a collective vision and effective approaches for the international community to address a wide range of global and regional issues based on multilateral advisory and agreements.

It further consolidates the concept of the “Listening State” proposed by President Kassym-Zhomart Tokayev in his first Message to the people of Kazakhstan. It refers to creating a qualitatively new mechanism for ensuring a continuous dialogue between state and society, whereas the former gives a prompt and effective response to the needs of citizens.

It has certain economic dimensions which are development oriented and dynamic in its composition. It has further increase its constituent priorities, compared to the previous concept, from 9 to 14.

Previously Kazakhstan extended its investment cooperation with foreign partners through listing the economy sectors requiring foreign investment. These are mechanical engineering, appliance industry, agriculture, light manufacturing, healthcare, education, transport, tourism, etc. Thus, the activities of Kazakhstani diplomats are focused on promoting the non-raw-materials sectors of the country’s economy.

Figure-VIII

It is designed to promote the development of Kazakhstan’s transit and logistics potential, including the introduction of an “open skies” regime, the expansion of the range, volume and geographical destinations of national exports, dismantling various export barriers in foreign markets, as well as the promotion of institutions like the Astana International Financial Center, The Khorgos International Center for Cross-Border Cooperation and created jointly with Uzbekistan the “Central Asia” Center for Trade and Economic Cooperation.

It indicates a major change in Kazakhstan’s foreign policy priorities. Its perspective applies particularly to the country’s positioning in a regional context. In the previous concept, Kazakhstan presented itself as a country that recognizes its role and responsibility and strives for the development of intra-regional integration in Central Asia, now it openly declares its intentions to consolidate its status as a “leading state in the region which is indeed a paradigm shift in its outlook.  

According to new concept relations with other countries in the region have a strategic nature and relations with China, Russia, the United States and the European Union. It supports the expansion of multilateral dialogue and cooperation in Central Asia. Now it appears that Kazakhstan stands ready to help strengthen the existing interaction formats between the Central Asian countries and foreign partners.

Interestingly, Kazakhstan’s foreign policy priorities are now shifted from individual countries to regional and multilateral cooperation. In Asia, for instance, the emphasis is placed both on active participation in the work of the SCO, the Council of Interior Ministers, the OIC, the Cooperation Council of Turkic-speaking states, and on expanding ties with ASEAN, the League of the Arab States and other international organizations, where Kazakhstan is involved.

It fosters enhanced cooperation in the Caspian region in the field of energy, transport, environmental protection and security following adopted in the 2018 Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea. It also expresses an intention to continue close cooperation with the EAEU member state and to optimize negotiation approaches within the framework of the Union. It supports further strengthening of bilateral relations with Great Britain, which completed its exit from the European Union (Brexit) last year.

Being prominent regional expert of Kazakhstan & CIS I support salient features of new concept of foreign policy. It combines policy formulation with actuality of its implementation thus jump from cosmetic orientations to systematic approach to achieve the goals of further socio-economic prosperity, economic sustainability, continuation of structural reforms, further initiation of political, democratic, social, civil, administrative and judicial reforms under the gambit of pragmatic and progressive foreign policy.

Over the past 30 years Kazakhstan has established diplomatic relations with 186 countries and transformed into one of the dynamically economies of the region and world alike. It successfully nurtured its macro-economy with immaculate vision, policies, programs and integrative mechanism of balanced foreign policy since its inception.

Successive leadership of Kazakhstan followed a holistic foreign policy to make bridges of political consultation, social concession, geopolitical and geostrategic alignment which enabled it to sail through the regional triangle of China, Russia and Turkey to global super orbits of the USA and the EU to protect its vested interest.

Its inbuilt quality of crisis management under the umbrella of foreign policy has averted numerous crises of basic identity, sovereignty, territorial disintegration, economic meltdown, financial crunch, political instability and above all crises of alliance and conveniences. Its participation in the SCO, OIC, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Turkic Council has further diversified its foreign policy.

Its superior, supportive and stimulating skills of “Conflict Resolution” have been role model for all the regional as well as international power brokers due to which it lessened escalations and promoted normalizations between the conflicting parties, prime examples may be nuclear negotiations about Iran, Syrian crisis and many others important political and diplomatic rifts in the near past between Turkey and Russia, Iran and the West and last but not least, disorder between Central Asian Countries.

Interestingly its multi-vector foreign policy stimulates people’s friendly policies. Its listening state policy is the outcome of its historic civilization, traditions and norms further enhances and institutionalizes spirits of e-government, accountability, good governance, social responsibility and last but not least political activation in the country.

Its new concept of foreign policy for 2020-2030 has now introduced new ways and means to foster socio-economic prosperity, political stability, democratic norms and social cohesion in the country. It has outlined new codes of glory and gratification. It has new priorities of economic growth, regional connectivity, global engagement and of course persuasion of leading role of Kazakhstan.    

Its new concept of foreign policy for 2020-2030 showcases its investment potential and prospects of joint ventures through befitting regional as well as international partnerships.        

To conclude the Republic of Kazakhstan has been pursuing its foreign policy on the basis, continuity of the former president policies, striving for building a stable, fair and democratic world order; equal integration into the global political, economic and humanitarian space; effective protection of the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of Kazakh citizens and compatriots living abroad.

Moreover, Kazakhstan has been trying to promote the external openness of the state, the creation of favourable external conditions for increasing the welfare of Kazakh citizens, the development of the political, economic and spiritual potential of the country.

Kazakhstan’s multi-vector, pragmatic, progressive and proactive foreign policy stands for the development of friendly, equal and mutually beneficial relations with all countries, interstate associations and international organisations of practical interest to Kazakhstan.

Its foreign policy sustains multilateralism to create a collective vision and effective approaches of the international community to solving a wide range of global and regional problems on the basis of multilateral consultations and agreements.

Its foreign policy is the ideal combination of development and security which cares both at the national, regional and global levels. It involves the development of integrated approaches of the international community to respond to cross-border security challenges and threats, conflict resolution, peace building in post-conflict countries. 

Kazakhstan’s foreign policy strategy has strategic goals which include strengthening the independence, state sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, maintaining the independence of its foreign policy. It cultivates consolidation of leading positions and promotion of long-term interests of Kazakhstan in the Central Asian region. It asserts its active and responsible role in the international community, making a significant contribution to ensuring international and regional stability and security.

It secures its friendly, predictable and mutually beneficial relations with foreign states in both bilateral and multilateral formats, the development of integrated cooperation with interstate associations and international organisations.

It supports its foreign policy potential in order to increase the competitiveness of the national economy, the level and quality of life of Kazakh citizens.

It assists in preserving and strengthening the unity of the multiethnic people of Kazakhstan through foreign policy methods and raising the practical interests of citizens of Kazakhstan and national business to the forefront of the state’s foreign policy.

Its new concept of foreign policy 2020-2030 guides the parameters to achieve its strategic goals through increasing efforts to form a politically stable, economically sustainable and secure space around Kazakhstan, continuation of the course on strengthening international peace and cooperation, increasing the effectiveness of global and regional security and interaction systems; the development and implementation of new approaches to key foreign policy issues at the bilateral and multilateral levels, taking into account the promotion and protection of the long-term strategic interests of the state; ensuring a new level of “economisation” of the foreign policy, further strengthening the position of Kazakhstan in the system of the global economic relations; realisation of “humanitarian diplomacy”, popularisation of a positive image of the country in the world community; establishing an effective system of communication with the public of Kazakhstan on foreign policy issues; improvement of work to ensure the protection of personal and family rights of citizens, the legitimate interests of individuals and legal entities of the Republic of Kazakhstan abroad.

The New Uzbekistan is Becoming a Country of Democratic Transformations, Big Opportunities and Practical Deeds

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• About Kazakhstan

Culture and Traditions in Kazakhstan

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Guest reception traditions

One of the most significant traditions in Kazakhstan is hospitality. Kazakhs are known for their warm and welcoming nature, and visitors are treated with great respect and generosity. Guests are offered food and drink as a sign of hospitality and are often given gifts as a token of appreciation.

The tradition of showing hospitality to guests has been a part of Kazakh culture since ancient times. It was common practice to welcome travelers and guests with open arms and offer them the most delicious food. This tradition has roots in the nomadic lifestyle of the Kazakh ancestors, where staying in unfamiliar households was a common occurrence. The custom is known as konaqasy .

When a guest is invited to a yurt (a traditional dwelling), they are seated in the honored place, known as tor , which is located opposite the entrance. The hosts immediately serve a selection of light treats from Kazakh cuisine, including drinks like kumys, shubat, ayran , or tea with milk. Fresh baursaks , flatbreads, kurt , and irimshik are also placed on the table. Appetizers made from horsemeat or lamb, such as zhaya, qazy , and shuzhyk , are also served. 

In honor of the guest's arrival, hosts often cut a lamb and prepare several dishes with it at once. This includes the pre-course dish, kuyrdak , made of lungs, liver, and kidneys, as well as the main dish of Kazakh cuisine, beshbarmak . Boiled meat is presented in large pieces on a tray, and the host slices the meat himself, offering each guest a portion. This cutting is a traditional practice, with specific cuts reserved for certain individuals. For example, pelvic bones and shin are intended for the elderly, brisket for son-in-law or daughter-in-law, and cervical vertebrae for girls. The most honored guest is presented with the specially prepared head of a ram. The meat is served with a rich broth in bowls.

Another tradition associated with the reception of guests is known as konaqkade . After the meal, the host may invite the guest to perform a song or play a musical instrument. In response, the guest typically performs an improvisation that expresses gratitude to the hosts for their warm welcome.

Important guests are given special treatment in Kazakh culture. There is a ritual known as at mingizip shapan zhabu , which involves welcoming a distinguished guest to a Kazakh household. The guest is presented with a horse and an expensive chapan , which is an embroidered robe made of camel wool with a chintz lining. This is a way of showing respect and honor to the guest.

In Kazakh culture, it was customary to present important guests with valuable gifts, such as a horse, a sable fur coat, a camel, a Persian carpet, or a sword. The most valuable possessions in the household were often given as a sign of respect and honor to the guest. This tradition is known as bes zhaqsy , or the «five valuable things». Although this custom is not as commonly practiced nowadays, it still holds strong in some villages in Kazakhstan.

One interesting tradition that has been preserved since ancient times is the practice of yerulik , which involves acquainting new members of a community with their neighbors. When new residents move into a village, they are invited to dinner or lunch with their closest neighbors. This helps people get acquainted and newcomers can integrate more easily into the society. This tradition is still alive in many Kazakh families today, whether they live in a traditional aul (village) or a modern apartment building.

There are some other interesting traditions related to hospitality:

• Toqymqagar or the farewell ceremony. This usually happens if someone from the family is departing for a long time. A ram is cut and a toy-dastarkhan  (festive table) is arranged. Seer-offs say various wishes for those going on a long journey.
• Tize Bugu . Guests show respect for the owner and their house by kneeling upon entering. Failing to observe this rite was considered insulting and disrespectful.
• Toy-Dastarkhan is a festive table. In addition to a feast, toy-dastarkhan may include music performances, song contests ( aitys ), races, and other games.
• Shashu is a ritual practiced during various celebratory occasions such as the arrival of esteemed guests, weddings, and matchmakings. During this ritual, the hosts shower the guests with sweets and coins, and children often collect the scattered treats and money. Kazakh tradition holds that the sweets picked up during Shashu bring good luck.
• Suyunshi is a custom to give valuable gifts to those who bring good news.
• Baigazy is a tradition to give a small gift to those who bought a new thing.
• Sarqyt  is a tradition in which guests are given the remaining food from the dastarkhan to take with them when they depart.
• Tugan zherge aunatu  is a custom in which a person who has been away from their homeland for an extended period of time is welcomed back by being rolled on the ground upon their return.
• Belkoterer is a tradition of preparing special meals for the elderly. Soft, tasty dishes such as  jent , kumys , irimshik (cottage cheese), and others are specially prepared for them. It is the responsibility of their children or close relatives, and less commonly their neighbors, to provide these meals and care for the elderly.

Wedding traditions

The Kazakh wedding is a significant and grandiose event, much like in any other country. However, it is not merely a holiday for the newlyweds, their parents, close relatives, and friends, but also a union of two kinship ties, which makes it unique. Therefore, the Kazakh wedding involves a plethora of rituals and traditions that are strictly observed.

In the past, the proposal was made by the young man through his brother's wife, and the bride was not allowed to see her future husband until the wedding day. Even if the bride did not like the groom, she had no right to disobey her parents' decision about her fate.

Today, things have changed, and Kazakh guys and girls meet and get to know each other in various ways, such as on the street, in cafes, or through social media. However, wedding rites are still important and are carried out during the marriage and wedding ceremony.

As before, matchmakers ( kudalar ) come to the girl's house with gifts. The ring is given to the bride by his brother's wife, not by the groom himself. The wedding day was previously appointed by the elders of the family, but today the date of the wedding is discussed together with the newlyweds. During matchmaking, kudalar usually exchange expensive gifts.

The practice of paying a bride price, known as kalym , is still observed in many rural families where traditional customs hold significant importance. Although the groom's parents do not always foot the bill, they try to honor the tradition by presenting the bride's family with valuable items such as cattle, expensive fabrics, and jewelry. According to tradition, the groom can only visit the bride and her parents in their home after the payment of the bride price.

Once all the necessary procedures and matchmaking have been completed, the bride's father chooses the day for his beloved daughter's departure, known as kyz uzatu , and provides clothing to all of the groom's relatives.

The wedding itself is a grand celebration that usually includes all the relatives of the bride and groom. A specially invited akyn performs traditional Kazakh wedding songs, and various competitions, dances, and fun activities are held. After the wedding, the newlyweds retire to their wedding tent.

Some other wedding traditions:

• Qudalyq  refers to the traditional matchmaking process in which the groom's parents, along with the close relatives of the bride, come together to arrange the marriage.
• Bethashar  – a tradition of revealing the bride's face at the wedding. Of course, nowadays, the bride and the groom know each other well before the wedding but the tradition still lives.
• Syrga salu is a symbolic ceremony in which the mother of the groom puts earrings on the bride, signifying the completion of the marriage contract between the two families.
• Qyz uzatu  is a traditional farewell ceremony that marks the bride's departure from her parents' home to her new home with the groom's family.
• Qursaq toy  is a custom in which the groom's family hosts a celebration upon receiving news of the bride's pregnancy.
• Bride theft  is a traditional practice where a man would kidnap a girl he liked and take her to his village, after which all other marriage rituals would be performed. However, today, this practice is only considered acceptable with the consent of the girl. Without her consent, it is considered a criminal offense.

Customs related to children

Tusau kesu (cutting the ties).

Many Kazakh customs are centered around children, as they are considered the most valuable treasure in Kazakh families. The growth and upbringing of children are associated with numerous rituals and traditions, such as laying in the cradle, naming, and one of the most significant customs for a child –  tusau kesu or cutting the ties. This ceremony is held when the child takes his or her first steps.

During Tusau Kesu, a child's legs are tied with a thin, colorful cord, which is cut by an energetic man with many children, a respected aksakal (elderly man), or an important guest. The cord used to tie the legs of the baby traditionally consists of black and white threads, representing the black and white stripes of life, as the kid must learn to overcome difficulties.

The ritual is accompanied by songs and wishes ( bata ), so that the child stands firmly on their feet and confidently walks through life. After the ties are cut, a feast usually follows, with contests, songs, and music competitions. In the past, after tusau kesu, a child would receive a horse and saddle, but nowadays, they are more likely to receive expensive gifts or money instead.

Sundet-toy (circumcision)

Sundet , or rite of circumcision, is a significant tradition that has been preserved and is often observed in Kazakh families. This custom originated with the arrival of Islam in the Great Steppe and remains one of the most important family traditions.

Sundet is typically performed when a boy turns 3, 5 or 7 years old. On the day of the ceremony, the boy is dressed in beautiful national clothes and put on horseback. Colorful ribbons are woven into the horse's mane, and a bag of treats is tied to the saddle. The boy rides up to relatives one by one and treats them with food from the bag. Once all the gifts and treats are given out, the boy goes to a separate yurt or room with a mullah (and nowadays, a surgeon), where he undergoes circumcision.

Following the circumcision, parents organize a grand celebration called s undet toy , where everyone gives the child money or valuable gifts. This celebration marks the boy's transition into manhood and is a significant moment for the family.

Other traditions and customs related to the upbringing of a child

• Shildehana – birthday party for the baby.
• Besikke salu, also known as besik toy, is the practice of placing a newborn baby in a cradle. Typically, this ceremony is held 3-5 days after the umbilical cord falls off the baby. Prior to this, the newborn sleeps with their mother.
• Yesim qoyu or at qoyu. A ceremony of naming the child. A respected person usually gives the name of the child.
• Qyrqynan shygaru. This ceremony is performed on the fortieth day after the child is born. The child is bathed in 40 spoons of water, hair and nails are cut for the first time
• Auzyna tukirtu  is a traditional Kazakh ritual that translates to «spitting in the mouth». According to Kazakh beliefs, when a respected person spits into the mouth of a child, the child will receive a piece of that person's talent.
• Ashamayga mingizu  is a tradition of giving a horse and a kamcha (whip) to a 6-7-year-old boy. This ceremony marks the boy's proclamation as a jigit (a young man). During this event, the child receives blessings from the elders, and the parents usually arrange a small celebration in honor of their son.

Aitys is an essential part of any Kazakh holiday program. It is a poetic-musical competition where Kazakh singers-improvisers participate.

During aitys, the performers sit or stand in front of each other and engage in a song dialogue, passing the word to each other and continuing the theme started by the opponent. Aitys can be held on any arbitrary theme. The winner is chosen based on the competition's results, with a jury consisting of distinguished people or guests of the festival who evaluate not only the musicality and performing talent but also the skill in parrying the arguments of the opponent, humor, and ingenuity.

Aitys is somewhat similar to modern rap battles, with a similar performance order and evaluation of participants. While several akyns  (singers) can participate in aitys, paired performances are more traditional. Aitys is often held between a man and a woman. For instance, in 1946, Kazakh composer Mukan Tulebayev wrote the opera «Birzhan and Sarah» based on aitys between famous akyns of the XIX century Birzhan-sal and Sarah Tastanbekkyzy.

Nauryz Holiday

Nauryz is a wonderful tradition that dates back to the ancient pre-Islamic times of the history of the Kazakh people. It is a holiday that celebrates spring, the renewal of nature, the beginning of a new year, and new life. According to Tengrian beliefs, Nauryz is considered the beginning of the New Year and is celebrated on March 22, on the day of the vernal equinox.

Nauryz consists of many small rituals and customs. The holiday begins at dawn, when all the inhabitants of the village or aul come out together to plant trees under the guidance of aksakals. After the trees are planted, everyone gathers for the celebration. People have fun, congratulate each other on New Year's Eve, and wish each other peace, prosperity, richness, and happiness. Songs composed especially for this holiday, called Nauryz Zhyr , are performed. Sports competitions, such as kures (wrestling) and baiga (horse races), are held. Often in the middle of the village, there are big swings for children and youth. There are also intellectual contests for solving poetic riddles and contests in short sayings.

After the holiday, each family in each house sets a festive table. The meal is usually held at noon. Before and after the meal, the invited mullah reads prayers in honor of the ancestors. At the end of the meal, the eldest of those present gives a blessing ( bata ) to keep the family intact year after year. In this ritual, we can see the fusion of pagan and Muslim traditions.

During the Nauryz holiday, the number seven was considered significant as it represents the seven days of the week, which is the unit of time of universal eternity. As part of the tradition, seven bowls of a special festive drink called Nauryz-kozhe , prepared from seven types of cereals, were placed before the aksakals. The dastarkhan, the traditional Kazakh table, also had seven different treats.

The Nauryz celebration typically ended with an aitys. The competition continued until sunset, which was believed to be the moment when good conquered evil. Afterward, a fire was lit, and people with torches lit from it danced and sang as they went around all the neighborhoods of the village, completing the holiday of spring renewal and equinox.

Traditional Kazakh games and entertainment: 

• Kazakh traditional hunting with a golden eagle.  The golden eagle has been used since ancient times for hunting hares, corsacs, foxes, etc. Trained berkutchi hunters are engaged in the breeding and training of hunting birds.
• Kazakh traditional hunting with tazy. Kazakh  tazy is an ancient breed of hunting hounds, belonging to the intangible heritage of UNESCO. With Tazy, Kazakhs hunt small game and steppe antelopes.
• Kures  is Kazakh wrestling. Competitions are usually held during festivals. Other peoples of Central Asia also have analogies to this sport.
• Toguz Qumalaq . is a table game that is based on the number 9. It appears to be a simple game, but it is actually a complex logical game that is often referred to as the «algebra of shepherds». This game was a popular pastime among nomads and was used to brighten up their leisure time.
• Asyq is a children's street game, which has now become the national sport in Kazakhstan. The country even holds Asyq tournaments.
• Bastangy is a kind of party for young people, which was usually held after parents' departure.

Read more about national games and sports in this article .

Helping neighbors and the community

• Asar is a Kazakh tradition of helping someone with the whole family or generation, or even the entire village. This may involve building a house or cattle sheds, among other things. At the end of the work, a dastarkhan is held for the helpers.
• Zhylu is a similar tradition to Asar. In this case, people come together to help those who have suffered from natural disasters, such as fires or floods. Anyone, regardless of their status or tribe, can help the victims to the best of their ability. Donations can include cattle, building materials, clothes, money, and labor.

Indeed, experiencing the traditions and customs firsthand is the best way to truly appreciate and understand their significance. Kazakhstan is a country with a rich cultural heritage, and its festivals and holidays provide a unique opportunity to witness and participate in age-old customs and practices. From the vibrant colors and music of the traditional costumes and instruments to the warm hospitality and delicious food, there is something for everyone to enjoy. Whether it's attending a lively aitys competition, planting trees during Nauryz, or simply enjoying the festive atmosphere, a trip to Kazakhstan during its traditional holidays is sure to be an unforgettable experience.

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Retreating Rights – Kazakhstan: Conclusions and Recommendations

Article by Adam Hug

July 22, 2021

As we approach the 30 th anniversary of Kazakhstan’s independence this publication finds the country at an important inflection point in its history. The gradual passing of the torch from the First President (Nazarbayev) to President Tokayev, the growing articulation of social concerns in recent years as living standards have been squeezed for many, and the uncertain future that lies ahead for its economy given the global transition away from fossil fuels, all give cause for pause and reflection.

Over the last 30 years Kazakhstan’s ruling elite has delivered substantial economic growth – albeit particularly benefiting itself – and has mostly maintained stability between the country’s different ethnic groups. This has come at the clear cost of almost all political freedoms and many civil liberties. The Government and its supporters still argue that gradual change will enable Kazakhstan to transition to democracy and help ‘evolve’ the political culture in Kazakhstan. The Government’s critics, understandably point to the lack of change at the heart of the country’s political system over the last 30 years, where reforms have helped deliver improvements in the standards of living and the delivery of state services but have not lead to a meaningful transfer in political power from the elite to the citizen. The only political choice in Kazakhstan, such as Tokayev assuming the Presidency, is exercised by those already in power.

While President Tokayev has promised a ‘listening state’ and committed to delivering reforms that would improve freedoms and make the Government more responsive, so far change from what has gone before has been relatively limited. President Tokayev’s approach seems to be an updating of the existing path of modernisation without democratisation or reform within the system that improves state efficiency and outcomes while mostly retaining existing authoritarian power structures.

While the bulk of the population has so far broadly (if sometimes grudgingly) accepted the trade-off between stability and repression, the recent protest movements have highlighted that this cannot necessarily be taken for granted going forwards. The negative outlook for Kazakhstan’s oil and gas wealth, may further exacerbate the existing inequalities within society and frustration at the kleptocratic nature of the current system. [1]

So when examining how to try to achieve real change in Kazakhstan there are two main tracks that local activists are pursuing. As Colleen Wood puts in well in her essay ‘Some believe in incremental reform that is achieved through educating authorities and collaborating with government bodies. This involves close monitoring of abuses and going through proper legal channels to redress them; it involves going through the hoops required to register a political party, to try and run a campaign and to take a seat at the table.

Others prefer more expansive changes – the overhaul of Kazakhstan’s system of government from a superpresidential system to a parliamentary one, for example – to gradual reform. They opt for direct action and street protests over government working groups and committees, pointing to their constitutionally-protected right to peaceful assembly to justify skirting the required procedure for sanctioned protests. This ideological and tactical pluralism may not be ‘efficient,’ but securing the rights of all to participate in politics is central to improving Kazakhstan’s human rights record.’ 

What seems clear is that both approaches together are going to be needed in order to drive more fundamental change in Kazakhstan, both in terms of outcomes for citizens and in the nature of the system. Both sets of activists will need both increased local mobilisation and international support to help drive specific changes to make each path more navigable.

President Tokayev’s June 2021 Decree ‘On further human rights measures in Kazakhstan’ and the upcoming human rights action plan provide a helpful framework through which to assess the Government’s willingness to change its current course in response to input from local and international partners. [2] Tokayev has committed the Government to take further steps to address:

• ‘The mechanisms of interaction with the UN treaty bodies and special procedures of the UN Human Rights Council;
• Ensuring the rights of victims of human trafficking;
• Human rights of citizens with disabilities;
• The elimination of discrimination against women;
• The right to freedom of association;
• The right to freedom of expression;
• The human right to life and public order;
• Increasing the efficiency of interaction with non-governmental organisations; and
• Human rights in criminal justice and enforcement, and prevention of torture and ill-treatment. ’ [3]

These are important topics but given past performance there is an understandable degree of skepticism that this will amount to substantive change in the more controversial aspects of this agenda. This publication has highlighted a number of key ways in which the Government of Kazakhstan could prove its sceptics wrong if it so chooses.

For example if the Government is genuine about wanting to build a partnership model with local civil society and to ‘increase the efficiency of its interactions’ with them it has to stop targeting NGOs with punitive tax inspections and it should reduce the deliberately burdensome reporting requirements created in 2015-16 designed to put pressure on such organisations. Their staff need to be protected from threats and harassment, with President Tokayev taking responsibility for the actions of his different ministries and agencies rather than allowing them to conflict with each other.

The decision to allow independent candidates for local Akims is an important step forwards, though the pre-qualification restrictions are a cause of concern. Ultimately, however, even gradual change within the system will require improving ‘freedom of association’ by making it easier for political parties to register than the current requirements for 20,000 members and a 1,000 member initiating conference and a similar number of signatories. Aina Shormanbayeva and Amangeldy Shormanbayev suggest that a more suitable number for registration would be 200. Even more than the law on paper there needs to be a clear political signal from President Tokayev that those who participate in the founding of a political party will not be targeted for reprisals, enabling those currently unregistered or nascent political parties to become registered and stand at future elections. At present there is no indication that those in power wish to substantively alter the nature of Kazakhstan’s party system to allow genuine competition at any level of power. Therefore the direct elections taking place at a local level will struggle to deliver the gradual evolution of the political culture currently being claimed for them if all the positions are taken by those from within or affiliated with the existing power structures.

The situation with currently banned political parties is somewhat more complex, given that international best practice around sources of party funding generally prohibit money coming from abroad and place criteria around its provenance. However, what is clear is that peaceful activists seeking change to the political system are being targeted and harassed by the Government simply for membership of organisations that it has deemed extremist (on the basis of the link to Mukhtar Ablyazov) without any evidence that these activists wish to overthrow the Government by violent means, which been shared with the international community. The Government should reform its use of powers under Article 405 and Article 174 of the Criminal Code to stop targeting individual protestors or those liking posts about these banned groups (the QDT/DVK and Koshe) on social media, protecting both their rights to freedom of association and expression. [4]

Since the passage of reforms to the law on peaceful assembly passed in May 2020 the impact on improving freedom of assembly has been limited, though there have been some improvements such as the Women’s March being able to be held legally for the first time in 2021. Given that under the revised law both citizens and groups of citizens can give notice of a protest it seems unclear as to why there is a prohibition added to make it harder for unregistered parties and groups to exercise their right to free assembly given that they are a ‘group of adult citizens’. [5] The repeated harassment of activists from unregistered groups such as Oyan, Qazaqstan and the Democratic Party undermines President Tokayev’s promises for reform in the area of freedom of assembly and freedom of expression.

While the case for deeper reform of the laws on peaceful assemblies remains urgent, even within the framework of the current law there is more that could be done to create a clear guidance with list of duties that local authorities should fulfil to proactively enable peaceful protest rather than simply providing a list of demands for protestors. Both the Government of Kazakhstan and the international community should record the number of protests that have ended up being legally sanctioned. Making further improvements in this area should be a key part of improvements under the human rights action plan to fulfil the ‘right to freedom of association’ and the ‘right to freedom of expression’.

As Tatiana Chernobil writes in her essay ‘kettling’ is a police tactic designed for use in extreme circumstances where protests risk spiralling out of control into violence rather than as a routine policing procedure for peaceful protests. Its widespread use should be curtailed to ensure the application of ‘human rights in criminal justice and enforcement’. It should not be seen as a softer alternative to arrests and the use of administrative sentences against protestors, because peaceful protestors need to be able to freely exercise their rights to free assembly under both the Constitution and International Human Rights law without fear of either kettling or arrest.

One of the most insidious aspects of the Government of Kazakhstan’s efforts to clamp down on independent activism has been the growing use of ‘freedom restrictions’ as part of sentences or instead of custodial sentences that prevent activists from continuing their work criticising the Government. Even when activists have been released from dubious sentences after international pressure, the restriction on their blogging, political social or union activism often remains. It is a mechanism that keeps campaigners on a tight leash, casting a chilling effect across civil society whilst limiting much of the international outcry that accompanies imprisoning political, social and labour activists. The current approach clearly breaches ‘the right to freedom of association’, ‘the right to freedom of expression’ and ‘human rights in criminal justice and enforcement’. There are numerous examples listed in the introduction and individual essays of existing restrictions that should be removed from activists including Max Bokayev, Alnur Ilyashev, Asya Tulesova, Larisa Kharkova, Amin Eleusinov and Erlan Baltabay.

Similarly in the realm of ‘freedom of expression’ the human rights action plan should look at reforming Kazakhstan’s laws on the ‘Public insult and other infringement on honour and dignity’ of politicians and other public figures. These restrictions, which carry potential prison terms of up to three years in jail for ‘insults’ spread online, are widely used to restrict political criticism. [6] Galiya Azhenova’s essay shows how the reforms to transfer defamation legislation from the Criminal to the Administrative code has led to local police issuing lots of administrative violations against journalists, showing the need for better training and oversight in the short term and the need for further reform to make defamation a civil matter. The targeting of journalist by police when going about their work also needs to be addressed.

Ongoing restrictions on independent trade unions, as outlined in Mihra Rittmann’s essay, need to be lifted including the current suspension the Industrial Trade Union of Fuel and Energy Workers, and independent confederations need to be able to register and operate without interference. These restrictions and those on the right to strike, including Article 402 of the Criminal Code noted by Rittmann, are in breach of the ‘right to freedom of association’ as well as the right to organise and should be replaced with measures that ensures that peaceful industrial action is recognised as being a legal right, in line with ILO conventions and the conclusions adopted repeatedly by the ILO Committee on the Application of Standards.

In order to fulfil the President’s stated objectives on the ‘the elimination of discrimination against women’ it will be important to make progress on the stalled legislative efforts to create a new law on domestic violence and to improve the response of law enforcement and local authorities in addressing it. Steps should also be taken to move forward with legislative action on sexual harassment that has also stalled. The current efforts to remove the concept of gender equality from Kazakhstan’s legislation, as set out in Aigerim Kamidola’s essay, risks emboldening forces in the country’s politics that may undermine both women’s and LGBTQ+ rights and lead to an increase in hate crime. Making this change is also likely to breach its international obligations under Articles 2 of ICCPR and ICESCR and Article 1 of CEDAW. As Kamidola argues in her essay accelerating the ratification and implementation of the Council of Europe (Istanbul) Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence would be an important step that would not only assist Kazakhstan’s efforts towards the ‘the elimination of discrimination against women’, but also on ‘ensuring the rights of victims of human trafficking’.

The themes addressed by Anna Gussarova’s essay around human rights in Kazakhstan’s digital space cut across a number of themes within the President’s Decree and perhaps should be addressed as a specific action area within the human rights action plan. She makes a number of important arguments about improving legislation (such as a functioning privacy law), building state capacity (such as strengthening the Information Security Committee of the Ministry of Digital Development, Innovation and Aerospace Industry to become a more powerful Data Protection Agency to act as the guardian of Kazakhstan’s digital rights) and increasing the transparency with which it operates in the digital space. She rightly warns of adopting surveillance technology and tactics from Kazakhstan’s Chinese and Russian neighbours but instead urges it strengthen collaboration with EU Member States, US and UK agencies responsible for data protection. She recommends that Kazakhstan should develop regulations on data protection and management along the lines of the EU’s GDPR system.

Beyond the framework of the President’s Human Rights Decree there is a lot more work to be done to fulfil his pledge to make Kazakhstan a ‘listening state’. There is scope for the reforms to local government by the direct election of local Akims, that are starting this month at a village level and then expanding up to higher tiers of local Government in future years, to significantly improve governance standards and local accountability. However, this will only happen if there is genuine electoral competition with true independents allowed to stand and (following on from any changes to registration suggested above) new parties able to compete. Without this, more open political environment the shift to direct election would simply replace a system where local officials are accountable to the central state rather than local people through the means of appointment and replace it with officials owing their position to higher-ups with Nur-Otan or other pro-Government parties. At a national level, as already noted, there is a long-way to go until political pluralism is realistic prospect but there should still be scope within the current system to further strengthen the role of the Mazhils and official oversight bodies such as the Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman to make more limited improvements. The essay by Aina Shormanbayeva and Amangeldy Shormanbayev of the International Legal Initiative Foundation sets out a more expansive vision of possible structural reform through creating smaller local regions and transferring significant powers from the President to Parliament. They believe these proposals should be incorporated in a widespread reform of the constitution.

When examining potential tools available to those in the international community wishing to exert influence to improve Kazakhstan’s performance on human rights there needs to be a recognition of both the opportunities and limitations at present. Kazakhstan’s position as an upper middle income country, therefore not a significant recipient of international aid (ODA), and with a well-developed multi-vector foreign and economic policy gives its leaders significant room for manoeuvre. [7] It has already had a new Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement enter into force with its largest trading partner-the EU- ahead of its regional neighbours. [8]

This is not however to imply that Kazakhstan in impervious to international influence or pressure on human rights. Its leadership, and particularly a number of younger generation officials and leaders, care about Kazakhstan’s reputation, something it has worked hard to promote itself internationally as a good partner and modern country. There is an ongoing desire from Kazakhstan to continue to receive foreign investment and support, particularly as the world transitions away from fossil fuels. It also remains extremely keen to balance out its relations with Russia and China, given concerns about encroachment and influence both historic and current. However, it is far from clear that these considerations could yet outweigh the desire to maintain the political and economic status quo, particularly amongst the upper echelons of the state and the security apparatus.

Nevertheless, as shown throughout this publication, interventions by Western Governments and pressure from international human rights groups in support of local campaigns can make a difference in particular cases of egregious human rights abuse and to free political prisoners. The EU has a structured human rights dialogue with Kazakhstan which has long argued gives it some ability to influence behaviour in a setting behind closed doors, though some activists remain skeptical about the use of the mechanism. It is to be hoped that the UK can seek to replicate a structured human rights dialogue as part of the new bilateral deal it is negotiating to replace the EU EPCA. [9]

Kazakhstan remains keen to receive international technical assistance to help it modernise the state and its delivery of public services to achieve reform within the current system, with a more limited impact on the core nature of political power. Kazakhstan also currently receives significant lending from International Financial Institutions with the World Bank’s $4.15 billion for 13 projects and Regional Development Banks such as the EBRD whose current portfolio totals €2.43bn. [10] Again this mixture of finance and technical expertise can help improve specific outcomes and provide a small degree of leverage if the international community chose to use it in that way but these figures need to be set in the context of the $62 billion reserves in Kazakhstan’s National Oil Fund. [11]

As set out in the previous ‘Retreating Rights’ publications on Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, the gradual progress of global anti-corruption measures (such as the UK’s Unexplained Wealth Orders) and both corruption and human rights focused ‘Magnitsky’ sanctions provides opportunities for Western countries to hold the elites to authoritarian and kleptocratic states to account. At present Magnitsky sanctions have not been deployed by the US, EU or UK in relation to Kazakhstan. For both practical and diplomatic reasons the UK National Crime Agency may be reticent, in the wake of the failure of its case against Dariga Nazarbayeva, to take on new Unexplained Wealth Order cases that relate to Kazakhstan, but it is important to ensure it is given the support to move forward with future cases where it believes the evidence warrants further action.

A further measure the UK and other countries are currently debating is reform of so-called ‘golden visas’ for investors. At present there are at least 205 Kazakhstani holders of these investor visas but less than one million pounds of FDI was coming in to the UK from Kazakhstan in the last recorded year (2019) which suggests that the UK is being used predominantly to store personal wealth in the luxury property market rather than as a wider opportunity for economically productive investment. [12] The UK delivering on its long-overdue commitments to produce a beneficial ownership register for property and reforms to the reporting requirements of its overseas territory tax havens would also help increase transparency about the extent of the wealth accrued by Kazakhstan’s ruling elite.

So this publication finds that Kazakhstan is passing through a period of transition with its present and future looking somewhat more unsettled than its recent past. The extent of Kazakhstan’s human rights challenges are substantial, particularly as they relate to anything that could upset the existing political and economic order that the countries’ ruling elite benefit from so substantially. President Tokayev’s stated commitments to create a ‘listening state’, his recent human rights decree and wider promises of reform give benchmarks against which performance can be measured. It will be hugely important to support local civil society in holding him to these commitments, supported by a mix of international pressure (both for systemic change and on specific abuses) and continued technical support, the latter which may still improve outcomes for Kazakhstani citizens even within the current system of modernisation without democratisation. Reforms to transparency and anti-corruption measures in Western jurisdictions can hopefully assist in holding those who have abused the current system to a measure of account.

Recommendations

Based on the findings of the research in this publication the Government of Kazakhstan should:

• Stop targeting NGOs with punitive tax inspections and burdensome reporting requirements;
• Make it easier for parties to register and protect political activists from state harassment;
• Consider opportunities for constitutional reform that would enhance the powers of Parliament and strengthen checks on executive power;
• End the use of anti-extremism legislation powers under Article 405 and Article 174 of the Criminal Code to target protestors or those liking or sharing opposition posts on social media;
• Further reform the law on public assembly to end restrictions on unregistered groups and improve guidance to local authorities;
• Stop using kettling as a policing tactic for peaceful demonstrations;
• End the use of ‘freedom restrictions’ in sentencing that prevent activists and bloggers from continuing their work. Remove the current restrictions from activists including Max Bokayev, Alnur Ilyashev, Asya Tulesova, Larisa Kharkova, Amin Eleusinov, and Erlan Baltabay;
• Stop the continued harassment of independent trade unions and striking workers;
• Remove laws on insulting the honour and dignity of public officials used to silence criticism;
• End police harassment of independent journalists and improve how officials treat them
• Improve data protection and privacy regulation and enforcement;
• Deliver on commitments to produce new laws on domestic violence and sexual harassment, while retaining protections on the right to gender equality; and
• Ensure that direct elections for local officials provide opportunities for accountability and pluralism. Consider further local government reforms to increase its connection to citizens.

To the international community:

• Raise systemic problems and individual cases of abuse both in private and in public; and
• Examine the use of international mechanisms for tacking corruption and kleptocracy, including improved transparency requirements, reform of ‘golden visas’, Magnitsky sanctions and anti-corruption tools such as Unexplained Wealth Orders where appropriate.

[1] Casey Michel, Nazarbayev and the Rise of the Kleptocrats, October 2016,  https://thediplomat.com/2016/10/nazarbayev-and-the-rise-of-the-kleptocrats/

[2] President of Kazakhstan, President Tokayev Signs a Decree on Further Measures of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the Field of Human Rights, June 2021, https://www.gov.kz/memleket/entities/mfa-delhi/press/news/details/215657?lang=kk

[4] Legislationline, Criminal Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan (2014, amended 2016) (English version), https://www.legislationline.org/documents/section/criminal-codes/country/21/Kazakhstan/show

[5] Legislationline, On the procedure for organising and holding peaceful assemblies in the Republic of Kazakhstan, May 2020, https://www.legislationline.org/download/id/8924/file/Kazakhstan%20-%20Peaceful%20assemblies%20EN.pdf

[6] Legislationline, Criminal Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan (2014, amended 2016) (English version), https://www.legislationline.org/documents/section/criminal-codes/country/21/Kazakhstan/show

[7] For example Kazakhstan no longer receives bilateral allocations from the EU’s Development and Cooperation Instrument (DCI) but does have access to some funding from regional programmes. See EU DG International Partnerships, https://ec.europa.eu/international-partnerships/where-we-work/kazakhstan_en

[8] EU Commission, DG Trade, https://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/countries/kazakhstan/index_en.htm

[9] It should be noted that the UK-Uzbekistan PCA contains human rights as a subset of the wider political dialogue but whatever the format there needs to be a specific process for addressing human rights challenges within the relationship.

[10] EBRD, Kazakhstan data, https://www.ebrd.com/kazakhstan-data.html

[11] Sam Bhutia, Tracking Kazakhstan’s sovereign wealth funds through the last oil slump, Eurasianet, January 2020, https://eurasianet.org/tracking-kazakhstans-sovereign-wealth-funds-through-the-last-oil-slump

[12] Department for International Trade, Kazakhstan Investment Factsheet, July 2021,  https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/998607/kazakhstan-trade-and-investment-factsheet-2021-07-07.pdf

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