hindu dharma essay in nepali

The Struggle Between Hindutva and Secularism in Nepal

In a 2014 poll, more than 94 percent of Nepalese said that religion was very important in their daily lives. As such an intensely religious society, Nepal made headlines in 2007 when it ousted its Hindu monarchy to form the new, secular nation it is today. Unsurprisingly, the movement toward secularism triggered violent protests from Hindu extremist groups, which erupted throughout the country during the final declaration of secularism in 2015. Nevertheless, many communities fought decades for democracy and secularism as equally important ideals for their new Nepal. They were acutely aware how Hindutva—an ideology that centers Hindu history, scripture, and religious community as central to one’s national identity—harms Nepali society and its inclusiveness. With more than 101 ethnic groups speaking 91 different languages, a secular identity is necessary to define an inclusive form of national fabric in a country as diverse as Nepal. Yet, Hindutva continues to remain a constant threat to this national fabric. In order to cultivate an inclusive national unity, secularism needs to be at the core of new Nepal.

The ideology of Hindutva has been present in the project of state formation in Nepal since the very beginning. The first monarch of this small Himalayan nation, Prithivi Narayan Shah (PNS), was believed to have unified all the smaller kingdoms that existed prior to the 18th century as a strategic ploy to counter the increasing power of the British in colonial India. Many are not aware how central Hindutva was to this project. PNS repeatedly mentioned in his writings how he wanted to establish Nepal as the “ asal Hindustan ” (the true land of the Hindus). His campaign of unification was also an attempt to establish a Hindu bulwark against Muslim hegemony in Mughal India and the rising Christian presence from the British.

The presence of Hindutva can be observed in the monarchy more recently as well. Towards the end of the 20th century, the monarchs actively used Hindutva to retain popular legitimacy and power over increasing calls to democratize. The starkest manifestation of this strategy was perhaps their deification as a direct reincarnation of the Hindu God Vishnu. Beginning in the 1960s, the monarchy actively started to establish Nepal as the last Hindu kingdom in the world, in direct opposition to secular India in the south. They began to foster cultural ties with the Hindu right, often to the dismay of incumbent governments, in India. This continued alongside the monarchy’s attempts to legitimize their rule as a divine ordinance inside the Nepali population while establishing Nepal as the last Hindu kingdom to the outside world. The monarchy even organized a world Hindu conference in the late 1980s and was named the “World Hindu Emperor'' in 2005.

The Impacts of Hindutva

Nepal is very diverse along religious lines. In the most recent census of 2011, 81 percent of the population identified themselves as Hindus, while 9 percent identified Buddhism as their primary religion. Islam was observed by 4.4 percent of the population, while 3.1 percent observed an Indigenous religion called Kirant. Whereas official estimates count 1.4 percent as Christians, many criticize this as a deliberate undercounting of Christian families.

Undercounting other religions and their merits is not unusual for Hindutva. One of the major criticisms of Hindutva is how it denigrates the contribution of other religions that also originate in South Asia, like Buddhism, Jainism, and Kirant. It also externalizes Islam and Christianity as invader religions. By propagating Islamophobia and false accusations of Christian proselytization, Hindutva deems the native followers of these minority religions as outsiders in their own homeland.

Hindutva has severely affected the preservation and celebration of other major religions practiced in Nepal. Until 2007, when Nepal was finally declared a secular state, followers of non-Hindu religions were not even recognized with national holidays for their major festivals. Nepali rulers have followed a tradition of hierarchizing Nepali society with Hinduism clearly above all other religions since the founding of modern Nepal in the 18th century. Local elites from various Indigenous Nationalities (called Janajatis in Nepal) were incentivized, with the promise of political relevance, to convert to Hinduism. Reportedly, many Thakali and Gurung lineages, two very prominent Janajati communities in Nepal, switched their primary allegiance from Tibetan Buddhism to Hinduism due to such incentives.

These rulers foregrounded these incentives with an active ploy to eradicate Indigenous languages and make Nepali the dominant lingua franca . In a country where only 44 percent speak Nepali as their first language, even today, state-sanctioned eradication of Indigenous languages gradually eroded the unique culture and religious practices of these communities. One of the starkest examples can be observed in Magars , one of the biggest Janajati communities in Nepal. While Magars represent 7.1 percent of the population, their Indigenous language is spoken only by a meager 3 percent. Losing one’s native language leads to a gradual decay of the collective memory of one’s unique history and religious culture. Throughout the last three centuries, many Janajati communities lost their language, culture, and religion to a state increasingly hostile to any deviance from the specific blend of Nepali-speaking, upper-caste Hindu traditions.

The harms of Hindutva have not been limited to the non-Hindu population of Nepal. One of the most notorious ways in which it subjugates Hindu populations is via the caste system. The Hindu caste system has been used as a central tool of division and oppression in many Hindu kingdoms in South Asia for the last 3500 years. Nepal has been no exception. The most detrimental effects of the caste system have been experienced by Dalits —communities denigrated to the bottom of the caste hierarchy. The ancient Hindu tradition of caste-based marginalization has continued under the direct supervision of every ruler since the founding of Nepal. Dalits have been denied both the necessary land to survive and their deserved social respect in Nepali society since its inception. This continues to this day as Dalit teenagers are lynched for falling in love with those from the upper-caste, and Dalit individuals are denied access to public spaces and commercial holdings because of their identity.

Most recently, Rupa Sunar made headlines in Nepal when she was denied a rental room in the capital city of Kathmandu because of her caste. Notably, in this incident, the family denying her a room belonged to the Newar community, another major Janajati community in Nepal. Janajati s, which comprise more than 35 percent of the population, have been active participants in discriminating against Dalits since the reign of Prithivi Narayan Shah (PNS) himself. In 1854, Junga Bahadur Rana, the despot in power then, purposefully included Janajatis into the Hindu caste system above Dalit communities. Even though a majority of them were neither Hindu nor had a pre-existing caste system, the state-sanctioned caste hierarchy encouraged discrimination against Dalits for centuries while mandating reverence for those in the upper caste.

The fight against the caste system is inextricably linked to the fight for secularism, both for Janajatis and Dalits . The upper caste Hindu kings of yesterday have become the upper caste Hindu politicians and judges of today. Despite political quotas to ensure proportionate representation since 2007, upper caste men continue to dominate the upper echelons of all the major political institutions. Despite just making up 15 percent of the population, upper caste men make up 85 percent of judges in the country. The socio-political dominance of these men is intrinsically tied to their status in the Hindu caste system. Separating religion from the state is a key step in creating a representative political system and building a secular Nepal.

Gradual Secularization

The breadth of ethnic and religious diversity in Nepal makes secularism a necessity. The declaration of Nepal as a secular state in 2007 affirmed various non-Hindu Nepalese’s claim to equal citizenship. They could now be Christian or Muslim and still be as Nepali as anyone else. This was most explicitly not the case when Nepal was celebrated as the only Hindu kingdom in the world until 2007.

Janajatis and minority religious groups actively fought for equal citizenship to create the Nepal they live in today. Beginning in the 1990s, calls to declare Nepal a secular state began to grow from Janajati leaders. A 10,000-strong silent demonstration was held in support of secularism and minority rights in 1990. Reportedly, more than 100,000 people reclaimed the streets to march against the Hindu monarchy and for a secular state in 1994. These forces were critical in establishing the democratic infrastructure and collective imagination necessary to later oust the Hindu monarchy. The then-insurgent Maoists, with the support of various Janajati communities, also demanded secularism in their 40-point demand to the government before starting the decade-long civil war in 1996. This civil war ended with the ousting of the Hindu monarchy in 2007 and the declaration of Nepal as a secular state.

However, Hindutva continues to be a key threat to the integrity of Nepali society today. The national rise of the Hindu right in India in 2014 followed the rise of its Nepali counterpart, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), in 2013. The RPP, an unabashedly pro-monarchy party infamous for using Hindutva politics, became the fourth biggest party in the new Constituent Assembly in 2013 from a much smaller force in 2008.

The influence of Hindutva in the making of Nepal’s final constitution in 2015 has been undeniable. Even de jure secularism in Nepal today is questionable. Many activists and minority communities objected to the wording of the constitution since secularism has been defined as the state protecting Sanatan religions, or religions practiced from ancient times. The term Sanatan is especially troubling as adherents of Hinduism often define themselves as followers of Sanatan dharma (or religion). While most would consider Buddhism and Kirant as being one of the Sanatan religions, there really is no definite list, and this vagueness is troubling for many. What is not vague for most scholars and activists is that Islam and Christianity would not be considered as Sanatan religions if their status came under any sustained questioning. This is just one example of the tenuous nature of Nepal’s new secularism.

Even without the election of an outright Hindu government, the incumbent governments do not appear rather favorable to the secular spirit of Nepal. Many fear that Khadga Prasad Oli, the recently-ousted Prime Minister of Nepal, symbolized the increasing prominence of Hindutva politics in Nepal. He caused a stir all over South Asia when, in 2020, he claimed that Lord Ram was born in Nepal, not in India. Many announced their displeasure over what they saw was an embattled leader using Lord Ram, an important figure of Hindu worship, for political ends. But this is not unusual for Oli. He famously expressed opposition to secularism before the promulgation of the new constitution in 2015. He is also routinely criticized for making official state visits to Hindu temples, often just when political crises are around the corner. Even though he is no longer the prime minister now that the Supreme Court of Nepal has rejected his unconstitutional stint , he still continues to lead the biggest political party in the country.

Another facet of Nepali society that is clearly not secular today is the criminalization of cow slaughter. It is unclear why a secular nation would criminalize the slaughter of a particular animal based on the religious grounds of one community. This criminalization is often used to prosecute Dalits and Janajatis all over Nepal. Between 2011 and 2017, there have been 727 court cases of cow-slaughter in Nepal. While a majority of the accused are either Dalits or Janajatis (51 percent and 39 percent in the supreme court, respectively), more than 80 percent of the judges presiding over these cases come from the Hindu upper caste. Eating cow meat has historically been an integral part of many Janajati communities like Dolpo , Limbu , and Tamang . It is a result of their unique history of varied culture, specific geographical challenges, and ritual traditions. Criminalizing their indigeneity is one way in which the upper caste community continues to impose its religious values over everyone else. A majority of those convicted from these communities face 12 years of jail time for the crime of consuming something that they already owned.

Changing religions does not seem to end their woes either. A pathway many Dalits are increasingly choosing to escape social and religious persecution is converting to Christianity. More than 65 percent of Christians in Nepal today are Dalits , and the World Christian Database claims that Nepal has the world’s fastest-growing Christian community. Instead of rectifying the underlying social cause of such conversion, people who convert are used as battering rams for many to exert their Hindutva. The constitution today criminalizes proselytization, and converts to Christianity often face significant social persecution.

Many communities have fought long and hard for a secular Nepal. However, not everyone is sold on the notion just yet. In a series of opinion polls conducted in 2010 and 2011, around 55 percent of Nepalese said that they supported a potential redeclaration of Nepal as a Hindu state. For many pro-Hindu groups, the demand for the previous King to return is intimately tied with the redeclaration of Hindu nationhood. Yet, Nepal continues to strive as a secular democracy, in an incomplete and imperfect manner.

Hinduism is undoubtedly a sacred religion for many in Nepal. It has a reverent history of providing solace and meaning to millions of lives in Nepal for thousands of years. It continues to have its vibrant presence in Nepali society today. However, rulers and despots, throughout Nepal’s history, have used Hindutva to further their political ends. This has resulted in direct harms to various Janajati cultures and religions with prestigious histories of their own, while enshrining state-sponsored oppression to the country’s Dalit communities. Many underestimate how effective Hindutva politics can be in a highly religious nation like Nepal. As Nepal strives to solidify its newfound democracy, it must reckon with its historical struggle between Hindutva and secularism.

Cover picture: Victory rally at the 1990 Nepalese revolution against the Hindu Monarchy, by Min Ratna Bajracharya

Ang Sonam Sherpa

Ang Sonam is a staff writer for the HIR. He studies Social Studies and South Asian studies at Harvard.

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The World Through a Lens

Celebrating the ‘Great Night of Shiva’ in Kathmandu

Every year, thousands of celebrants gather at a temple complex in Nepal’s capital in honor of Shiva, one of Hinduism’s most revered gods.

The temple complex of Pashupatinath, on the banks of the Bagmati River. Credit...

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Photographs and Text by Shelby Tauber

• Jan. 3, 2022

It was the night before a new moon, and a rotating palette of color, reflecting off the buildings, floated like a halo in the mist. Silhouettes of cows dotted my periphery, accompanied by the gentle rustle of their grazing on the riverbank.

As I approached the center of the complex, the crowds pressed closer together, filling every inch of the paths and ghats, a term for stairways in the Indian subcontinent, lining the sacred Bagmati River. Those who weren’t huddled under umbrellas or shielded by plastic bags seemed content enough to stick it out in the rain.

I had visited this Hindu temple before — Pashupatinath, on the outskirts of Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal — but only in the broad daylight, and never among so many people.

The scents of burning wood, marijuana and incense filled the air — as did the spiced smoke of corpses being cremated on the far side of the river. Rhythmic claps and chimes bounced around the temple walls, in tandem with the evening prayer playing over the loudspeaker.

I was experiencing the sensory abundance of Maha Shivaratri, the Great Night of Shiva.

Every year, thousands of celebrants gather at Pashupatinath in honor of Shiva, one of Hinduism’s three most revered gods. The festival commemorates the wedding night of Shiva and Parvati, a Hindu goddess. According to the Linga Purana, a sacred Hindu text, it also marks the day that Shiva took the form of the lingam , an object — often viewed in the West as a phallic symbol — that is typically found in temples and that represents the god’s infinite existence.

Attendees of Maha Shivaratri mark the holy festival with a range of prayers and rituals. Devotees begin bathing in the river at sunrise, and descend the ghats throughout the day to be cleansed. A puja, or worship ritual, is performed every three hours on the Shiva lingam by bathing it with water, milk and honey alongside offerings of fruit, sandalwood paste and incense. “Om Namah Shivaya,” the sacred mantra of Shiva, echoes through the temple complex to invoke the inner consciousness and invite clarity and prosperity. Practicing Hindus enter the main temple, which is lined with shoes that visitors have removed, to be blessed by the temple priests. Some participants observe a fast, while others aim to stay awake all through the night.

As a holy offering to Shiva, Sadhus — Hindu holy men who wear saffron-colored clothing (or, occasionally, none at all) — smoke marijuana out of chillums, or traditional clay pipes, sharing with those around them.

When I attended the festival, in February 2020, a participant dressed as Kali, the Hindu mother goddess often depicted with wild hair and a necklace of skulls, walked around the temple grounds with an outstretched tongue, bulging eyes and four arms. She brushed passers-by with a bundle of peacock feathers, inviting them to place monetary offerings onto her platter.

But as is often the case with festivals that attract visitors from around the world, there were also people who came purely for the spectacle, or to enjoy time with family and friends in a magnificent — even mystical — setting.

Looking back on these photographs, as the world is still grappling with the coronavirus pandemic, I find that the visual splendor is less striking than the sight of the crowds in such proximity.

Maha Shivaratri would be the last large-scale event that I — and surely thousands of the other participants — would attend before the virus’s spread around the globe.

But at the time, proximity wasn’t yet a concern. Many of us bumped and nudged our ways through the dense crowds. Strangers seated together in a small temple, we sat shoulder to shoulder, passed around a shared chillum and thoughtlessly shared the air.

Pashupatinath is regularly used as a cremation site, but the day of Maha Shivaratri is a particularly auspicious time for Hindus to pass on to the next life.

Earlier in the evening, families had dipped the toes and washed the bodies of their deceased loved ones — dressed in orange and marigold — with the holy water of the Bagmati River.

Now, as I left the temple, the air turning brisk as the collective heat of all the close bodies gave way to the cool air, I caught sight of five lit pyres, their orange flames set against the dark night sky.

Shelby Tauber is a visual journalist based in Texas. You can follow her work on Instagram .

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The Truth of Dharma and the Dharma of Truth: Reflections on Hinduism as a Dharmic Faith

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• Volume 23 , pages 213–237, ( 2019 )

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This article discusses what it might mean to characterize traditional Hinduism as a dharmic faith in relation to the concepts of truth ( satyam ) and its opposite ( anṛtam ), without however expatiating on supposed contrasts between Hinduism and the “Abrahamic” faiths. The argument is conducted by recognizing two senses to anṛtam , namely, “non-truth” and “falsehood,” in contrast to satyam ; and the method used is inductive in that a historically well-known episode of the Mahābhārata— the story of Kauśika and the bandits—and its authoritative interpretation by the deity Kṛṣṇa in terms of satyam and anṛtam (in the Karṇaparvan , Book 8, of the text) are analyzed heuristically to indicate how dharma is viewed in the tradition qua ethical concept. The conclusion is drawn that Hindu dharma is understood as that whose objective is ultimately to bring about the welfare of the world ( lokasaṅgraha ). In relation to truth (and its opposite), materially , dharma is invariably contextual in connotation (in contrast to what might be a Kantian or absolutist reading of moral imperatives), whereas formally , at the hands of one commentator or other, not least in modern times, dharma is that which defines what it means to be Hindu. The material and formal connotations of dharma thus analyzed and taken together set Hinduism apart qua dharmic faith.

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Lipner, J. The Truth of Dharma and the Dharma of Truth: Reflections on Hinduism as a Dharmic Faith. Hindu Studies 23 , 213–237 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11407-019-09262-3

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• Toxic air takes toll on public health
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How Hindu state idea is trying to gain ground in Nepal

On Thursday, a group of people launched a campaign for the restoration of Hindu kingdom. The campaign is led by Rookmangud Katawal, a general who led the Nepal Army from 2006 to 2009. Named “Hindu Rastra Swabhiman Jagaran Abhiyan”, the campaign, organisers say will be expanded across the country “to restore Nepal as a Hindu state” with the focus on “identity and culture.”

Two weeks back, around 20 Hindu religious organisations formed what they called “a united front” in Devghat in Tanahun district and announced to take to the streets for the restoration of Hindu state.

Several people the Post spoke to said the campaign is backed by hundreds of thousands disciples of “maths and piths”, the places where Hindu education and culture are taught and promoted.

Thursday’s event , held in Lalitpur, was attended by several prominent pro-Hindu figures like Mathadish of Shankarachayra Math Keshavananda Swami, Pithadish of Shantidham in Kathmandu, Swami Chaturbhuj Acharya, Hanuman ji Maharaj, and co-convener of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh and former Nepal Police assistant inspector general Kalyan Kumar Timilsina.

“Our campaign is not to establish Hindu fundamentalism in the country… not to isolate and sideline the religious minorities like Muslims and Christians,” Katawal told the Post in a brief interview. “This campaign is simply aimed at restoring the Hindu identity of Nepal.”

According to Katawal, their mission is to create awareness about Hindu religion, its culture and how it is different from others.

“And we are different from politics. Our campaign has nothing to do with any political ideology and we are not here to establish Hindu fanatics,” Katawal told the Post. “The Sanatan Hindu tradition has been practised for centuries and it is tolerant and friendly to other religions. So we do not discredit or sideline other religions.”

The Hindu campaign comes at a time when questions are being raised about the six-year-old constitution that established the country as a secular republic.

Analysts say the calls for a Hindu state could further grow as some sections within Nepal’s political parties, which played a crucial role in transitioning the country to a republic state, are showing an inclination towards reverting to the previous status.

The threat to the political achievements was fuelled by erstwhile prime minister KP Sharma Oli, who despite claiming to be a communist leader, started talking about Hinduism. From visiting Pashupatinath temple to trying to establish Thori as the real Ayodhya, the “real” birthplace of Ram, the Hindu god, Oli fanned the flames of Hinduism in Nepal.

At a time when concerns are being raised that some major achievements like federalism and secularism are facing threat s, such rise of what some say “saffron politics” is a cause for concern, observers say.

“When democracy, system and institutions get weakened and liberal value systems are affected, such regressive ideas try to raise their heads,” said Lok Raj Baral, a former political science professor. “It’s for the political parties and leaders who played a crucial role in transforming the country to now reiterate what they believe in.”

According to Baral, Hindu state has become a sentimental agenda in Nepal.

“Since the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party in India, a section of people is under the impression that Nepal could be reverted to Hindu state,” said Baral. “But a state does not have a religion and every citizen irrespective of what religion they follow should be able to say the state belongs to them. That’s the beauty of democracy. That’s the beauty of what we have achieved through various struggles.”

Nepal became a federal, secular republic after the 2015 constitution.

However, the fledgling constitution is already facing the threat of being unravelled. Not only Oli and some members in his CPN-UML party, a section of the ruling Nepali Congress too believes Nepal should remain a Hindu state.

Observers say the campaign for Hindu state may strike a chord or two with a section of society, but the likelihood of undoing what the constitution has guaranteed is not possible.

Even the Hindu campaigners are not very sure about what they want to achieve.

“Our movement so far has been directionless, to tell you the truth, as no one is in charge,” said a leader of a pro-Hindu organisation who did not wish to be named. “We need a ‘powerful movement’ across the country to reverse the decision taken about a decade and a half ago. This seems to be a silent movement with no one leading.”

Though Nepal officially became a secular republic with the promulgation of the new constitution in 2015, the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly in 2008 had consigned the monarchy to history and declared that Nepal was no more a Hindu state.

The only political party that has consistently made a pitch for a Hindu state and constitutional monarchy is the Rastriya Prajatantra Party. But it lacks influence. In recent days, Rabindra Mishra, a journalist-turned-politician, drew quite some attention when he spoke against federalism and favoured monarchy.

Sources inside several Hindu outfits say that besides Vishwa Hindu Mahasangh, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Hindu Swaymsevak Sangh, Sanatan Dharma Sewa, Omkar Samaj and Nepal Rastrabad Samaj, at least one dozen pro-Hindu groups are active in Nepal.

Multiple people within these organisations the Post spoke to said that India’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Yogi Aditya Nath, the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh in India, have been supporting movements in Nepal for the restoration of Hindu state. They, however, would not say whether the Bharatiya Janata Party, or Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, had a direct stake in the campaign.

“But you cannot ignore their tacit support,” a pro-Hindu campaigner in Nepal said.

A senior security official told the Post that at least 100 Hindu organisations are active in Nepal.

“Some of them are volunteer organisations and others have received funds from different sources inside and outside the country,” said the official who spoke on condition of anonymity. “There is a massive rise of pro-Hindu movement across the country in the last two to three years.”

One section that is promoting the Hindu campaign is within the Nepali Congress.

Shanker Bhandari of the Nepali Congress in 2018 led a campaign within the party for the restoration of the Hindu state. After most of the leaders refused to entertain the agenda, it failed to get traction.

“Out of 1,400 mahasamiti members of the Congress, 734 had signed for the restoration of Hindu state,” said Bhandari. “This will be a top agenda item when our party holds the general convention in November.”

Though Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who is currently the prime minister, and senior leader Ram Chandra Poudel, among others, have been rejecting the Hindu state idea, there still is a big section within the party that favours reinstating Hindu state.

Party General Secretary Dr Shashank Koirala, senior leader Shekhar Koirala and several other central committee members are in favour of reviving Nepal as a Hindu state.

Both Koiralas and other Nepali Congress leaders have demanded a referendum so as to determine whether Nepal should be a Hindu state or a secular country.

“Several organisations that are active in the country will put pressure on all major political parties for the revival of Hindu state,” said Bhandari who still believes sooner or later Nepal will once again become a Hindu state.

But pro-secularism leaders say Nepal has come a long way since the constitution was promulgated in 2015 that guaranteed secularism and republicanism.

“At a time when we are facing a host of challenges, such a regressive campaign would derail the entire process,” said Dev Gurung, a Standing Committee member of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre). “We respect the sentiments of the people, but this is not the time to pick up the Hindu agenda, when we have to march forward.”

According to Gurung, some foreign forces are trying to undo what Nepal has achieved in recent years.

“We cannot alter the system we have built,” said Gurung. “Those who are trying to revert Nepal to the old days are the enemies of the people. Now is the time to strengthen the political and constitutional setup we have.”

Anil Giri Anil Giri is a reporter covering diplomacy, international relations and national politics for The Kathmandu Post. Giri has been working as a journalist for a decade-and-a-half, contributing to numerous national and international media outlets.

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Religions in Nepal - The Repository of Ethnic Mosaic

1. hinduism in nepal.

Popular Temples in Nepal:  - Muktinath Temple - Pashupatinath Temple, Kathmandu - Dantakali Temple, Dharan - Changunarayan Temple, Kathmandu 

2. Buddhism in Nepal 

Popular Buddhist Sites in Nepal: - Swayambhunath - Boudhanath

3. Islam in Nepal

Popular Mosques in Nepal: - Takia Mosque in Durbar Marg being the oldest. - Madatiya Mosque, Madatiya - Kashmiri Masjid, Kathmandu

4. Kiratism in Nepal

5. Christianity in Nepal

6. Other Religions

This post was published by Sinorita Naskar

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Buddhist Art and Architecture in Nepal by Erberto Lo Bue LAST REVIEWED: 24 November 2020 LAST MODIFIED: 24 November 2020 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393521-0079

The earliest evidence of the presence of Buddhism in the Nepal Valley belongs to the 5th century. According to inscriptions of the Licchavi dynasty, the Buddhist ruler Vrsadeva (fl. c.  400  CE ) founded a monastery at Svayambhu. Most Licchavi foundations have disappeared, but a few, such as the Gum monastery near Sankhu, have survived. The Buddhist pantheon in Nepal is obviously related to the Indian tradition, in which Buddhism and Hinduism coexisted and influenced each other through many centuries. Although the sophisticated artistic production in the Nepal Valley represents to some extent the continuation of the aesthetics prevailing in India under the Gupta, Pâla, and Sena dynasties, the art and architecture of its original inhabitants, the Newars, developed in a unique way. Even after their Buddhist tradition was cut off from its sources following the destruction of all Indian monastic universities by the 13th century, Newar artists continued to produce images for Buddhists not only in Nepal, but also in other countries, particularly Tibet. At least two Buddhist traditions and related styles may be distinguished in Nepal: the Newar ones of the Nepal Valley, where Buddhism followed its own local development; and the Tibetan ones, in areas inhabited by people of Tibetan stock and language, such as Lo (Mustang) and Dölpo, and in the Nepal Valley itself, where the number of Tibetan monasteries has increased significantly since the 1960s. That accounts for iconographic and stylistic differences in images produced even by the same artist, who traditionally can adapt easily to the requests of his client. The traditional style of architecture characterizing most of the 363 monasteries in the Nepal Valley, the earliest ones dating to the Licchavi dynasty, may be traced to Buddhist monastic structures such as those found at Sanchi, Ajanta, and Ellora, representing stone versions of now-lost Indian wooden architecture, but at the same time prototypes of the brick and wood monasteries of the Nepal Valley. Newar monasteries are characterized by three essential elements: the main shrine, a small stupa in the middle of the courtyard, and a tantric temple above the shrine. Their courtyards are surrounded by rooms that do not necessarily conform in their function to their Indian models, since, following the decline of Buddhism in the Nepal Valley, they have sometimes turned into residential buildings. Another feature deriving from Indian architecture is the tòrana , originally a decorated arch leading to a shrine, which in the Nepal Valley turned into a semicircular panel placed above the doors of shrines or gates.

There are no general overviews of Nepalese Buddhist art and architecture, both subjects being covered in works dealing also with Hindu art and architecture in Nepal. The first significant study of the art and sculpture of the Nepal Valley was produced by Pratapaditya Pal ( Pal 1974 , cited under Sculpture , and Pal 1978 , cited under Painting ), who has since published a series of catalogues on the subject, one of them being devoted exclusively to Newar art ( Pal 1985 , cited under Collections and Exhibitions ). Hutt, et al. 1994 provides an introduction to the art and architecture of the Nepal Valley, devoting sections of this work to Buddhist sites. Also, Slusser 1982 deals with Newar Buddhist art and architecture, placing them in their cultural and historical context. Buddhist monasteries and stupas are surveyed in Locke 1985 and Gutschow 1997 (both cited under Architecture ), whereas an inventory of sites and monuments in the Nepal Valley in the early 1970s was edited by Pruscha ( Pruscha 1975 ). The only serious guide recording Buddhist as well as Hindu sites and temples all over Nepal is written in French ( Rouvre 1975 ). Newar artists have been active not only in the Nepal Valley, but also in other parts of the Himalayas such as Lo (Mustang), Ladakh, and Bhutan ( Lo Bue 1985 ), and beyond, from Tibet ( Lo Bue 1988 ) to China ( Jing 1994 ). However, the finest wall paintings in Nepal are found in the culturally Tibetan former kingdom of Mustang ( Lo Bue 2010 ).

Hutt, Michael, David N. Gellner, and Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute. Nepal . A Guide to the Art and Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley . Gartmore, UK: Kiscadale, 1994.

An introduction to Newar art and architecture dealing also with Buddhist sites and images in the Nepal Valley, it is intended for a general readership. It includes pictures, some of them in color; maps and drawings; and, being based on authoritative sources, it is useful for students and travelers alike.

Jing, Anning. “The Portraits of Khubilai Khan and Chabi by Anige (1245–1306), a Nepali Artist at the Yuan Court.” Artibus Asiae 54.1–2 (1994): 40–86.

DOI: 10.2307/3250079

This essay affords much more than what is suggested by its title, since it documents the life story of the great Newar sculptor, painter, and architect Anige, exemplifying the important role played by the Buddhist artists of the Nepal Valley well beyond the Himalayas.

Lo Bue, Erberto F. “The Newar Artists of the Nepal Valley: A Historical Account of Their Activities in Neighbouring Areas with Particular Reference to Tibet.” Oriental Art 31.3 (1985): 262–277.

This essay, published in two parts, represents a first attempt to record the role played by sculptors and painters from the Nepal Valley in the production of images for Buddhist clients and monastic institutions in other Himalayan areas as well as Tibet and India from the 8th to the 20th century. Part 2 in Oriental Art 31.4 (1986): 409–420.

Lo Bue, Erberto F. “Cultural Exchange and Social Interaction between Tibetans and Newars from the Seventh to the Twentieth Century.” International Folklore Review 6 (1988): 86–114.

This essay deals with the relationship between Buddhist Newars and Tibetans both in Tibet and in the Nepal Valley, with particular reference to the Newars’ organization in Tibet and to their production of Buddhist images for Tibetan clients and institutions (pp. 91–110).

Lo Bue, Erberto F. Wonders of Lo: The Artistic Heritage of Mustang . Mumbai: Marg, 2010.

This monograph is devoted to Buddhist art and architecture in the culturally Tibetan former kingdom of Mustang, which maintained a degree of autonomy even after its inclusion in the Gorkha kingdom. Its authors deal with the most important and some hitherto unpublished sites in the region, with a special emphasis on painting.

Macdonald, Alexander W., and Anne Vergati Stahl. Newar Art: Nepalese Art during the Malla Period . Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips, 1979.

This survey deals with Newar cultural history, architecture, and painting during the Malla dynasties (1200–1768). It includes a section on the Newar pantheon (pp. 38–60), which it illustrates with pictures of Hindu as well as Buddhist statues, one on Buddhist architecture (pp. 71–82), and a chapter on painting (pp. 119–150), some of it Buddhist.

Pruscha, Carl, ed. Kathmandu Valley: The Preservation of Physical Environment and Cultural Heritage : Protective Inventory . 2 vols. Vienna: Anton Schroll, 1975.

This inventory was meant to be a tool for the Nepalese government to preserve the cultural heritage and physical environment of the Nepal Valley. Although it failed in its purpose, it affords black-and-white pictures of and basic information on scores of Hindu and Buddhist sites all over the valley as they were in the early 1970s.

Rouvre, Évrard de. Népal . Paris: Robur, 1975.

This French travel guide, handy, conveniently arranged in alphabetical order, and based on authoritative sources, describes and illustrates in color the most important sites in Nepal, including Buddhist ones.

Slusser, Mary Shepherd. Nepal Mandala: A Cultural Study of the Kathmandu Valley . 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982.

Because of the detailed treatment of its variously related subjects, this exhaustive and clearly written study, based on many references to scientific publications and indigenous sources, provides invaluable information on the Nepal Valley, including Buddhist art and architecture, and its reading is compulsory for a serious approach to those subjects.

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Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History Essays

Hinduism and hindu art.

Krishna Killing the Horse Demon Keshi

Standing Four-Armed Vishnu

Linga with Face of Shiva (Ekamukhalinga)

Standing Parvati

Shiva as Lord of Dance (Nataraja)

Standing Ganesha

Standing Female Deity, probably Durga

Ardhanarishvara (Composite of Shiva and Parvati)

Vaikuntha Vishnu

Krishna on Garuda

Durga as Slayer of the Buffalo Demon Mahishasura

Seated Ganesha

Kneeling Female Figure

Hanuman Conversing

The Goddess Durga Slaying the Demon Buffalo Mahisha

Loving Couple (Mithuna)

Karaikkal Ammaiyar, Shaiva Saint

Vidya Dehejia Department of Art History and Archaeology, Columbia University

February 2007

According to the Hindu view, there are four goals of life on earth, and each human being should aspire to all four. Everyone should aim for dharma , or righteous living; artha , or wealth acquired through the pursuit of a profession; kama , or human and sexual love; and, finally, moksha , or spiritual salvation.

This holistic view is reflected as well as in the artistic production of India. Although a Hindu temple is dedicated to the glory of a deity and is aimed at helping the devotee toward moksha , its walls might justifiably contain sculptures that reflect the other three goals of life. It is in such a context that we may best understand the many sensuous and apparently secular themes that decorate the walls of Indian temples.

Hinduism is a religion that had no single founder, no single spokesman, no single prophet. Its origins are mixed and complex. One strand can be traced back to the sacred Sanskrit literature of the Aryans, the Vedas, which consist of hymns in praise of deities who were often personifications of the natural elements. Another strand drew on the beliefs prevalent among groups of indigenous peoples, especially the faith in the power of the mother goddess and in the efficacy of fertility symbols. Hinduism, in the form comparable to its present-day expression, emerged at about the start of the Christian era, with an emphasis on the supremacy of the god Vishnu, the god Shiva, and the goddess Shakti (literally, “Power”).

The pluralism evident in Hinduism, as well as its acceptance of the existence of several deities, is often puzzling to non-Hindus. Hindus suggest that one may view the Infinite as a diamond of innumerable facets. One or another facet—be it Rama, Krishna, or Ganesha—may beckon an individual believer with irresistible magnetism. By acknowledging the power of an individual facet and worshipping it, the believer does not thereby deny the existence of many aspects of the Infinite and of varied paths toward the ultimate goal.

Deities are frequently portrayed with multiple arms, especially when they are engaged in combative acts of cosmic consequence that involve destroying powerful forces of evil. The multiplicity of arms emphasizes the immense power of the deity and his or her ability to perform several feats at the same time. The Indian artist found this a simple and an effective means of expressing the omnipresence and omnipotence of a deity. Demons are frequently portrayed with multiple heads to indicate their superhuman power. The occasional depiction of a deity with more than one head is generally motivated by the desire to portray varying aspects of the character of that deity. Thus, when the god Shiva is portrayed with a triple head, the central face indicates his essential character and the flanking faces depict his fierce and blissful aspects.

The Hindu Temple Architecture and sculpture are inextricably linked in India . Thus, if one speaks of Indian architecture without taking note of the lavish sculptured decoration with which monuments are covered, a partial and distorted picture is presented. In the Hindu temple , large niches in the three exterior walls of the sanctum house sculpted images that portray various aspects of the deity enshrined within. The sanctum image expresses the essence of the deity. For instance, the niches of a temple dedicated to a Vishnu may portray his incarnations; those of a temple to Shiva , his various combative feats; and those of a temple to the Great Goddess, her battles with various demons. Regional variations exist, too; in the eastern state of Odisha, for example, the niches of a temple to Shiva customarily contain images of his family—his consort, Parvati, and their sons, Ganesha, the god of overcoming obstacles, and warlike Skanda.

The exterior of the halls and porch are also covered with figural sculpture. A series of niches highlight events from the mythology of the enshrined deity, and frequently a place is set aside for a variety of other gods. In addition, temple walls feature repeated banks of scroll-like foliage, images of women, and loving couples known as mithunas . Signifying growth, abundance, and prosperity, they were considered auspicious motifs.

Dehejia, Vidya. “Hinduism and Hindu Art.” In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/hind/hd_hind.htm (February 2007)

Further Reading

Dehejia, Vidya. Indian Art . London: Phaidon, 1997.

Eck, Diana L. Darsan: Seeing the Divine Image in India. 2d ed . Chamberburg, Pa.: Anima Books, 1985.

Michell, George. The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to Its Meaning and Forms. Reprint . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.

Mitter, Partha. Indian Art . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Additional Essays by Vidya Dehejia

• Dehejia, Vidya. “ Buddhism and Buddhist Art .” (February 2007)
• Dehejia, Vidya. “ Recognizing the Gods .” (February 2007)
• Dehejia, Vidya. “ South Asian Art and Culture .” (February 2007)

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• Life of Jesus of Nazareth
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Table of contents, part i foundations, part ii buddhist rituals and newar tradition, part iii picturing rituals, part iv kathmandu valley traditions in the newar context, part v the newar artist, part vi appendices, share link with colleague or librarian, product details, related content.

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