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Valuing Human Impact of Natural Disasters: A Review of Methods

Aditi kharb.

1 Institute of Health and Society (IRSS), Universite Catholique de Louvain, 1200 Brussels, Belgium

Sandesh Bhandari

2 Department of Medicine, University of Oviedo, 3204 Oviedo, Spain

Maria Moitinho de Almeida

Rafael castro delgado, pedro arcos gonzález, sandy tubeuf.

3 Institute of Economic and Social Research (IRES/LIDAM), Universite Catholique de Louvain, 1200 Brussels, Belgium

Associated Data

Not applicable.

This paper provides a comprehensive set of methodologies that have been used in the literature to give a monetary value to the human impact in a natural disaster setting. Four databases were searched for relevant published and gray literature documents with a set of inclusion and exclusion criteria. Twenty-seven studies that quantified the value of a statistical life in a disaster setting or discussed methodologies of estimating value of life were included. Analysis highlighted the complexity and variability of methods and estimations of values of statistical life. No single method to estimate the value of a statistical life is universally agreed upon, although stated preference methods seem to be the preferred approach. The value of one life varies significantly ranging from USD 143,000 to 15 million. While an overwhelming majority of studies concern high-income countries, most disaster casualties are observed in low- and middle-income countries. Data on the human impact of disasters are usually available in disasters databases. However, lost lives are not traditionally translated into monetary terms. Therefore, the full financial cost of disasters has rarely been evaluated. More research is needed to utilize the value of life estimates in order to guide policymakers in preparedness and mitigation policies.

1. Introduction

Since 1960, more than 11,000 disasters triggered by natural hazards have been recorded. The number has steadily increased from an annual total of 33 disasters in 1960 to a peak of 441 disasters in 2000 [ 1 ]. Hazards such as storms, floods, heatwaves, droughts and wildfires have increased in number, intensity and variability in recent years [ 2 ]. Between 2000 and 2019, there were 510,837 deaths and 3.9 billion people affected by 6681 natural disasters [ 3 ]. This rising death rate highlights the continued vulnerability of communities to natural hazards, especially in low- and middle-income countries. The Analysis of Emergency Events Database(EM-DAT) shows that, on average, more than three times as many people died per disaster in low-income countries than in high-income nations [ 1 ]. A similar pattern was evident when low- and lower-middle-income countries were grouped together and compared to high- and upper-middle-income countries. Taken together, higher-income countries experienced 56% of disasters but lost 32% of lives, while lower-income countries experienced 44% of disasters but suffered 68% of deaths [ 1 ].

Disasters datasets usually report the human impact of disasters fairly precisely, and also include the economic impact mainly related to damages to insured goods; for example, EM-DAT, NatCatservice, MunichRe [ 1 , 4 ]. While economic damages of disasters are available in monetary terms, the human impact is measured in different natural units (lost lives, lost life years, disability-adjusted life years (DALY), etc.). Transforming those human impacts into monetary terms is not straightforward. However, it is of great importance in disaster contexts, as it could serve as a vital tool for a multitude of purposes, not limited to informing policy decision making.

Reinsurance companies could utilize this value to generate risk assessments, calibrate loss-estimation models and validate compensation claims; investors and international organizations could make use of it to advise strategic risk mitigation plans; and academic institutions could use it to measure inequalities and identify research gaps. Additionally, for individuals, the perceived disaster severity and knowledge of disaster-related risks might be limited and can be supplemented by providing monetary value to the physical and psychological health risks they might face [ 5 ]. Similarly, as the principal focus of health, safety and environmental regulations and many public health-related policies is to enhance individual health, where the most consequential impacts often pertain to reductions in mortality risks, policymakers seeking to assess society’s willingness to pay for expected health improvements need some measures of the associated benefit values to monetize the risk reductions and to facilitate comparison of benefits and costs. In this context, evaluating the global impact of a disaster would rely on using a unique metric to translate both the human and the economic costs of disasters.

Providing a monetary value to lost lives or health losses relies on the value of statistical life literature. The economics and disaster literature today has shown that although it is difficult to ‘put a price on life’, observation of individual and group behaviors seem to indicate otherwise. People regularly weigh risks and make decisions through a cost–benefit analysis framework, where they weigh the willingness to pay for risk reduction and the marginal cost of enhancing safety [ 6 , 7 ]. According to Kniesner and Viscusi (2019) [ 8 ], the value of statistical life can be defined as the local trade-off rate between fatality risk and money. The utility associated with reducing a risk must compensate for the disutility associated with the cost of reducing that risk. This argument is further strengthened by the cost assessment of intangible effects of natural disasters in the literature in welfare economics [ 9 , 10 ]. Individuals derive welfare from non-market goods such as environmental and health assets in more ways than only direct consumption [ 11 ]. For example, does the cost of reinforcing and strengthening buildings in a seismically active zone and ensure earthquake resistance save enough lives and prevent enough injuries that, in the long run, individual productivity for the state overshoot the costs exhausted by the state [ 12 ]?

This review aims to provide an overview of the methodologies used to evaluate the value of life in a natural disaster context and to present the differences in values of statistical life calculated using these alternative methodologies. The review also highlights the areas in the literature where more research is needed. To this end, the first section of this review reports the methodology for the selection and analysis of the literature. The second section explains the results of the analysis. Finally, we discuss the results and shortcomings of the current literature and draw conclusions from the study.

2. Methodology

We conducted a review of the literature reporting on the value of life in disasters adhering to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 13 ]. The research question was formulated with the collaboration of the co-authors and the search strategy was then developed following extensive discussion.

2.1. Search Strategy

Several databases were used to search for literature, including PubMed MeSH, EMBASE and ECONLIT. In addition to this, the search was also performed in SCOPUS and Google Scholar so as not to miss any relevant papers, but only the first 200 results sorted by relevance were picked up from the two latter databases. We then screened the references of included full texts to identify any potential misses from our initial search strategy.

Various keywords synonymous to the two concepts “Value of Life” and “Disasters” were identified to undertake the search for literature. For “Value of life”, words and phrases such as cost of life, value of statistical life, VSL, willingness to pay, value of life lost and economic value of life were identified as relevant. Similarly, for “Disasters”, two additional terms, i.e., natural disasters and hazards, were used. The two concepts were searched separately as one and two, and then the combination of one and two was searched to obtain the results. More details about the search strategy are available in Appendix A .

2.2. Eligibility Criteria

The primary inclusion criteria for the search were peer-reviewed articles or gray literature such as conference papers, dissertation and discussion papers on disasters and value of life written in English from 2000 to 2020. We included studies that primarily quantified the value of life in a disaster setting and studies discussing methodology of estimating the value of life without providing a value by itself. No geographical limitations were set.

2.3. Data Collection and Analysis

The hits from different databases were exported onto Mendeley citation manager (Mendeley version 1.19.8) for subsequent screenings. Duplicates were excluded first. Titles and abstracts were then screened, and finally, full texts were screened for the papers included after abstract screening, excluding papers clearly outside the scope of this study. All uncertainties about eligibility were discussed between three co-authors (SB, MMA, ST) in all steps of the selection process.

Several papers were excluded in subsequent screening steps. Papers only talking about environmental pollution and climate change without a reference to natural disasters were excluded, as these topics are quite broad and, if not a cause for natural disasters, fall outside the scope of this study. Additionally, articles mainly concerned with terrorism, conflicts and landmines were not included in the final selection. Other categories of papers that were excluded were coal mine accidents, traffic accidents and forest fires. Papers solely talking about housing insurance and policy recommendations were also excluded. A total of five papers were requested directly from the authors as they could not be accessed online.

A data extraction form was developed for this review after consultation with the authors. The data extraction form recorded the descriptive aspect of all the studies included in the review, including methodology used to calculate the value of statistical life (VSL), results, strengths and limitations. This form was then pilot tested to ensure all the information was covered. The excluded studies were also tested against the form to check why they did not fit the form and revised as needed in subsequent steps. More details about the form are available in the Appendix A .

We first provided a descriptive overview of the included studies in terms of disaster types, the year in which studies were published, distribution of studies among countries according to the level of income as classified by the World Bank, simple geographical distribution and methodologies mentioned in the studies which were used to calculate the VSL. We then synthesized the information provided according to major predefined themes, such as methods of estimation of VSL, calculated VSL, and variations in VSL by geographical regions. These were identified before the analysis following discussions within the research team. Additionally, the possibility of emerging themes was considered and actively looked for during identification and processing of predefined themes.

3.1. Descriptive Overview of Included Studies

The initial search yielded a total of n = 2121 articles, coming down to n = 2084 after duplicates were removed. After screening titles and abstracts, n = 115 papers were considered for full text screening. Subsequently, a further n = 87 articles were excluded and two additional papers were excluded during the data extraction process. In addition to the remaining n = 26 papers for the review, one article was included from the reference screening, making the final count of papers for the review n = 27. The detailed process of article selection is presented in a PRISMA flow diagram ( Figure 1 ) [ 13 ].

PRISMA flow chart of search, inclusion and exclusion screening and accepted studies of the review. Source: Authors.

The biggest proportion of the included papers (n = 8, 29.6%) focused on value of life lost due to floods. This was closely followed by papers discussing unspecified disasters or disasters in general (n = 5, 18.5%). Five articles (18.5%) focused on earthquakes specifically, followed by three papers (11.1%) examining the value of life in the context of avalanches and rockfalls. Two articles (7.4%) discussed tornadoes and three papers (11.1%) dealt with a group of disasters consisting of four types of disasters, namely flood, drought, alpine and coastal hazards. One article (3.7%) was about heatwaves ( Figure 2 ).

Numbers of included studies by type of disaster. Source: Author.

Most studies (n = 16, 59%) concerned countries classified as high-income countries by the World Bank, including four papers (15%) from the United States of America (USA), three (11%) from the Netherlands and two each (7%) from Switzerland and Australia. Germany, Austria, Russia, Italy, New Zealand and Japan also had one article each in the final pool. Four studies (15%) were from upper-middle-income countries, including two studies from China and one each from Russia and Iran. Only one paper considered a lower-middle-income country, namely Vietnam. Four papers (15%) were not specific to any country and discussed the value of statistical life in general, without geographical consideration. Finally, one paper (3.7%) talked about developing countries in general while talking about value of life and reconstruction costs resulting from earthquakes.

Regarding where the articles were published, all but 4 out of 27 articles (85%) were published in peer-reviewed journals. As we included gray literature, two out of the four were discussion papers, one was a conference proceedings and the remaining one was a doctoral dissertation. The included studies were published in a variety of disaster-related, economics, policy and environmental journals.

3.2. Methods Used to Estimate Value of Life

A number of methods used to estimate the value of life were highlighted after reviewing the literature. Table 1 summarizes the different methods used in the included literature.

Value of statistical life estimation methods.

• (a) Revealed preference methods.

The revealed preference method utilizes observed behavior among the individuals that has already occurred and makes use of this to approximate suggested willingness to pay for a change in mortality risk. This method has an advantage over the stated preference approach in that if a person pays a certain amount for a commodity, it is known with conviction that the same person’s WTP for that commodity is at least the amount he/she is willing to pay. The four methods used to reveal preferences include: (a) the hedonic pricing method; (b) the travel cost method; (c) the cost of illness approach; (d) the replacement cost method [ 14 , 15 , 16 ].

• (b) Stated preference methods.

In contrast with revealed preference methods, the stated preferences method creates a hypothetical market in a survey. It parallels a market survey and estimates a willingness to pay for hypothetical reduction in mortality risks, since it resembles market behavior. In addition, stated preference methods incorporate both active and passive use of a commodity by the consumer. Direct or active values arise when an individual physically experiences the commodity, while passive or indirect values entail that an individual does not directly experience the commodity. The three methods used for stated preferences include: (a) the contingent valuation method; (b) the choice modeling method; (c) life satisfaction analysis [ 17 , 18 , 19 ].

• (c) Non-behavioral methods

Non-behavioral methods are not necessarily based on human choices and cognitive biases which affect the choices subconsciously. They include the human capital method (HCM) [ 20 ] and life quality index method (LQI) [ 21 ] to estimate the valuation of statistical life, and they are used to elicit the value of an individual in a society in the absence of a possibility to conduct a survey pre- or post- disaster.

In the selected literature, 7 papers out of 16 used stated preference methods. Within stated preference methods, two papers used choice modeling, while the other five used a contingent valuation method.

Papers using choice modeling method included Bockarjova et al. (2012) [ 22 ] and Rheinberger (2011) [ 23 ]. While Bockarjova et al. (2012) [ 22 ] carried out a choice modeling experiment via an internet-based questionnaire and elicited responses from people living in flood prone areas in the Netherlands in two separate studies, Rheinberger (2011) [ 23 ] undertook a choice experiment by recruiting respondents via a phone call prior to a mail survey.

For contingent valuation method, Leiter et al. (2010) [ 24 ] used face-to-face interviews and elicited people’s willingness to pay to prevent an increase in the risk of dying in a snow avalanche. Similarly, Hoffmann et al. (2017) [ 26 ] used a computerized payment card method to estimate the willingness to pay to reduce mortality risk in Chinese population living in four different cities in China. In contrast, Ozdemir (2011) [ 25 ] used a contingent valuation method as well, but used a mail survey to elicit willingness to pay to reduce the risks from tornadoes in the USA.

For non-behavioral methods, Dassanayake et al. (2012) [ 35 ] used a quality of life index method to evaluate intangible flood losses and integrate them into a flood risk analysis.

Other papers used one or a combination of methods. For example, Porfiriev (2014) [ 31 ] approached the economic valuation of human losses resulting from natural and technological disasters in Russia using the theory of welfare and an international comparative approach. Cropper and Sahin (2009) [ 12 ] used the comparative approach, along with transferring the VSL from USA to a whole list of countries classified by income groups by the OECD to estimate VSL.

3.3. Values Provided in the Literature

There was a wide range of VSL values in the literature, ranging from ISD 143,000 to 15 million for one life [ 12 , 25 ]. Table 2 summarizes the estimated value of statistical lives in the articles included in the review. Disaster types range from natural disasters to technological disasters with some disaster types appearing more often than others in the literature, with earthquakes and floods being the most common. The VSLs appeared to increase over the years: while it was estimated to be USD 0.81 million in 2005 in Switzerland in the context of avalanches [ 34 ], it was evaluated between USD 6.8 and 7.5 million in 2011 [ 23 ].

Estimated values of statistical life in included articles.

* Values were converted into United States Dollars (USD) in respective years. Source: Authors [ 37 ].

4. Discussion

Disasters are complex events, and the assessment of losses they have caused is a compounded task. This review’s exploration of literature estimating the value of statistical life with regard to disasters highlighted the complexity and variability of the estimation of values of statistical life and the methods involved.

The geographical locations of studies included in the review showed the parts of the world where most of the studies were focused. An overwhelming majority of studies estimated the value of statistical life in high-income countries. The main reasons for this are related to the data availability and the investment made by developed countries in research and development for the advancement of science in general [ 38 ]. Low- and middle-income countries often experience several disasters occurring year round, and become trapped in a loop of disaster recovery and management annually. Amid ever-present financial constraints, disaster risk reduction and management planning to deal with disasters and their impact in the country therefore becomes much more demanding [ 39 ].

The estimation of economic damages due to disaster in a low-resource setting can also be challenging. Not all the houses, agricultural land, crops and other assets are insured in low- and middle-income countries. The insurance coverage is relatively small if not non-existent in these countries [ 40 ] and the data to quantify the impacts of disasters, such as the number of deaths, missing, affected population as well as reconstruction costs, are often incomplete and not well recorded. So, the unavailability of appropriate information becomes a big challenge in the first step of conducting research. This might be the reason why low- and middle-income countries are not well represented in studies estimating the value of life in disasters. As a result, the lack of studies in low- and middle-income countries can lead to a certain degree of extrapolation of results found in VSL calculation in high-income-country-based studies.

Furthermore, we note that the majority of articles measuring the value of life were about floods. Floods are indeed the most common type of disasters. In an analysis of disasters recorded in the EM-DAT database from 2000 to 2019, nearly half (n = 3254) of all recorded events (n = 7348) were floods [ 41 ]. However, there are many other types of disasters, and it is important to rely on such studies where those disasters were considered when measuring the value of a statistical life.

Methods used for VSL estimations showed significant diversity among the articles included in this review. Although the stated preferences method is the most frequent, it is closely followed by the adaptation method. There could be various reasons for this difference in methodologies across the literature. For instance, non-marketed good with no complementary or substitute market good may not have readily available individual data, and hence may lead the researchers to undertake stated preference methods with which to elicit people’s willingness to pay to reduce a hypothetical disaster risk through surveys [ 19 ]. The scope of the study and the budgetary constraints may also explain why a researcher chooses one method over the other. Additionally, the characteristics of the survey participants are another important factor, as they influence the type of survey that can be conducted and the methodology adopted. For example, if the target population is old and poor, face-to-face interviews in respondents’ private homes might be more suitable than internet-based questionnaires [ 42 , 43 ].

There was a wide range of monetary values of the VSL in the literature. These differences could be due to the level of income of the country where the disaster occurred [ 40 ]. The method of calculation could be another reason for such differences, for example, as consumers optimize their lifetime utility, thus neglecting intergenerational (long-term) utility, using willingness to pay (WTP) methods for a reduction of risk can often lead to overestimated values [ 44 , 45 ]. It could also simply be due to the differences in cultural norms between countries [ 40 ]. Furthermore, the context and the aim of the research and its evolution over the years might also explain variations across the studies. Further studies are required to establish a concrete cause for this observation. It should also be highlighted that low VSL estimates in low-income countries do not inherently mean that a human life is worth less. It could simply reflect individual income, the cost of commodities and the value of currency [ 8 , 46 ].

This study presents a number of limitations. First, the review only included articles published in English, and some studies may exist in other languages. Second, papers that did estimate a VSL considered a range of different methods, and therefore direct comparison of estimated values was not straightforward. Papers referring to economic impact in terms of natural environment or animals were also excluded, as they do not refer to value of statistical life; however, they can be important for calculating overall economic cost of disasters [ 47 , 48 ].

5. Conclusions

This study aims to explore literature estimating the value of statistical life with regard to disasters through a systematic review. After applying the inclusion criteria on the 2121 articles found in the initial keywords search, only 27 articles were included for final review. In the included literature, several attempts at estimating the value of statistical lives in disasters were identified; however, there was no consensus on the method used, and few investigations were carried out in a low- and middle-income country context. This review therefore provides a limited view of the value of statistical life calculations in disaster settings, which may become useful when implementing disaster risk reduction policies and calculating global losses incurred due to disasters. It reveals that an agreed, robust and multi-sectoral approach for the disaster and economics community remains to be defined.

Appendix A. Search Strategy Description

For PubMed MeSH, terms such as sanctity of life, life sanctity, life sanctities, respect for life, economic life valuation, life valuation/s, economic valuation/s and economic life were used. In addition to this, the search was performed in SCOPUS and GOOGLE SCHOLAR.

The data extraction form recorded the descriptive aspect of all the studies included in the review, the including methodology used to calculate VSL, results, strengths and limitations. A total of 16 categories of information were extracted:

(1) Author, (2) Title, (3) Year published, (4) Journal, (5) Study location, (6) Aim of the study, (7) Disaster type, (8) Type of study (Theoretical/Empirical), (9) Study data source, (10) Study participants, (11) Method of VSL estimation, (12) VSL if given, (13) Strengths, (14) Limitations, (15) Relevant references and (16) Study design.

Funding Statement

We are grateful to the European Commission for providing the Erasmus Mundus Grant for completing the Erasmus Mundus Master Course in Public Health in Disasters (EMPHID). We also thank USAID/DCHA/OFDA [ref no. 72OFDA20CA00072] for funding the research at Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters at the Universite catholique de Louvain.

Author Contributions

A.K.: Formal analysis, investigation, writing—review & editing; S.B.: Formal analysis, investigation, writing—original draft; M.M.d.A.: Conceptualization, methodology, project administration, supervision, writing—original draft, writing—review & editing; R.C.D.: Funding acquisition, supervision, review & editing; P.A.G.: Funding acquisition, supervision, review & editing; S.T.: Conceptualization, funding acquisition, methodology, project administration, supervision, validation, writing—original draft, writing—review & editing. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Facing Hazards and Disasters: Understanding Human Dimensions (2006)

Chapter: 4 research on disaster response and recovery, 4 research on disaster response and recovery.

T his chapter and the preceding one use the conceptual model presented in Chapter 1 (see Figure 1.1 ) as a guide to understanding societal response to hazards and disasters. As specified in that model, Chapter 3 discusses three sets of pre-disaster activities that have the potential to reduce disaster losses: hazard mitigation practices, emergency preparedness practices, and pre-disaster planning for post-disaster recovery. This chapter focuses on National Earthquake Hazards Reduction Program (NEHRP) contributions to social science knowledge concerning those dimensions of the model that are related to post-disaster response and recovery activities. As in Chapter 3 , discussions are organized around research findings regarding different units of analysis, including individuals, households, groups and organizations, social networks, and communities. The chapter also highlights trends, controversies, and issues that warrant further investigation. The contents of this chapter are linked to key themes discussed elsewhere in this report, including the conceptualization and measurement of societal vulnerability and resilience, the importance of taking diversity into account in understanding both response-related activities and recovery processes and outcomes, and linkages between hazard loss reduction and sustainability. Although this review centers primarily on research on natural disasters and to a lesser degree on technological disasters, research findings are also discussed in terms of their implications for understanding and managing emerging homeland security threats.

The discussions that follow seek to address several interrelated questions: What is currently known about post-disaster response and recovery,

and to what extent is that knowledge traceable to NEHRP-sponsored research activities? What gaps exist in that knowledge? What further research—both disciplinary and interdisciplinary—is needed to fill those gaps?

RESEARCH ON DISASTER RESPONSE

Emergency response encompasses a range of measures aimed at protecting life and property and coping with the social disruption that disasters produce. As noted in Chapter 3 , emergency response activities can be categorized usefully as expedient mitigation actions (e.g., clearing debris from channels when floods threaten, containing earthquake-induced fires and hazardous materials releases before they can cause additional harm) and population protection actions (e.g., warning, evacuation and other self-protective actions, search and rescue, the provision of emergency medical care and shelter; Tierney et al., 2001). Another common conceptual distinction in the literature on disaster response (Dynes et al., 1981) contrasts agent-generated demands , or the types of losses and forms of disruption that disasters create, and response-generated demands , such as the need for situation assessment, crisis communication and coordination, and response management. Paralleling preparedness measures, disaster response activities take place at various units of analysis, from individuals and households, to organizations, communities, and intergovernmental systems. This section does not attempt to deal exhaustively with the topic of emergency response activities, which is the most-studied of all phases of hazard and disaster management. Rather, it highlights key themes in the literature, with an emphasis on NEHRP-based findings that are especially relevant in light of newly recognized human-induced threats.

Public Response: Warning Response, Evacuation, and Other Self-Protective Actions

The decision processes and behaviors involved in public responses to disaster warnings are among the best-studied topics in the research literature. Over nearly three decades, NEHRP has been a major sponsor of this body of research. As noted in Chapter 3 , warning response research overlaps to some degree with more general risk communication research. For example, both literatures emphasize the importance of considering source, message, channel, and receiver effects on the warning process. While this discussion centers mainly on responses to official warning information, it should be noted that self-protective decision-making processes are also initiated in the absence of formal warnings—for example, in response to cues that people perceive as signaling impending danger and in disasters that occur without warning. Previous research suggests that the basic deci-

sion processes involved in self-protective action are similar across different types of disaster events, although the challenges posed and the problems that may develop can be agent specific.

As in other areas discussed here, empirical studies on warning response and self-protective behavior in different types of disasters and emergencies have led to the development of broadly generalizable explanatory models. One such model, the protective action decision model, developed by Perry, Lindell, and their colleagues (see, for example, Lindell and Perry, 2004), draws heavily on Turner and Killian’s (1987) emergent norm theory of collective behavior. According to that theory, groups faced with the potential need to act under conditions of uncertainty (or potential danger) engage in interaction in an attempt to develop a collective definition of the situation they face and a set of new norms that can guide their subsequent action. 1 Thus, when warnings and protective instructions are disseminated, those who receive warnings interact with one another in an effort to determine collectively whether the warning is authentic, whether it applies to them, whether they are indeed personally in danger, whether they can reduce their vulnerability through action, whether action is possible, and when they should act. These collective determinations are shaped in turn by such factors as (1) the characteristics of warning recipients , including their prior experience with the hazard in question or with similar emergencies, as well as their prior preparedness efforts; (2) situational factors , including the presence of perceptual cues signaling danger; and (3) the social contexts in which decisions are made—for example, contacts among family members, coworkers, neighborhood residents, or others present in the setting, as well as the strength of preexisting social ties. Through interaction and under the influence of these kinds of factors, individuals and groups develop new norms that serve as guidelines for action.

Conceptualizing warning response as a form of collective behavior that is guided by emergent norms brings several issues to the fore. One is that far from being automatic or governed by official orders, behavior undertaken in response to warnings is the product of interaction and deliberation among members of affected groups—activities that are typically accompanied by a search for additional confirmatory information. Circumstances that complicate the deliberation process, such as conflicting warning information that individuals and groups may receive, difficulties in getting in touch with others whose views are considered important for the decision-making process, or disagreements among group members about any aspect of the

threat situation, invariably lead to additional efforts to communicate and confirm the information and lengthen the period between when a warning is issued and when groups actually respond.

Another implication of the emergent norm approach to protective action decision making is the recognition that groups may collectively define an emergency situation in ways that are at variance from official views. This is essentially what occurs in the shadow evacuation phenomenon, which has been documented in several emergency situations, including the Three Mile Island nuclear plant accident (Zeigler et al., 1981). While authorities may not issue a warning for a particular geographic area or group of people, or may even tell them they are safe, groups may still collectively decide that they are at risk or that the situation is fluid and confusing enough that they should take self-protective action despite official pronouncements.

The behavior of occupants of the World Trade Center during the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack illustrates the importance of collectively developed definitions. Groups of people in Tower 2 of the World Trade Center decided that they should evacuate the building after seeing and hearing about what was happening in Tower 1 and after speaking with coworkers and loved ones, even when official announcements and other building occupants indicated that they should not do so. Others decided to remain in the tower or, perhaps more accurately, they decided to delay evacuating until receiving additional information clarifying the extent to which they were in danger. Journalistic accounts suggest that decisions were shaped in part by what people could see taking place in Tower 1, conversations with others outside the towers who had additional relevant information, and directives received from those in positions of authority in tenant firms. In that highly confusing and time-constrained situation, emergent norms guiding the behavior of occupants of the second tower meant the difference between life and death when the second plane struck (NIST, 2005).

The large body of research that exists regarding decision making under threat conditions points to the need to consider a wide range of individual, group, situational, and resource-related factors that facilitate and inhibit self-protective action. Qualitatively based decision-tree models developed by Gladwin et al. (2001) demonstrate the complexity of self-protective decisions. As illustrated by their work on hurricane evacuation, a number of different factors contribute to decisions on whether or not to evacuate. Such factors range from perceptions of risk and personal safety with respect to a threatened disaster, to the extent of knowledge about specific areas at risk, to constraining factors such as the presence of pets in the home that require care, lack of a suitable place to go, counterarguments by other family members, fears of looting (shown by the literature to be unjustified; see, for example, Fischer, 1998), and fear that the evacuation process may

be more dangerous than staying home and riding out a hurricane. Warning recipients may decide that they should wait before evacuating, ultimately missing the opportunity to escape, or they may decide to shelter in-place after concluding that their homes are strong enough to resist hurricane forces despite what they are told by authorities.

In their research on Hurricane Andrew, Gladwin and Peacock describe some of the many factors that complicate the evacuation process for endangered populations (1997:54):

Except under extreme circumstances, households cannot be compelled to evacuate or to remain where they are, much less to prepare themselves for the threat. Even under extraordinary conditions many households have to be individually located and assisted or forced to comply. Segments of a population may fail to receive, ignore, or discount official requests and orders. Still others may not have the resources or wherewithal to comply. Much will depend upon the source of the information, the consistency of the message received from multiple sources, the nature of the information conveyed, as well as the household’s ability to perceive the danger, make decisions, and act accordingly. Disputes, competition, and the lack of coordination among local, state, and federal governmental agencies and between those agencies and privately controlled media can add confusion. Businesses and governmental agencies that refuse to release their employees and suspend normal activities can add still further to the confusion and noncompliance.

The normalcy bias adds other complications to the warning response process. While popular notions of crisis response behaviors seem to assume that people react automatically to messages signaling impending danger—for example, by fleeing in panic—the reality is quite different. People typically “normalize” unusual situations and persist in their everyday activities even when urged to act differently. As noted earlier, people will not act on threat information unless they perceive a personal risk to themselves. Simply knowing that a threat exists—even if that threat is described as imminent—is insufficient to motivate self-protective action. Nor can people be expected to act if warning-related guidance is not specific enough to provide them with a blueprint for what to do or if they do not believe they have the resources required to follow the guidance. One practical implication of research on warnings is that rather than being concerned about panicking the public with warning information, or about communicating too much information, authorities should instead be seeking better ways to penetrate the normalcy bias, persuade people that they should be concerned about an impending danger, provide directives that are detailed enough to follow during an emergency, and encourage pre-disaster response planning so that people have thought through what to do prior to being required to act.

Other Important Findings Regarding the Evacuation Process

As noted earlier, evacuation behavior has long been recognized as the reflection of social-level factors and collective deliberation. Decades ago, Drabek (1983) established that households constitute the basic deliberative units for evacuation decision making in community-wide disasters and that the decisions that are ultimately made tend to be consistent with pre-disaster household authority patterns. For example, gender-related concerns often enter into evacuation decision making. Women tend to be more risk-averse and more inclined to want to follow evacuation orders, while males are less inclined to do so (for an extensive discussion of gender differences in vulnerability, risk perception, and responses to disasters, see Fothergill, 1998). In arriving at decisions regarding evacuation, households take official orders into account, but they weigh those orders in light of their own priorities, other information sources, and their past experiences. Information received from media sources and from family and friends, along with confirmatory data actively sought by those at risk, generally has a greater impact on evacuation decisions than information provided by public officials (Dow and Cutter, 1998, 2000).

Recent research also suggests that family evacuation patterns are undergoing change. For example, even though families decide together to evacuate and wish to stay together, they increasingly tend to use more than one vehicle to evacuate—perhaps because they want to take more of their possessions with them, make sure their valuable vehicles are protected, or return to their homes at different times (Dow and Cutter, 2002). Other social influences also play a role. Neighborhood residents may be more willing to evacuate or, conversely, more inclined to delay the decision to evacuate if they see their neighbors doing so. Rather than becoming more vigilant, communities that are struck repeatedly by disasters such as hurricanes and floods may develop “disaster subcultures,” such as groups that see no reason to heed evacuation orders since sheltering in-place has been effective in previous events.

NEHRP-sponsored research has shown that different racial, ethnic, income, and special needs groups respond in different ways to warning information and evacuation orders, in part because of the unique characteristics of these groups, the manner in which they receive information during crises, and their varying responses to different information sources. For example, members of some minority groups tend to have large extended families, making contacting family members and deliberating on alternative courses of action a more complicated process. Lower-income groups, inner-city residents, and elderly persons are more likely to have to rely on public transportation, rather than personal vehicles, in order to evacuate. Lower-income and minority populations, who tend to have larger families, may

also be reluctant to impose on friends and relatives for shelter. Lack of financial resources may leave less-well-off segments of the population less able to afford to take time off from work when disasters threaten, to travel long distances to avoid danger, or to pay for emergency lodging. Socially isolated individuals, such as elderly persons living alone, may lack the social support that is required to carry out self-protective actions. Members of minority groups may find majority spokespersons and official institutions less credible and believable than members of the white majority, turning instead to other sources, such as their informal social networks. Those who rely on non-English-speaking mass media for news may receive less complete warning information, or may receive warnings later than those who are tuned into mainstream media sources (Aguirre et al., 1991; Perry and Lindell, 1991; Lindell and Perry, 1992, 2004; Klinenberg, 2002; for more extensive discussions, see Tierney et al., 2001).

Hurricane Katrina vividly revealed the manner in which social factors such as those discussed above influence evacuation decisions and actions. In many respects, the Katrina experience validated what social science research had already shown with respect to evacuation behavior. Those who stayed behind did so for different reasons—all of which have been discussed in past research. Some at-risk residents lacked resources, such as automobiles and financial resources that would have enabled them to escape the city. Based on their past experiences with hurricanes like Betsey and Camille, others considered themselves not at risk and decided it was not necessary to evacuate. Still others, particularly elderly residents, felt so attached to their homes that they refused to leave even when transportation was offered.

This is not to imply that evacuation-related problems stemmed solely from individual decisions. Katrina also revealed the crucial significance of evacuation planning, effective warnings, and government leadership in facilitating evacuations. Planning efforts in New Orleans were rudimentary at best, clear evacuation orders were given too late, and the hurricane rendered evacuation resources useless once the city began to flood.

With respect to other patterns of evacuation behavior when they do evacuate, most people prefer to stay with relatives or friends, rather than using public shelters. Shelter use is generally limited to people who feel they have no other options—for example, those who have no close friends and relatives to take them in and cannot afford the price of lodging. Many people avoid public shelters or elect to stay in their homes because shelters do not allow pets. Following earthquakes, some victims, particularly Latinos in the United States who have experienced or learned about highly damaging earthquakes in their countries of origin, avoid indoor shelter of all types, preferring instead to sleep outdoors (Tierney, 1988; Phillips, 1993; Simile, 1995).

Disaster warnings involving “near misses,” as well as concerns about the possible impact of elevated color-coded homeland security warnings,

raise the question of whether warnings that do not materialize can induce a “cry-wolf” effect, resulting in lowered attention to and compliance with future warnings. The disaster literature shows little support for the cry-wolf hypothesis. For example, Dow and Cutter (1998) studied South Carolina residents who had been warned of impending hurricanes that ultimately struck North Carolina. Earlier false alarms did not influence residents’ decisions on whether to evacuate; that is, there was little behavioral evidence for a cry-wolf effect. However, false alarms did result in a decrease in confidence in official warning sources, as opposed to other sources of information on which people relied in making evacuation decisions—certainly not the outcome officials would have intended. Studies also suggest that it is advisable to clarify for the public why forecasts and warnings were uncertain or incorrect. Based on an extensive review of the warning literature, Sorensen (2000:121) concluded that “[t]he likelihood of people responding to a warning is not diminished by what has come to be labeled the ‘cry-wolf’ syndrome if the basis for the false alarm is understood [emphasis added].” Along those same lines, Atwood and Major (1998) argue that if officials explain reasons for false alarms, that information can increase public awareness and make people more likely to respond to subsequent hazard advisories.

PUBLIC RESPONSE

Dispelling myths about crisis-related behavior: panic and social breakdown.

Numerous individual studies and research syntheses have contrasted commonsense ideas about how people respond during crises with empirical data on actual behavior. Among the most important myths addressed in these analyses is the notion that panic and social disorganization are common responses to imminent threats and to actual disaster events (Quarantelli and Dynes, 1972; Johnson, 1987; Clarke, 2002). True panic, defined as highly individualistic flight behavior that is nonsocial in nature, undertaken without regard to social norms and relationships, is extremely rare prior to and during extreme events of all types. Panic takes place under specific conditions that are almost never present in disaster situations. Panic only occurs when individuals feel completely isolated and when both social bonds and measures to promote safety break down to such a degree that individuals feel totally on their own in seeking safety. Panic results from a breakdown in the ongoing social order—a breakdown that Clarke (2003:128) describes as having moral, network, and cognitive dimensions:

There is a moral failure, so that people pursue their self interest regardless

of rules of duty and obligation to others. There is a network failure, so that the resources that people can normally draw on in times of crisis are no longer there. There is a cognitive failure, in which someone’s understanding of how they are connected to others is cast aside.

Failures on this scale almost never occur during disasters. Panic reactions are rare in part because social bonds remain intact and extremely resilient even under conditions of severe danger (Johnson, 1987; Johnson et al., 1994; Feinberg and Johnson, 2001).

Panic persists in public and media discourses on disasters, in part because those discourses conflate a wide range of other behaviors with panic. Often, people are described as panicking because they experience feelings of intense fear, even though fright and panic are conceptually and behaviorally distinct. Another behavioral pattern that is sometimes labeled panic involves intensified rumors and information seeking, which are common patterns among publics attempting to make sense of confusing and potentially dangerous situations. Under conditions of uncertainty, people make more frequent use of both informal ties and official information sources, as they seek to collectively define threats and decide what actions to take. Such activities are a normal extension of everyday information-seeking practices (Turner, 1994). They are not indicators of panic.

The phenomenon of shadow evacuation, discussed earlier, is also frequently confused with panic. Such evacuations take place because people who are not defined by authorities as in danger nevertheless determine that they are—perhaps because they have received conflicting or confusing information or because they are geographically close to areas considered at risk (Tierney et al., 2001). Collective demands for antibiotics by those considered not at risk for anthrax, “runs” on stores to obtain self-protective items, and the so-called worried-well phenomenon are other forms of collective behavior that reflect the same sociobehavioral processes that drive shadow evacuations: emergent norms that define certain individuals and groups as in danger, even though authorities do not consider them at risk; confusion about the magnitude of the risk; a collectively defined need to act; and in some cases, an unwillingness to rely on official sources for self-protective advice. These types of behaviors, which constitute interesting subjects for research in their own right, are not examples of panic.

Research also indicates that panic and other problematic behaviors are linked in important ways to the manner in which institutions manage risk and disaster. Such behaviors are more likely to emerge when those who are in danger come to believe that crisis management measures are ineffective, suggesting that enhancing public understanding of and trust in preparedness measures and in organizations charged with managing disasters can lessen the likelihood of panic. With respect to homeland security threats, some researchers have argued that the best way to “vaccinate” the public

against the emergence of panic in situations involving weapons of mass destruction is to provide timely and accurate information about impending threats and to actively include the public in pre-crisis preparedness efforts (Glass and Shoch-Spana, 2002).

Blaming the public for panicking during emergencies serves to diffuse responsibility from professionals whose duty it is to protect the public, such as emergency managers, fire and public safety officials, and those responsible for the design, construction, and safe operation of buildings and other structures (Sime, 1999). The empirical record bears out the fact that to the extent panic does occur during emergencies, such behavior can be traced in large measure to environmental factors such as overcrowding, failure to provide adequate egress routes, and breakdowns in communications, rather than to some inherent human impulse to stampede with complete disregard for others. Any potential for panic and other problematic behaviors that may exist can, in other words, be mitigated through appropriate design, regulatory, management, and communications strategies.

As discussed elsewhere in this report, looting and violence are also exceedingly rare in disaster situations. Here again, empirical evidence of what people actually do during and following disasters contradicts what many officials and much of the public believe. Beliefs concerning looting are based not on evidence but rather on assumptions—for example, that social control breaks down during disasters and that lawlessness and violence inevitably result when the social order is disrupted. Such beliefs fail to take into account the fact that powerful norms emerge during disasters that foster prosocial behavior—so much so that lawless behavior actually declines in disaster situations. Signs erected following disasters saying, “We shoot to kill looters” are not so much evidence that looting is occurring as they are evidence that community consensus condemns looting.

The myth of disaster looting can be contrasted with the reality of looting during episodes of civil disorder such as the riots of the 1960s and the 1992 Los Angeles unrest. During episodes of civil unrest, looting is done publicly, in groups, quite often in plain sight of law enforcement officials. Taking goods and damaging businesses are the hallmarks of modern “commodity riots.” New norms also emerge during these types of crises, but unlike the prosocial norms that develop in disasters, norms governing behavior during civil unrest permit and actually encourage lawbreaking. Under these circumstances, otherwise law-abiding citizens allow themselves to take part in looting behavior (Dynes and Quarantelli, 1968; Quarantelli and Dynes, 1970).

Looting and damaging property can also become normative in situations that do not involve civil unrest—for example, in victory celebrations following sports events. Once again, in such cases, norms and traditions governing behavior in crowd celebrations encourage destructive activities

(Rosenfeld, 1997). The behavior of participants in these destructive crowd celebrations again bears no resemblance to that of disaster victims.

In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, social scientists had no problem understanding why episodes of looting might have been more widespread in that event than in the vast majority of U.S. disasters. Looting has occurred on a widespread basis following other disasters, although such cases have been rare. Residents of St. Croix engaged in extensive looting behavior following Hurricane Hugo, and this particular episode sheds light on why some Katrina victims might have felt justified in looting. Hurricane Hugo produced massive damage on St. Croix, and government agencies were rendered helpless. Essentially trapped on the island, residents had no idea when help would arrive. Instead, they felt entirely on their own following Hugo. The tourist-based St. Croix economy was characterized by stark social class differences, and crime and corruption had been high prior to the hurricane. Under these circumstances, looting for survival was seen as justified, and patterns of collective behavior developed that were not unlike those seen during episodes of civil unrest. Even law enforcement personnel joined in the looting (Quarantelli, 2006; Rodriguez et al., forthcoming).

Despite their similarities, the parallels between New Orleans and St. Croix should not be overstated. It is now clear that looting and violent behavior were far less common than initially reported and that rumors concerning shootings, rapes, and murders were groundless. The media employed the “looting frame” extensively while downplaying far more numerous examples of selflessness and altruism. In hindsight, it now appears that many reports involving looting and social breakdown were based on stereotyped images of poor minority community residents (Tierney et al., forthcoming).

Extensive research also indicates that despite longstanding evidence, beliefs about disaster-related looting and lawlessness remain quite common, and these beliefs can influence the behavior of both community residents and authorities. For example, those who are at risk may decide not to evacuate and instead stay in their homes to protect their property from looters (Fischer, 1998). Concern regarding looting and lawlessness may cause government officials to make highly questionable and even counterproductive decisions. Following Hurricane Katrina, for example, based largely on rumors and exaggerated media reports, rescue efforts were halted because of fears for the safety of rescue workers, and Louisiana’s governor issued a “shoot-to-kill” order to quash looting. These decisions likely resulted in additional loss of life and also interfered with citizen efforts to aid one another. Interestingly, recent historical accounts indicate that similar decisions were made following other large-scale disasters, such as the 1871 Chicago fire, the 1900 Galveston hurricane, and the 1906 San Francisco earthquake and firestorm. In all three cases, armed force was used to stop

looting, and immigrant groups and the poor were scapegoated for their putative “crimes” (Fradkin, 2005). Along with Katrina, these events caution against making decisions on the basis of mythical beliefs and rumors.

As is the case with the panic myth, attributing the causes of looting behavior to individual motivations and impulses serves to deflect attention from the ways in which institutional failures can create insurmountable problems for disaster victims. When disasters occur, communications, disaster management, and service delivery systems should remain sufficiently robust that victims will not feel isolated and afraid or conclude that needed assistance will never arrive. More to the point, victims of disasters should not be scapegoated when institutions show themselves to be entirely incapable of providing even rudimentary forms of assistance—which was exactly what occurred with respect to Hurricane Katrina.

Patterns of Collective Mobilization in Disaster-Stricken Areas: Prosocial and Helping Behavior

In contrast to the panicky and lawless behavior that is often attributed to disaster-stricken populations, public behavior during earthquakes and other major community emergencies is overwhelmingly adaptive, prosocial, and aimed at promoting the safety of others and the restoration of ongoing community life. The predominance of prosocial behavior (and, conversely, a decline in antisocial behavior) in disaster situations is one of the most longstanding and robust research findings in the disaster literature. Research conducted with NEHRP sponsorship has provided an even better understanding of the processes involved in adaptive collective mobilization during disasters.

Helping Behavior and Disaster Volunteers. Helping behavior in disasters takes various forms, ranging from spontaneous and informal efforts to provide assistance to more organized emergent group activity, and finally to more formalized organizational arrangements. With respect to spontaneously developing and informal helping networks, disaster victims are assisted first by others in the immediate vicinity and surrounding area and only later by official public safety personnel. In a discussion on search and rescue activities following earthquakes, for example, Noji observes (1997:162)

In Southern Italy in 1980, 90 percent of the survivors of an earthquake were extricated by untrained, uninjured survivors who used their bare hands and simple tools such as shovels and axes…. Following the 1976 Tangshan earthquake, about 200,000 to 300,000 entrapped people crawled out of the debris on their own and went on to rescue others…. They became the backbone of the rescue teams, and it was to their credit that more than 80 percent of those buried under the debris were rescued.

Thus, lifesaving efforts in a stricken community rely heavily on the capabilities of relatively uninjured survivors, including untrained volunteers, as well as those of local firefighters and other relevant personnel.

The spontaneous provision of assistance is facilitated by the fact that when crises occur, they take place in the context of ongoing community life and daily routines—that is, they affect not isolated individuals but rather people who are embedded in networks of social relationships. When a massive gasoline explosion destroyed a neighborhood in Guadalajara, Mexico, in 1992, for example, survivors searched for and rescued their loved ones and neighbors. Indeed, they were best suited to do so, because they were the ones who knew who lived in different households and where those individuals probably were at the time of the disaster (Aguirre et al., 1995). Similarly, crowds and gatherings of all types are typically comprised of smaller groupings—couples, families, groups of friends—that become a source of support and aid when emergencies occur.

As the emergency period following a disaster lengthens, unofficial helping behavior begins to take on a more structured form with the development of emergent groups—newly formed entities that become involved in crisis-related activities (Stallings and Quarantelli, 1985; Saunders and Kreps, 1987). Emergent groups perform many different types of activities in disasters, from sandbagging to prevent flooding, to searching for and rescuing victims and providing for other basic needs, to post-disaster cleanup and the informal provision of recovery assistance to victims. Such groupings form both because of the strength of altruistic norms that develop during disasters and because of emerging collective definitions that victims’ needs are not being met—whether official agencies share those views or not. While emergent groups are in many ways essential for the effectiveness of crisis response activities, their activities may be seen as unnecessary or even disruptive by formal crisis response agencies. In the aftermath of the attack on the World Trade Center, for example, numerous groups emerged to offer every conceivable type of assistance to victims and emergency responders. Some were incorporated into official crisis management activities, while others were labeled “rogue volunteers” by official agencies (Halford and Nolan, 2002; Kendra and Wachtendorf, 2002). 2

Disaster-related volunteering also takes place within more formalized organizational structures, both in existing organizations that mobilize in response to disasters and through organizations such as the Red Cross,

which has a federal mandate to respond in presidentially declared disasters and relies primarily on volunteers in its provision of disaster services. Some forms of volunteering have been institutionalized in the United States through the development of the National Voluntary Organizations Active in Disaster (NVOAD) organization. NVOAD, a large federation of religious, public service, and other groups, has organizational affiliates in 49 states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and U.S. territories. National-level NVOAD affiliates include organizations such as the Salvation Army, Church World Service, Church of the Brethren Disaster Response, and dozens of others that provide disaster services. Organizations such as the Red Cross and the NVOAD federation thus provide an infrastructure that can support very extensive volunteer mobilization. That infrastructure will likely form the basis for organized volunteering in future homeland security emergencies, just as it does in major disasters.

Helping behavior is very widespread after disasters, particularly large and damaging ones. For example, NEHRP-sponsored research indicates that in the three weeks following the 1985 earthquake in Mexico City, an estimated 1.7 to 2.1 million residents of that city were involved in providing volunteer aid. Activities in which volunteers engaged after that disaster included searching for and rescuing victims trapped under rubble, donating blood and supplies, inspecting building damage, collecting funds, providing medical care and psychological counseling, and providing food and shelter to victims (Wenger and James, 1994). In other research on post-earthquake volunteering, also funded by NEHRP, O’Brien and Mileti (1992) found that more than half of the population in San Francisco and Santa Cruz counties provided assistance to their fellow victims after the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake—help that ranged from assisting with search and rescue and debris removal activities to offering food, water, and shelter to those in need. Thus, the volunteer sector responding to disasters typically constitutes a very large proportion of the population of affected regions, as well as volunteers converging from other locations.

Social science research, much of it conducted under NEHRP auspices, highlights a number of other points regarding post-disaster helping behavior. One such insight is that helping behavior in many ways mirrors roles and responsibilities people assume during nondisaster times. For example, when people provide assistance during disasters and other emergencies, their involvement is typically consistent with gender role expectations (Wenger and James, 1994; Feinberg and Johnson, 2001). Research also indicates that mass convergence of volunteers and donations can create significant management problems and undue burdens on disaster-stricken communities. In their eagerness to provide assistance, people may “overrespond” to disaster sites, creating congestion and putting themselves and others at risk or insisting on providing resources that are in fact not needed. After disas-

ters, communities typically experience major difficulties in dealing with unwanted and unneeded donations (Neal, 1990).

Research on public behavior during disasters has major implications for homeland security policies and practices. The research literature provides support for the inclusion of the voluntary sector and community-based organizations in preparedness and response efforts. Initiatives that aim at encouraging public involvement in homeland security efforts of all types are clearly needed. The literature also provides extensive evidence that members of the public are in fact the true “first responders” in major disasters. In using that term to refer to fire, police, and other public safety organizations, current homeland security discourse fails to recognize that community residents themselves constitute the front-line responders in any major emergency

One implication of this line of research is that planning and management models that fail to recognize the role of victims and volunteers in responding to all types of extreme events will leave responders unprepared for what will actually occur during disasters—for example, that, as research consistently shows, community residents will be the first to search for victims, provide emergency aid, and transport victims to health care facilities in emergencies of all types. 3 Such plans will also fail to take advantage of the public’s crucial skills, resources, and expertise. For this reason, experts on human-induced threats such as bioterrorism stress the value of public engagement and involvement in planning for homeland security emergencies (Working Group on “Governance Dilemmas” in Bioterrorism Response, 2004).

These research findings have significant policy implications. To date, Department of Homeland Security initiatives have focused almost exclusively on providing equipment and training for uniformed responders, as opposed to community residents. Recently, however, DHS has begun placing more emphasis on its Citizen Corps component, which is designed to mobilize the skills and talents of the public when disasters strike. Public involvement in Citizen Corps and Community Emergency Response Team (CERT) activities have expanded considerably since the terrorist attacks of

9/11—a sign that many community residents around the nation wish to play an active role in responding to future disasters. The need for community-based preparedness and response initiatives is more evident than ever follow-ing the Katrina disaster.

Organizational, Governmental, and Network Responses. The importance of observing disaster response operations while they are ongoing or as soon as possible after disaster impact has long been a hallmark of the disaster research field. The quick-response tradition in disaster research, which has been a part of the field since its inception, developed out of a recognition that data on disaster response activities are perishable and that information collected from organizations after the passage of time is likely to be distorted and incomplete (Quarantelli, 1987, 2002). NEHRP funds, provided through grant supplements, Small Grants for Exploratory Research (SGER) awards, Earthquake Engineering Research Institute (EERI) reconnaissance missions, earthquake center reconnaissance funding, and small grants such as those provided by the Natural Hazards Research and Applications Information Center, have supported the collection of perishable data and enabled social science researchers to mobilize rapidly following major earthquakes and other disasters.

NEHRP provided substantial support for the collection of data on organizational and community responses in a number of earthquake events, including the 1987 Whittier Narrows, 1989 Loma Prieta, and 1994 Northridge earthquakes (see, for example, Tierney, 1988, 1994; EERI, 1995), as well as major earthquakes outside the United States such as the 1985 Mexico City, 1986 San Salvador, and 1988 Armenia events. More recently, NEHRP funds were used to support rapid-response research on the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Many of those studies focused on organizational issues in both the public and private sectors. (For a compilation of NEHRP-sponsored quick-response findings on the events of September 11, see Natural Hazards Research and Applications Information Center, 2003).

In many cases, quick-response research on disaster impacts and organizational and governmental response has led to subsequent in-depth studies on response-related issues identified during the post-impact reconnaissance phase. Following major events such as Loma Prieta, Northridge, and Kobe, insights from initial reconnaissance studies have formed the basis for broader research initiatives. Recent efforts have focused on ways to better take advantage of reconnaissance opportunities and to identify topics for longer-term study. A new plan has been developed to better coordinate and integrate both reconnaissance and longer-term research activities carried out with NEHRP support. That planning activity, outlined in the report The Plan to Coordinate NEHRP Post-earthquake Investigations (Holzer et

al., 2003), encompasses both reconnaissance and more systematic research activities in the earth sciences, engineering, and social sciences.

Through both initial quick-response activities and longer-term studies, NEHRP research has added to the knowledge base on how organizations cope with crises. Studies have focused on a variety of topics. A partial list of those topics includes organizational and group activities associated with the post-disaster search and rescue process (Aguirre et al., 1995); intergovernmental coordination during the response period following major disaster events (Nigg, 1998); expected and improvised organizational forms that characterize the disaster response milieu (Kreps, 1985, 1989b); strategies used by local government organizations to enhance interorganizational coordination following disasters (Drabek, 2003); and response activities undertaken by specific types of organizations, such as those in the volunteer and nonprofit sector (Neal, 1990) and tourism-oriented enterprises (Drabek, 1994).

Focusing specifically at the interorganizational level of analysis, NEHRP research has also highlighted the significance and mix of planned and improvised networks in disaster response. It has long been recognized that post-disaster response activities involve the formation of new (or emergent) networks of organizations. Indeed, one distinguishing feature of major crisis events is the prominence and proliferation of network forms of organization during the response period. Emergent multiorganizational networks (EMON) constitute new organizational interrelationships that reflect collective efforts to manage crisis events. Such networks are typically heterogeneous, consisting of existing organizations with pre-designated crisis management responsibilities, other organizations that may not have been included in prior planning but become involved in crisis response activities because those involved believe they have some contribution to make, and emergent groups. EMONs tend to be very large in major disaster events, encompassing hundreds and even thousands of interacting entities. As crisis conditions change and additional resources converge, EMON structures evolve, new organizations join the network, and new relationships form. What is often incorrectly described as disaster-generated “chaos” is more accurately seen as the understandable confusion that results when mobilization takes place on such a massive scale and when organizations and groups that may be unfamiliar with one another attempt to communicate, negotiate, and coordinate their activities under extreme pressure. (For more detailed discussions on EMONs in disasters, including the 2001 World Trade Center attack, see Drabek, 1985, 2003; Tierney, 2003; Tierney and Trainor, 2004.)

This is not to say that response activities always go smoothly. The disaster literature, organizational after-action reports, and official investigations contain numerous examples of problems that develop as inter-

organizational and intergovernmental networks attempt to address disaster-related challenges. Such problems include the following: failure to recognize the magnitude and seriousness of an event; delayed and insufficient responses; confusion regarding authorities and responsibilities, often resulting in major “turf battles;” resource shortages and misdirection of existing resources; poor organizational, interorganizational, and public communications; failures in intergovernmental coordination; failures in leadership and vision; inequities in the provision of disaster assistance; and organizational practices and cultures that permit and even encourage risky behavior. Hurricane Katrina became a national scandal because of the sheer scale on which these organizational pathologies manifested. However, Katrina was by no means atypical. In one form or another and at varying levels of severity, such pathologies are ever-present in the landscape of disaster response (for examples, see U.S. President’s Commission on the Accident at Three Mile Island, 1979; Perrow, 1984; Shrivastava, 1987; Sagan, 1993; National Academy of Public Administration, 1993; Vaughan, 1996, 1999; Peacock et al., 1997; Klinenberg, 2002; Select Bipartisan Committee to Investigate the Preparations for and Response to Hurricane Katrina, 2006; White House, 2006).

Management Considerations in Disaster Response

U.S. disaster researchers have identified two contrasting approaches to disaster response management, commonly termed the “command-and-control” and the “emergent human resources,” or “problem-solving,” models. The command-and-control model equates preparedness and response activities with military exercises. It assumes that (1) government agencies and other responders must be prepared to take over management and control in disaster situations, both because they are uniquely qualified to do so and because members of the public will be overwhelmed and will likely engage in various types of problematic behavior, such as panic; (2) disaster response activities are best carried out through centralized direction, control, and decision making; and (3) for response activities to be effective, a single person is ideally in charge, and relations among responding entities are arranged hierarchically.

In contrast, the emergent human resources, or problem-solving, model is based on the assumption that communities and societies are resilient and resourceful and that even in areas that are very hard hit by disasters, considerable local response capacity is likely to remain. Another underlying assumption is that preparedness strategies should build on existing community institutions and support systems—for example by pre-identifying existing groups, organizations, and institutions that are capable of assuming leadership when a disaster strikes. Again, this approach argues against

highly specialized approaches that tend to result in “stovepiped” rather than well-integrated preparedness and response efforts. The model also recognizes that when a disaster occurs, responding entities must be flexible if they are to be effective and that flexibility is best achieved through a decentralized response structure that seeks to solve problems as they arise, as opposed to top-down decision making. (For more extensive discussions of these two models and their implications, see Dynes, 1993, 1994; Kreps and Bosworth, forthcoming.)

Empirical research, much of which has been carried out with NEHRP support, finds essentially no support for the command-and-control model either as a heuristic device for conceptualizing the disaster management process or as a strategy employed in actual disasters. Instead, as suggested in the discussion above on EMONs, disaster response activities in the United States correspond much more closely to the emergent resources or problem-solving model. More specifically, such responses are characterized by decentralized, rather than centralized, decision making; by collaborative relationships among organizations and levels of government, rather than hierarchical ones; and, perhaps most important, by considerable emergence—that is, the often rapid appearance of novel and unplanned-for activities, roles, groups, and relationships. Other hallmarks of disaster responses include their fluidity and hence the fast pace at which decisions must be made; the predominance of the EMON as the organizational form most involved in carrying out response activities; the wide array of improvisational strategies that are employed to deal with problems as they manifest themselves; and the importance of local knowledge and situation-specific information in gauging appropriate response strategies. (For empirical research supporting these points, see Drabek et al., 1982; Stallings and Quarantelli, 1985; Kreps, 1985, 1989b; Bosworth and Kreps, 1986; Kreps and Bosworth, 1993; Aguirre et al., 1995; Drabek and McEntire, 2002; Waugh and Sylves, 2002; Webb, 2002; Drabek, 2003; Tierney, 2003; Tierney and Trainor, 2004; Wachtendorf, 2004.)

NEW WAYS OF FRAMING DISASTER MANAGEMENT CHALLENGES: DEALING WITH COMPLEXITY AND ACCOMMODATING EMERGENCE

Advancements brought about through NEHRP research include new frameworks for conceptualizing responses to extreme events. In Shared Risk: Complex Systems in Seismic Response , a NEHRP-supported comparative study of organized responses to 11 different earthquake events, Comfort argues that the major challenge facing response systems is to use information in ways that enhance organizational and interorganizational learning and develop ways of “integrating both technical and organiza-

tional components in a socio-technical system to support timely, informed collective action” (Comfort, 1999:14). Accordingly, effective responses depend on the ability of organizations to simultaneously sustain structure and allow for flexibility in the face of rapidly changing disaster conditions and unexpected demands. Response networks must also be able to accommodate processes of self-organization —that is, organized action by volunteers and emergent groups. This approach again contrasts with command-and-control notions of how major crises are managed (Comfort, 1999:263-264):

A socio-technical approach requires a shift in the conception of response systems as reactive, command-and-control driven systems to one of inquiring systems , activated by processes of inquiry, validation, and creative self-organization…. Combining technical with organizational systems appropriately enables communities to face complex events more effectively by monitoring changing conditions and adapting its performance accordingly, increasing the efficiency of its use of limited resources. It links human capacity to learn with the technical means to support that capacity in complex, dynamic environments [emphasis added].

Similarly, research stressing the importance of EMONs as the predominant organizational form during crisis response periods points to the importance of improving strategies for network management and of developing better methods to take advantage of emergent structures and activities during disasters. Planning and management approaches must, in other words, support rather than interfere with the open and dynamic qualities of disaster response activities. Indicators of improved capacity to manage emergent networks could include the diversity of organizations and community sectors involved in pre-crisis planning; plans and agreements facilitating the incorporation of the voluntary sector and emergent citizen groups into response activities; plans and tools enabling the rapid expansion of crisis communication and information-sharing networks during disasters to include new organizations; and protocols, such as mutual aid agreements, making it possible for new actors to more easily join response networks (Tierney and Trainor, 2004).

In the wake of the Katrina disaster, the need for disaster management by command-and-control-oriented entities has once again achieved prominence. For example, calls have increased for greater involvement on the part of the military in domestic disaster management. Such recommendations are not new. Giving a larger role in disaster management to the military was an idea that was considered—and rejected—following Hurricane Andrew (National Academy of Public Administration, 1993). Post-Katrina debates on needed policy and programmatic changes will likely continue to focus on how to most effectively deploy military assets while ensuring that disaster management remains the responsibility of civilian institutions.

Additional Considerations: Do Responses to Natural, Technological, and Human-Induced Events Differ?

One issue that has come to the fore with the emergence of terrorism as a major threat involves the extent to which findings from the field of disaster research can predict responses to human-induced extreme events. Although some take the position that terrorism and bioterrorism constitute such unique threats that behavioral and organizational responses in such events will differ from what has been documented for other types of extreme events, others contend that this assumption is not borne out by social science disaster research.

The preponderance of evidence seems to suggest that there is more similarity than difference in response behaviors across different types of disaster agents. Regarding the potential for panic, for example, there is no empirical evidence that panic was a problem during the influenza pandemic of 1918, among populations under attack during World War II (Janis, 1951), in catastrophic structure fires and crowd crushes (Johnson, 1987; Johnson et al., 1994; Feinberg and Johnson, 2001), or in the Chernobyl nuclear disaster (Medvedev, 1990). Nor was panic a factor in the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center (Aguirre et al., 1998), the 1995 Tokyo subway sarin attack (Murakami, 2000), or the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (NIST, 2005; National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States, 2004). The failure to find significant evidence of panic across a wide range of crisis events is a testimony to the resilience of social relationships and normative practices, even under conditions of extreme peril.

Similarly, as noted earlier, research findings on challenges related to risk communication and warning the public of impending extreme events are also quite consistent across different types of disaster events. For individuals and groups, there are invariably challenges associated with understanding what self-protective actions are required for different types of emergencies, regardless of their origin.

In all types of disasters, organizations must likewise face a common set of challenges associated with situation assessment, the management of primary and secondary impacts, communicating with one another and with the public, and dealing with response-related demands. The need for more effective communication, coordination, planning, and training transcends hazard type. Although recent government initiatives such as the National Response Plan will result in the incorporation of new organizational actors into response systems for extreme events, most of the same local-, state-, and federal-level organizations will still be involved in managing extreme events of all types, employing common management frameworks such as

the Incident Command System and now the National Incident Management System (NIMS).

Social scientific studies on disasters have long shown that general features of extreme events, such as geographic scope and scale, impact severity, and speed of onset, combined with the overall quality of pre-disaster preparedness, have a greater influence on response patterns than do the specific hazard agents that trigger response activities. Regardless of their origins, very large, near-catastrophic, and catastrophic events all place high levels of stress on response systems.

In sum, social science disaster research finds little justification for the notion that individual, group, and community responses to human-induced extreme events, including those triggered by weapons of mass terror, will differ in important ways from those that have been documented in natural and technological disasters. Instead, research highlights the importance of a variety of general factors that affect the quality and effectiveness of responses to disasters, irrespective of the hazard in question. With respect to warning the public and encouraging self-protective action, for example, warning systems must be well designed and warning messages must meet certain criteria for effectiveness, regardless of what type of warning is issued. Members of the public must receive, understand, and personalize warning information; must understand what actions they need to take in order to protect themselves; and must be able to carry out those actions, again regardless of the peril in question. Community residents must feel that they can trust their leaders and community institutions during crises of all types. For organizations, training and exercises and effective mechanisms for interorganizational communication and coordination are critical for community-wide emergencies of all types. When such criteria are not met, response-related problems can be expected regardless of whether the emergency stems from a naturally occurring event, a technological accident, or an intentional act.

Individual and group responses, as well as organizational response challenges, are thus likely to be consistent across different types of crises. At the same time, however, it is clear that there are significant variations in the behavior of responding institutions (as opposed to individuals, groups, and first responders) according to event type. In most technological disasters, along with the need to help those affected, questions of negligence and liability typically come to the fore, and efforts are made to assign blame and make responsible parties accountable. In terrorist events, damaged areas are always treated as crime scenes, and the response involves intense efforts both to care for victims and to identify and capture the perpetrators. Further, although as noted earlier, scapegoating can occur in disasters of all types, the tendency for both institutions and the public to assign blame to

particular groups may be greater in technological and terrorism-related crises than in natural disasters. 4

Finally, with respect to responses on the part of the public, even though evidence to the contrary is strong, the idea that some future homeland security emergencies could engender responses different from those observed in past natural, technological, and intentional disasters cannot be ruled out entirely. The concluding section of this chapter highlights the need for further research in this area.

Research on Disaster Recovery

Like hazards and disaster research generally, NERHRP-sponsored research has tended to focus much more on preparedness and response than on either mitigation or disaster recovery. This is especially the case with respect to long-term recovery, a topic that despite its importance has received very little emphasis in the literature. However, even though the topic has not been well studied, NEHRP-funded projects have done a great deal to advance social science understanding of disaster recovery. As discussed later in this section, they have also led to the development of decision tools and guidance that can be used to facilitate the recovery process for affected social units.

It is not an exaggeration to say that prior to NEHRP, relatively little was known about disaster recovery processes and outcomes at different levels of analysis. Researchers had concentrated to some degree on analyzing the impacts of a few earthquakes, such as the 1964 Alaska and 1971 San Fernando events, as well as earthquakes and other major disasters outside the United States. Generally speaking, however, research on recovery was quite sparse. Equally important, earlier research oversimplified the recovery process in a variety of ways. First, there was a tendency to equate recovery, which is a social process, with reconstruction, which involves restoration and replacement of the built environment. Second, there was an assumption that disasters and their impacts proceed in a temporal, stage-like fashion, with “recovery” following once “response” activities have

been concluded. 5 Earlier research also underemphasized the extent to which recovery may be experienced differently by different sectors and subpopulations within society. Some of these problems were related to the fact that at a more abstract level, earlier work had not sufficiently explored the concept of recovery itself—for example, whether recovery should be equated with a return to pre-disaster circumstances and social and economic activities, with the creation of a “new normal” that involves some degree of social transformation, or with improvements in community sustainability and long-term disaster loss reduction. Since the inception of NEHRP and in large measure because of NEHRP sponsorship, research has moved in the direction of a more nuanced understanding of recovery processes and outcomes that has not entirely resolved but at least acknowledges many of these issues.

The sections that follow discuss significant contributions to knowledge and practice that have resulted primarily from NEHRP-sponsored work. Those contributions can be seen (somewhat arbitrarily) as falling into four categories: (1) refinements in definitions and conceptions of disaster recovery, along with a critique and reformulation of stage-like models; (2) contributions to the literature on recovery processes and outcomes across different social units; (3) the development of empirically based models to estimate losses, anticipate recovery challenges, and guide decision making; and (4) efforts to link disaster recovery with broader ideas concerning long-term sustainability and environmental management.

Conceptual Clarification. Owing in large measure to NEHRP-sponsored efforts, the disaster field has moved beyond equating recovery with reconstruction or the restoration of the built environment. More usefully, research has moved in the direction of making analytic distinctions among different types of disaster impacts, recovery activities undertaken by and affecting different social units , and recovery outcomes. Although disaster impacts can be positive or negative, research generally tends to focus on various negative impacts occurring at different levels of analysis. As outlined in Chapter 3 , these impacts include effects on the physical and built environment, including residential, commercial, and infrastructure damage as well as disaster-induced damage to the environment; other property losses; deaths and injuries; impacts on social and economic activity; effects at the community level, such as impacts on community cohesiveness and urban

form; and psychological, psychosocial, and political impacts. Such impacts can vary in severity and duration, as well as in the extent to which they are addressed effectively during the recovery process. An emphasis on recovery as a multidimensional concept calls attention to the fact that physical and social impacts, recovery trajectories, and short- and longer-term outcomes in chronological and social time can vary considerably across social units.

Recovery activities constitute measures that are intended to remedy negative disaster impacts, restore social units as much as possible to their pre-disaster levels of functioning, enhance resilience, and ideally, realize other objectives such as the mitigation of future disaster losses and improvements in the built environment, quality of life, and long-term sustainability. 6 Recovery activities include the provision of temporary and replacement housing; the provision of resources (government aid, insurance payment, private donations) to assist households and businesses with replacement of lost goods and with reconstruction; the provision of various forms of aid and assistance to affected government units; the development and implementation of reconstruction and recovery plans in the aftermath of disasters; coping mechanisms developed by households, businesses, and other affected social units; the provision of mental health and other human services to victims; and other activities designed to overcome negative disaster impacts. In some circumstances, recovery activities can also include the adoption of new policies, legislation, and practices designed to reduce the impacts of future disasters.

Recovery processes are significantly influenced by differential societal and group vulnerability; by variations in the range of recovery aid and support that is available; and by the quality and effectiveness of the help that is provided. The available “mix” of recovery activities and post-disaster coping strategies varies across groups, societies, and different types of disasters. For example, insurance is an important component in the reconstruction and recovery process for some societies, some groups within society, and some types of disasters, but not for others.

Recovery outcomes —or the extent to which the recovery activities are judged, either objectively or subjectively, as “complete” or “successful”—also show wide variation across societies, communities, social units, and disaster events. Outcomes can be assessed in both the short and the longer terms, although, as noted earlier, the literature is weak with respect to empirical studies on the outcomes of longer-term disasters. Additionally,

outcomes consist not only of the intended effects of recovery programs and activities, but also of their unintended consequences. For example, the provision of government assistance or insurance payments to homeowners may make it possible for them to rebuild and continue to live in hazardous areas, even though such an outcome was never intended.

Keeping in mind the multidimensional nature of recovery, post-disaster outcomes can be judged as satisfactory along some dimensions, or at particular points in time, but unsatisfactory along others. Outcomes are perceived and experienced differently, when such factors as level of analysis and specific recovery activities of interest are taken into account. With respect to units of aggregation, for example, while a given disaster may have few discernible long-term effects when analyzed at the community level, the same disaster may well be economically, socially, and psychologically catastrophic for hard-hit households and businesses. A community may be considered “recovered” on the basis of objective social or economic indicators, while constituent social units may not be faring as well, in either objective or subjective terms. The degree to which recovery has taken place is thus very much a matter of perspective and social position.

In a related vein, research has also led to a reconsideration of linear conceptions of the recovery process. Past research tended to see disaster events as progressing from the pre-impact period through post-impact emergency response, and later recovery. In a classic work in this genre— Reconstruction Following Disaster (Haas et al., 1977:xxvi), for example—the authors argued that disaster recovery is “ordered, knowable, and predictable.” Recovery was characterized as consisting of four sequential stages that may overlap to some degree: the emergency period; the restoration period; the replacement reconstruction period; and the commemorative, betterment, and developmental reconstruction period. In this and other studies, the beginning of the recovery phase was generally demarcated by the cessation of immediate life saving and emergency care measures, the resumption of activities of daily life (e.g., opening of schools), and the initiation of rebuilding plans and activities. After a period of time, early recovery activities, such as the provision of temporary housing, would give way to longer-term measures that were meant to be permanent. Kates and Pijawka’s (1977) frequently cited four-phase model begins with the emergency period, lasting for a few days up to a few weeks, and encompassing the period when the emergency operations plan (EOP) is put into operation. Next comes the restoration period—when repairs to utilities are made; debris is removed; evacuees return; and commercial, industrial, and residential structures are repaired. The third phase, the reconstruction replacement period, involves rebuilding capital stocks and getting the economy back to pre-disaster levels. This period can take some years. Finally, there is the development phase, when commemorative structures are built, memo-

rial dates are institutionalized in social time, and attempts are made to improve the community.

In another stage-like model focusing on the community level, Alexander (1993) identified three stages in the process of disaster recovery. First, the rehabilitation stage involves the continuing care of victims and frequently is accompanied by the reemergence of preexisting problems at the household or community level. During the temporary reconstruction stage, prefabricated housing or other temporary structures go up, and temporary bracing may be installed for buildings and bridges. Finally, the permanent reconstruction stage was seen as requiring good administration and management to achieve full community recovery.

Later work sees delineations among disaster phases as much less clear, showing, for example, that decisions and actions that affect recovery may be undertaken as early as the first days or even hours after the disaster’s impact—and, importantly, even before a disaster occurs. The idea that recovery proceeds in an orderly, stage-like, and unitary manner has been replaced by a view that recognizes that the path to recovery is often quite uneven. While the concept of disaster phases may be a useful heuristic device for researchers and practitioners, the concept may also mask both how phases overlap and how recovery proceeds differently for different social groups (Neal, 1997). Recovery does not occur at the same pace for all who are affected by disasters or for all types of impacts. With respect to housing, for example, owing to differences in the availability of services and financing as well as other factors, some groups within a disaster-stricken population may remain in “temporary housing” for a very long time—so long, in fact, that those housing arrangements become permanent—while others may move rapidly into replacement housing (Bolin, 1993a). Put another way, as indicated in Chapters 1 and 3 , while stage-like approaches to disasters are framed in terms of chronological time, for those who experience them, disasters unfold in social time.

Researchers studying recovery continue to contend with a legacy of conceptual and measurement difficulties. One such difficulty centers on the question of how the dependent variable should be measured. This problem itself is multifaceted. Should recovery be defined as a return to pre-disaster levels of psychological, social, and economic well-being? As a return to where a community, business, or household would have been were it not for the occurrence of the disaster? The study of disaster recovery also tends to overlap with research on broader processes of social change. Thus, in addition to focusing on what was lost or affected as a consequence of disaster events and on outcomes relative to those impacts, recovery research also focuses on more general post-disaster issues, such as the extent to which disasters influence and interact with ongoing processes of social change, whether disaster impacts can be distinguished from those resulting

from broader social and economic trends, whether disasters simply magnify and accelerate those trends or exert an independent influence, and the extent to which the post-disaster recovery period represents continuity or discontinuity with the past. Seen in this light, the study of recovery can become indistinguishable from the study of longer-term social change affecting communities and societies. While these distinctions are often blurred, it is nevertheless important to differentiate conceptually and empirically between the recovery process, specific recovery outcomes of interest, and the wide range of other changes that might take place following (or as a consequence of) disasters.

Analyzing Impacts and Recovery Across Different Social Units. Following from the discussions above, it is useful to keep in mind several points about research on disaster recovery. First, studies differ in the extent to which they emphasize the objective, physical aspects of recovery—restoration and reconstruction of the built environment—or subjective, psychosocial, and experiential ones. Second, studies generally focus on particular units of analysis and outcomes, such as household, business, economic, or community recovery, rather than on how these different aspects of recovery are interrelated. This is due partly to the fact that researchers tend to specialize in particular types of disaster impacts and aspects of recovery, which has both advantages and disadvantages. While allowing for the development of in-depth research expertise, such specialization has also made it more difficult to formulate more general theories of recovery. Third, the literature is quite uneven. Some aspects of recovery are well understood, while there are others about which very little is known.

Even with these limitations, more general theoretical insights about recovery processes and outcomes have begun to emerge. Key among these is the idea that disaster impacts and recovery can be conceptualized in terms of vulnerability and resilience . As noted in Chapters 2 and 3 , vulnerability is a consequence not only of physical location and the “hazardousness of place,” but also of social location and of societal processes that advantage some groups and individuals while marginalizing others. The notion of vulnerability applies both to the likelihood of experiencing negative impacts from disasters, such as being killed or injured or losing one’s home or job, and to the likelihood of experiencing recovery-related difficulties, such as problems with access to services and other forms of support. Social vulnerability is linked to broader trends within society, such as demographic trends (migration to more hazardous areas, the aging of the U.S. population) and population diversity (race, class, income, and linguistic diversity). Similarly, resilience , or the ability to survive and cope with disaster impacts and rebound after those events, is also determined in large measure by social factors. According to Rose (2004), resilience can be conceptualized

as both inherent and adaptive, where the former term refers to resilience that is based on resources and options for action that are typically available during nondisaster times, and the latter refers to the ability to mobilize resources and create new options following disasters. 7 As discussed in Chapter 6 , resilience stems in part from factors commonly associated with the concept of social capital, such as the extensiveness of social networks, civic engagement, and interpersonal, interorganizational, and institutional trust. (For an influential formulation setting out the vulnerability perspective, see Blaikie et al., 1994). As subsequent discussions show, the concepts of vulnerability and resilience are applicable to individuals, households, groups, organizations, economies, and entire societies affected by disasters. The sections that follow, which are organized according to unit of analysis, discuss psychosocial impacts and recovery; impacts and recovery processes for housing and businesses; economic recovery; and community-level and societal recovery.

Psychological Impacts and Recovery. There is no disagreement among researchers that disasters cause genuine pain and suffering and that they can be deeply distressing for those who experience them. Apart from that consensus, however, there have been many debates and disputes regarding the psychological and psychosocial impacts of disasters. One such debate centers on the extent to which disasters produce clinically significant symptoms of psychological distress and, if so, how long such symptoms last. Researchers have also struggled with the questions of etiology, or the causes of disaster-related psychological reactions. Are such problems the direct result of trauma experienced during disaster, the result of disaster-induced stresses, a reflection of a lack of coping capacity or weak social support networks, a function of preexisting vulnerabilities, or a combination of all these factors? Related concerns center on what constitute appropriate forms of intervention and service delivery strategies for disaster-related psychological problems. Do people who experience problems generally recover on their own, without the need for formally provided assistance, or does such assistance facilitate more rapid and complete recovery? What types of assistance are likely to be most efficacious and for what types of problems?

Research has yielded a wide array of findings on questions involving disaster-related psychological and psychosocial impacts and recovery. Findings tend to differ depending upon disaster type and severity, how disaster victimization is defined and measured, how mental health outcomes are measured, the research methodologies and strategies used (e.g., sampling,

timing, variables of interest), and not inconsequentially, the discipline-based theoretical perspectives employed (Tierney, 2000). With respect to the controversial topic of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), for example, well-designed epidemiological studies have estimated the lifetime prevalence of PTSD at around 5.4 percent in the U.S. population. An important epidemiologic study on the incidence of trauma and the subsequent risk of developing PTSD after various types of traumatic events estimates the risk at about 3.8 percent for natural disasters (Breslau et al., 1998; Kessler and Zhao, 1999). NEHRP-sponsored surveys following recent earthquakes in California found PTSD to be extremely rare among affected populations and not significantly associated with earthquake impacts (Seigel et al., 2000). Other studies show immense variation, with estimates of post-disaster PTSD ranging from very low to greater than 50 percent. Such variations could reflect real differences in the traumatic effects of different events, but it is equally likely that they are the result of methodological, measurement, and theoretical differences among investigators.

One key debate centers on the clinical significance of post-disaster emotional and mental health problems. Research is clear on the point that it is not unusual for disaster victims to experience a series of problems, such as headaches, problems with sleeping and eating, and heightened levels of concern and anxiety, that can vary in severity and duration (Rubonis and Bickman, 1991; Freedy et al., 1994). Perspectives begin to diverge, however, on the extent to which these and other disaster-induced symptoms constitute mental health problems in the clinical sense. In other words, would disaster victims, presenting their symptoms, be considered candidates for mental health counseling or medication if those symptoms were present in a nondisaster context? Do their symptoms correspond to survey based or clinically based measures of what constitutes a “case” for psychiatric diagnostic purposes? Again, as with PTSD, findings differ. While noting that many studies do document a rise in psychological distress following disasters, Shoaf et al. (2004:320) conclude that “those impacts are not of a nature that would significantly increase the rates of diagnosable mental illness.” With respect to severe psychological impacts, these researchers found that suicide rates declined in Los Angeles County following the Northridge earthquake—a continuation of a trend that had already begun before that event. They also note that these findings are consistent with research on suicide following the Kobe earthquake, which showed that the suicide rate in the year following that quake was less than the average rate for the previous 10 years (Shoaf et al., 2004). Yet many researchers and practitioners rightly contend that psychosocial interventions are necessary following disasters, both to address clinically significant symptoms and to prevent more serious psychological sequelae.

There is also the question of whether some types of disasters are more

likely than others to cause negative psychological impacts. Some researchers argue that certain types of technological hazards, such as nuclear threats and chronic exposures to toxic substances, are more pernicious in their effects than natural disasters because they persist longer and create more anxiety among potential victims, and especially because they tend to result in community conflict, causing “corrosive” rather than “therapeutic” communities to develop (Erikson, 1994). Events such as the Oklahoma City bombing, the Columbine school shootings, and the events of September 11, 2001 lead to questions about whether intentional attacks engender psychological reactions that are distinctive and different from those that follow other types of community crisis events. Some studies have suggested that the psychological impacts of terrorist attacks are profound, at least in the short term (North et al., 1999). Other research, focusing specifically on the short-term impacts of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, indicates that the psychological impacts resulting from the events of 9/11 “are consistent with prior estimates of the impact of natural disasters and other terrorist events” (Miller and Heldring, 2004:21). Again, drawing conclusions about the relative influence of agent characteristics—as opposed to other factors—is difficult because studies vary so much in their timing, research designs, methodological approaches, and procedures for defining disaster victimization.

Another set of issues concerns factors associated with risk for poor psychological outcomes. Perilla et al. (2002) suggest that such outcomes can vary as a consequence of both differential exposure and differential vulnerability to extreme events. With respect to differential exposure, factors such as ethnicity and social class can be associated with living in substandard and vulnerable housing, subsequently exposing minorities and poor people to greater losses and disaster-related trauma. Regarding differential vulnerability, minorities and the poor, who are more vulnerable to psychosocial stress during nondisaster times, may also have fewer coping resources upon which to draw following disasters.

In a comprehensive and rigorous review of research on the psychological sequelae of disasters, Fran H. Norris and her colleagues (Norris et al., 2002a,b) carried out a meta-analysis of 20 years of research, based on 160 samples containing more than 60,000 individuals who had experienced 102 different disaster events. These data sets included a range of different types of surveys on both U.S. disaster victims and individuals in other countries, on various subpopulations, and on disasters that differed widely in type and severity. Impacts documented in these studies included symptoms of post-traumatic stress, depression, and anxiety; other forms of nonspecific distress not easily related to specific syndromes such as PTSD; health problems and somatic complaints; problems in living, including secondary stressors such as work-related and financial problems; and “psychosocial resource

loss,” a term that refers to negative effects on coping capacity, self-esteem, feelings of self-efficacy, and other attributes that buffer the effects of stress. According to their interpretation, which was based on accepted methods for rating indicators of psychological distress, the symptoms reported by as many as 39 percent of those studied reached clinically significant levels. However—and this is an important caveat—they found negative psychological effects to be much more prevalent in disasters occurring outside the United States. Generally, symptoms were most severe in the year following disaster events and declined over time.

Norris et al. (2002a, 2002b) classified U.S. disasters as low, moderate, and high in their psychosocial impacts, based on empirical data on post-disaster distress. The Loma Prieta and Northridge earthquakes were seen as having relatively few adverse impacts, and Hurricane Hugo and Three Mile Island were classified as moderate in their effects. Hurricane Andrew, the Exxon oil spill, and the Oklahoma City bombing were classified as severe with respect to their psychological impacts. As these examples suggest, the researchers found no evidence that natural, technological, and human-induced disasters necessarily differ in their effects.

This research review uncovered a number of vulnerability and protective factors that were associated with differential psychological outcomes following disasters. Broadly categorized, those risk factors most consistently shown to be negatively associated with post-disaster psychological well-being include severity of disaster exposure at both the individual and the community levels; being female; being a member of an ethnic minority; low socioeconomic status; experiencing other stressors or chronic stress; having had other mental health problems prior to the disaster; employing inappropriate coping strategies (e.g., withdrawal, avoidance); and reporting problems with both perceived and actual social support.

Overall, these findings are very consistent with perspectives in disaster research that emphasize the relationship between systemically induced vulnerability, negative disaster impacts, lower resilience, and poor recovery outcomes. Recent research situates disasters within the context of other types of stressful events (e.g., death of a loved one or other painful losses) that disproportionately affect those who are most vulnerable and least able to cope. At the same time, studies—many conducted under NEHRP auspices—show how social inequality and vulnerability both amplify the stress that results directly from disasters and complicate the recovery process over the longer term. For example, Fothergill (1996, 1998, 2004) and Enarson and Morrow (1998) have documented the ways in which gender is associated both with the likelihood of becoming a disaster victim and with a variety of subsequent post-disaster stressors. Peacock et al. (1997) and Bolin and Stanford (1998) have shown how pre-disaster conditions such as income disparities and racial and ethnic discrimination contribute both to

disaster losses and to subsequent psychosocial stress and make recovery more difficult for vulnerable groups. Perilla et al. (2002), who studied ethnic differences in post-traumatic stress following Hurricane Andrew, also note that ethnicity can be associated with variations in personality characteristics such as fatalism, which tends to be associated with poor psychosocial outcomes resulting from stressful events, as well as with additional stresses associated with acculturation. 8

Hurricane Katrina represents a critical test case for theories and research on psychosocial vulnerability and resilience. If, as Norris and her collaborators indicate, Hurricane Andrew resulted in relatively high levels of psychosocial distress, what will researchers find with respect to Katrina? For many victims, Katrina appears to contain all of the ingredients necessary to produce negative mental health outcomes: massive, catastrophic impacts; high property losses resulting in financial distress; exposure to traumas such as prolonged physical stress and contact with dead and dying victims; disruption of social networks; massive failures in service delivery systems; continual uncertainty about the future; and residential dislocation on a scale never seen in a U.S. disaster. Over time, research will result in important insights regarding the psychosocial dimensions of truly catastrophic disaster events.

Household Impacts and Recovery. Within the disaster recovery area, households and household recovery have been studied most often, with a significant proportion of that work focusing on post-earthquake recovery issues. Although this line of research predates NEHRP, many later studies have been undertaken with NEHRP support. Studies conducted prior to NEHRP include Bolin’s research on household recovery processes following the Managua earthquake and the Rapid City flood, both of which occurred in 1972 (Bolin, 1976). Drabek and Key and their collaborators had also examined disaster impacts on families and the household recover process (Drabek et al., 1975; Drabek and Key, 1976, 1984). With NEHRP support, Bolin and Bolton studied household recovery following tornadoes in Wichita Falls, Vernon, and Paris, Texas; a hurricane in Hawaii; flooding in Salt Lake City; and the Coalinga earthquake (Bolin, 1982; Bolin and Bolton, 1986). Bolin’s monograph Household and Community Recovery after

Earthquakes was based on research on the 1987 Whittier Narrows and 1989 Loma Prieta events (Bolin, 1993b). Households have also been the focus of more recent studies on the impacts of Hurricane Andrew (Peacock et al., 1997) and the 1994 Northridge earthquake (Bolin and Stanford, 1998). Other NEHRP-sponsored work has focused more specifically on issues that are important for household recovery, such as post-disaster sheltering processes (Phillips, 1993, 1998) and housing impacts and recovery (Comerio, 1997, 1998). As Bolin (1993a:13) observes

[d]isasters can have a multiplicity of effects on a household, including physical losses to property, injury and/or death, loss of job or livelihood, disruption of social and personal relations, relocation of some or all members of a family, physical disruption or transformation of community and neighborhood, and increased household indebtedness.

Accordingly, the literature has explored various dimensions of household impacts and recovery, including direct impacts such as those highlighted by Bolin; changes in the quality and cohesiveness of relationships among household members; post-disaster problems such as conflict and domestic violence; stressors that affect households during the recovery process; and coping strategies employed by households, including the use of both formal and informal sources of post-disaster support and recovery aid.

The literature also points to a number of factors that are associated with differences in short- and longer-term household recovery outcomes. Housing supply is one such factor—as indicated, for example, by housing costs, other real estate market characteristics, and rental vacancy rates Temporary housing options are affected by such factors as the proximity of friends and relatives with whom to stay, although use of this housing option is generally only a short-term strategy. Extended family members may not be able to help if they also are victims (Morrow, 1997). Such problems may be more prevalent in lower-income groups that have few alternative resources and when most members of an extended family live in the same affected community.

Availability of temporary and permanent housing generally is limited by their pre-impact supply in and near the impact area. In the U.S., in situations in which there is an insufficient supply of housing for displaced disaster victims, FEMA provides mobile homes, but even this expedient method of expanding the housing stock takes time. Even when houses are only moderately damaged, loss of housing functionality may be a problem if there is massive disruption of infrastructure. In such cases, tent cities may be necessary if undamaged housing is beyond commuting range (e.g., Homestead, Florida after Hurricane Andrew, as discussed in Peacock et al., 1997).

In the longer term, household recovery is influenced by such factors as household financial resources, the ability to obtain assistance from friends and relatives, insurance coverage, and the mix of housing assistance pro-

grams available to households. Typically, access to and adequacy of recovery resources are inversely related to socioeconomic status. Those with higher incomes are more likely to own their own homes, to be adequately insured, and to have savings and other financial resources on which to draw in order to recover—although disasters can also cause even better-off households to take on additional debt. With respect to formal sources of aid, the assistance process generally favors those who are adept at responding to bureaucratic requirements and who are able to invest time and effort to seek out sources of aid. The aid process also favors those living in more conventional, nuclear family living arrangements, as opposed to extended families or multiple households occupying the same dwelling unit (Morrow, 1997). Recovery may be particularly difficult for single-parent households, especially those headed by women (Enarson and Morrow, 1998; Fothergill, 2004).

The picture that emerges from research on household recovery is not that of a predictable and stage-like process that is common to all households, but rather of a multiplicity of recovery trajectories that are shaped not only by the physical impacts of disaster but also by axes of stratification that include income, race, and ethnicity, as well as such factors as the availability of and access to different forms of monetary aid, other types of assistance, and informal social support—which are themselves associated with stratification and diversity. Disaster severity matters, both because disasters that produce major and widespread impacts can limit recovery options for households and because they tend to be more damaging to the social fabric of the community. As Comerio’s extensive research on housing impacts and issues following earthquakes and other disasters in different societal contexts illustrates, household recovery processes are also shaped by societal-level policy and institutional factors—which themselves have differential impacts (Comerio, 1998). 9

Large-Scale Comparative Research on Household Recovery. Although there is clearly a need for such research, few studies exist that compare household recovery processes and outcomes across communities and disaster events. With NEHRP funding, Frederick Bates and his colleagues carried out what may well be the largest research efforts of this kind: a multicommunity

longitudinal study on household and community impacts and recovery after the 1976 Guatemala earthquake and a cross-national comparative study on household recovery following six different disaster events. The Guatemala study, designed as a quasi-experiment, included households in 26 communities that were carefully selected to reflect differences in the severity of earthquake impacts, size, population composition, and region of the country. That study focused on a broad spectrum of topics, including changes over time in household composition and characteristics; household economic activity; housing characteristics and standards of living; household experiences with relief and reconstruction assistance; and fertility, health, and nutrition. Never replicated for any other type of disaster, the study provided detailed information on these topics, focusing in particular on how different forms of aid provision either facilitated or hampered household recovery (for detailed discussions, see Bates, 1982; Hoover and Bates, 1985; Bates et al., 1979).

The second study carried out by Bates and his colleagues extended methods developed to assess household recovery following the Guatemala earthquake to measure household recovery in disaster-stricken communities in six different countries. The tool used to measure disaster impacts and household recovery across different events and societies, the Domestic Assets Scale, made possible systematic comparisons with respect to one dimension of household recovery—the restoration of household possessions, tools, and technologies (Bates and Peacock, 1992, 1993).

Vulnerability, Resilience, and Household Recovery. Like the other aspects of recovery discussed here, what happens to households during and after disasters can be conceptualized in terms of vulnerability and resilience. With respect to vulnerability, social location is associated with the severity of disaster impacts for households. Poverty often forces people to live in substandard or highly vulnerable housing—manufactured housing is one example—leaving them more vulnerable to death, injury, and homelessness. As discussed in Chapter 3 with respect to disaster preparedness, factors such as income, education, and homeownership influence the ability of households to mitigate and prepare for disasters. Social-structural factors also affect the extent to which families can accumulate assets in order to achieve higher levels of safety, as well as their recovery options and access to resources after disasters strike—for example the forms of recovery assistance for which they are eligible. Households are thus differentially exposed to disasters, differentially vulnerable during the recovery period, and diverse in terms of both inherent and adaptive resilience.

ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS IMPACTS AND RECOVERY: THE CHALLENGE OF ASSESSING DISASTER LOSSES

As discussed in Chapter 3 , assessing how much disasters cost the nation and its communities has proven to be a major challenge. A National Research Council (NRC, 1999c) study concluded that such calculations are difficult in part because different agencies and entities calculate costs and losses differently. Moreover, no universally accepted standards exist for calculating economic impacts resulting from disasters, and there is no single agency responsible for keeping track of disaster losses. For any given disaster event, assessments of economic impacts may vary widely depending on which statistics are used—for example, direct or insured losses versus total losses.

NEHRP-sponsored research has addressed these problems to some degree. For example, as part of the NEHRP-sponsored “Second Assessment of Research on Natural Hazards,” researchers attempted to estimates losses, costs, and other impacts from a wide array of natural and technological hazards. 10 For the 20 year period 1975–1994, they estimated that dollar losses from disasters amounted to $.5 billion per week, with climatological hazards accounting for about 80 percent of those losses; since 1989, losses have totaled $1 billion per week (Mileti, 1999a). Through work undertaken as part of the Second Assessment, data on losses from natural hazard events from the mid-1970s to 2000 are now available at the county level in geocoded form for the entire United States through the Spatial Hazard Events and Losses Database for the United States (SHELDUS). This data collection and database development effort has made it possible to analyze different types of losses, at different scales, using different metrics, and to assess locations in terms of their hazard proneness and loss histories. (For discussions of the data used in the SHELDUS database and associated challenges see Cutter, 2001.) What is still lacking is a national program to continue systematically collecting and analyzing impact and loss data.

Studies on economic impacts and recovery from earthquakes and other disasters can be classified according to the units of analysis on which they focus. Most research concerns economic losses and recovery at the community or, more frequently, the regional level. A smaller set of studies has analyzed economic impacts and recovery at the firm or facility level. There is even less research documenting national-level and macroeconomic impacts.

Community-Level and Regional Studies

Studies on the economics of natural disasters at the community and regional levels of analysis differ significantly in methods, topics of interest, and conclusions. Some researchers, such as Rossi et al. (1978) and Friesema et al. (1979) have argued that at least in the United States, natural disasters have no discernible social or economic effects at the community level and that nondisaster-related trends have a far more significant influence on long-term outcomes than disasters themselves. This position has also been argued at the macroeconomic level, with respect to other developed and developing countries (Albala-Bertrand, 1993). 11 Dacy and Kunreuther (1969:168) even argued (although more than 30 years ago) that “a disaster may actually turn out to be a blessing in disguise” because disasters create reconstruction booms and allow community improvements to be made rapidly, rather than gradually. However, most research contradicts the idea that disasters constitute economic windfalls, emphasizing instead that economic gains that may be realized at one level (e.g., the community, particular economic sectors) typically constitute losses at another (e.g., the national tax base). One analyst has called the idea that disasters are beneficial economically “one of the most widely held misbeliefs in economics” (DeVoe, 1997:188).

Other researchers take the position that post-disaster economic and social conditions are generally consistent with pre-disaster trends, although disasters may amplify those changes (Bates and Peacock, 1993). Disasters may further marginalize firms and sectors of the economy that were already in decline, or they may speed up processes that were already under way prior to their occurrence. For example, Homestead Air Force Base was already slated for closure before Hurricane Andrew despite ongoing efforts to keep the base opened. When Andrew occurred, the base sustained damage and was closed for good. The closure affected businesses that had depended on the base and helped lead to the exodus of many middle-class families from the area, which in turn affected tax revenues in the impact region. These changes would have taken place eventually, but they were accelerated by Hurricane Andrew.

Related research has analyzed the distributive effects of earthquakes and other disasters. In an early formulation, Cochrane (1975) observed that lower-income groups consistently bear a disproportionate share of disaster losses, relative to higher-income groups. This theme continues to be promi-

nent in the disaster literature; the notion that disasters create economic “winners and losers” has been borne out for both households and businesses (Peacock et al., 1997:Chapter 11; Tierney and Webb, forthcoming).

Another prominent research emphasis at the community and regional levels of analysis has grown out of the need to characterize and quantify the economic impacts of disasters (as well as other impacts) in order to be better able to plan for and mitigate those impacts. A considerable amount of NEHRP research on economic impacts and recovery has been driven by concern about the potentially severe economic consequences of major earthquakes, particularly those that could occur in highly populated urban areas. That concern is reflected in a number of NRC reports (1989, 1992, 1999c) on projected losses and potential economic impacts. Within the private sector, the insurance industry has also committed significant resources in an effort to better anticipate the magnitude of insured losses in future disaster events. (For new developments in research on the management of catastrophic insurance risk, see Grossi et al., 2004.)

Stimulated in large measure by NEHRP funding, new tools have been developed for both pre-disaster estimation of potential losses and post-disaster impact assessments, particularly for earthquakes. HAZUS, the national loss estimation methodology, which was originally developed for earthquakes and which has now been extended to flood and wind hazards, was formulated under FEMA’s supervision with NEHRP funding. NEHRP funds have also supported the development of newer and more sophisticated modeling approaches through research undertaken at earthquake centers sponsored by the National Science Foundation (NSF).

The framework for estimating losses from natural hazards was initially laid out more than 20 years ago in publications such as Petak and Atkisson’s Natural Hazard Risk Assessment and Public Policy (1982) and in applied studies such as the PEPPER (Pre-Earthquake Planning for Post-Earthquake Rebuilding) project (Spangle, 1987), which analyzed potential earthquake impacts and post-disaster recovery strategies for Los Angeles. According to the logic developed in these and other early studies (see, for example, NRC, 1989) and later through extensive NEHRP research, loss estimation consists of the analysis of scenario or probabilistic models that include data on hazards; exposures , or characteristics of the built environment at risk, including buildings and infrastructural systems; fragilities , or estimates of damage likelihood as a function of one or more parameters, such as earthquake shaking intensity; direct losses , such as deaths, injuries, and costs associated with damage; and indirect losses and ripple effects that result from disasters. Within this framework, recent research has focused on further refining loss models and reducing uncertainties associated with both the components of loss estimation models and their interrelationships (for

representative work, see theme issue in Earthquake Spectra, 1997; Tierney et al., 1999; Okuyama and Chang, 2004).

This line of research has led both to advances in basic science knowledge and to a wide range of research applications. At the basic science level, loss modeling research—particularly studies supported through NEHRP—has helped distinguish and clarify relationships among such factors as physical damage, direct economic loss, business interruption effects, and indirect losses and ripple effects. For example, it is now more possible than ever before to disaggregate and analyze separately different types of economic effects and to understand how particular types of damage (e.g., damage to electrical power or transportation systems) contribute to overall economic losses. This research has shed light on factors that contribute to the resilience of regional economies, both during normal times and in response to sudden shocks. It has also shown how the application of newer economic modeling techniques, such as computable general equilibrium modeling and agent-based modeling, constitute improvements over more traditional input-output modeling, particularly for the study of extreme events (for discussions, see Rose et al., 2004; Chang, 2005; Rose and Liao, 2005). Econometric modeling provides another promising approach at both the micro and the regional levels (see West and Lenze, 1994), but this potential remains largely untapped.

At the applications level, loss estimation tools and products have proven useful for raising public awareness of the likely impacts of disaster events and for enhancing community preparedness efforts and mitigation programs. They have also made it possible to assess mitigation alternatives, not only in light of the extent to which those measures reduce damage, but also in terms of their economic costs and benefits. When applied in the disaster context, rapid economic loss estimates have also formed the basis for requests for federal disaster assistance. For the insurance industry, loss models provide important tools to improve risk management decision making, particularly with regard to catastrophic risks.

As noted earlier, loss modeling originally was driven by the need to better understand the economic impacts of earthquakes. In addition to economic losses, earthquake loss models are increasingly taking into account other societal impacts such as deaths, injuries, and residential displacement, as well as secondary effects such as earthquake-induced fires. The methodological approach developed to study earthquakes was first extended to other natural hazards and is now being used increasingly to assess potential impacts from terrorism. The nation is now better able to address the issue of terrorism-related losses because of the investments that had been made earlier for earthquakes and other natural hazards. Significantly, when the Department of Homeland Security decided in 2003 to begin funding

university-based “centers of excellence” for terrorism research, the first topic that was selected for funding was risk and economic modeling for terrorist attacks in the United States. 12 Many of the investigators associated with that center had previously worked on loss modeling for earthquakes.

Business and Facility-Level Impacts and Recovery. Most research on recovery processes and outcomes has focused on households and communities. Prior to the 1990s, most research on the economic aspects of disasters focused not on individual businesses but rather on community-wide and regional impacts. Almost nothing was known about how private sector organizations are affected by and recover from disasters. Since then, a small number of studies have focused on business firms or, in some cases, commercial facilities, as units of analysis. Much of this work, including studies on large, representative samples of businesses, has been carried out with NEHRP support. Business impacts and recovery have been assessed following the Whittier Narrows, Loma Prieta, Northridge, and Kobe earthquakes; the 1993 Midwest floods; Hurricane Andrew; and other flood and hurricane events (for representative studies and findings, see Dahlhamer, 1998; Chang, 2000; Webb et al., 2000; Alesch et al., 2001). Long-term business recovery has been studied in the context of only two disaster events—the Loma Prieta earthquake and Hurricane Andrew (Webb et al., 2003).

These studies have shown that disasters disrupt business operations through a variety of mechanisms. Direct physical damage to buildings, equipment, vehicles, and inventories has obvious effects on business operation. It might be less obvious that disruption of infrastructure such as water/sewer, electric power, fuel (i.e., natural gas), transportation, and telecommunications frequently forces businesses to shut down in the aftermath of a disaster (Alesch et al., 1993; Tierney and Nigg, 1995; Tierney, 1997a, b; Webb et al., 2000). For example, Tierney (1997b) reported that extensive electrical power service interruption after the 1993 Midwest floods caused a large number of business closures in Des Moines, Iowa, even though the physical damage was confined to a relatively small area.

Other negative disaster effects include population dislocation, losses in discretionary income among those victims who remain in the impact area—which can weaken market demand for many products and services—and competitive pressure from large outside businesses. These kinds of impacts can cause small local businesses to experience major difficulties recovering from the aftermath of a disaster (Alesch et al., 2001). Indeed, such factors

can produce business failures long after the precipitating event, especially if the community was already in economic decline before the disaster occurred (Bates and Peacock, 1993; Webb et al., 2003).

It is difficult to generalize on the basis of so few studies, particularly when the issues involved and the methodological challenges are so complex. However, studies to date have uncovered a few consistent patterns with respect to business impacts and recovery. First, studies show that most businesses do recover, and do so relatively quickly. In other words, typical businesses affected by disasters show a good deal of resilience in the face of major disruption.

Second, some businesses do tend to fare worse than others in the aftermath of disasters; clearly, not all businesses are equally vulnerable or equally resilient. Although findings from individual studies differ, the factors that seem to contribute most to vulnerability include small size; poor pre-disaster financial condition; business type, with wholesale and retail trade appearing to be especially vulnerable, while manufacturing and construction businesses stand to benefit most from disasters; and severity of disaster impacts. With regard to this last-mentioned factor, studies show that negative impacts on businesses include not only direct physical damage, lifeline-related problems, and business interruption, but also more long-lasting operational problems that businesses may experience following disasters, such as employee absenteeism and loss of productivity, earthquake-induced declines in demands for goods and services, and difficulties with shipping or receiving products and supplies.

Third, business recovery is affected by many factors that are outside the control of the individual business owner. For example, businesses located in highly damaged areas may experience recovery difficulties independent of whether or not they experience losses. In this case, recovery is complicated by the fact that disasters disrupt local ecologies on which individual businesses depend. Business recovery processes and outcomes are also linked to community-level decision making. After the Loma Prieta earthquake, for example, the City of Santa Cruz offered extensive support to businesses and used the earthquake as an opportunity to reinvent itself and to revitalize a business district that had fallen short of realizing its potential prior to the disaster (Arnold, 1998). Actions that communities take with respect to land-use, structural mitigation, infrastructure protection, community education, and emergency response planning also affect how businesses and business districts fare during and after disasters.

Fourth, recovery outcomes following disasters are linked to pre-disaster trends and broader market forces. For example, focusing on an important transport facility, the Port of Kobe, Chang (2000) showed that the port’s inability to recover fully after the 1995 earthquake was due in part to losses in one part of the port’s business—trans-shipment cargo—that had already

been declining before the earthquake owing to severe competition from other ports in the region. Similarly, Dahlhamer (1998) found that businesses in the wholesale and retail trade sectors were more vulnerable to experiencing negative economic outcomes following the Northridge earthquake, perhaps because they constitute crowded and highly competitive economic niches and because turnover is high in those sectors during normal times. He also found that firms in industries that had been experiencing growth in the two-year period just before the earthquake were less likely than firms in declining industries to report being worse off following the Northridge event. Such findings are consistent with a more general theme in recovery research discussed earlier—that disasters do not generate change in and of themselves, but rather intensify or accelerate preexisting patterns.

Community Recovery. Although the topic of community recovery is still not well studied, significant progress has been made in understanding both recovery processes and factors that are associated with recovery outcomes for communities. Earlier research indicated that communities rebound well from disasters and that, at the aggregate level and net of other factors, the impacts of disasters are negligible (Friesema et al., 1979; Wright et al., 1979). However, other more recent research suggests that such findings paint an overly simplified and perhaps overly optimistic picture of post-disaster recovery. This may have been due to methodological shortcomings—for example, the tendency to aggregate data and to group together both more damaging disasters and those that did comparatively little damage—or because such studies were based on “typical” disasters in the United States, rather than catastrophic or near-catastrophic ones. 13 In contrast, in a methodologically sophisticated study focusing on a much more severe disaster, the 1995 Kobe event, Chang (2001) analyzed a number of recovery indicators, including measures of economic activity, employment in manufacturing, changes in the spatial distribution of work activities, and differences in recovery indicators among different districts within the city. She found that the earthquake did have lasting and significant negative effects on the City of Kobe. Equally important, poor recovery outcomes were more pronounced in some parts of the city than in others—specifically those areas that had already been experiencing declines. This study provides yet another illustration of how disasters exploit existing vulnerabilities. It also cautions against making blanket statements about disaster impacts and recovery.

Another limitation of earlier work on community recovery was that it provided too little information on what actually happens in communities during the recovery process or what communities can do to ensure more rapid and satisfactory recovery outcomes. Later research, much of which has been undertaken with NEHRP support, has addressed these issues. For example, in Community Recovery from a Major Natural Disaster , Rubin et al. (1985) developed a set of propositions regarding factors that affect community recovery outcomes. That monograph, which was based on case study analyses of recovery following 14 disasters that occurred in the early 1980s, emphasized the importance of three general constructs—personal leadership, knowledge of appropriate recovery actions, and ability to act—as well as the influence of intergovernmental (state and federal) policies and programs. This work highlighted the effects of both government decision making and broader societal policies on community recovery.

Some more recent research has more explicitly incorporated community and population vulnerability as factors affecting community-level recovery. Bolin and Stanford (1998) traced how the post-Northridge recovery experiences of Los Angeles and smaller outlying towns differed as a function of such factors as political expertise and influence, preexisting plans, institutional capacity, involvement of community organizations, and interest group competition. In these diverse communities, the needs of more vulnerable and marginalized groups were sometimes addressed during the recovery process. However, recovery programs ultimately did little to improve the safety of those groups, because they failed to address the root causes of vulnerability (Bolin and Stanford, 1998:216):

[s]ince vulnerability derives from political, economic, and social processes that deny certain people and groups access or entitlements to incomes, housing, health care, political rights, and, in some cases, even food, then post-disaster rebuilding by itself will have little effect on vulnerability.

Societal-Level and Comparative Research on Disaster Recovery. International research on disasters is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 6 . This chapter focuses in a more limited way on what little research exists on disaster impacts and post-disaster change at the societal level. Regarding long-term societal impacts, researchers have generally found that disasters, even very large ones, typically do not in and of themselves result in significant change in the societies they affect. Instead, the broad consensus has been that to the extent disasters do have lasting effects, it is because they interact with other factors to accelerate changes that were already under way. Albala-Bertrand, for example has argued that while disasters can highlight preexisting political conflicts, whether such effects are sustained over time “has little to do with the disaster itself, but with preexisting economic and sociopolitical

conditions” (1993:197). This research found that the potential for such changes was generally greater in developing countries than developed ones, although not great in any case.

With respect to the political impacts of disasters at the societal level, comparing very large disasters that occurred between 1966 and 1980, political scientist Richard Olson found that that major disasters can result in higher levels of political unrest, particularly in developing countries that are already politically unstable (Olson and Drury, 1997). In other research, Olson argues that under certain (and rare) circumstances, disasters can constitute “critical junctures,” or crises that leave distinctive legacies within those societies. The 1972 earthquake in Managua, Nicaragua, was one such case. Following that devastating event, the corrupt and dictatorial Somoza regime took a large share of post-disaster aid for itself and mismanaged the recovery, in the process alienating Nicaraguan elites, the business establishment, and finally the middle class, and paving the way for the Sandanistas to assume power in 1979. The 1985 Mexico City earthquake also affected the political system of that nation by, among other things, helping to weaken the hegemony of the Institutional Revolutionary Party. However, rather than having a direct and independent influence on subsequent political changes, that earthquake interacted with factors and trends that were already beginning to affect Mexican society before it occurred. That disaster, which was not well managed by the ruling government, provided the Mexican people with a sharp contrast between the vibrancy and the capability of civil society and the government’s lack of preparedness. Grass-roots response and recovery efforts also facilitated broader mobilization by groups that had been pressing for change. Although not a “critical juncture” in its own right, the earthquake did play a role in moving the political system in the direction of greater pluralism and strengthened the power of civil society institutions vis-à-vis the state (Olson and Gawronski, 2003).

Such findings assume particular significance in the aftermath of the December 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami. The impacts of that catastrophe span at least 12 different nations and a number of semi-autonomous subnational units, each with its own distinctive history, mode of political organization, internal cleavages, and preexisting problems. Research is needed to better understand both recovery processes and outcomes and the longer-term societal effects of this devastating event.

OTHER DISASTER RECOVERY-RELATED ISSUES

Disaster experience and the mitigation of future hazards.

Social science research has also focused in various ways on the question of whether the positive informational effects of disasters constitute learning

experiences for affected social units by encouraging the adoption of mitigation measures and stimulating preparedness activity. While this idea seems intuitively appealing, the literature is in fact quite equivocal with regard to the extent to which disasters actually promote higher levels of safety. On the one hand, at the community and societal levels, there is considerable evidence to suggest that disasters constitute “windows of opportunity” for those seeking to enact loss reduction programs, making it possible to achieve policy victories that would not have been possible prior to those events (Alesch and Petak, 1986). Disasters have the potential to become “focusing events” (Birkland, 1997) that can alter policy agendas through highlighting areas in which current policy has failed, energizing advocates, and raising public awareness. On the other hand, many disasters fail to become focusing events and have no discernible impacts on the adoption and implementation of loss-reduction measures. For example, Burby et al., (1997), who studied communities in five different states, found no relationship between disaster experience and adoption of mitigation measures. Birkland (1997) suggests that these differences are related in part to the extent to which advocacy coalitions exist, are able to turn disaster events to their advantage, and are able to formulate appropriate policy responses.

Further complicating matters, policies adopted in the aftermath of disasters, like other policies, may meet with resistance and be only partially implemented—or implemented in ways that were never intended. While it is possible to point to examples of successful policy adoption and implementation in the aftermath of disasters, such outcomes are by no means inevitable, and when they do occur, they are typically traceable to other factors, not just to disaster events themselves.

Research does suggest that households, businesses, and other entities affected by disasters learn from their experiences and take action to protect themselves from future events. Those who have experienced disasters may, for example, step up their preparedness for future events or be more likely to heed subsequent disaster warnings. At the same time, it is also clear that there is considerable variability in the relationship between experience and behavioral change. While some studies document the positive informational effects of experience, others show no significant impact, and some research even indicates that repeated experiences engender complacency and lack of action (for a review of the literature, see Tierney et al., 2001).

Role of Prices and Markets

Mainstream economic theory, models, and analytical tools (e.g., benefit-cost analysis) assume that markets generally function efficiently and equilibrate. Barring various situations of market failure, prices serve a key role as signals of resource scarcity. In this context, two broad areas of research

needs can be identified. One is the role of prices and markets in pre-disaster mitigation (see also Chapter 3 ). Market-based approaches to reducing disaster risk involve such questions as how prices can serve as better signals of risk taking and risk protection, and the potential for new approaches to risk sharing (e.g., catastrophe bonds). At the same time, better understanding is also needed of market failures in mitigation (e.g., externalities in risk taking and risk protection). The second broad research need concerns markets in post-disaster loss and recovery. Little empirical research has been conducted on the degree to which assumptions of efficient markets actually hold in disasters, especially those having catastrophic impacts, and the degree to which markets are resilient in the face of disasters. Research is also needed on how economic models can capture the adjustment processes and disequilibria that are important as economies recover from disasters, and how economic recovery policies can influence recovery trajectories.

Disaster Recovery and Sustainability

As discussed in more detail in Chapter 6 , which focuses on international research, disaster theory and research have increasingly emphasized the extent to which vulnerability to disasters can be linked to unsustainable development practices. Indeed, the connection between disaster loss reduction and sustainability was a key organizing principle of the NEHRP-sponsored Second Assessment of Research on Natural Hazards. The title of the summary volume for the Second Assessment, Disasters by Design (Mileti, 1999b), was chosen to emphasize the idea that the impacts produced by disasters are the consequence of prior decisions that put people and property at risk. A key organizing assumption for the Second Assessment was the notion that societies and communities “design” the disasters of the future by failing to take hazards into account in development decisions; pursuing other values, such as rapid economic growth, at the expense of safety; failing to take decisive action to mitigate risks to the built environment; and ignoring opportunities to enhance social and economic resilience in the face of disasters. Conversely, communities and societies also have the ability to design safer futures by better integrating hazard reduction into their ongoing policies and practices in areas such as land-use and development planning, building codes and code enforcement, and quality-of-life initiatives.

Just as disasters dramatically highlight failures to address sources of vulnerability, the post-disaster recovery period gives affected communities and societies an opportunity to reassess pre-disaster plans, policies, and programs, remedy their shortcomings, and design a safer future (Berke et al., 1993). The federal government seeks to promote post-disaster mitigation through FEMA’s Hazard Mitigation Grant Program, as well as programs

that seek to reduce repetitive flood losses through relocating flood-prone properties. The need to weave a concern with disaster loss reduction into the fabric of ongoing community life has also guided federal initiatives such as Project Impact, FEMA’s Disaster Resistant Communities program.

Yet the research record suggests that those opportunities are often missed. While it is clear that some disaster-stricken communities do act decisively to reduce future losses, for others the recovery period brings about a return to the status quo ante, marked at most by gains in safety afforded by reconstruction to more stringent building codes. The section above noted that disasters create “windows of opportunity” for loss reduction advocates, in part by highlighting policy failures and temporarily silencing opponents. At the same time, however, research evidence suggests that even under those circumstances, it is extremely difficult to advance sustainability goals in the aftermath of disasters. Changes in land use are particularly difficult to enact, both during nondisaster times and after disasters, despite the fact that such changes can significantly reduce vulnerability. Land use decision making generally occurs at the local level, but local jurisdictions have great difficulty enacting controls on development in the absence of enabling legislation from higher levels of government. Even when land-use and zoning changes and other mitigation measures are seen as desirable following disasters, community leaders may lack the political will to promote such efforts over the long term, allowing opponents to regroup and old patterns to reassert themselves (see, for example, Reddy, 2000; for more detailed discussions on land-use and hazards, see Burby, 1998). Assessing reconstruction following recent U.S. disasters, Platt (1998:51) observed that “[d]espite all the emphasis on mitigation of multiple hazards in recent years, political, social and economic forces conspire to promote rebuilding patterns that set the stage for future catastrophe.” Overall, the research record suggests that while the recovery period should ideally be a time when communities take stock of their loss reduction policies and enact new ones, post-disaster change tends to be incremental at best and post-disaster efforts to promote sustainability are rare.

RESEARCH RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter closes by making recommendations for future research on disaster response and recovery. As the foregoing discussions have indicated, existing research has raised numerous questions that need to be addressed through future research. This concluding section highlights general areas in which new research is clearly needed, both to test the limits of current social science knowledge and to take into account broad societal changes and issues of disaster severity and scale.

Recommendation 4.1: Future research should focus on further empirical explorations of societal vulnerability and resilience to natural, technological, and willfully caused hazards and disasters.

Discussions of factors associated with differential vulnerability and resilience in the face of disasters appear in many places in this report. What these discussions reveal is that researchers have only begun to explore these two concepts and much work remains to be done. It is clear that vulnerability is produced by a constellation of psychological, attitudinal, physical, social, and economic factors. However, the manner in which these factors operate and interact in the context of disasters is only partially understood. For example, while sufficient evidence exists to indicate that race, gender, and ethnicity are important predictors of hazard vulnerability and disaster-related behavior, research has yet to fully explore such factors, their correlates, and their interactions across different hazard and disaster contexts. In many cases age is associated with vulnerability to disasters (see Ngo, 2001; Anderson, 2005), but other factors such as ethnicity and socioeconomic status have differential effects within particular age groups (Bolin and Klenow, 1988), and the vulnerability of elderly persons may be related not only to age but also to other factors that are correlated with age, such as social isolation, which can cut off older adults from sources of lifesaving aid under disaster conditions (Klinenberg, 2002).

Even less is known about how to conceptualize, measure, and enhance resilience in the face of disasters—whether that concept is applied to the psychological resilience of individuals or to the resilience of households, communities, local and regional economies, or other units of analysis. Resilience can be conceptualized as the ability to survive disasters without significant loss, disruption, and stress, combined with the ability to cope with the consequences of disasters, replace and restore what has been lost, and resume social and economic activity in a timely manner (Bruneau et al., 2003). Other dimensions of resilience include the ability to learn from disaster experience and change accordingly.

The large volume of literature on psychological resilience and coping offers insights into factors that facilitate resilient responses by individual disaster victims. Other work, such as research on “high-reliability organizations,” organizational adaptation and learning under crisis conditions, and organizational effectiveness (Roberts, 1989; La Porte and Consolini, 1998; Comfort, 1999; Drabek, 2003) also offers insights into correlates of resilience at the organizational and interorganizational levels. As suggested in Chapter 6 , the social capital construct and related concepts such as civic engagement and effective collective action are also related to resilience. The challenge is to continue research on the resilience concept while synthesizing theoretical insights from these disparate literatures, with the ultimate objective of developing an empirically grounded

theory of resilience that is generalizable both across different social units and across different types of extreme events.

Recommendation 4.2: Future research should focus on the special requirements associated with responding to and recovering from willful attacks and disease outbreaks.

A better understanding is needed of likely individual, group, and public responses to intentional acts of terrorism, as well as disease outbreaks and epidemics. As indicated in this chapter, there appears to be no strong a priori reason for assuming that responses to natural, technological, or intentionally caused disasters and willful or naturally occurring disease outbreaks will differ. However, research on hazards and disasters also calls attention to factors that could well prove to be important predictors of responses to such occurrences, particularly those involving unique hazards such as chemical, biological, nuclear, and radiological agents. Research on individual and group responses to different types of disasters has highlighted the importance of such factors as familiarity, experience, and perceptual cues; perceptions about the characteristics of hazards (e.g., their dread nature, lethality and other harms); the content, clarity, and consistency of crisis communications; knowledge of appropriate self-protective actions; and feelings of efficacy with respect to carrying out those measures (see, for example, classic work on risk perception, discussed in Slovic, 2000, as well as Lindell and Perry, 2004).

Recent research has also highlighted the importance of emotions in shaping perceptions of risk. Hazards that trigger vivid images of danger and strong emotions may be seen as more likely to occur, and more likely to produce harm, even if their probability is low (Slovic et al., 2004). If willful acts engender powerful emotions, they could potentially also engender unusual responses among threatened populations.

The potential for ambiguity and confusion with respect to public communications may also be greater for homeland security threats and public health hazards such as avian flu than for other hazards. For example, warning systems and protocols are more institutionalized and more widely understood for natural hazards than for homeland security and public health threats. While it is generally recognized that organizations such as the National Hurricane Center and the U.S. Geological Survey constitute reliable sources of information on hurricanes and earthquakes, respectively, members of the public may be less clear regarding responsibilities and authorities with respect to other risks, particularly since such threats and the expertise needed to assess them are so diverse.

These kinds of differences could translate into differences in public perceptions and subsequent responses. Research is needed on the manner in which the distinctive features of particular homeland security and public

health threats, such as those highlighted here, as well as official plans and management strategies, could affect responses during homeland security emergencies.

Recommendation 4.3: Future research should focus on the societal consequences of changes in government organization and in emer gency management legislation, authorities, policies, and plans that have occurred as a result of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, as well as on changes that will almost certainly occur as a result of Hurricane Katrina.

The period since the 2001 terrorist attacks has been marked by major changes in the nation’s emergency management system and its plans and programs. Those changes include the massive government reorganization that accompanied the creation of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS); the transfer of FEMA, formerly an independent agency, into DHS; the shifting of many duties and responsibilities formerly undertaken by FEMA to DHS’s Office of Domestic Preparedness, which was formerly a part of the Justice Department; the development of the National Response Plan, which supercedes the Federal Response Plan; Presidential Homeland Security Directives 5 and 8, which make the use of the National Incident Management System (NIMS) mandatory for all agencies and organizations involved in responding to disasters and also mandate the establishment of new national preparedness goals; and increases in funding for special homeland security-related initiatives, particularly those involving “first responders.” Other changes include a greater emphasis on regionalized approaches to preparedness and response and the growth at the federal, state, and local levels of offices and departments focusing specifically on homeland security issues—entities that in many cases exist alongside “traditional” emergency management agencies. While officially stressing the need for an “all-hazards” approach, government initiatives are concentrating increasingly on preparedness, response, and recovery in the context of willful attacks. These changes, all of which have taken place within a relatively short period of time, represent the largest realignment of emergency management policies and programs in U.S. history.

What is not known at this time—and what warrants significant research—is how these changes will affect the manner in which organizations and government jurisdictions respond during future extreme events. Is the system that is evolving more centralized and more command-and-control oriented than before September 11? If so, what consequences will that have for the way organizations and governmental entities respond? What role will the general public and emergent groups play in such a system? How will NIMS be implemented in future disasters, and to what effect? What new forms will emergent multiorganizational networks assume in future

298 Disaster Research Topics & Essay Titles + Examples

Are you looking for a good idea for your presentation, thesis project, dissertation, or other assignment? StudyCorgi has prepared a list of emergency management research topics and essay titles about various disaster-related issues. Below, you’ll also find free A+ essay examples. Read on to get inspired!

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• Chernobyl Disaster and Engineering Ethics
• Earthquakes’ Impacts on Society
• 2004 Indian Ocean Earthquake and Tsunami
• Disaster Management in Nursing Practice
• Flooding and Ways to Survive in It
• A Natural Disaster Preparation Plan
• Hurricane Katrina: Government Ethical Dilemmas
• Community Health: Disaster Recovery Plan Healthy People 2020 is a government initiative aimed at improving health for all groups. Its objectives are raising length and quality of life, achieving health equity.
• Nurse’s Role in Disaster Planning and Preparedness Public health officials play an important role in disaster planning and emergency preparedness. Nurses are involved in disaster planning, preparedness, response and recovery.
• Forest Fires as a Global Environmental Hazard Every year, uncontrolled fire kills a large number of people and animals and also has a long-term effect on the environment.
• Natural Disasters and Their Effects on Supply Chains This paper identifies emerging global supply chains and uses the cases of Thailand and Japan to explain the impacts of natural disasters on global supply chains.
• Floods: Stages, Types, Effects, and Prevention Flood is the most regularly occurring and the most destructive natural disaster. The most flood-prone area in the world is Asia, but the US has its own share of floods.
• Human Factors In Aviation: Tenerife Air Disaster The probability of mistake linked to the issue estimates around 30%, which is too high for aviation. For this reason, there is a need for an enhanced understanding of the problem.
• Effect of Flooding on Cultures in Egypt and Mesopotamia The effects of Tigris and Euphrates river largely impacted on the Mesopotamian culture more so with regard to its frequent and destructive floods.
• Mississippi’ Disaster: Hurricane Katrina Crisis Strategy The primary strength of the crisis plan adopted by the authorities in Mississippi is the commitment of the authorities respond faster than they did during Hurricane Katrina.
• Comparison of the Loma Prieta California Earthquake and Armenia An earthquake is a tremor in the earth’s crust that results to seismic waves as a result of the sudden energy realized from the earths bowels.
• Disaster Triage and Nursing Utilitarian Ethics Utilitarian moral principles are applicable to a wide range of extreme situations. One of the most relatable ethical issues in this context would be disaster triage.
• Earthquakes: Effects on People’s Health Earthquakes are one of the global environmental health issues that hugely impact people’s lives in certain geographical areas and communities.
• Dell Technologies Company’s Disaster Recovery Plan The goals of Dell Technologies include not only succeeding in its target market and attracting new customers but also demonstrating that its technology can be safer.
• Strategies Applicable to the Hurricane Katrina The Mississippi Crisis Plan many focuses on public information in order to ensure more communities and populations are aware of possible disasters.
• Mining as a Cause of Environmental Disaster Mining does great damage to the environment and biological diversity of the planet. The negative consequences of mining indicates the gravity of the present ecological situation.
• Natural Disasters and Disaster Management in Katmandu This paper identifies the major disasters in the Kathmandu valley, suggested strategies to mitigate them, and the government’s move toward disaster management.
• The Flood in Genesis and Lessons Learnt The story of the Flood in Genesis is fascinating because it is illustrative of the new beginning and a chance to achieve a different result for humanity.
• The Review of the Challenger Disaster This essay aims to discuss the Challenger Disaster and consider the details of the mission. It examines the reasons why the mission was conducted despite the warnings of engineers.
• Valero Refinery Disaster and Confined Space Entry On November 5, 2010, a disaster occurred at the Valero Delaware City, Delaware. Two workers succumbed to suffocation within a process vessel.
• Henderson Flood Hazard and Risk Assessment A proper understanding of the disasters capable of disorienting the lives of the people of Henderson can guide different agencies to formulate interventions.
• Earthquake: Definition, Stages, and Monitoring An earthquake is a term used to describe the tremors and vibrations of the Earth’s surface; they are the result of sudden natural displacements and ruptures in the Earth’s crust.
• Spiritual Considerations in the Context of a Disaster The purpose of this essay is to discuss the spiritual considerations arising after disasters and a nurse’s role in this scenario
• Natural Disasters: Rebuilding and Recovery Using the case of Hurricane Sandy, this paper explores some of the best approaches that can be used to address social justice and multicultural issues related to rebuilding and recovery.
• Disaster Recovery Plan for the Vila Health Community This Vila Health Disaster Recovery Plan will address the potential threat of the Monkeypox (MPX) outbreak in the Charlotte, North Carolina, area.
• Disaster Preparedness and Recovery The paper analyzes the characteristics of public and private partners concerning disaster, their advantages and disadvantages, and the government’s role in disaster control.
• Galveston Hurricane of 1900 The paper discusses Galveston, the 1900 hurricane. It remains the deadliest in terms of natural disasters ever witnessed in the history of America.
• Disaster Recovery Plan At Vila Health At Vila Health, the use of inadequate protocols caused confusion, staff overload, and excessive use of resources, so an improved Disaster Recovery plan is needed.
• Media Coverage of the China 2008 Earthquake The Television and Video News websites used animate visuals to capture the aspects of the devastating epidemic of earthquake that struck China SiChuan region.
• Vulnerable Population: Disaster Management’ Improvement This paper helps understand that addressing an array of needs and demands of the vulnerable population remains one of the major issues in the sphere of disaster and emergency management.
• Links Between Natural Disasters, Humanitarian Assistance, and Disaster Risk Reduction: A Critical Perspective
• Global Warming: The Overlooked Man-Made Disaster Assignment
• Natural Disaster, Comparing Huadong and Spence Views
• Natural Disaster, Policy Action, and Mental Well-Being: The Case of Fukushima
• Natural Disaster Equals Economic Turmoil – Trade Deficit
• Disaster and Political Trust: The Japan Tsunami and Earthquake of 2011
• Minamata Mercury Pollution Disaster
• Natural Disaster Damages and Their Link to Coping Strategy Choices: Field Survey Findings From Post‐Earthquake Nepal
• Flood Forecasting: Disaster Risk Management
• Disaster Relief for People and Their Pets
• Man-Made Natural Disaster: Acid Rain
• What Spiritual Issues Surrounding a Disaster Can Arise for Individuals, Communities, and Health Care Providers
• Natural Disaster Management Strategy for Common People
• Flood Disaster Management With the Use of Association for Healthcare Philanthropy
• Disaster Relief and the United Nation’s Style of Leadership
• India’s 1984 Bhopal Disaster Analysis
• The National Disaster Management Authority
• Natural Disaster Insurance and the Equity-Efficiency Trade-off
• What the Puerto Rican Hurricanes Make Visible: Chronicle of a Public Health Disaster Foretold
• Disaster, Aid, and Preferences: The Long-Run Impact of the Tsunami on Giving in Sri Lanka
• Natural Disaster Early Warning Systems
• Disaster Preparedness for Travis County Texas
• Establishing Disaster Resilience Indicators for Tan-SUI River Basin in Taiwan
• Natural Disaster Death and Socio-Economic Factors in Selected Asian Countries
• Managing the Arsenic Disaster in Water Supply: Risk Measurement, Costs of Illness and Policy Choices for Bangladesh
• Large-Scale Natural Disaster Risk Scenario Analysis: A Case Study of Wenzhou City, China
• Hurricane Katrina: Natural Disaster or Human Error
• Disaster Relief and the American Red Cross
• Extreme Natural Events Mitigation: An Analysis of the National Disaster Funds in Latin America
• The Chernobyl Nuclear Disaster and Its Effects on the World
• Earthquake Mitigation Measures for Oregon Oregon could prepare for the earthquake by using earthquake-proof construction technologies and training people.
• The Role of Nurses in Disaster Management Taking action in the event of adversities and helping out communities in recuperation is a central part of public health nurses.
• Prevention of Nuclear Disasters The paper reports on the mechanical and engineering failures that sparked a nuclear meltdown in the Three Mile power plant, its effects and the ways to improve safety.
• Hurricane Katrina’s Mental Health Impact on Populations The occurrence of Hurricane Katrina and Tsunami disasters called for the development of specialized techniques that would respond to a crisis.
• The 1900 Galveston Hurricane: Disaster Management Failure Isaac Cline, who by then was the director of the Galveston Weather Bureau, placed his arguments which were based on the statements saying that the city of Galveston did not require a seawall.
• Hurricane Katrina as One of the Worst National Disasters in the USA This paper illustrates the reasons why american levees failed to control the flooding problems during the Katrina hurricane what attributed to engineering ethics and the precaution.
• Natural Sciences. 1996 Mount Everest Disaster The events of spring 1996 are now remembered as one of the most unfortunate as fifteen individuals lost their lives during the summit to the Everest.
• Earthquakes: History and Studies Earthquakes are sudden movements of the earth’s surface caused by the abrupt release of energy into the earth’s crust. The earliest earthquake took place in China in 1411 BC.
• Chornobyl Disaster: Exploring Radiation Measurement After Fukushima The event is the Chornobyl disaster. A flawed reactor design caused it (Westmore, 2020). It resulted in the discharge of radioactive particles.
• Earthquake’s Intensity and Magnitude Intensity measures earthquakes’ strength and indicates how much the ground shook. An earthquake’s magnitude quantifies its size.
• Lake Oroville Disaster: Analysis Water released from the lake through the spillway was halted to assess the damage, which caused the quick rise of Lake Oroville water levels.
• Disasters and Emergency Response in the Community The onset of a disaster prompts the nation, region, or community affected to depend on the emergency response team.
• Disasters Caused by Climate Change This paper focuses on several recent natural disasters caused by climate change – simultaneous fires in Russia and floods in Pakistan.
• The Importance of Disaster Recovery The paper aims at providing a Disaster Recovery Plan for the Vila Health community and presenting evidence-based strategies to enhance the recovery effort.
• Disaster, PTSD, and Psychological First Aid Psychological first aid should be consistent and evidence-based, practically applicable in the field, appropriate, and culturally flexible.
• Space Shuttle Challenger Disaster: Causes of the Tragedy and the Measures to Be Taken On January 28, 1986, the Challenger was launched to explode 73 seconds after its lift-off. The tragedy is commonly called “the worst disaster in the history of the space program”.
• Stop Disasters Game: Learning, Entertainment, or Both? It is worth mentioning that the game seems to be informative in helping the player understand how to get prepared for natural calamities.
• Disaster Planning and Health Information Management This paper discusses promising measures and practices to help the organization to avoid situations with loosing all health information in case of future disastrous events.
• Riverbend City’s Flood Disaster Communication Both communication and leadership styles can have profound effects on the behavior and productivity of individuals in their circles. This work analyzes the Riverbend City scenario.
• Disaster Recovery Team and Disaster Recovery Strategy In order to be able to tackle any disaster promptly and efficiently, the disaster recovery roster of any organization should include a number of critically substantial individuals.
• Emergency Operations Plan During Earthquake Timeliness and quality of response to environmental challenges are the primary factors that can save the lives of thousands of people.
• Ethics of the Flixborough Chemical Plant Disaster The Flixborough chemical plant disaster exposed some problematic ethical issues found in the engineering industry.
• Disaster: Typhoon in Philipines Developing countries struggle to receive equal access to the same options. States like the Philippines do not have enough resources to invest in resilience and prevention measures.
• The Tohoku Earthquake: Tsunami Entry The paper discusses the Tohoku earthquake. The tsunami evacuation can be described as one that was preceded by warning, preparation, and knowledge.
• Preparedness Planning in Case of Flooding According to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, a preparedness plan for floods is divided into multiple steps that meet a national preparedness goal.
• Earthquakes as the Natural Disaster Posing the Greatest Danger to Societies The scope of irreparable damage, human losses, and paralyzed infrastructure due to earthquakes causes high economic costs for rescuing, preventing, reconstructing, rehabilitating.
• Hurricane Katrina: Improvised Communication Plan This article seeks to highlight improvised communication plans adopted by the victims in the shelter at the Houston Astrodome.
• William Mulholland and the St. Francis Dam Disaster The 1928 St. Francis dam disaster in Los Angeles, California is one of the most devastating man-made failures in the history of the United States.
• Lazarus Island: Disaster Systems Analysis and Design This paper aims to develop a web-based emergency management system for the government of Lazarus Island. This system will be used at the response stage of disaster management.
• Disaster and People Behavior Changes Some of the behavioral changes that occur due to the presence of a disaster relying from research from sources across the world on the countries affected by the disasters.
• Causes of the Haiti Earthquake This paper defines what an earthquake is, then discusses and reviews the causes of the Haiti Earthquake and the possibility of another Earthquake.
• Environmental Disaster Education: Incorporation Into the University Curriculum Naturally, disasters occur without any notification. Depending on the type of disaster, it is always important to approach the problem with immediate effect.
• Hurricane Hanna, Aftermath and Community Recovery The consequences of the hurricane Hanna that were described by the Federal Emergency Management Agency suggest possible long-lasting environmental issues.
• India’s, Indonesia’s, Haiti’s, Japan’s Earthquakes In 2001, the major tremor hit the Indian state Gujarat. It was reported as the most significant earthquake in the region in the last several decades.
• The Space Shuttle Challenger Disaster Factors One of the causes of the Space Shuttle Challenger disaster is that NASA put more emphasis on the timeframe of the project as compared to the quality standards of the project.
• Concrete Homes Your Fortress in a Natural Disaster
• II-the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster the Year
• Hurricane Katrin Human-Made Disaster
• Hurricane Sandy: Lessons Learned From the Natural Disaster
• Thomas Drabek and Crisis and Disaster Management
• Disaster Management: The Cases of Hurricane Katrina, Hurricane Rita, and Hurricane Ike
• Natural Disaster, Environmental Concerns, Well-Being and Policy Action
• Improving the American Red Cross Disaster Relief
• Union Carbide Disaster: Bhopal, India
• Managing Risk the Disaster Plan That You Will Need
• Disasters: Disaster Management Cycle and Major Disasters in India in the Year 2017
• Ready for the Storm: Education for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation
• Fire Prevention and Basic Disaster Management
• Japan Tsunami Disaster March 2011 Present the Earthquake-Tsunami Hit Japan
• Indian Ocean Tsunami: Disaster, Generosity, and Recovery
• Gauley Bridge Disaster and Bhopal Disaster
• Natural Disaster Shocks and Macroeconomic Growth in Asia: Evidence for Typhoons and Droughts
• Disaster Recovery Toms River After Sandy
• The History About the Bhopal Disaster Construction
• The Black Death Was the Largest Disaster of European History
• Middle Tennessee Disaster Analysis
• Living With the Merapi Volcano: Risks and Disaster Microinsurance
• Natural Disaster Risk Management in the Philippines: Reducing Vulnerability
• Korea’s Neoliberal Restructuring: Miracle or Disaster
• The Indian Ocean Tsunami: Economic Impact, Disaster Management, and Lessons
• Modeling the Regional Impact of Natural Disaster and Recovery
• Knowledge Management Systems and Disaster Management in Malaysia
• Disaster Planning and Emergency Response
• Disaster Vulnerability and Evacuation Readiness: Coastal Mobile Home Residents in Florida
• Hurricane Katrin Disaster Response and Recovery System
• Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Response Health Care practitioners play a very important role in hurricane preparation initiatives and disaster response.
• Hurricane Katrina, Its Economic and Social Impact Hurricane Katrina is one of the worst disasters that ever happened on the territory of the US, and the magnitude of the damage that it has caused is nearly impossible to measure.
• Tornado and Hurricane Comparison Both a tornado and a hurricane are fraught with terrible consequences, both in terms of material damage and the possible injuries. Hurricanes causes impressively lesser damage.
• Environmental Studies: The Chernobyl Disaster On April 26, 1986, The Chernobyl Unit 4 Reactor was undergoing a test on the system that was meant to provide electric power in case of a power outage.
• Nuclear Disasters: Fukushima and Chernobyl Both Fukushima and Chernobyl disasters were nuclear crises that occurred accidentally in Japan and Ukraine respectively.
• A Hurricane Threat: A Risk Communication Plan The paper discusses a risk communication plan for the residents of New Orleans about a hurricane threat. It addresses disaster scenarios and introduces the risk communication plan.
• Why the Hurricane Katrina Response Failed Hurricane Katrina was the most destructive hurricane in US history, hit in late August 2005. The most severe damage from Hurricane Katrina was caused to New Orleans in Louisiana.
• The US Disaster Recovery System’s Analysis The US disaster recovery system is operating below its potential, hence there is a need to review performance in past disaster incidents.
• Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Recovery in the US PDD-39 and HSPD-5 are very similar safety directives, united by the provisions concerning terrorism as a world problem and the attitude of the United States towards it.
• An Agent-Based Model of Flood Risk and Insurance This paper provides all essential information concerning the nature of property and liability insurance along with its core principles.
• Hurricane Maria and Community Response to Hazard Hurricane Maria, which took place in the United States, Puerto Rico, and Dominica on September 20, 2017, is believed to be one of the most devastating natural disasters.
• Discussion of Managing Disasters in the USA People in the United States of America are constantly in danger of natural disasters, such as storms and tornadoes.
• FEMA Assistance to Man-Made and Natural Disasters The Federal Emergency Management Agency can provide financial assistance to individuals and families who, as a result of natural disasters, have incurred expenses.
• Hurricane Response Plan: Analysis The City of Baton Rouge Emergency Services has developed a five-step detailed response plan in the event of a major hurricane to reduce risks to civilians and city infrastructure.
• The Hurricane Katrina: Consequences Hurricane Katrina is one of the unprecedented disasters that led to deaths and the destruction of economic resources.
• The Possibility of Agroterrorism: Disaster Management Efforts The U.S. needs to prepare for the possibility of agroterrorism. Local administrators are responsible for disaster management efforts.
• Earthquakes Preventions in USA and Japan The article clarifies the issue of earthquakes in the United States, investigate the weaknesses of the American system, and explore the benefits of the Japanese technique.
• Aspects of Hurricane Irma: Analysis The paper examines Hurricane Irma and the responses of the country, state, and Monroe County to the disaster. Irma was one of the most powerful hurricanes.
• Earthquake in Christchurch, New Zealand The earthquake is considered one of the costliest natural disasters in history. Thousands of buildings, cars, and other property were damaged or destroyed completely.
• Researching of Record-Breaking Floods Floods are natural disasters, usually caused by excessive precipitation, leading to severe consequences. The most significant flood in the world occurred in 1931 in China
• Bhopal Disaster: Analytical Evaluation The Bhopal accident occurred in India almost 40 years ago, on December 2, 1984. This disaster claimed the lives of 3800 people.
• Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans Hurricane Katrina made landfall in New Orleans, on the United States Gulf Coast, on August 29, 2005, leaving a path of devastation and flooding in her wake.
• “Emergency Management”: Building Disaster-Resilient Communities “Emergency Management” exemplifies the opportunities available currently in regard to building disaster-resilient communities to strengthen emergency management in the US.
• Space Shuttle Columbia Disaster: Results After the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster, NASA identified the management failure elements that led to the disaster and substituted them with sustainable alternatives.
• Hurricane Vince: The Tropical Cyclone Hurricane Vince is a tropical cyclone that formed and developed in the eastern region of the Atlantic Ocean in 2005, near the Iberian Peninsula.
• Disaster Recovery Plan in Overcoming Disparities Health services are a social determinant and barrier that affects community health, safety, and recovery efforts.
• Consequences of Northridge Earthquake The paper discusses Northridge Earthquake. A blind thrust fault provoked an earthquake of a magnitude of 6.7, which is high for such a natural phenomenon.
• Humanitarian Assistance After 2010 Haiti Earthquake This paper aims to discuss how the people of Haiti experienced the earthquake, as well as how humanitarian aid from various organizations helped make a difference for Haitians.
• Disasters Influenced by Technology Depending on the natural environment of a community, social and building systems could either be strong or weak and vulnerable to a disaster.
• Destructive Atlantic Hurricane Season in 2017 The deadly and destructive 2017 Atlantic Hurricane Season affected many people in society as it made people lose over 200 billion dollars.
• Earthquakes: Determination of the Risk There is a need to create awareness and knowledge about earthquake disasters and how to mitigate and respond to such disasters.
• Disaster Management and Analysis of Information The assessment and analysis of a disaster help understand the main problem, causes, and effects on human safety and security.
• Disasters and Actions of Rapid Response Services The collaborative work of rapid response services in emergencies is crucial for the rapid and effective elimination of their consequences and for saving people’s lives.
• Earthquake Threats in Bakersfield Earthquakes and dam failures are the most severe threats to Bakersfield, both of which can result in gas leaks and power disruptions.
• The Mississippi Floods of 2020, Its Impact and the Requisite Solution for the Future For numerous years, the Mississippi River has been prone to flooding incidents proved quite inconvenient for the local communities.
• How Can We Prevent Natural Disasters?
• What Is the Relationship Between Disaster Risk and Climate Change?
• How Does Disaster Affect Our Lives?
• Where Do Natural Disasters Happen?
• What Natural Disasters Are Caused by Climate Change?
• How Can We Communicate Without a Phone or Internet in a Disaster?
• What Is the Difference Between Crisis Management and Disaster Recovery?
• Can Natural Disasters Be Prevented?
• How Can We Reduce Disaster Risk?
• Are Natural Disaster Situations a Formidable Obstacle to Economic Growth?
• Why Is Communication Important in Disaster Management?
• How Do Natural Disasters Help the Earth?
• What Are the Principles of Disaster Management?
• Are There Any Aspects of BP’s Ethical Culture That Could Have Contributed to the Gulf Coast Oil Spill Disaster?
• Why Is Governance Important in Disaster Management?
• How Does Weak Governance Affect Disaster Risk?
• What Are the 5 Important Elements of Disaster Preparedness?
• How Can Climate Change Affect Natural Disasters?
• What Is Alternative Communication System During Disaster?
• How to Cope With the Stress of Natural Disasters?
• Does Economic Growth Really Reduce Disaster Damages?
• Who Is Responsible for Disaster Management?
• What Is the Importance of Disaster Risk Assessment?
• How Important Is Disaster Awareness and Preparedness?
• Does Natural Disaster Only Harm Humankind?
• Hurricane Katrina: Military and Civilian Response One of the three most dramatic catastrophes of the millennium, hurricane Katrina highlighted weak points of government and military forces.
• The Haiti Quake and Disaster Aid The experience of Haiti with earthquakes supports the opinion of researchers that there are factors that might prevent entities from assisting the populations.
• Disaster Recovery Plan for the Vila Health Community The Vila Health community has significant limitations as it has many elderly patients with complex health conditions, with shelters for the homeless running at capacity.
• Flood Environmental Issues in the Netherlands With the current constantly rising sea levels, the Netherlands is at constant risk of floods, and those calamities were harsh incentives for the country’s development.
• Hurricane Katrina and Failures of Emergency Management Operations Hurricane Katrina came from the coast of Louisiana on August 29, 2005, immediately resulting in a Category 3 storm as winds reached the speed of over 120 miles per hour.
• Incident Command System and Disaster Response The significance of successfully deploying the Incident Command System to any type or scale of emergency response situation cannot be overestimated.
• Communities and Disaster Preparedness: Limiting the Spread of COVID-19 This paper focuses on communicating the necessary rules children must follow to limit the spread of COVID-19 as much as possible.
• Preventing Forest Fires in California with Forestry Changes From the beginning of the 21st century, California has been experiencing an increase in forest fires, destroying citizens’ lives and property.
• Disaster Planning for Public Health: Darby Township Case The present paper is devoted to flood preparedness and planning in Darby Township (DT) located in Delaware County, Pennsylvania.
• Hurricane: How Human Actions Affect It To prevent the frequent occurrence of hurricanes, it is necessary to understand the process of their occurrence and how human actions affect it.
• “Measuring Inequality in Community Resilience to Natural Disasters” by Hong et al. This paper analyzes the scientific study “Measuring inequality in community resilience to natural disasters using large-scale mobility data” and the content of the article.
• Natural Disaster Preparedness in Texas: Nursing Response Southeast Texas is the territory largely affected by hurricanes. In addition to property damage, hurricanes pose threats to public and individual health in different ways.
• Overpopulation’s and Environmental Disasters’ Connection This essay focuses on evaluating overpopulation as one of the greatest environmental threats, the relationship between the problem of overpopulation and harm to harmony in nature.
• Nursing and Natural Disasters: An Emergency Planning Project The purpose of this paper is to describe the role of the nurse in an emergency situation (an earthquake) by listing priorities, resources, describing the nursing process.
• Hurricane Katrina: Hazards Management This paper explores the events of Hurricane Katrina in regard to the arguments for and against rebuilding along the shorelines.
• Disaster Preparedness Experience It is essential to conduct such training for water damage, which can come from floods or even a small leak that goes undetected for some time.
• Noah’s Floods: Development of the Grand Canyon Rocks The paper discusses Noah’s floods. Developing a distinction between the sole causes for the development of the Grand Canyon rocks is still a daunting task.
• Drought as an Extremely Dangerous Natural Disaster On our planet, especially in places with an arid climate, drought itself, like the dry winds that cause it, are not uncommon.
• Business Continuity and Disaster Recovery Information technology disaster recovery management procedures remain an important element of the overall corporate strategy.
• Adopting Smart Grid to Mitigate the Blackout Disaster The author proposes the creation of a smart grid for effective blackout monitoring and mitigation the blackout disasters.
• Loss Prevention and How It Was Affected by Hurricane Katrina The most damaging flood in United States’ history, is known as the 2005 Great New Orleans Flood or Katrina. It is estimated that the damages were incurred in 2005.
• A Report on Earthquakes Using Scientific Terms The current essay is a report on earthquakes using scientific terms from the course. Moment magnitude or moment magnitude scale refers to the relative size of an earthquake.
• Nuclear Disaster Prevention and Related Challenges The article addresses the role of transparency in monitoring nuclear arsenals as well as the varied approaches for identifying challenges.
• Chernobyl and Fukushima Disasters: Their Impact on the Ecology The fallout’s impact poses a danger to animal and plant life because of the half-life of the released isotopes. Longer exposure to radiation may lead to the burning of the skin.
• Information Technology Disaster Recovery Planning Disaster recovery planning is the procedure and policies set aside by a given organization to ensure their continuity and recovery from a natural or human-caused disaster.
• Disaster Responses: Improving the State of Affairs Despite technological improvements and increased knowledge, humanity is still struggling against disasters because they cannot either predict them or respond to them appropriately.
• Disaster Preparedness: Miami, Florida The development of a disaster preparedness plan is a priority for all states, and Miami, Florida, is no exception to the rule.
• Emergency and Disaster Preparedness in Healthcare The impromptu nature of emergency and disaster occurrence makes it almost impossible to prepare for emergencies and other challenges.
• Galveston Hurricane of 1900 and Hurricane Harvey The coast of the United States in general and Texas in particular experiences tropical storms on a regular basis. Hurricanes hit the Texas coastline, often causing property damage.
• “Manual Dosage and Infusion Rate Calculations During Disasters” by Wilmes The article “Manual dosage and infusion rate calculations during disasters” written by Wilmes, highlights the importance of manual calculation skills in nurses.
• Earthquake Resistant Building Technology & Ethics Foreign engineers aimed to replace Japanese architecture with a more solid one with masonry houses, new railroads, iron bridges and other European technological advances.
• Business Continuity and Disaster Recovery Data loss is the center of focus of business continuity and disaster recovery (BC/DR), as this is the lifeblood of business operations today.
• Fire Disaster Plan For a Skilled Nursing Facility The purpose of this fire disaster plan is to provide guidance to the skilled nursing facility on fire emergency procedures to protect the lives and property of staff, residents.
• Southern Europe Flash Floods: Disaster Overview Southern Europe flash floods are the most recent significant event. People need to learn about the cause and effects of flooding and apply the knowledge to protect themselves.
• The Atlantic Hurricane Season Explained The Atlantic hurricane occurs from June 1 to November 30. It peaks sharply from late August to September; in most cases, the season is at the highest point around September 10.
• Community Disaster Preparedness in Nassau County, New York
• Article Review: “The Impact of Hurricane Katrina on Trust in Government”
• International and South Africa’s Disaster Management
• Organizational Behavior and Motivation in Hurricane Response
• All-Hazards Disaster Preparedness: The Role of the Nurse
• Disaster, Crisis, Trauma: Interview with a Victim
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A review of emergency response in disasters: present and future perspectives

• Review Article
• Published: 10 September 2020
• Volume 105 , pages 1109–1138, ( 2021 )

Cite this article

• Yi Feng 1 &
• Shaoze Cui   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9635-0181 2  

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With the increasing occurrence of disasters, how to respond to disasters has attracted a lot of interest. However, a systematic study of emergency response in disasters (ER) has been ignored. Based on the bibliometric analysis and visualization of 3678 journal articles (1970–2019) related to ER from the Web of Science, the current research situation in the field of ER has been studied. The important research questions and trends in the field of ER have been identified. In this study, the VOSviewer software is used to visually analyze publications about ER. Specifically, the most influential journals and authors, highly cited publications, authoritative research institutions, and co-citation are identified in this study. Moreover, the Ucinet software is applied to analyze the social network of 45 high-frequency keywords and the Citespace software is used to study the keyword citation bursts. The results show that the keywords “optimization” and “demand” are the most popular research interests. Besides, four main research topics on ER are summarized, which are emergency supplies and facility-related research, emergency preparedness and security-related research, emergency decision system-related research, and emergency medical rescue and cure-related research. Finally, this study puts forward the research work that should be paid attention to in the future according to different research topics, which can help researchers to understand the ER research progress systematically and focus on emerging research questions.

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Acknowledgements

This paper is our original work and has not been published or has it been submitted simultaneously elsewhere. All authors have agreed to the submission and declared that they have no conflict of interest. This paper was supported in part by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Nos. 71533001, 71974025), Humanities and Social Science Youth Foundation of Ministry of Education of China (Grant No. 17YJC630014), China Postdoctoral Science Foundation (No.2020M670761).

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Feng, Y., Cui, S. A review of emergency response in disasters: present and future perspectives. Nat Hazards 105 , 1109–1138 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11069-020-04297-x

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407 Disaster Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

🏆 best disaster topic ideas & essay examples, 👍 good essay topics on disaster, 📑 interesting topics to write about disaster, 🔍 good research topics about disaster, 💡 most interesting disaster topics to write about, ✅ simple & easy disaster essay titles, ❓ essay questions on disaster management.

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• Floods, Technology and Price Ceiling in the Market From the graph, assuming that the equilibrium price in the fruits and vegetable market was EQ0, the floods destroy the products in the fields and this causes a shift of the supply curve to the […]
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• Disaster and Emergency Management: The Use of Military During Disaster Response The validity of this suggestion can be well illustrated in regards to the crucial role that military personnel played, while participating in search-and-rescue operations in the aftermath of hurricanes Katrina and Rita, and in regards […]
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• Hurricane Andrew: Response and Recovery Failure In the event of a disaster, preparedness, response, and recovery to the incident determine the extent of damage. With the use of radar and reconnaissance, the Hurricane Center was able to issue a 12 hours […]
• Natural Disasters: Earthquakes, Floods and Volcanic Eruption This is due to the relationship between an eruption and the geology of the area. It was observed that the mountain swelled and increased in size due to the upward force of magma.
• The Failure of Leadership in the Aftermath of Hurricane Katrina Hurricane Katrina exposed the shocking degree of unpreparedness of the Federal Government, FEMA, various local and state officials, and the residents of New Orleans when it comes to dealing with hurricane-force winds and massive flooding […]
• The 1996 Everest Disaster and Decision-Making It is likely that Krakauer, knowing the composition of his team, expected the guides to provide clear instructions and failed to express his concerns in a timely fashion due to this overreliance.
• Disaster Management of COVID-19 Pandemic As part of the pandemic, a significant event in healthcare services for Saudi Arabia was the spread of a new genetic line of SARS-CoV-2 in the country.
• The Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster and Environment When the accident occurred, coal mining was at the peak of its popularity, providing the country with half of the electricity generated nationwide.
• Overview of the Texas City Disaster, 1947 The severity of the disaster was primarily attributed to the captain, who ordered the crew to close hatches in order to preserve the ammonium nitrate.
• Great Barrier Reef: Flood Alleviation Solutions In the first presentation, solutions to protect the Great Barrier Reef, which is endangered from rising acidity levels due to methane extraction, were given while the second, third and fourth presentations focused on the measures […]
• Earthquakes in Chile and Haiti Moreover, the quake in Haiti raptured at the epicenter of the city with a high population density compared to Chile. Therefore despite a lower magnitude earthquake than Chile, Haiti suffered more damage due to the […]
• The Flood Interpretation in the World Literature The one similarity in all these three stories is the symbol of the water as the purification of the land from the evil and the resolution to a new generation to live without crime, harm, […]
• Flixborough Disaster and Its Health Effects The accident was believed to have been caused by the crack that was detected on the reactor number 5 in the company.
• Disaster Preparedness and Emergency Services Professionals develop the measures that need to be undertaken to ensure that the county can identify the upcoming disaster and mitigate its influence.
• Disaster Preparedness for Healthcare Facilities In case of an emergency event, the following sources of information can be used to estimate the number and the severity of casualties: An emergency manager could be contacted to get relevant information from first […]
• The Hurricane Katrina Disaster In this paper, the focus will be to analyse the interaction of the atmosphere, hydrosphere, and geosphere and the hurricane Katrina disaster.
• School Preparedness Plan for Tornado, Earthquakes, Fire Emergency In case of an earthquake emergency, the school should be prepared to keep the students safe. In case of a tornado emergency the school should be prepared to keep the students safe.
• Hurricane Katrina’s Analysis The evidence provided in the materials shows that New Orleans is vulnerable to flooding due to its low elevation, continuous human interference, haphazard construction of levees, and disappearance of natural wetlands and barrier islands.
• Humanitarian Disaster in Somalia With the population of under eleven million people, the birth rate of 41/1000, infant mortality rate of 100,14/1000 and the life expectancy of 5,8, the country faces major challenges in the humanitarian needs.
• Hurricane Ike 2008 and its Impacts on America Scientists regard it as one of the most destructive cyclones in the history of the United States. In Haiti, the hurricane resulted in a major humanitarian crisis due to the destruction of infrastructure.
• Disaster Recovery Plan for the Valley City Among the members of the community, it will be necessary to divide irretrievable losses six people who died at the time of the explosion and died before entering the first stage of medical evacuation, as […]
• Disaster Response: Evaluating the Effectiveness of Policies The alerts and notifications about natural disasters are usually sent by phones to all citizens and articulated in the media, including television and radio.
• Earthquakes and Their Devastating Consequences The break in the ground surface is the most common cause of horrific consequences, and people often cannot get out of the epicenter of the incident.
• Floods in Los Angeles and Disaster Response The Los Angeles local government is set to respond and control the effects of floods. Therefore, the local government and citizens have set aside adequate resources to respond to the disaster.
• Hurricane Katrina and Its Effect on the Nation The storm quickly recovered to a hurricane in the southeastern part of the Gulf. When the hurricane turned to the Gulf of Mexico, the management of the oil platforms announced the evacuation of workers.
• Disaster Management: Programs and Approaches The need to facilitate the preparation of the federal government to engage in preventing, responding, and even mitigating the impacts of natural disasters led to the formation of FEMA.
• Hurricane Katrina: The US Emergency Management The United States of America is among the countries that have experienced the effects of such storms, and Hurricane Katrina was one of the most fearsome and devastating disasters in the country’s recent history.
• Genetic and Environmental Impact of the Chornobyl Disaster The ecological impact of the explosion on the lands surrounding Chornobyl comes first. Chornobyl remains the worst in human history due to radioactive contamination.
• Approaching Disaster Security: Book Review The book emphasizes the importance of predicting, creating scenarios, and thinking about the ways to solve them. I would suggest this book to risk assessment experts and average readers interested in how the human mind […]
• Galveston Hurricane 1900 in the Historical Context It was one of the promising coastal cities in the United States during the 18th century because it boasted an excellent seaport that was essential in revenue collection, particularly from the ships that loaded and […]
• Fictional Hurricane Karl in City of Old Orleans Moreover, due to the damage on the local chemical plant, the water resources in the area were contaminated. Natural disaster planning is essential in any given community due to the vastness of damages and risks.
• The Devastating Flood of 1993: Lessons Learned In order to understand the causes and consequences of the flood that occurred in the summer of 1993, it is necessary to define the meaning of the concept of flood.
• Spiritual Considerations Surrounding Disaster and the Role of Health Nurses The emotional well-being of families and affected individuals during and after a disaster is very important in their physical recovery. Much as spirituality assists during recovery, people struggle to find meaning in their losses and […]
• San Ciriaco Hurricane: Analysis San Ciriaco Hurricane’s historical context describes the locations, groups, and people affected as well as the societal preparedness at the time. The locations affected by the San Ciriaco Hurricane were the mid-Atlantic coast of the […]
• Disaster Management in New York The police department is part of the emergency response team that exists to serve all citizens within the New York jurisdiction with fairness, respect, and compassion.
• Natural vs. Moral Evil: Earthquakes vs. Murder This problem demonstrates that such justifications for the problem of evil, such as the fact that suffering exists to improve the moral qualities of a person and thus serve the greater good, are unconvincing.
• Hurricane Harvey and Nurses’ Disaster Management In addition, it evaluates and describes the effectiveness of emergency response measures taken in responding to the event and provides examples and rationale.
• Electronic Health Record in Disaster Response Planning That is why medical facilities should create a plan to determine what specific procedures their staff members can take to respond to a natural disaster.
• Earthquake in South Africa: Reconstruction Process Therefore, it is vital for the government of South Africa to address the issues caused by the earthquake and reconstruct the region, focusing on several public interventions to stimulate the region’s growth in the shortest […]
• The National Incident Management System and Hurricane Katrina Finally, ongoing management and maintenance pertains to the establishment of a supervisory center to continually refine the system and perform routine reviews ).
• Augmenting the Disaster Healthcare Workforce Historically, the licensing process, which has been in existence in virtually every state, successfully eliminated fraudsters who purposefully misled and deceived the public. The medical licensure procedure in each state has a long history of […]
• Aspects of Disaster Management Thus, the academic community agrees that religious people may impact the spiritual well-being of victims. Lastly, the spiritual well-being of self and colleagues is also important.
• Hurricane Ida in the United States Hurricane Ida hit the coast of the United States, hitting the state of Louisiana. Finally, I thoroughly learned the recommendations on how to behave in case of a hurricane.
• Poor Communication in the National Emergency Crisis and Disaster Management Authority The UAE National Emergency Crisis and Disaster Management Authority is a quite essential and recently introduced government department that addresses various natural and man-made accidents and issues and maintains the safety of the community.
• Disaster Response Resources: The American Red Cross On a local level, there is a program held by the Ohio administration and is expected to combat mental health crisis by training police officers and paramedics on psychological assistance.
• The Chernobyl Tragedy and Hurricane Katrina The people of Chernobyl were politically and physically disadvantaged, and the blacks in New Orleans were physically and economically vulnerable to the disasters.
• Review of Earthquake Emergency Response The second resource is the supply of food and water that can help survivors wait for the rescue team for three days.
• The Role of Community Nurses in Disaster Planning Most people usually perceive this content quickly, and it becomes the background knowledge they can apply automatically in case of a disaster.
• Hurricane Sandy and Emergency Plan Moreover, the question of how to determine the level of reliability of the coastal infrastructure was raised. Second, the storm, which had been predicted months in advance, demonstrated the need of having a reliable weather […]
• Ethical News Coverage: Indian Floods 2020 As part of the assessment of the consequences of reporting these events, it should be noted that the materials presented can attract public attention to help people in the affected areas, which is important for […]
• Nursing Roles & Responsibilities in Disaster Response In addition, it is necessary to analyze the real state of the bed fund of medical institutions and the possibility of its re-profiling and deployment of an additional bed fund. Moreover, the joint efforts of […]
• Record Keeping in Disaster Management On the one hand, the word incident can be described as an event, situation, or condition emerging in the course of work that led to injuries, damage to health, illnesses, or fatalities. Another motive is […]
• Disaster Preparedness Advertisement The management of hospices in regions that are highly likely to be hit by a hurricane will plan to have enough supply of medicine and food among other necessities.
• Chornobyl Nuclear Plant Disaster as Historical Event The major process going on in the world affairs of the time was the Cold War, the main players of which were the Soviet Union and the USA.
• Chernobyl Nuclear Plant Disaster: Primary and Secondary Sources In case of the Chernobyl Nuclear Plant Disaster, the most relevant primary sources include reports, documents, and local newspapers of that time, photographs, and interviews of witnesses. By analyzing secondary sources, one can get a […]
• War in Ukraine: A Humanitarian Disaster Belarus, a close ally of the Russian Federation, provided its territory as the ground for the invasion while rejecting its direct participation in the conflict.
• Chornobyl, the Type-Site of Nuclear Disaster The station began to operate in 1977 in the former Soviet Union, and about 14000 people lived in the town before the explosion.
• Analysis of Disaster Risk Reduction Lastly, the cyclone will cause a threat to the financial stability of Southeast Texas owing to the resultant inadequate risk transfer and risk financing.
• International Disaster Management: Tonga The international community has been relatively quick to respond to the disaster and its effects despite the challenges of establishing communication and following Tonga’s security guidelines to combat the spread of COVID-19 in the country.
• Critique of the ACPO Policy: Disaster Victim There is often a lack of understanding that identifying individual bodies and even bodily fragments is the first and perhaps most crucial step in starting and supporting the grieving process that allows families and the […]
• California Earthquakes of the 20th Century Ultimately, the current essay examines the most devastating earthquakes in California in the 20th century and proposes a hypothesis of when the next large earthquake might strike.
• News Accounts of the 1996 Everest Disaster The case of the 1996 Everest disaster shows the influential nature of leadership decisions on a larger group of people. It is crucial to understand that leaders must avoid such biases in order to ensure […]
• Hurricane Elsa: Characteristics, Causes, and Damages With a decent amount of warm water, the cycle will continue and cause the hurricane to form due to the generation of speedy winds and storm clouds.
• National Disaster Medical System The purpose of the paper is to determine the primary goals and objectives of the NDMS as well as identify its structure and functions.
• Addressing the Threat of Flash Flood to Birmingham, Alabama The purpose of the work is to identify the key stages of threat addressing, including mitigation steps, preparedness and communication mechanisms, and response and recovery measures to address the outcomes of such disasters.
• Emergency Planning Team for New Orleans in Case of Hurricane Katrina Considering the fact that the specified areas are likely to be affected in the first place, it is reasonable to suggest that the priority should be the evacuation of the target population group.
• Hurricane Harvey, Its Effects and Importance Harvey started in the middle of August 2017 as a weak typhoon in the Gulf of Mexico, beginning from a tropical wave off the west bank of Africa.
• Disaster Management Documents and Principles The challenging task of ensuring the security of citizens is one of the key priorities of the government. In this way, the security of citizens is ensured by the identified entities and programs.
• California Wildfire Disaster: The Emergency Response Given the complexity of the problem and the difficulty of incorporating efforts to avert the crisis, the scope of the document will be limited to the review of communication strategies and immediate emergency responses.
• Human Activity and Growing Number of Earthquakes The pieces that support the opposing view claim that the data about their number may be distorted due to the lack of difference in the development mechanism of natural and artificial earthquakes.
• Researching the Earthquake Due to human activity, artificial earthquakes occur, and their number increases every year following the strengthening of destructive human impact on the planet.
• Response Plan and Mitigation of a Chemical Disaster Thirdly, to minimize the risk of exposure, the team needs to understand the injuries. Additionally, the rescue team should know emergency actions to reduce risk on their side and the public.
• The Flood Stories in Different Cultures The scientific community recognizes that the oldest flood myth known to humanity is the Epic of Gilgamesh, which tells the story of Utnapishtim, who attained immortality by escaping from the flood on a ship.
• Hurricane Katrina and Failure of Emergency Management Operations The apocalyptic scenes following the destruction caused by one of the biggest disasters in American history, the 2005 Hurricane Katrina, were a direct reflection of the U.S.government’s failure to prepare for and respond to such […]
• Earthquake Disaster Preparedness in Healthcare Therefore, an earthquake disaster infers abrupt and immense shaking of the ground for a duration and magnitude that can infringe the day-to-day activities. The last role of healthcare personnel in triage and intervention is to […]
• Human Rights Issues: Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans Hurricane Katrina is considered one of the worst calamities in the history of the United States. The law of the United States gives the government the responsibility to protect the lives of its citizens.
• Corruption During Disaster Relief One of the most notable elements about most of the disasters that have been documented in various parts of the world is lack of adequate preparation in case of their occurrence.
• Kathmandu, Disaster Management Strategies It is estimated that about 40% of the building that was on the valley were destroyed and more than 25% of the households in Kathmandu.
• Haiti Earthquake of 2010 Overview The purpose of this paper is to review the location and physical cause of the event, its human impact from it, and some of the interesting facts related to the disaster.
• Medicines Management for Elderly During Disaster Accordingly, the objective of this systematic review was To summarise the best available evidence that described medicines management for elderly patients during disasters Make recommendations towards the promotion of disaster preparedness with the elderly in […]
• Coordination of Disaster Preparedness Similarly, the health agencies could have formed a crisis center to coordinate their activities. In this regard, health agencies could have managed the Ebola outbreak through proper planning and preparedness.
• Wenchuan Earthquake: Impact on China’s Economy The earthquake made a moderate impact on the country’s economy, yet affected several industries located in the devastated areas.
• Disaster and Emergency Planning and Management Based on the emergency planner, writes a report to the organization’s senior managers to inform them about the impacts that the disaster has on people, infrastructure, environment, and reputation of the organization.
• Description of the Amphan Storm Disaster in India This is due to the loss of a large amount of precipitation, as well as the release of rivers from the shores in the lower reaches and the merging of the zones of the river […]
• Nova Killer Floods Documentary Review Flood is a phase of the water regime of the river, which is repeated every year at the same time of year, is characterized by the highest water content, increased and prolonged rise and fall […]
• South California Tsunami and Disaster Response This paper provides the report’s estimate figures in terms of human casualties and the structures affected by the wave. The Figure 1 represents the graphical representation of the data collected.
• Earthquake Prevention From Healthcare Perspective In terms of primary prevention of such a disaster, it is necessary to establish a public body or organization responsible for the creation of an extensive network of food, water, and first-aid kits to last […]
• Natural Disaster Aftermath: Spirituality and Health Care Second, healthcare providers should improve their staff’s cultural sensitivity and awareness of various spiritual practices and denominations in order to develop a flexible blueprint of communication with patients and proper intervention.
• Disaster Recovery Planning Consequently, a disaster recovery plan must contain steps to respond to such problems and should be adapted to accommodate the needs of the different responses. Flooding causes inaccessibility to the company and large-scale power outages […]
• Bipartisan Strategies for Overcoming Environmental Disaster Speaking about a pandemic, we must be aware that this is a global and collective problem that requires a consolidation of minds that are not clouded by differences in the views of political parties.
• Risk vs. Cost in Natural Disaster Insurance Floods are more predictable, and it is possible to create a map for each flood-prone area that would allow insurance companies to calculate the exact cost of premiums.
• The Hurricane Crisis Care Plan It is meant to give way forward in the case of a hurricane in an area. The first step is to alert humans on how to act in the event of a disaster.
• The Japan Earthquake and Tsunami of 2011 Documentary The documentary reflects the events leading to the natural disasters and their aftermath, including an investigation into the reasons for the failure of the precautionary measures in place during the 2011 earthquake in Japan.
• The Vasa Launch Disaster: Causes and Prevention The building of the Vasa Ship construction exposed the project to several risks leading to the vessel’s capsizing. The king authorized the craft’s launch despite previously identified stability challenges, and the ship capsized in front […]
• National Response to Terrorism & Natural Disaster The National Response Framework governs the national security and crisis response to dynamic emergencies and natural disasters that occur in the community.
• Disaster Planning for Families: Is Your Family Prepared? It is important to have a disaster preparedness program for your family. This will reduce the impact on your family’s lives and ensure faster recovery.
• Working with Community Systems in Case of Forest Fires Second, I would collaborate with the local police, as the human service organization needs to make sure that all the homeless individuals and families are physically safe.
• Natural Disaster Risks Overview The Resilinc indicators provide analysis of the riskiness of the locations, such as real-time monitoring of the disruptions, analysis of the multiple risk indicators, assessment of the suppliers in the risky countries, and analysis of […]
• Emergency Disaster Preparation in the Hospital The Community Emergency and Disaster Management Team should be a liaison with the involved agencies, the hospital, the school, and the parents of students.
• Earthquakes in California The earthquake that is the largest by magnitude is in California. It is possible to minimize the damage by an earthquake.
• Disaster Management Program in England The most vulnerable one is the flood following its adverse effect both in terms of financial implications, casualties, and deaths, and the frequency of its occurrence, making it the most prioritized disaster in England.
• Floods in the City of Austin, Texas on October 30th, 2013 The catastrophic consequences of the devastation in Central Texas and, in particular, in the city of Austin, were caused by flooding.
• Hurricane Katrina: Review of After-Action One of the main factors that complicated the emergency services situation and caused most of the deaths was flooding associated with deficiencies in the dam around New Orleans.
• Disaster Relief and the Military This paper aims to discuss the capabilities and limitations of Active duty and identify why the national guard is being used to support disaster relief efforts.
• The Disaster Recovery Planning The commonly accepted plans of the Disaster Recovery Plan are elaborated with the aim of providing the general principles of recovery, however, they should be adapted for the real situation, as the origin of a […]
• Disaster Planning for Public Health My community is the city of Portsmouth in Virginia, and a potential natural disaster likely to affect the area is flooding.
• Response to Hurricane Disasters This paper will discuss the adaptive management approach to hurricanes Harvey and Irma, and the Incident Command System applied to hurricane Irma and its structure.
• Disaster Management in the Flood Scenario In such a case, the authorities and residents should adopt disaster prevention and preparedness strategies to minimize impact and adequately brace for the expected flood magnitude.
• Flood Damage by Hurricane Maxine in Charleston The role of the mayor and his dignitaries is to determine the duration and level of use of resources by the city.
• Flooding and Mitigation Measures The nation has invested in capacity building, resilience, and creating awareness concerning human behaviors that are leading to environmental degradation and increasing impacts of flooding.
• Earthquakes and Barriers to Risk Mitigation The victims of the earthquake in Haiti were hundreds of people, while the number of wounded and homeless was in the thousands. As for the latter, the worst scenario of the earthquake is created and […]
• Local Hazard Mitigation: Floods While the federal government has been actively trying to reduce the scope of the problem for years, in the past decades, economic losses from floods have been growing. Overall, in the past years, NFIP initiatives […]
• Euro Disney, a History of the 1992 European Cultural and Financial Disaster Disney had twenty-nine restaurants built at the time with a further eleven at Disney hotels and a reservation of 2300 seats within the theme park for outdoor eating. Euro Disney was at the crucible of […]
• BP Corporation’s Oil Disaster and Its Reputation BP’s attempts to compensate the victims, in my opinion, are not enough to change the corporation’s reputation. A good reputation encourages and keeps customers loyal to the products of the company.
• The Competencies of Disaster Nursing on a Scope of Emergency Department That is why the most important competencies in the case of a disaster are the problem-solving skills and critical but flexible thinking.
• Role of the Nurses in the Site of the Haiti Earthquake
• Financial Reporting at BP Ltd. During the Deepwater Horizon Disaster
• Electronic Health Records in Disaster and Response Planning
• Nurse Emergency and Disaster Preparedness
• Public Health Nurse Involved in the Disaster Management
• Background Chernobyl Nuclear Disaster
• A Geological Disaster: Nisqually Earthquake in Washington State
• Disaster in Franklin Country Simulation
• Hurricane Katrina: Genesis and Impact
• Theory of Disaster: Earthquakes and Floods as Examples of Disasters
• Technology in Disaster Preparedness
• “Forest Fires in Mexico” by Galván and Magaña
• Biscayne Bay Plane Crash: The Air Disaster Investigation
• Technology in the Process of Prior Preparation for Disaster
• The Huaxian Earthquake: China’s Deadliest Disaster
• Disaster Review in the United States
• Hydrology Methods: Flood Risk Management
• The Strategies of Flood Management
• A Flood Insurance Program in Canada: The Way to Protect Lives and Homes
• Quarantellie’s “Converting Disaster Scholarship Into Effective Disaster Planning”
• Hurricane Harvey Crisis Consequences
• Road Back Home: Hurricane Katrina and the Heaviest Toll for the Most Vulnerable Population
• Disaster Studies by Quarantelli
• Disaster Damage Prevention Costs
• Disaster Crisis: Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Symptoms
• The Sumatra Earthquake of 26 December 2004: Indonesia Tsunami
• Hurricane Katrina’s Catastrophic Impact on the Gulf Coast
• Bhopal Disaster Report’s Rhetorical Analysis
• Sheffield Flooding and Environmental Issues Involved
• Flood Effects That Occurred in July 2007 at Sheffield
• Environmental Management: Floods Management Systems
• Hurricane Formation and Possible Precautions: Ways of Monitoring and Prognosis
• The Chernobyl Disaster: Influence on Human Health
• Earthquakes: Plate Margins and Causes of Earthquakes
• Review of Public Meeting Regarded Earthquakes
• Rebuilding Haiti: Post-Earthquake Recovery
• Al Gore and Global Warming: Hurricane Katrina Was Avoidable
• Earthquake in Haiti and Its Ramifications
• Minimizing Flood Fatalities in Canada
• Incident Command System in a Disaster Situation
• Traumatic Experience Intervention: Hurricane Katrina
• Government Response to Natural Disasters – Hurricane Katrina
• How Can a Company’s Knowledge Base Be Protected in the Event of a Natural Disaster?
• City of Jeddah’s Flood: Cause and Disastrous Effects
• Hurricane Damage in the United States: How to Plan for Catastrophes
• Bureaucracy and Disaster Management
• Emergency Management on Hurricane Katrina
• Incident Command System: Natural Disaster Prevention Planning
• Contemporary History: Hindenburg Disaster of 1937
• Devastating Power of Hurricane Katrina
• Sichuan Earthquake and Recovering as Community Problem
• Natural Hazard: Tsunami Caused by Earthquakes
• Personal Emergency and Disaster Preparedness Plan
• AIDS Infection in Europe Statistics: A National Disaster in Many Countries
• Volcanoes: Volcanic Chains and Earthquakes
• Hurricane Katrina as a Significant National Issue
• Earthquakes: Causes and Consequences
• Great Flood in Mississippi River Basin: Major Factors
• The Impact That Hurricane Katrina Had On Gasoline Prices
• Hurricane Katrine Exposed Racism in New Orleans
• Emergency Response to Haiti Earthquake
• Harris and Hartfield Manufacturing: Evaluation of Need for Disaster Recovery Procedure
• Floods: Structural vs. Non-Structural Solutions
• Examining Possible Health Outcomes of Hurricane
• Draft Disaster/Emergency Plan for the Qatar Civil Defence Department’s Response to Stadium Disaster
• Railway Disaster Management Plan in Qatar
• Ferry Disaster Preparedness and Response Plan
• Hurricane Matthew: Communicating Health Risks
• Qatar’s Disaster and Emergency Planning
• Hurricane Katrina’s Impact on African Americans
• Catastrophe of Hurricane Sandy
• Community Disaster Preparedness and Nurses’ Role
• Weather and Climate: Tathra Natural Disaster
• Hurricane Katrina Survivors’ Happiness Factors
• Haiti and Nepal Earthquakes and Health Concerns
• Replacing Politicians with Regular People: Receipt for Disaster
• Disaster Planning for Public Health in Bronx
• Fukushima Disaster in “Falling Out” Dancing Performance
• Hypothetical New York Earthquake Case
• Gender Sensitivity in Disaster or Humanitarian Crises
• Natural Disasters: Hurricane Sandy
• Guide to Disaster Recovery
• The Boston Molasses Disaster of 1919
• Hurricane Katrina and Public Health System for the Future
• Disaster’ Health and Medical Aspects: Hurricane Katrina
• 1906 San Francisco Earthquake: Eyewitness Story
• Scientists’ Guilt in L’Aquila Earthquake Deaths
• Disaster Tourism and Motivation Behind It
• British Petroleum Company After Deepwater Horizon Disaster
• Evacuation: Hurricane Quasimodo
• Disaster Preparedness for Influenza Prevention
• Dangerous and Natural Energy: Earthquakes
• Disaster Planning for Families
• Hurricane Sandy and Company Excutives’ Response
• Hurricane Katrina and Incident Management Principles
• Trauma System and Disaster Preparedness in Maryland
• Earthquake Emergency Management and Health Services
• Disaster Recovery Planning: Third-Party Service Providers
• Hurricane Harvey Crisis Management
• Humanitarian Logistics in Disaster Relief Operations
• Drilling Activities and Earthquakes in Kansas
• Disaster Response Stage: Healthcare Challenges
• Hurricane Katrina: Emergency Response
• Disaster Management: Mitigation and Communication Networks
• Health Training and Disaster Preparedness
• Disaster and Humanitarian Crises Framework
• Disaster Response and Recovery: Strategies and Tactics
• Disaster Epidemiology: Saudi Arabia, Israel and Turkmenistan
• Epidemiology Disaster Planning from Nursing Perspective
• Disaster Planning in Public Health and Nursing
• Canadian Forest Fire Weather Index System’s Issues
• Hurricane Katrina: Communication Challenges
• Disaster Recovery Plan and Team
• The Chernobyl Disaster: Time, Distance and Shielding
• Boeing 767 Crash: Mass Disaster Investigation
• Flood Disaster Recovery Plan and Stakeholders
• Chernobyl Disaster in New York Newspapers
• Disaster Response and Counseling Evaluation
• Hurricane Katrina Crisis Response and Criticism
• Earthquake as a Unique Type of Natural Disaster
• Hurricane Katrina as a Class Disaster
• Multidimensional and Collaborative Disaster Management
• Hurricane Katrina’s Outcomes Management Methods
• 1996 Mount Everest Disaster and Teamwork Factor
• Disaster Reaction in Human Behavior
• Disaster Recovery Plans in Business
• US Charities in Haiti After the 2010 Earthquake
• Flood Mitigation Measures in the United States
• Buncefield Oil Depot Disaster and Its Triggers
• Walmart Company: Factory Disaster in Bangladesh
• Challenger Disaster and Risk Management Failure
• Saudi Arabian and Asian Disaster Epidemiology
• Australian and Asian Natural Disaster Epidemiology
• Disaster Response Training for Saudi Nurses
• Malthus’s Demographic Disaster and Its Prevention
• The Changing Meaning of Disaster
• New Orleans Life after Hurricane Katrina
• NetHope Technology: Worldwide Disaster Relief
• BHP Billiton’s Handling of Brazilian Mine Disaster
• Psychological First Aid for Disaster Victims
• Earthquakes Effect on New Zealand HR Management
• The Sinai Fire Disaster’ Management
• Earthquake Statistics Understanding
• Hurricane Katrina Stats: Path and Intensity
• Flooding, Landslides and Mudflows in Florida
• Seveso Dioxin Leak Disaster
• Preparing for a Natural Disaster in US
• Disaster Recovery and Emergency Management – Business Continuity
• Disaster Management Cycle – Risk Management Fundamentals
• Natural Disasters: Tsunami, Hurricanes and Earthquake
• Managing Natural Disaster Risks in a Changing Climate
• Geology Issues: Earthquakes
• Hurricane Katrina’ Economic Effects for New Orlean
• Natural Hazards – Hurricane Andrew
• International Disaster Relief Agency Profile and Mentally Ill rights
• Personal Emergency and Disaster Plan
• 2008 and 2013 Sichuan Earthquakes in China
• Hurricane Sandy on Long Island, New York
• Disaster Preparedness: Personal Emergency and Disaster Plan
• PAH’s and the 2010 BP Gulf Oil Disaster
• Analysis of Love Canal Environmental Disaster
• Engineering Disaster: Exxon Valdez Oil Spill
• Haiti Earthquake Devastation of 2010
• Emergency Planning and Disaster Management
• Disaster Management of Johnson&Johnson and Coca-Cola
• Financial Planning for National Disaster
• Addressing the Issues Faced by the Hurricane Katrina Survivors
• How to Survive When a Disaster Outbreaks?
• Chernobyl Nuclear Plant Disaster
• Public Procurement – Post Disaster Development Haiti
• Mitigation for Earthquake and Eruption
• Disaster management is planet management
• Climate Change: Floods in Queensland Australia
• Effective Hazard Mitigation
• History of Disaster Films
• The Nature of Hurricane Katrina
• Flooding in New Zealand
• Disaster Management: The case of the Gonu Cyclone
• 1906 San Francisco Fire Disaster
• Earthquakes Impact on Human Resource in Organizations
• Earthquakes in New Madrid and Fulton City, Missouri
• Physical Characteristics, Earthquake, Geology of the New Madrid Seismic Zone
• Indiana University Bloomington Natural Disaster Risk Assessment and Risk Management
• Tōhoku Earthquake of 2011
• Earthquakes as a Cause of the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
• Concept of Flooding as a Economic Disaster
• Mennonite Disaster Service
• Space Shuttle Challenger Disaster: 20/20 Hindsight Bias
• Disaster Management: the Case of Hurricane Katrina
• Plate Tectonics, Volcanism, Earthquakes and Rings of Fire
• The Flood of San Antonio in 1921: Re-Evaluating the Effects, a Catastrophe Viewed Through a Different Lens
• The 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake
• The 1979 Tangshan Earthquake
• Earthquakes: Definition, Prevalence of Occurrence, Damage, and Possibility of Prediction
• Fire Disaster on the Station Nightclub
• Public Health Lapses in Dealing With Hurricane Katrina
• Losing the Ground: Where Do Most Earthquakes Take Place?
• Design of ICT For Disaster Management Systems
• ICT for Disaster Management Systems
• ICT Disaster Management Systems
• Disaster of Columbia shuttle
• Japan’s Nuclear Disaster: Fukushima’s Legacy
• Lack of Quality Management During Hurricane Katrina
• IUB Natural Disaster Risk Assessments and Risk Management
• The Mount Everest Disaster of 1996 as It Happened
• Mining Disaster in Chile on 5th of August 2010
• Special Needs that Children Aged 0 to 5 Years Would Have in Time of Disaster in Anne Arundel, Maryland
• Year of the Flood
• The Impacts of Japan’s Earthquake, Tsunami on the World Economy
• Geology Issue – Nature of Earthquakes
• The Great San Francisco Earthquake
• The Midwest Flood of April to October 1993
• The red sludge ecological disaster
• The State of New York’s Disaster Emergency Preparedness Plans
• Galveston Hurricane Influence on America in1800s and 1900s
• Crises and Disaster Management
• Disaster of Hurricane Katrina in 2005
• Public Policy and Hurricane Katrina
• Disaster Recovery Plan
• Can New Zealand Take Advantage of Social Media Platforms for Disaster Management?
• What Are the Different Types of Disaster Management?
• What Is Disaster Management, and Why Is It Important?
• What Are the Steps of Disaster Management?
• What Is Mid-America Earthquake Center by Subject of Disaster Management?
• How Is Climate Change Impact Flood Disaster Management in Nigerian Urban Centres?
• How Is Disaster Management Impact Mitigation and Adaptation in a Public Goods Framework?
• Which Communication Facilities Are for Disaster Management System?
• Which Crowdsourcing Roles, Methods, and Tools Are for Data-Intensive Disaster Management?
• How to Use Disaster Management Achieve Sustainable Hazard Mitigation?
• What Is Disaster Management Plan for a Hypothetical Volcano Eruption?
• What Is Public Involvement in Disaster Management and Disaster Risk Reduction?
• What Is Potential Value to Risk Assessment and Disaster Management?
• What Is Emergency Management Natural of Disaster Management?
• What Are Ethical and Legal Implications for Disaster Management?
• Which Are Fire Prevention and Basic Disaster Management?
• What Is the Tourism Industry’s Strategic Planning for Disaster Management?
• Which Are Institutional Co-creation Interfaces for Innovation Diffusion During Disaster Management?
• How Is Integrating Disaster Management Impact Poverty Reduction?
• How Are Work Knowledge Management Systems and Disaster Management in Malaysia?
• How to Use Landslide Susceptibility Assessment Maps for Natural Disaster Management?
• What Are Natural Disaster Management Mechanisms for Probabilistic Earthquake Loss?
• What Is Relationship Between Disaster Management and Sociology?
• What Are Opportunities for Including Distributive Justice Concerns in Disaster Management?
• How Will Strengthen Institutional Capacity Help Disaster Management?
• What Is the National Disaster Management Authority?
• What Is Effective Disaster Management for Sustainable Agriculture in Southeast Asia?
• What Are Wireless Sensor Networks for Disaster Management?
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1. IvyPanda . "407 Disaster Essay Topic Ideas & Examples." February 25, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/disaster-essay-topics/.

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IvyPanda . "407 Disaster Essay Topic Ideas & Examples." February 25, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/disaster-essay-topics/.

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Natural Disasters

Heat and Floods Are Increasingly Hitting Coastlines with a One-Two Punch

Compound events in which coastal flooding and heat waves occur at the same time are happening more often as the planet warms

Chelsea Harvey, E&E News

How Likely Is a Major Earthquake in New York City—And Is the City Prepared for It?

After an unexpected magnitude 4.8 earthquake rattled the New York City area, questions abound regarding how likely it is that a major earthquake could occur there and whether the city is prepared

Robin George Andrews

Earthquake Shakes New Jersey, New York State, Pennsylvania , and More

A magnitude 4.8 earthquake struck near Lebanon, N.J., at 10:23 A.M. EDT. Shaking was felt over a broad area, including parts of New York State, Pennsylvania and Connecticut

Andrea Thompson

What We Know about Taiwan’s Magnitude 7.4 Earthquake

An earthquake scientist discusses what we know about Taiwan’s magnitude 7. quake so far and what may happen next

Dee Ninis, The Conversation US

Wildfires Used to Die Down after Dark. Drought Has Changed That

About 20 percent of large wildfires in North America now burn overnight because of drought conditions, straining firefighting resources

Tornadoes, Floods and Hurricanes Loom, but the Government Is Running Out of Money to Help

The Federal Emergency Management Agency’s disaster response fund could run out this summer. It dealt with a similar situation last year, which led to a slowdown in rebuilding projects

Thomas Frank, E&E News

Extreme Weather in U.S. Displaced 2.5 Million People Last Year

The Census Bureau found that among nearly 2.5 million people displaced last year in the U.S. by tornadoes, wildfires and hurricanes, socially vulnerable groups were more strongly represented

Tricia Wachtendorf, James Kendra, The Conversation US

Extreme Weather Events Raise Death Rates for Weeks

Emergency room visits and deaths can be heightened for weeks after a major extreme weather event, according to a new study

Ariel Wittenberg, E&E News

How Texas’s Smokehouse Creek Wildfire Just Grew into the Largest in State History

More than one million acres are burning in Texas after freezes, dry weather and winds

Una temporada de incendios sin precedentes arrasa uno de los puntos calientes de biodiversidad de la Tierra

En Colombia han ardido más de 500 incendios, incluso en sus delicados y únicos humedales del altiplano, uno de los ecosistemas de más rápida evolución de la Tierra

Quentin Septer

Unprecedented Fire Season Has Raged Through One of Earth’s Biodiversity Hotspots

More than 500 fires have burned across Colombia, including in its delicate and unique highland wetlands, one of the fastest evolving ecosystems on Earth

How El Niño Will Influence 2024 Weather

The strong El Niño pattern that made 2023 particularly hot is finally starting to weaken, which scientists expect will conclude by late spring. What does that mean for weather this year?

Paul Roundy, The Conversation US

After the Storm: How Emergency Liquidity Helps Small Businesses Following Natural Disasters

Does emergency credit prevent long-term financial distress? We study the causal effects of government-provided recovery loans to small businesses following natural disasters. The rapid financial injection might enable viable firms to survive and grow or might hobble precarious firms with more risk and interest obligations. We show that the loans reduce exit and bankruptcy, increase employment and revenue, unlock private credit, and reduce delinquency. These effects, especially the crowding-in of private credit, appear to reflect resolving uncertainty about repair. We do not find capital reallocation away from neighboring firms and see some evidence of positive spillovers on local entry.

We are grateful to those who made this research possible, including Shawn Klimek and others at the U.S. Census Bureau, and Anna Calcagno and others at the SBA Office of Program Performance, Analysis, & Evaluation (OPPAE) and Office of Disaster Recovery & Resilience (ODRR). We thank the staff at the SBA for their assistance in understanding the setting. We also thank Bronson Argyle, Alexander Borisov, Tetiana Davydiuk, William Kerr, Raymond Kluender, Christopher Palmer, Benjamin Roth, Ali Sanati, and Mohammad Soltani-Nejad for assistance and comments. Any opinions and conclusions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the U.S. Census Bureau or the Small Business Administration (SBA). The Census Bureau has ensured appropriate access and use of confidential data and has reviewed these results for disclosure avoidance protection (Project 7513031: CBDRB-FY23-CED006-0008, CBDRB-FY24-CED006-0008). Any remaining errors are our own. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research.

MARC RIS BibTeΧ

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Home — Essay Samples — Environment — Disasters — Natural Disasters

Essays on Natural Disasters

Hook examples for natural disasters essays, "nature's wrath unleashed" hook.

"Natural disasters remind us of the raw power of the Earth. Explore the awe-inspiring, yet devastating, forces that shape our world and challenge our resilience."

"Surviving the Unthinkable" Hook

"Survivors of natural disasters carry stories of strength and survival. Share firsthand accounts of individuals who faced nature's fury and emerged as heroes."

"Disaster Preparedness: Are We Ready?" Hook

"In an era of climate change, disaster preparedness is paramount. Analyze the state of our preparedness efforts, the role of technology, and the importance of community resilience."

"The Environmental Toll of Natural Disasters" Hook

"Beyond human impact, natural disasters take a toll on our environment. Investigate the ecological consequences of disasters and the long-term effects on ecosystems."

"Mitigating Disaster: A Race Against Time" Hook

"Scientists and policymakers are working tirelessly to mitigate the impact of natural disasters. Explore innovative strategies, early warning systems, and the quest to save lives."

"Humanitarian Response and Resilience" Hook

"Natural disasters bring out the best in humanity as communities and organizations rally to provide aid. Celebrate stories of humanitarian response and the strength of human resilience."

"The Future of Disaster Management" Hook

"As natural disasters become more frequent and severe, we must adapt. Discuss the future of disaster management, sustainable solutions, and global cooperation in the face of adversity."

Natural Disasters: Causes and Impacts

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The Catastrophic Cyclone of April 1991 in Bangladesh

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Why People Loot During Disasters and What Can Be Done to Resolve The Issue

Hurricane maria – a name puerto rico will never forget, public attitudes towards risk and how it contributes to vulnerability, tsunamis in the pacific ocean and indonesia, report on oklahoma tornado disaster in 1999, tornadoes and the importance to be prepared, earthquake and its devastating effects, hurricanes – the frightening challenges for new orleans, the portrayal of climate change in political discourse and its connection to natural disasters, the effects of earthquakes on the economy, hurricane katrina and crisis counseling, hurricane dorian – the worst natural disaster in bahamian history, past, present, and future integration of spatial technologies and techniques in disaster management, tsunami modeling of caribbean sources affecting the north coast of puerto rico, embracing technology in tornado recovery, the lessons we learnt from xenia tornado, nuclear waste: an american disaster, earthquake is essential for the earth, the economics during and after kerala’s flood disaster, probabilistic analysis of optimal management of storage areas .

A natural disaster is a major adverse event resulting from natural processes of the Earth.

Geological disasters: earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, sinkholes, etc. Hydrological disasters: floods, tsunami, limnic eruptions. Meteorological disasters: droughts, tropical cyclone, blizzards, hailstorms, etc. Wildfires. Space disasters.

Damage paths of tornadoes can be in excess of one mile wide and 50 miles long. Between 2000 and 2012, natural disasters caused $1.7 trillion in damage and affected 2.9 billion people. Floods are the most widespread natural disaster aside from wildfires. 90% of all US natural disasters declared by the president involve some sort of flooding.

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• Climate Change
• Global Warming
• Ocean Pollution
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This paper is in the following e-collection/theme issue:

Published on 17.4.2024 in Vol 26 (2024)

Mobile Apps to Support Mental Health Response in Natural Disasters: Scoping Review

Authors of this article:

• Nwamaka Alexandra Ezeonu 1 , MBBS, MSc, MBA   ; 
• Attila J Hertelendy 2, 3 , BSc, MHS, MSc, PhD   ; 
• Medard Kofi Adu 4 , BSc, MSc   ; 
• Janice Y Kung 5 , BCom, LMIS   ; 
• Ijeoma Uchenna Itanyi 1, 6, 7 , MBBS, MPH   ; 
• Raquel da Luz Dias 4 , BSc, MSc, PhD   ; 
• Belinda Agyapong 8 , HDip, BSc, MEd   ; 
• Petra Hertelendy 9 , BS   ; 
• Francis Ohanyido 10 , MBBS, MBA, MPH   ; 
• Vincent Israel Opoku Agyapong 4 , BSc, PGD, MBChB, MSc, MD, PhD   ; 
• Ejemai Eboreime 4 , MBBS, MSc, PhD  

1 Center for Translation and Implementation Research, College of Medicine, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

2 Department of Information Systems and Business Analytics, College of Business, Florida International University, Miami, FL, United States

3 Department of Emergency Medicine, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA, United States

4 Department of Psychiatry, Faculty of Medicine, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada

5 Geoffrey and Robyn Sperber Health Sciences Library, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada

6 Department of Community Medicine, University of Nigeria, Enugu, Nigeria

7 Department of Public Health Sciences, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

8 Department of Psychiatry, Faculty of Medicine and Dentistry, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada

9 Department of Psychology, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States

10 West African Institute of Public Health, Abuja, Nigeria

Corresponding Author:

Ejemai Eboreime, MBBS, MSc, PhD

Department of Psychiatry

Faculty of Medicine

Dalhousie University

5909 Veterans' Memorial Lane

8th Floor Abbie J Lane Memorial Building, QEII Health Sciences Centre

Halifax, NS, B3H 2E2

Phone: 1 9024732479

Email: [email protected]

Background: Disasters are becoming more frequent due to the impact of extreme weather events attributed to climate change, causing loss of lives, property, and psychological trauma. Mental health response to disasters emphasizes prevention and mitigation, and mobile health (mHealth) apps have been used for mental health promotion and treatment. However, little is known about their use in the mental health components of disaster management.

Objective: This scoping review was conducted to explore the use of mobile phone apps for mental health responses to natural disasters and to identify gaps in the literature.

Methods: We identified relevant keywords and subject headings and conducted comprehensive searches in 6 electronic databases. Studies in which participants were exposed to a man-made disaster were included if the sample also included some participants exposed to a natural hazard. Only full-text studies published in English were included. The initial titles and abstracts of the unique papers were screened by 2 independent review authors. Full texts of the selected papers that met the inclusion criteria were reviewed by the 2 independent reviewers. Data were extracted from each selected full-text paper and synthesized using a narrative approach based on the outcome measures, duration, frequency of use of the mobile phone apps, and the outcomes. This scoping review was reported according to the PRISMA-ScR (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews).

Results: Of the 1398 papers retrieved, 5 were included in this review. A total of 3 studies were conducted on participants exposed to psychological stress following a disaster while 2 were for disaster relief workers. The mobile phone apps for the interventions included Training for Life Skills, Sonoma Rises, Headspace, Psychological First Aid, and Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) Behavioural Health Disaster Response Apps. The different studies assessed the effectiveness or efficacy of the mobile app, feasibility, acceptability, and characteristics of app use or predictors of use. Different measures were used to assess the effectiveness of the apps’ use as either the primary or secondary outcome.

Conclusions: A limited number of studies are exploring the use of mobile phone apps for mental health responses to disasters. The 5 studies included in this review showed promising results. Mobile apps have the potential to provide effective mental health support before, during, and after disasters. However, further research is needed to explore the potential of mobile phone apps in mental health responses to all hazards.

Introduction

Rising global average temperatures and associated changes in weather patterns result in extreme weather events that include hazards such as heatwaves, wildfires, hurricanes, floods, and droughts [ 1 ]. These extreme events linked to climate change are resulting in overlapping and so-called cascading disasters leading to record numbers of “billion dollar” disasters with significant losses of lives and property [ 2 , 3 ]. In 2021 alone, approximately 10,000 fatalities caused by disasters were reported globally, while the economic loss was estimated at approximately US $343 billion [ 4 ]. Disasters are predicted to become more recurring as a result of the impact of human activities such as burning fossil fuels and deforestation, which release greenhouse gases into the atmosphere that trap heat and cause global temperatures to rise [ 5 ].

These catastrophes can adversely affect physical health, mental health, and well-being in both the short and long term as a result of changes due to the political and socioeconomic content, evacuations, social disruption, damage to health care facilities, and financial losses [ 6 - 10 ]. It is estimated that about 33% of people directly exposed to natural disasters will experience mental health sequelae such as posttraumatic stress disorders (PTSDs), anxiety, and depression, among others [ 11 , 12 ].

There is growing recognition of the importance of incorporating mental health into medical and emergency aspects of disaster response [ 12 , 13 ]. However, in contrast to most medical response strategies that are largely curative, mental health response to disasters is predicated on the principles of preventive medicine, thus, emphasizing health promotion, disaster prevention, preparedness, and mitigation [ 14 ]. The strategies of mental health response span across primary prevention (mitigating the risk of ill health before it develops), secondary prevention (early detection and intervention), and tertiary prevention (managing established ailment and averting further complications) [ 15 ].

Mobile health (mHealth) technology has shown great promise in mental health and has been applied across the 3 levels of prevention [ 16 - 20 ]. For example, SMS text messaging and mobile apps have been developed to promote mental health awareness among young people and older adults (primary prevention) [ 21 ]. Additionally, during the COVID-19 pandemic, mHealth was deployed at the population level in Canada to screen for symptoms of anxiety and depression (secondary prevention) [ 22 ]. In addition, mHealth interventions were deployed to support first responders and essential workers during the pandemic [ 23 , 24 ]. Further, the technology has been deployed for therapeutic purposes in patients diagnosed with mental health conditions while simultaneously providing support against complications such as suicidal ideation (tertiary prevention) [ 25 ].

Although videoconferencing and phone calls can be used for mental health conditions, mobile apps provide more mobility and accessibility, are interactive, more adaptable to users’ routines, and can be used repeatedly [ 26 , 27 ]. While numerous academic studies have been conducted on the app of mHealth in the preventive and curative management of mental health conditions in clinical, community, and public health settings, including epidemic response and control, little is known about the use of mobile apps in the mental health components of natural disaster management. This scoping review aims to fill this gap in the literature by mapping where and how mobile apps have been used as part of natural disaster mental health response strategies.

This scoping review was reported according to the PRISMA-ScR (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews) [ 28 ]. The PRISMA-ScR checklist is available in Multimedia Appendix 1 . The protocol was not registered.

Search Strategy

A medical librarian (JYK) collaborated with the research team to identify relevant keywords and subject headings for the review, such as mHealth or m-health; mobile health or mobile applications; public health emergency, disaster, or catastrophe; and flood, earthquake, or hurricane. Equipped with this knowledge, the librarian developed and executed comprehensive searches in 6 electronic databases, including Ovid MEDLINE, Ovid Embase, APA PsycInfo, CINAHL, Scopus, and Web of Science Core Collection. The search was conducted on June 30, 2022, and was limited to the English language. The full search strategies are available in Multimedia Appendix 2 .

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

We included papers that applied mobile apps for mental health responses to disasters. Papers were included if the study participants were persons affected by a natural disaster (setting), the intervention included using a mobile phone app, and the outcome included the assessment of a mental health problem. Studies in which participants were exposed to a man-made disaster were included if the sample also included some participants exposed to a natural disaster. The mental health conditions included were stress, anxiety, depression, and PTSD. Only full-text studies published in English were included. Studies that did not include any intervention with a mobile app for mental health, those focused on videoconferencing or phone calls, and papers on protocols, trial registration, or review were excluded.

Selection of Studies

The search identified papers that were retrieved from the databases. After removing duplicates, the initial titles and abstracts of the unique papers were screened by 2 independent review authors based on the inclusion criteria in a web-based tool called Covidence (Veritas Health Innovation Ltd) [ 29 ]. Full texts of the selected papers that met the inclusion criteria were reviewed by the 2 independent reviewers. The research team resolved disagreements through discussion. The bibliographies from the included studies were also reviewed to identify additional studies for inclusion.

Data Extraction and Synthesis

Data from each selected full-text paper were extracted into a data extraction form developed by the research team. The data included the author and year of publication, country of study, study design, number of participants, type of natural disaster, name of the mobile app, duration of use of the app, outcome measures, and the study’s findings. These data were synthesized using a narrative approach based on the outcome measures, the duration, frequency of use of the mobile apps, and the outcomes.

Search Results

Of the 1532 papers retrieved from the searches, 976 unique papers had their titles and abstracts screened after deduplication. A total of 38 papers were moved to full-text screening, and data were extracted from 5 papers [ 30 - 34 ] ( Figure 1 ). Table 1 shows the summary of the details of the papers.

a TLS: Training for Life Skills.

b PTSD: posttraumatic stress disorder.

c MBSR: Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction.

d PFA: Psychological First Aid.

e SAMHSA: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration.

Characteristics of Included Studies

Of the 5 studies included in this review, 3 (60%) were conducted in the United States [ 30 , 31 , 34 ], while 2 (40%) were conducted in South Korea [ 32 , 33 ]. All studies used different study designs. A total of 3 studies used a quasi-experimental design—the first, a single group postexperiment with 22 participants [ 32 ]; the second, a multiple-baseline single case experimental design with 7 participants [ 30 ], while the third study used a 1-group pre- and posttest design with 318 participants [ 31 ]. The Training for Life Skills (TLS) app study had only a posttest following the use of the app [ 32 ]; the other 2 had baseline and follow-up measurements with the Sonoma Rises app study having, in addition, preintervention and postintervention measurements. The Psychological First Aid (PFA) study was designed as a qualitative study, while the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) study used a mixed methods descriptive design.

Characteristics of the Population

The TLS, Sonoma, and Headspace apps were designed for disaster survivors, while the PFA and SAMHA apps were designed to support disaster relief workers. The TLS app study was administered to adults with a median age of 32 years. Participants of the Sonoma Rises app study had a mean age of 16 (SD 0.98) years, while participants of the Headspace app study had a mean age of 46.1 (SD 10) years. The TLS app study focused on all types of disasters; the Sonoma Rises study focused on adolescents exposed to wildfires, while the Headspace app focused on women who experienced hurricanes and deep-water oil spillage. The PFA study involved 19 disaster health care workers who first underwent disaster simulation training using the mobile app.

Characteristics of the Mobile App Interventions

The included studies revealed several mobile phone apps used as interventions. The first, the TLS app, was used as a psychological first aid program for disaster survivors with content on information, psychological healing, and mood change [ 32 ]. The second was the Sonoma Rises app, a Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA)–compliant, cloud-based mobile app with daily push notifications as reminders designed to help survivors of wildfires or other disasters to find their new routines, build resilience, and increase well-being. The app included 6 self-paced content sections, psychoeducation, and direct connections to free and local mental health care services. The third was the Headspace app for a mindfulness-based stress reduction program that included a series consisting of 10 sessions designed to be used for about 10 minutes per day. The SAMHSA Disaster App equips behavioral health providers to respond to all kinds of traumatic incidents by enabling them to readily access disaster-specific information and other important materials directly on their mobile devices [ 34 ]. The PFA mobile app provided evidence-based information and tools for disaster workers to prepare for, execute, and recover from providing psychological first aid during disasters. Accessibility via smartphones and the inclusion of multimedia interventions and assessments tailored for disaster contexts were key features enabling its use integrated with the simulation training [ 33 ].

Frequency and Duration of App Use

The 3 survivor-based apps had variations in the duration of the intervention (app use), which were 8 weeks, at least 5 times a week, frequency of use per day not specified [ 32 ]; 4 weeks for 10 minutes per day [ 30 ]; and 6 weeks for 5-10 minutes per day [ 31 ]. Both the TLS app and the Sonoma Rises app studies had weekly follow-up assessments. The different interventions were applied at least a year following the disasters. Participants in the Sonoma Rises app study used the app on an average of 17 (SD 8.92) days and visited the app an average of 43.50 (SD 30.56) times, with an average session lasting 56.85 (SD 27.87) seconds. The mean time spent on the app was 35.77 (SD 30.03) minutes, while for the TLS app study, the median time spent on the app over the 8 weeks of use was 200-399 minutes. Participants used the Headspace app an average of 24 (SD 36) days and logged in an average of 36 (SD 80) times. There was no description of the frequency and duration of use for the relief worker apps.

Effectiveness Outcomes

Effectiveness outcomes refer to the effects or impact of an intervention or program on the intended outcomes or goals. Different measures were used to assess the effectiveness of the apps’ use as either the primary or secondary outcome. Emotional quotients (emotional stability), basic rhythm quotients (brain stability), alpha-blocking rates (increased positive mood), and brain quotients assessed using electroencephalogram (EEG)–measured brainwave activities adjusted for self-reported app use time were used in the TLS app study [ 32 ]. The Headspace app study assessed effectiveness using a combination of measures such as trait mindfulness using a 15-item Mindful Attention Awareness Scale (MAAS)—trait version; depressive symptoms using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale-10 (CESD-10); perceived stress with the Perceived Stress Scale, 4-item version (PSS-4); and sleep quality using the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI) [ 31 ]. The Sonoma Rises app study measured efficacy using daily ratings of anxiety and fear, weekly measures of post-traumatic stress symptoms using the Child PTSD Symptom Scale (CPSS-5) for Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition ( DSM-5 ), internalizing and externalizing symptoms using the Behaviour and Feelings Survey (BFS), psychosocial functioning using the Ohio Scale for Youth—Functioning subscale (OSY), and measures of anxiety (Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 [GAD-7]), depression (Patient Health Questionnaire-9 [PHQ-9]), well-being—Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale (WEMWBS), sleep (Insomnia—Severity Index [ISI]), academic engagement (Student Engagement Instrument [SEI]), and perceived social support (Wills’ Social Support Scale [WSSS]) [ 30 ].

All 3 survivor-based apps were found to have positive benefits in addressing mental health issues among persons exposed to natural disasters. The TLS mobile app was shown to be effective in increasing positive and decreasing negative psychological factors according to app use time. The TLS mobile apps’ use had a significant effect on the emotional quotients (β=.550; P <.008), explanatory power (EP) was 30%, had a significant positive effect on the basic rhythm quotient (left brain: β=.598; P <.003; EP 35; right brain: β=.451; P <.035; EP 20%). Additionally, it had a significant positive effect on the alpha-blocking rate (left brain: β=.510; P <.015; EP 26%; right brain: β=.463; P <.035, EP 21%); and a significant positive effect on the brain quotient (β=.451; P <.035; EP 20%) [ 16 ]. The Headspace app had a positive effect on depression (odds ratio [OR] 0.3, 95% CI 0.11-0.81), physical activity (OR 2.8, 95% CI 1.0-7.8), sleep latency (OR 0.3, 95% CI 0.11-0.81), sleep duration (OR 0.3, 95% CI 0.07-0.86), and sleep quality (OR 0.1, 95% CI 0.02-0.96); however, there was no change in mindfulness scores from baseline to follow-up. For the Sonoma Rises app, no significant effects were observed for the clinical and functional outcomes because the longitudinal part of the study was affected by limited statistical power as a result of small sample size and historical confounds that made the participants miss data submission. However, visual inspection of individual data following the intervention showed downward trends across the study phases for daily levels of anxiety, fearfulness, and individual posttraumatic stress symptom severity.

For the PFA app, the qualitative study explored disaster health workers’ experiences with simulation training using focus group discussions. A total of 19 participants engaged in disaster scenarios with standardized patients, using a PFA app for guidance. Workers valued the practical educational approach, felt increased self-efficacy to support survivors, and identified areas for enhancing simulations and app tools to optimize effectiveness.

Implementation Outcomes

Implementation outcomes refer to the effects of an intervention or program implementation on various aspects of the implementation process, such as the fidelity of implementation, acceptability, adoption, feasibility, and maintainability. In the papers reviewed, feasibility was assessed using enrollment, program participation, and retention. Acceptability was measured using how well participants liked the app using a rating scale, how much of the app program was completed, the biggest barriers, and whether the app would be recommended to others. Data on characteristics of app use (engagement) were measured using the total number of log ins, average log ins per program completer, platform used (iOS, Android, or web-based), day of week of use (weekday vs weekend), and time of day of use (in 4-hour blocks) [ 30 , 31 ].

The Headspace app was reported to be cost-effective to implement and easy to use [ 31 ]. For engagement, only 14% (43/318) of the enrolled women used the app. The level of engagement with the app was high, with 72% (31/43) of participants completing some or all the sessions. Retention was also high with 74% (32/43) of the participants completing the follow-up survey. Lack of time was cited as the main barrier to using the app for 37% (16/43) of users and 49% (94/193) of nonusers. The majority of the users (32/43, 74%) reported high levels of satisfaction with the app. Acceptability was also high, with most participants (32/43, 74%) reporting that they liked the app and 86% (37/43) reporting that they would recommend it to others. Characteristics of app use showed that of the 1530 log ins, most participants (n=1191, 78%) used the iOS platform, mainly on weekdays (n=1147, 75%) and at different times of day mostly from noon to 4 PM (n=375, 25%).

Sonoma Rises was found to be feasible in terms of engagement and satisfaction among teens with high levels of disaster-related posttraumatic stress symptoms [ 30 ]. The self-assessment and data visualization features of the Sonoma Rises app strongly appealed to all the participants, and they were willing to recommend the app to their friends. Self-satisfaction with the mobile app was rated as extremely high (mean 8.50, SD 0.58, on a scale of 0 to 10, with 10 as totally satisfied). The participants agreed or strongly agreed to recommend this intervention to a friend. The participants found the intervention helpful (mean 2, SD 0.82); had the content, functions, and capabilities they needed (mean 3, SD 1.12); and were satisfied with how easy it was to use the app (mean 2, SD 0), on a scale of 1 to 5 with 1 as strongly agree and 5 as strongly disagree. In the qualitative feedback, to make the use of the app better, the participants suggested more notifications to return to the app and the use of the app immediately after a disaster. Implementation outcome was not an objective of the TLS app, hence, none was reported.

Other Mobile Apps With Potential Use in Disasters

Some mobile apps not meeting the inclusion criteria showed promise for supporting mental health in disasters. PTSD Coach provides tools for managing PTSD symptoms [ 35 ]. Though not disaster-specific, its psychoeducation, symptom tracking, and coping strategies could aid survivors. Similarly, COVID Coach was designed to help manage pandemic-related stress and anxiety [ 36 ]. These apps are summarized in Table 2 .

a PTSD: posttraumatic stress disorder.

Principal Findings

This review sought to identify and map the use of mobile apps for the mental health component of natural disaster management. We found only 5 studies meeting the inclusion criteria. The scarcity of published literature in this area suggests that mobile apps have not been extensively used in mental health responses to natural disasters. Academic studies on the public’s use of mobile technologies in disaster management are still nascent [ 37 ], but there has been increased interest in developing and deploying digital technology and mobile apps by governments and nonstate actors as part of disaster preparedness and response [ 38 , 39 ]. A recent systematic review found that there is a lack of mental health preparedness in most countries when it comes to disasters [ 40 ]. The 5 studies included in our scoping review confirmed this gap and further demonstrated that mobile apps can provide mental health support to disaster-affected individuals and communities. The studies found that the use of mobile apps was associated with improvements in mental health outcomes, such as decreased anxiety and depression symptoms and increased resilience. The reviewed studies also suggest that mobile apps can be effective in delivering psychoeducation and coping skills training to disaster-affected individuals. A 2017 scoping review found that mobile apps have been largely used for communication purposes in disaster management [ 37 ]. The scope of use was classified into 5 categories which are not mutually exclusive. These categories are (1) crowdsourcing (organize and collect disaster-related data from the crowd), (2) collaborating platforms (serve as a platform for collaboration during disasters), (3) alerting and information (disseminate authorized information before and during disasters), (4) collating (gather, filter, and analyze data to build situation awareness), and (5) notifying (for users to notify others during disasters) [ 37 ].

Some authors classify disaster response into 3 phases: preparedness, response, and mitigation [ 41 ]. The studies included in this review exclusively examined the use of mobile apps during the recovery phase of disaster management. However, none of the studies explored the potential of mobile apps during the preparedness or response phases of disaster management. By addressing this gap, future research could help to provide more comprehensive and effective strategies for the use of mobile apps throughout all phases of disaster management. Examples of potential opportunities are demonstrated in Figure 2 .

Preparedness Phase

Mobile apps can play a critical role as primary prevention interventions by raising awareness and promoting mental health literacy in the community in preparation for natural disasters. These apps can provide information on common mental health problems that may arise during and after disasters and offer tips on staying mentally healthy. For example, apps can include psychoeducation modules on coping skills, stress reduction, and self-care techniques, as well as information on how to prepare for a disaster and what steps to take to protect one’s mental health during and after a disaster. The use and effectiveness of mobile apps in health literacy have been demonstrated in the literature [ 19 ], thus providing a foundation for adaptation in disaster management.

Response Phase

Mobile apps can be used to connect people in need of mental health support with mental health professionals or other resources. For example, apps can provide information on emergency hotlines, crisis intervention services, and support groups. This was demonstrated as effective during the COVID-19 pandemic [ 42 ]. Mobile apps can also provide coping strategies and techniques to manage stress and anxiety in response to other natural disasters [ 34 ]. In this scoping review, we found that 3 apps had positive benefits in addressing mental health issues among persons exposed to natural disasters.

Recovery Phase

As part of secondary and tertiary prevention strategies, mobile apps can provide valuable ongoing support to those affected by disasters. For secondary prevention, mobile apps can be designed to support early detection and intervention for mental health problems after a natural disaster. These apps can include screening tools to identify common mental health issues such as anxiety, depression, and PTSD and offer appropriate referral pathways [ 43 ]. Additionally, apps can provide symptom-tracking tools to help individuals monitor their mental health over time [ 43 ]. For tertiary prevention, mobile apps can support the ongoing management of established mental health problems after a natural disaster. For example, apps can provide evidence-based psychotherapy interventions, such as cognitive-behavioral therapy, to help individuals manage their symptoms [ 44 ]. They can also connect individuals with support groups and peer-to-peer networks to provide additional emotional support and help individuals connect with others who have experienced similar challenges. Furthermore, mobile apps can offer self-help tools, such as meditation exercises and mood tracking, to help people cope with the ongoing mental health effects of the disaster. They can also provide information on local mental health services and support groups, helping individuals access the resources they need to manage their mental health.

General Mental Health Apps Show Promise for Disaster Response

While not specifically designed for disaster contexts, some mobile apps demonstrate strategies to support mental health that could aid disaster survivors. PTSD Coach delivers PTSD psychoeducation, symptom tracking tools, coping skills training, and crisis resource access—elements that could help survivors experiencing common postdisaster issues like trauma or loss [ 35 ]. Though it was tailored for veterans and civilians with PTSD, 1 study found it improved users’ depression and functioning. Similarly, COVID Coach offered pandemic-related stress management through symptom tracking, healthy coping recommendations, and crisis line referrals [ 36 ]. By leveraging the scalability of mobile apps, COVID Coach reached many struggling during a global crisis. These examples illustrate that apps may provide accessible, far-reaching mediums for disseminating disaster mental health resources—even without disaster-specific tailoring. Research should further explore adapting evidence-based, general mental health apps for disaster contexts or incorporate elements of them into future disaster response tools. With mental health needs magnified during disasters, mobile apps with thoughtful design show promise in expanding access to psychosocial support.

There are several potential limitations when using mobile apps for mental health responses to disasters. One of the main concerns is the accessibility of these apps, as not all members of the affected communities may have access to smartphones or internet connectivity. Furthermore, language and cultural barriers may prevent effective use. Another potential limitation is the quality and accuracy of the information provided. Without proper oversight, some apps may provide misinformation or inaccurate advice, which could exacerbate mental health issues. In addition, privacy concerns around collecting and storing sensitive data must be addressed.

Barriers like lack of mobile devices and internet access can impede adoption, especially in marginalized areas. Apps not designed for low literacy users or that are only available in certain languages could also limit accessibility. Concerns around privacy and security may deter some individuals. However, smartphone ubiquity globally enables use by vulnerable groups. Government agencies and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can promote adoption by integrating vetted apps into disaster protocols and funding dissemination. Developing apps with stakeholders and prelaunch user testing also facilitate uptake. Monitoring user feedback allows for ongoing optimization and troubleshooting of barriers. Cultural tailoring to address stigma and use local beliefs further enables implementation success. Finally, limited evidence-based research into app effectiveness highlights the need for more rigorous evaluation and testing of mobile apps for disaster mental health response.

This scoping review has certain methodological limitations that should be considered while interpreting its results. First, the search was restricted to 6 electronic databases and only English-language papers were considered. We also searched MEDLINE and not PubMed, and these may have led to the omission of some relevant studies. Second, the study focused on mobile phone apps for mental health response to disasters, disregarding other types of technology that could also be used in disaster management such as telehealth, SMS text messaging, and emails. Moreover, since the study included only 5 papers, it may not offer a comprehensive overview of the use of mobile phone apps in disaster response strategies. There is the possibility of the existence of apps not yet published in academic literature. Fourth, the nonuse of a control group in the design of the studies makes it difficult to determine whether the observed effects were entirely due to the use of the apps or other characteristics of the participants that predisposed them to use the apps. Fifth, the small sample sizes for the studies mean they require caution with generalization. Despite these limitations, the review provides valuable insights into the use of mobile apps in disaster response and serves as a useful resource for developing contextually appropriate mobile apps for disaster management. Last, our study focused on natural disasters, further research should examine the role of apps in supporting mental health in conflict and complex emergencies such as wars, outbreaks of violence, and complex political conflict situations [ 45 ].

Conclusions

This scoping review found that mobile apps have not been extensively used in mental health responses to natural disasters, with only 5 studies meeting the inclusion criteria. However, the studies included in this review demonstrate that mobile apps can be useful in providing mental health support to disaster-affected individuals, as well as equip disaster responders. There is a critical gap identified in this study, as none of the studies investigated the use of mobile apps for potential victims in the preparedness or response phases of disaster management. We, therefore, recommend that mobile apps be integrated into the various phases of disaster management as part of mental health response. Additionally, it is important to ensure that these apps are accessible to all members of the community, taking into account cultural, linguistic, and other factors that may impact their effectiveness. Mobile apps have great potential to provide valuable ongoing support to those affected by disasters, and they can be a valuable resource in disaster management, helping people cope with the mental health effects of disasters and connecting with the necessary support services.

The findings from this scoping review have important implications for policy makers, disaster management professionals, and mental health practitioners. There is a clear need for policies and protocols that integrate evidence-based mobile apps into mental health disaster planning and response. Disaster agencies should invest in developing, evaluating, and widely disseminating mobile apps specifically designed to mitigate psychological trauma before, during, and after catastrophic events. Mental health professionals can incorporate vetted mobile apps into their standard of care for at-risk disaster survivors. Going forward, a collaborative approach across these groups will be essential to leverage mobile technology in building community resilience and addressing the rising mental health burdens in an era defined by climate change–fueled natural disasters.

Acknowledgments

This work was funded by the Department of Psychiatry, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada. The funder was not involved in the conceptualization or implementation of the study, nor the decision to publish the findings.

Conflicts of Interest

None declared.

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Abbreviations

Edited by G Eysenbach; submitted 13.06.23; peer-reviewed by T Benham, K Goniewicz, R Konu, J Ranse, P Moreno-Peral; comments to author 10.01.24; revised version received 25.02.24; accepted 23.03.24; published 17.04.24.

©Nwamaka Alexandra Ezeonu, Attila J Hertelendy, Medard Kofi Adu, Janice Y Kung, Ijeoma Uchenna Itanyi, Raquel da Luz Dias, Belinda Agyapong, Petra Hertelendy, Francis Ohanyido, Vincent Israel Opoku Agyapong, Ejemai Eboreime. Originally published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (https://www.jmir.org), 17.04.2024.

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