research paper policy analysis

A guide to policy analysis as a research method

Affiliations.

• 1 Department of Public Health, School of Psychology and Public Health, Latrobe University, Bundoora, Victoria, Australia.
• 2 Department of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University, 124 La Trobe Street, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.
• 3 Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Health, Arts and Design, Swinburne University, 24 Wakefield Street, Hawthorn, Victoria, Australia.
• 4 Department of Nutrition Dietetics and Food, Monash University, Level 1, 264 Ferntree Gully Road, Notting Hill, Victoria, Australia.
• PMID: 30101276
• DOI: 10.1093/heapro/day052

Policy analysis provides a way for understanding how and why governments enact certain policies, and their effects. Public health policy research is limited and lacks theoretical underpinnings. This article aims to describe and critique different approaches to policy analysis thus providing direction for undertaking policy analysis in the field of health promotion. Through the use of an illustrative example in nutrition it aims to illustrate the different approaches. Three broad orientations to policy analysis are outlined: (i) Traditional approaches aim to identify the 'best' solution, through undertaking objective analyses of possible solutions. (ii) Mainstream approaches focus on the interaction of policy actors in policymaking. (iii) Interpretive approaches examine the framing and representation of problems and how policies reflect the social construction of 'problems'. Policy analysis may assist understanding of how and why policies to improve nutrition are enacted (or rejected) and may inform practitioners in their advocacy. As such, policy analysis provides researchers with a powerful tool to understand the use of research evidence in policymaking and generate a heightened understanding of the values, interests and political contexts underpinning policy decisions. Such methods may enable more effective advocacy for policies that can lead to improvements in health.

Keywords: interpretive policy analysis; mainstream policy analysis; nutrition; public health; sugar sweetened beverage tax.

© The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: [email protected].

• Health Policy*
• Health Promotion
• Policy Making*
• Public Health / legislation & jurisprudence
• Public Health Administration
• Public Policy
• Research Design

How to Write a Policy Analysis Paper in 6 Easy Steps (+Examples)

Working on a policy analysis paper is both challenging and fulfilling. In this article, we'll guide you through the process, whether you're new to the field or experienced. Understanding how policies are made, evaluated, and recommended is crucial for making a difference in public discussions and decisions. We'll cover everything from defining your goals to researching thoroughly, analyzing data, and presenting persuasive arguments. By following these steps, you'll be able to communicate your ideas effectively, shape procedure debates, and contribute to positive changes in society. Should you need more hands-on aid with the assignment, hire a college essay writer for the maximum result.

What Is a Policy Analysis Paper

A policy analysis essay definition is a comprehensive examination and evaluation of a particular policy or set of policies within a given context. It involves analyzing the rationale behind the system, its objectives, implementation strategies, and its intended and unintended consequences. This type of paper aims to provide insights into the effectiveness, efficiency, equity, and feasibility of the approach, often considering various perspectives, stakeholders, and alternatives. Through rigorous research, data analysis, and critical reasoning, procedure analysis papers aim to inform decision-makers, scholars, and the public about the strengths and weaknesses of existing policies and propose recommendations for improvement or alternative courses of action.

Haven’t Written a Policy Analysis Paper Before?

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Policy Analysis Paper Purpose

The purpose of a policy analysis paper is to critically assess a specific procedure or set of policies in order to provide valuable insights into its effectiveness, implications, and potential areas for improvement. By examining the underlying rationale, objectives, and outcomes of the implementation, this type of paper aims to inform decision-makers, stakeholders, and the public about its strengths, weaknesses, and impacts on society. 

Students are writing a policy analysis paper in college for several reasons. Firstly, it allows them to develop critical thinking and analytical skills by evaluating real-world policies and their implications. Additionally, it helps students understand the complexities of policy-making processes and how policies impact various stakeholders. Writing analysis papers also enhances research and writing skills, as students must gather and synthesize information from diverse sources to support their arguments effectively. Furthermore, engaging with procedure analysis fosters civic engagement and social responsibility, encouraging students to contribute to public discourse and advocate for evidence-based solutions. Are you dealing with multiple assignments all at the same time? If you’re about to address the audience, say, ‘ write a speech for me ,’ so our experts can relieve your workload.

Topic Ideas for Policy Analysis Paper

Here’s a collection of 50 thought-provoking policy analysis paper topics for your inspiration. In addition, we’d like to offer you informative essay topics for the purpose of learning and self-education.

• The viability of a universal healthcare system: An analysis.
• Plastic bag bans: Environmental implications examined.
• Tax credits for renewable energy adoption: Assessing effectiveness.
• Social security and raising the retirement age: Exploring implications.
• Implementing a four-day workweek: Feasibility assessment.
• Community policing strategies: Effectiveness in crime reduction.
• Increasing the minimum wage: Consequences evaluated.
• School voucher programs: Impact on educational equity.
• Congestion pricing for urban areas: Benefits and drawbacks analyzed.
• Government subsidies for electric vehicles: Effectiveness assessed.
• Zoning laws and affordable housing availability: An investigation.
• National carbon tax: Feasibility and impact explored.
• Mandatory voting laws: Consequences for political participation.
• Drug rehabilitation programs: Effectiveness in reducing recidivism.
• Legalizing marijuana: Public health implications examined.
• Immigration policies and cultural diversity: Assessing impact.
• Privatizing water utilities: Consequences analyzed.
• Anti-bullying policies in schools: Effectiveness evaluated.
• Free college tuition programs: Benefits and drawbacks assessed.
• Wealth tax implementation: Feasibility analysis.
• Ride-sharing services and traditional taxi industries: Impact assessment.
• Gender quotas in corporate leadership: Effectiveness examined.
• National gun registry: Implications and feasibility explored.
• Expanding nuclear energy production: Consequences evaluated.
• Mandatory parental leave policies: Effectiveness assessment.
• Charter school expansion: Impact on public education explored.
• Basic income implementation: Viability and consequences assessed.
• Affordable housing initiatives: Success factors examined.
• Internet privacy regulations: Impact on data security analyzed.
• Corporate tax breaks: Economic implications assessed.
• Universal preschool programs: Long-term benefits explored.
• Climate change adaptation policies: Effectiveness in resilience building.
• Universal voting by mail: Implications for voter turnout examined.
• Reducing military spending: Consequences and feasibility analyzed.
• Workplace diversity training: Effectiveness in promoting inclusivity.
• Renewable energy subsidies: Impact on energy independence assessed.
• Telecommuting incentives: Feasibility and impact on traffic analyzed.
• Carbon capture and storage initiatives: Viability and effectiveness.
• Local food sourcing policies: Benefits for communities examined.
• Police body camera mandates: Impact on accountability assessed.
• Community land trust programs: Success factors and limitations.
• Mental health parity laws: Effectiveness in improving access.
• Corporate social responsibility regulations: Impact on sustainability.
• Universal pre-kindergarten education: Social and economic benefits.
• Land value tax implementation: Impact on property markets assessed.
• Affordable childcare initiatives: Impact on workforce participation.
• Smart city technology investments: Benefits for urban development.
• Flexible work hour policies: Impact on productivity and well-being.
• Prescription drug pricing regulations: Consequences for affordability.
• Public-private partnerships for infrastructure development: Effectiveness and risks assessed.

If you need more ideas, you may want to consult our guide on argumentative essay topics , which will definitely help kickstart your creativity. 

How to Structure a Policy Analysis Paper

A policy analysis paper format demands organizing your content coherently and logically to effectively communicate your analysis and findings. Here's a typical structure you can follow:

Introduction

• Provide an overview of the issue or problem you're analyzing.
• Clearly state the purpose of your analysis.
• Introduce the policy or policies under review.
• Provide background information to contextualize the issue.
• State your thesis or research question.

Policy Context and Background

• Provide more in-depth background information on the issue.
• Describe the historical development of the policies.
• Discuss the context in which the procedure was implemented.
• Identify key stakeholders and their interests in the strategy.

Policy Analysis Framework

• Explain the framework or methodology you're using to analyze the policy.
• Define key concepts and terms relevant to your analysis.
• Discuss any theoretical frameworks or models guiding your analysis.
• Outline the criteria or criteria you will use to evaluate the procedure's effectiveness.

Policy Goals and Objectives

• Identify and discuss the stated goals and objectives of the policy.
• Evaluate the clarity and coherence of these goals.
• Discuss any potential conflicts or contradictions among the goals.

Policy Implementation

• Describe how the policy has been implemented in practice.
• Discuss any challenges or barriers to implementation.
• Evaluate the effectiveness of implementation strategies.

Policy Outcomes and Impacts

• Assess the outcomes and impacts of the policy.
• Evaluate the extent to which the procedure has achieved its intended goals.
• Discuss any unintended consequences or side effects of the approach.

Policy Alternatives

• Identify and discuss alternative policy options or approaches.
• Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of each alternative.
• Discuss the potential trade-offs associated with each alternative.

Recommendations

• Based on your analysis, provide recommendations for policymakers.
• Discuss specific actions or changes that could improve the process.
• Justify your recommendations with evidence from your analysis.
• Summarize the main findings of your analysis.
• Restate your thesis or research question.
• Reflect on the broader implications of your analysis.
• Discuss any limitations or areas for further research.
• Provide a list of sources cited in your paper.
• Follow the appropriate citation style (e.g., APA, MLA, Chicago).

Need help with the assignment at this stage? Use our political science essay assistance to save time and secure optimal academic results.

How to Write a Policy Analysis Paper

In this section, we'll cover the basics of writing a policy analysis paper. This type of paper involves breaking down complicated policy issues, figuring out how well they're working, and suggesting ways to make them better. We'll walk you through the steps, like defining the goals of the implementation, looking at how it's being put into action, and checking what effects it's having. By the end, you'll have the skills to write a clear, well-reasoned paper that can help shape policies for the better. 

Understanding the Policy Issue

Start by thoroughly understanding the policy issue or problem you're analyzing. Research its background, context, and significance. Identify key stakeholders, relevant laws or regulations, and any existing policies addressing the issue.

Defining the Scope and Purpose

Clearly define the scope and purpose of your analysis. Determine what specific aspect of the approach you'll focus on and why it's important. Clarify the goals of your analysis and what you hope to achieve with your paper. Use an expert essay writing service to streamline your effort in producing a first-class paper. 

Gathering Data and Evidence

Collect relevant data and evidence to support your analysis. This may include statistical information, case studies, expert opinions, and academic research. Use credible sources and ensure your data is accurate and up-to-date.

Analyzing the Policy

A policy analysis paper evaluates the legislative program’s effectiveness, strengths, weaknesses, and implications. Use a structured approach, such as a SWOT analysis (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats) or cost-benefit analysis, to assess the procedure from multiple perspectives. Consider its intended goals, implementation strategies, outcomes, and unintended consequences. If you need help with SWOT analysis, using our analytical essay writing service is highly recommended. 

Developing Recommendations

Based on your analysis, develop clear and actionable recommendations for policymakers or stakeholders. Identify specific changes or improvements that could enhance the system’s effectiveness or address its shortcomings. Support your recommendations with evidence and reasoning.

Writing and Communicating Your Analysis

Organize your analysis into a coherent and persuasive paper. Structure your paper with an introduction, background information, analysis, recommendations, and conclusion. Use clear and concise language, avoiding jargon or technical terms unless necessary. Provide citations for your sources and evidence. Finally, ensure your paper is well-written, logically organized, and effectively communicates your insights and recommendations.

Policy Analysis Paper Example

A policy analysis paper example serves as a valuable learning tool for students by providing a concrete model to follow and reference when undertaking their own analysis assignments. By studying an example paper, students can gain insights into the structure, content, and methodology of analysis, helping them understand how to effectively frame their analysis, support their arguments with evidence, and formulate actionable recommendations.

Example 1: “Implementing Universal Basic Income”

This policy analysis paper examines the feasibility and potential impacts of implementing a Universal Basic Income (UBI) program in the United States. It explores various options for UBI design, including cost and financing considerations, labor market effects, poverty reduction potential, and administrative feasibility. By reviewing existing evidence and debates surrounding UBI, the paper aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the opportunities and challenges associated with adopting such a program, ultimately highlighting the need for careful analysis, experimentation, and stakeholder engagement in shaping effective UBI policies.

Example 2: “Addressing Climate Change through Carbon Pricing”

This policy analysis paper examines the role of carbon pricing policies in addressing climate change, evaluating their efficacy, implementation challenges, and potential impacts. Carbon pricing mechanisms, including carbon taxes and cap-and-trade systems, aim to internalize the external costs of carbon emissions and incentivize emission reductions. The paper discusses the economic efficiency of carbon pricing in promoting innovation and investment in clean technologies while also addressing equity considerations regarding its distributional impacts on low-income households and vulnerable communities.

Writing a policy analysis paper is super important for students because it helps them learn how to tackle tough societal problems and make smart decisions. You get to sharpen your thinking skills, learn how to research thoroughly and become better at expressing yourself clearly. Plus, writing these papers helps students practice effectively communicating their ideas, which is a skill they'll need in their future careers, whether they work in government, nonprofits, or elsewhere. By digging into real-world issues, students also get a better grip on how politics, economics, and society all fit together. If you’re not committed to handling this task yourself, instruct our experts, saying, ‘ write my essay ,’ and receive the most competent help within hours. 

How Short Is Your Deadline?

Use our writing service to submit an A-grade policy analysis paper on time.

What Is a Policy Analysis Paper Outline?

How to write a policy analysis paper, what is a policy analysis paper, related articles.

• Help & FAQ

A guide to policy analysis as a research method

• Nutrition Dietetics & Food

Research output : Contribution to journal › Article › Research › peer-review

Policy analysis provides a way for understanding how and why governments enact certain policies, and their effects. Public health policy research is limited and lacks theoretical underpinnings. This article aims to describe and critique different approaches to policy analysis thus providing direction for undertaking policy analysis in the field of health promotion. Through the use of an illustrative example in nutrition it aims to illustrate the different approaches. Three broad orientations to policy analysis are outlined: (i) Traditional approaches aim to identify the 'best' solution, through undertaking objective analyses of possible solutions. (ii) Mainstream approaches focus on the interaction of policy actors in policymaking. (iii) Interpretive approaches examine the framing and representation of problems and how policies reflect the social construction of 'problems'. Policy analysis may assist understanding of how and why policies to improve nutrition are enacted (or rejected) and may inform practitioners in their advocacy. As such, policy analysis provides researchers with a powerful tool to understand the use of research evidence in policymaking and generate a heightened understanding of the values, interests and political contexts underpinning policy decisions. Such methods may enable more effective advocacy for policies that can lead to improvements in health.

• interpretive policy analysis
• mainstream policy analysis
• public health
• sugar sweetened beverage tax

This output contributes to the following UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Access to Document

• 10.1093/heapro/day052

Other files and links

• Link to publication in Scopus

T1 - A guide to policy analysis as a research method

AU - Browne, Jennifer

AU - Coffey, Brian

AU - Cook, Kay

AU - Meiklejohn, Sarah

AU - Palermo, Claire

PY - 2019/10

Y1 - 2019/10

N2 - Policy analysis provides a way for understanding how and why governments enact certain policies, and their effects. Public health policy research is limited and lacks theoretical underpinnings. This article aims to describe and critique different approaches to policy analysis thus providing direction for undertaking policy analysis in the field of health promotion. Through the use of an illustrative example in nutrition it aims to illustrate the different approaches. Three broad orientations to policy analysis are outlined: (i) Traditional approaches aim to identify the 'best' solution, through undertaking objective analyses of possible solutions. (ii) Mainstream approaches focus on the interaction of policy actors in policymaking. (iii) Interpretive approaches examine the framing and representation of problems and how policies reflect the social construction of 'problems'. Policy analysis may assist understanding of how and why policies to improve nutrition are enacted (or rejected) and may inform practitioners in their advocacy. As such, policy analysis provides researchers with a powerful tool to understand the use of research evidence in policymaking and generate a heightened understanding of the values, interests and political contexts underpinning policy decisions. Such methods may enable more effective advocacy for policies that can lead to improvements in health.

AB - Policy analysis provides a way for understanding how and why governments enact certain policies, and their effects. Public health policy research is limited and lacks theoretical underpinnings. This article aims to describe and critique different approaches to policy analysis thus providing direction for undertaking policy analysis in the field of health promotion. Through the use of an illustrative example in nutrition it aims to illustrate the different approaches. Three broad orientations to policy analysis are outlined: (i) Traditional approaches aim to identify the 'best' solution, through undertaking objective analyses of possible solutions. (ii) Mainstream approaches focus on the interaction of policy actors in policymaking. (iii) Interpretive approaches examine the framing and representation of problems and how policies reflect the social construction of 'problems'. Policy analysis may assist understanding of how and why policies to improve nutrition are enacted (or rejected) and may inform practitioners in their advocacy. As such, policy analysis provides researchers with a powerful tool to understand the use of research evidence in policymaking and generate a heightened understanding of the values, interests and political contexts underpinning policy decisions. Such methods may enable more effective advocacy for policies that can lead to improvements in health.

KW - interpretive policy analysis

KW - mainstream policy analysis

KW - nutrition

KW - public health

KW - sugar sweetened beverage tax

UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=85074379871&partnerID=8YFLogxK

U2 - 10.1093/heapro/day052

DO - 10.1093/heapro/day052

M3 - Article

C2 - 30101276

AN - SCOPUS:85074379871

SN - 0957-4824

JO - Health Promotion International

JF - Health Promotion International

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• 15 April 2024
• Correction 22 April 2024

Revealed: the ten research papers that policy documents cite most

• Dalmeet Singh Chawla 0

Dalmeet Singh Chawla is a freelance science journalist based in London.

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

When David Autor co-wrote a paper on how computerization affects job skill demands more than 20 years ago, a journal took 18 months to consider it — only to reject it after review. He went on to submit it to The Quarterly Journal of Economics , which eventually published the work 1 in November 2003.

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doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-024-00660-1

Updates & Corrections

Correction 22 April 2024 : The original version of this story credited Sage, rather than Overton, as the source of the policy papers’ citation data. Sage’s location has also been updated.

Autor, D. H., Levy, F. & Murnane, R. J. Q. J. Econ. 118 , 1279–1333 (2003).

Article   Google Scholar  

Costanza, R. et al. Nature 387 , 253–260 (1997).

Willett, W. et al. Lancet 393 , 447–492 (2019).

Article   PubMed   Google Scholar  

Steffen, W. et al. Science 347 , 1259855 (2015).

Rockström, J. et al. Nature 461 , 472–475 (2009).

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40 The Unique Methodology of Policy Research

Amitai Etzioni is a university professor and Professor of International Relations at The George Washington University. He served as a Senior Advisor at the Carter White House; taught at Columbia University, Harvard University, and University of California, Berkeley; and served as president of the Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics (SASE). A study by Richard Posner ranked him among the top 100 American intellectuals. Etzioni is the author of many books, including Security First (2007), Foreign Policy: Thinking Outside the Box (2016), and Avoiding War with China (2017). His most recent book, Happiness is the Wrong Metric: A Liberal Communitarian Response to Populism, was published by Springer in January 2018.

• Published: 02 September 2009
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This article provides a unique methodology of policy research, focusing on the various factors that differentiate policy research from basic research. It identifies malleability as a key variable of policy research, and this is defined as the amount of resources that would have to be expended to cause change in a given variable or variables. The scope of analysis/factors of policy research is shown to encompass all the major facets of the social phenomenon it is trying to deal with. Basic research, on the other hand, fragments the world into abstract and analytical slices, which are then studied individually. The last two differentiating factors of policy research and basic research, which are privacy and communication, are studied in the last two sections of the article.

Policy research requires a profoundly different methodology from that on which basic research relies, because policy research is always dedicated to changing the world while basic research seeks to understand it as it is. 1 The notion that if one merely understands the world better, then one will in turn know how to better it, is not supported by the evidence.

Typical policy goals are the reduction of poverty, curbing crime, cutting pollution, or changing some other condition (Mitchell and Mitchell 1969, 393) . Even those policies whose purpose is to maintain the status quo are promoting change—they aim to slow down or even reverse processes of deterioration, for instance that of natural monuments or historical documents. When no change is sought, say, when no one is concerned with changing the face of the moon, then there is no need for policy research in that particular area.

Moreover, although understanding the causes of a phenomenon, which successful basic research allows, is helpful in formulating policy, often a large amount of other information that is structured in a different manner best serves policy makers. 2 Policy researchers draw on a large amount of information that has no particular analytical base or theoretical background (of the kind that basic research provides). 3 In this sense medical science, which deals with changing bodies and minds, is a protypical policy science. It is estimated that about half of the information physicians employ has no basis in biology, chemistry, or any other science; but rather it is based on an accumulation of experience. 4 This knowledge is passed on from one medical cohort to another, as “these are the way things are done” and “they work.”

The same holds true for other policy sciences. For instance, criminologists who inform a local government that studies show that rehabilitation works more effectively in minimum security prisons than in maximum security prisons (a fact that can be explained by sociological theoretical concepts based on basic research) 5 know from long experience that they had better also alert the local authorities that such a reduction in security could potentially lead some inmates to escape and commit crimes in surrounding areas. Without being willing to accept such a “side effect” of the changed security policy, those governments who introduced it may well lose the next election and security in the prison will be returned to its previously high level. There is no particular sociological theoretical reason for escapes to rise when security is lowered. It is an observation based on common sense and experience; however it is hardly an observation that policy makers, let alone policy researchers should ignore. (They may though explore ways of coping with this “side effect,” for instance by either preparing the public ahead of time, introducing an alert system when inmates escape, or some other such measure.)

The examples just given seek to illustrate the difference between the information that basic research generates versus information that plays a major role in policy research. That is, there are important parts of the knowledge on which policy research draws that are based on distilled practice and are not derivable from basic research. Much of what follows deals with major differences in the ways that information and analysis are structured in sound policy research in contrast to the ways basic research is carried out.

One clarification before I can proceed: Policy research should not be confused with applied research. Applied research presumes that a policy decision has already been made and those responsible are now looking for the most efficient ways to implement it. Policy research helps to determine what the policy decision ought to be.

1. Malleability

A major difference between basic and policy research is that malleability is a key variable for the latter though not the former (Weimer and Vining 1989; 4) . Indeed for policy researchers it is arguably the single most important variable. Malleability for the purposes at hand ought to be defined as the amount of resources (including time, energy, and political capital) that would have to be expended to cause change in a given variable or variables. For policy research, malleability is a cardinal consideration because resources always fall short of what is required to implement given policy goals. Hence, to employ resources effectively requires determining the relative results to be generated from different patterns of allocation (Dunn 1981, 334– 402) . In contrast, basic research has no principled reason to favor some factors (or variables) over others. For basic research, it matters little if at all whether a condition under study can be modified and if it can how much it would cost. To illustrate, many sociological studies compare people by gender and age and although these variables may seem relevant, they are of limited value to policy research. Other variables used, such as the levels of income of various populations, the extent of education of various racial and ethnic groups, and the average size of cities, are somewhat more malleable but still not highly so. In contrast, perceptions are much more malleable.

One may say that basic research should reveal a preference for variables that have been less studied; however, such a consideration concerns the economics and politics of science rather than methodology. Because all scientific findings are conditional and temporary and often subject to profound revision and recasting, for basic researchers, retesting old findings can be just as valuable as covering new variables. In short, although in principle for basic research the study of all variables is legitimate, in a given period of time or amongst a given group of scientists, some may consider certain variables as more “interesting” or “promising” than others. In contrast, to reiterate, for policy research, malleability is the most important variable as it is directly related to its core reason for being: Promoting change.

Given the dominance of basic research methodology in the ways policy research is taught, it is not surprising to find that the question of which variables are more malleable than others is rarely studied in any systematic way. Due to the importance of this issue for policy research, some elaboration and illustrations are called for. Economic feasibility is a good case in point. Many policy researchers' final reports do not include any, not even crude estimates of the costs involved in what they are recommending. 6 Even less common is any consideration of the question of whether such changes can be made acceptable to elected representatives and the public at large; that is, political feasibility (Weimer and Vining 1989, 292– 324) . For instance, over the last decades several groups favored advancing their policy goals through constitutional amendments, ignoring the fact that these are extremely difficult to get passed.

In other cases, feasibility is treated as a secondary “applied” question to be studied later, after policy makers adopt the recommended policy. However, the issue runs much deeper than the assessments of feasibility of one kind or another. The challenge to policy research is to determine the relative resistance to change according to the different variables that are to be tackled. And this question must be tackled not on an ad hoc basis, but rather as a major part of systematic policy research. Moreover, if the variables involved are studied from this viewpoint, they themselves may be changed; that is, feasibility is enhanced rather than treated as a given.

Another example of the cardinal need to take malleability into account when conducting policy research concerns changing public attitudes. Policy makers often favor a “public education' campaign when they desire to affect people's beliefs and conduct. Policy makers tend to assume that it is feasible to change such predispositions through a way that might be called the Madison Avenue approach, which entails running a series of commercials (or public service announcements), mounting billboards, obtaining celebrity endorsements, and so on.

For example, the United States engaged in such a campaign in 2003 and 2004 to change the hearts and minds of “the Arab street” through what has also been termed “public diplomacy.” 7 The way this was carried out provides a vivid example of lack of attention to feasibility issues. American public diplomacy, developed by the State Department, included commercials, websites, and speakers programs that sought to “reconnect the world's billion Muslims with the United States the way McDonald's highlights its billion customers served” (Satloff 2003, 18) . It was based on the premiss that “blitzing Arab and Muslim countries with Britney Spears videos and Arabic‐language sitcoms will earn Washington millions of new Muslim sympathizers” (Satloff 2003, 18) . A study found that the results were “disastrous” (Satloff 2003, 18) . Some countries declined to air the messages and many Muslims who did see the material viewed it as blatant propaganda and offensive rather than compelling.

Actually, policy researchers bent on studying feasibility report that the Madison Avenue approach works only when large amounts of money are spent to shift people from one product to another when there are next to no differences between them (e.g. two brands of toothpaste) and when there is an inclination to use the product in the first place. However, when these methods are applied to changing attitudes about matters as different as condom use, 8 the United Nations, 9 electoral reform, and so forth, they are much less successful. Changing people's behavior—say to conserve energy, drive slower, cease smoking—is many hundreds of times more difficult. This is a major reason why totalitarian regimes, despite intensive public education campaigns, usually fail. The question of what is most feasible is determined by fiat by policy makers and their staffs rather than by studies that are reported to the policy makers by policy researchers. Hence decisions are often based on a fly‐by‐the‐seat‐ of‐your‐pants sense of what can be changed rather than on empirical evidence. 10 One of the few exceptions is studies of nation building in which several key policy researchers presented the reasons why such endeavors can be carried out at best only slowly while at the same time many policy makers claimed that it could be achieved in short order and at low cost. 11

In a preliminary stab at outlining the relative malleability of various factors, one may note that as a rule the laws of nature are not malleable; social relations, including patterns of asset distribution and power, are of limited malleability; and symbolic relations are highly malleable. Thus any policy‐making body that would seek to modify the level of gravity, for example, not for a particular situation (for instance a space travel simulator) but in general, will find this task at best extremely difficult to advance. In contrast, those who seek to change a flag, a national motto, the ways people refer to one another (e.g. Ms Instead of girl or broad), have a relatively easy time of doing so. Changes in the distribution of wealth among the classes or races—by public policy—are easier than changes involving the laws of nature, but more difficult than changing hearts and minds.

When policy researchers or policy makers ignore these observations and enact laws that seek grand and quick changes in power relations and economic patterns, the laws are soon reversed. A case in point is the developments that ensued when a policy researcher inserted into legislation the phrase “maximum feasible participation of the poor.” This Act was used to try to circumvent prevailing local power structures by directing federal funds to voluntary groups that included the poor on their advisory boards, which thus helped “empower the poor.” The law was nullified shortly thereafter. Similarly, when a constitutional amendment was enacted that banned the consumption of alcohol in the United States, it had some severely distorted effects on the American justice and law enforcement systems and did little actually to reduce the consumption of alcohol. It was also the only constitutional amendment ever to be repealed.

Among social changes, often legal and political reduction in inequality is relatively easier to come by than are socioeconomic changes along similar lines. Thus, African‐Americans and women gained de jure and de facto voting rights long before the differences in their income and representation in the seats of power moved closer to those of whites (in the case of African‐Americans) and of men (in the case of women). Nor have socioeconomic differences been reduced nearly as much as legal and political differences, although in both realms considerable inequalities remain. The same is true not just for the United States, but for other free societies and those that have been recently liberated.

In short, there are important differences in which dedication of resources, commitment of political capital, and public education are needed in order to bring about change. Sound policy research best makes the determination of which factors are more malleable than others, which is a major subject of study.

2. Scope of Analysis

Another particularly important difference between basic research and policy research methodology concerns the scope of factors that are best encompassed. Policy research at its best encompasses all the major facets of the social phenomenon it is trying to deal with. 12 In contrast, basic research proceeds by fragmenting the world into abstract, analytical slices which are then studied individually.

A wit has suggested that in economics everything has a price; in sociology, nothing has a price. Policy makers and hence researchers are at a disadvantage when they formulate preferred policy alternatives without paying attention to the longer‐run economic and budgetary effects—or the effect of such policy on social relations including families (e.g. tax preferences for singles), socioeconomic classes (e.g. estate taxes), and so on.

To put it in elementary terms, a basic researcher may well study only the prices of flowers (together with other economic factors); a physiologist the wilting processes; a social psychologist the symbolic meaning of flowers; and so forth. But a community that plans to grow flowers in its public gardens must deal with most, if not all of these elements and the relations between them. Flowers that are quick to wilt will not be suitable for its public gardens; the community will be willing to pay more for flowers that have a longer life or those that command a positive symbolic meaning, and so on.

Medicine provides another model of a policy science. It cannot be based only on biology, chemistry, anatomy, or any one science that studies a subset of variables relating to the body. Instead physicians draw on all these sciences and add observations of interaction effects among the variables. This forms a medical knowledge base and drives “policy” recommendations (i.e. medical prescriptions). Indeed doctors have often been chastised when they do not take into account still other variables, such as those studied by psychologists and anthropologists. Similarly, international relations is a policy science that best combines variables studied by economists, political scientists, law professors, and many others.

In short, the scope of variables that basic research encompasses can be quite legitimate and effective but also rather narrow. Policy researchers must be more eclectic and include at least all the variables that account for a significant degree of variance in the phenomenon that the policy aims to change.

3. Private and Confidential

Basic research is a public endeavor. As a rule its results are published so that others can critically assess them and piece them together with their findings and those of still others in order to build ever more encompassing and robust bodies of knowledge. Unpublished work is often not considered when scientists are evaluated for hiring and promoting, for prizes, or for some other reason, especially not if the work is kept secret for commercial or public security reasons. Historically, scientific findings were published in monographs, books, and articles in suitable journals. These served as the main outlets for the findings of basic research both because only by making scientific findings public could they become part of the cumulative scientific knowledge base and also because publication indicates that they have already passed some measure of peer review. It is only through peer review that evidence can be critically scrutinized. In recent years findings are still made public but increasingly they are often posted on websites, most of which lack peer review foundations, which is one reason why they are less trusted and not treated as a full‐fledged publication. Publication is still considered an essential element of basic research.

In contrast, the findings of policy research are often not published—they are provided in private to one policy maker or another (Radin 1997, 204– 18) . The main purpose of policy research is not to contribute to the cumulative process of building knowledge but rather to put to service available knowledge. In that profound sense policy research is often not public but client oriented. 13 Although some policy research is conducted in think tanks and public policy schools that may treat it similarly to basic research, more often than not it is conducted in specialized units in government agencies, the White House, corporate associations, and labor unions. And often tools of policy research are memos and briefings, not publications.

Often the findings of policy researchers are considered confidential or are governed by state secret acts (which is the case in many nations that have a less strong view of civil liberties than does the United States). That is, the findings are merely aimed at a specific client or a group of clients, and sharing them with the public is considered an offense. 14

4. Communication

Basic researchers, as a rule, are much less concerned with communicating, especially with a larger, “secular” public than are policy researchers. This may at first seem a contradiction to the previously made point that science (in the basic research sense) is public while policy research is often “private” (even when conducted for public officials). The seeming contradiction vanishes once one notes that basic researchers are obligated to share their findings with their colleagues , often a small group, and that they seek feedback from this group for both scientific and psychological validation. However, as a rule basic researchers have little interest in the public at large. Indeed, they tend to be highly critical of those who seek to reach such an audience—as did scholars such as Jay Gould and Carl Sagan (Etzioni 2003, 57– 60) .

In contrast, policy researchers often recognize the need to mobilize public support for the policies that their findings favor and hence they tend to help policy makers to mobilize such support by communicating with the public. James Fishkin developed a policy idea he called “deliberative democracy,” which entailed bringing together a group of people who constitute a living sample of the population for a period of time during which they are exposed to public education and presentations by public figures, and they are given a chance to have a dialogue. By measuring the changes in the views of this living sample, Fishkin found that one is able to learn how to change the public's mind. Fishkin did not just develop the concept and publish his ideas, but conducted a long and intensive campaign through radio, TV, newspapers, visits with public leaders, and much more, until his living sample was implemented in several locations (Fishkin 1997) . Indeed, according to Eugene Bardach, policy researchers must prepare themselves for “a long campaign potentially involving many players, including the mass public” (Bardach 2002, 115– 17) .

Hence, basic researchers are more likely to use technical terms (which may sound like jargon to outsiders), mathematical notations, extensive footnotes, and other such scientific features. On the other hand, policy researchers are more likely to express themselves in the vernacular and avoid technical terms.

One can readily show numerous publications of professors at schools of public policy and even think tanks that are rather similar if not indistinguishable from those of basic researchers. 15 But this is the case because these schools conduct mostly basic, and surprisingly little policy research. For example, on 28 April 2004 Google search found only 210 entries for “policy research methodology,” the good part of which referred to university classes by that name. But on closer examination, most entries were referring to basic, not policy research methodology. For instance, a course titled “Cultural Policy Research Methodology” at Griffith University in Australia includes in its course description “basic research techniques, particularly survey methodologies, qualitative methods and a more in depth approach to statistics.” 16 Many other entries were for classes in policy or research methodology (usually basic). The main reasons for this are ( a ) because few places train people in the special methodologies that policy research requires and ( b ) the reward structure is closely tied to basic research. Typically, promotions (especially tenure) at public policy schools are determined by evaluations and votes by senior colleagues from the basic research departments at the same universities or at other ones. Thus the future of an economist at the Harvard Business School may depend on what her colleagues in the Harvard Economics department think of her work. More informally, being invited to become a member of a basic research department is considered a source of prestige and an opportunity to shore up one's training and research. Conversely, only being affiliated with a policy school (like other professional schools) indicates a lack of recognition, which may translate into objective disadvantages. This pecking order, which favors basic over policy (considered “applied”) research, is of considerable psychological importance to researchers in practically all universities. Even in think tanks dedicated to policy research, many respect basic research more than policy research and hope to conduct it one day or regret that they are not suited to carry it out. 17

People who work for think tanks, which are largely dedicated to policy research, often seek to move to universities, in which tenure is more common and there is a greater sense of prestige. Hence many such researchers are keen to keep their “basic” credentials, although often they are unaware of the special methodology that policy research requires or are untutored in carrying it out in the first place because they were trained in basic research modes instead.

At annual meetings of one's discipline, in which findings are presented and evaluated, jobs are negotiated and information about them shared, and prestige scoring is rearranged, policy researchers will typically attend those dominated by their basic research colleagues. And attendance at policy research associations (such as the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management) is meager. Most prizes and other awards available to researchers go to those who conduct basic research.

In short, although the logic of policy research favors it to be more communicative than basic research, this is often not the case because the training and institutional formations in which policy research is largely conducted favor basic research.

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Radin, B. A.   1997 . The evolution of the policy analysis field: from conversation to conversations.   Journal of Policy Analysis and Management , 16: 204–18. 10.1002/(SICI)1520-6688(199721)16:2<204::AID-PAM1>3.0.CO;2-M

Raver, C.   2002 . Emotions matter: making the case for the role of young children's emotional development for early school readiness.   Social Policy Report , 16 (3): 3–19.

Roe, E.   1998 . Taking Complexity Seriously: Policy Analysis, Triangulation, and Sustainable Development . Boston: Kluwer Academic.

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Schön, D.   1983 . The Reflective Practitioner . New York: Basic Books.

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Star, S. A. , and Hughes, H. M.   1950 . Report on an educational campaign: the Cincinnati plan for the United Nations. American   Journal of Sociology , 55: 389–400.

Weimer, D. L. , and Vining, A. R.   1989 . Policy Analysis: Concepts and Practice . Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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The first book to deal with policy sciences and consequently often cited is Lasswell and Lerner's The Policy Sciences (1951) . However this book does not address the methodological issues at hand. For an early treatment of these issues, see Etzioni 1971 b , 1968 .

For an example of how to structure and present policy research and analysis, see Dunn 1981, 322 .

For example many policy makers subscribe to George L. Kelling and James Q. Wilson's criminology theories because they make sense, despite the fact that they are not grounded in academic research. See Wilson and Kelling 1982 . For criticisms of this approach to criminology, see Miller 2001 .

“Much” of medicine is not scientifically supported (Inglefinger, Relman, and Findland 1966) . “85 percent of the problems a doctor sees in his office are not in the book” (quoted from a physician in Schön 1983, 16) .

See Etzioni 1971 a , 246– 7 .

See for example Free Expression Project 2003 ; Raver 2002, 3– 19 .

See, for instance, The Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim World, “Changing minds, winning peace: a new strategic direction for U.S. public diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim world,” Oct, 2003, Edward P. Djerejian, chair.

For instance, the Centers for Disease Control conducted a ten‐year ad campaign to educate Americans about condoms and to encourage their use to prevent HIV transmission. After spending millions of dollars on these ads, a CDC study found that only 45 % of sexually active high school students used a condom the last time they had sex: see Scott 1994 . A recent evaluation of the program issued an unqualified “no” in answer to the question, “Has the U.S. federal government's HIV /AIDS television [public service announcement] campaign been designed not only to make the public aware of HIV /AIDS but also to provide appropriate messages to motivate and reinforce behavior change?” See DeJong, Wolf, and Austin 2001, 256 . Of the fifty‐six ads reviewed, fifty were created by the CDC, the other six were created by the National Institute on Drug Abuse.

Star and Hughes 1950 , quoted in Berelson and Steiner 1964, 530 .

Indeed unlike science, Carol Weiss has argued that in the policy field it may be impossible to separate objective knowledge from ideology or interests: see Weiss 1983 .

See Carothers 1999 ; Etzioni 2004 .

Roe 1998 . For an academic policy research perspective, see Nelson 1999 .

See “Professional practice symposium: educating the client,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management , 21 (1: 2002): 115– 36.

For instance, the Defense Department has prohibited a Washington think tank from publishing a complete report about the lack of government preparedness for bioterror attacks: see Miller 2004 .

See for instance the reports of the family research division of the Heritage Foundation, available at www.heritage.org/research/family/issues2004.cfm (accessed 29 Apr. 2004). See also “The war on drugs: addicted to failure,” Recommendations of the Citizens' Commission on US Drug Policy, available at www.ips‐dc.org/projects /drugpolicy.htm (accessed 29 Apr. 2004).

See Griffith University course catalog. Available at: www22.gu.edu.au/STIP/servlet/STIP?s=7319AMC (accessed 28 Apr. 2004).

This section is based on my personal observations of organizations such as the John F. Kennedy School of Government, the American Enterprise Institute, RAND, CATO, the Heritage Foundation, and many others.

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Qualitative Methods for Policy Analysis: Case Study Research Strategy

• First Online: 10 April 2022

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• Sarath S. Kodithuwakku 3  

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Many policy researchers are predisposed to use either quantitative or qualitative research methods regardless of the research questions at hand, leading to varying degrees of gaps in their findings and policy recommendations. Qualitative approaches effectively address why and how types of research questions to complement the answers for who , what , where , how many , and how much research questions, obtained using quantitative research methods, enabling researchers to make policy outcomes meaningful and contextually relevant. This chapter introduces the case study as an appropriate research strategy for accommodating qualitative and quantitative methods, followed by a brief account of qualitative research methods.

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Miles MB, Huberman M, Saldaña J (2020) Qualitative data analysis: a methods sourcebook, 4th edn. Sage, London

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Kodithuwakku, S.S. (2022). Qualitative Methods for Policy Analysis: Case Study Research Strategy. In: Weerahewa, J., Jacque, A. (eds) Agricultural Policy Analysis. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3284-6_7

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Professional teacher training in the PELC and PST social programs in Brazil: A systematic review

This research aimed to analyze the scientific production on public sports and leisure policies related to professional training of two programs in Brazil: City Sport and Leisure Program (CSLP) and Second Time Program (STP). As a methodological procedure, a systematic review with a qualitative approach was carried out between the years 2003 and 2022. The research sample was composed of 21 articles, published between 2012 and 2022. The results showed that researchers from the South and Southeast region boosted publications on professional training in CSLP and STP. Paper publications were concentrated in journals in the fields of physical education, education, sport and leisure. Professional training corresponds to a central element for structuring sports social programs, as a way to minimize gaps in initial training, but the format of sporadic courses and distance from the reality of professionals was the main limiting factor.

Author Biographies

Dirceu santos silva, universidade federal de mato grosso do sul (ufms).

Doutor em Educação Física pela Unicamp. Professor do Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul.

Luana Carla André, Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS)

Mestre em educação pelo Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul.

Mariana Brasiliano Salerno, Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS)

Doutora em Educação Física pela Unicamp. Professor do Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul.

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Female labor force participation

Across the globe, women face inferior income opportunities compared with men. Women are less likely to work for income or actively seek work. The global labor force participation rate for women is just over 50% compared to 80% for men. Women are less likely to work in formal employment and have fewer opportunities for business expansion or career progression. When women do work, they earn less. Emerging evidence from recent household survey data suggests that these gender gaps are heightened due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Women’s work and GDP

Women’s work is posited to be related to development through the process of economic transformation.

Levels of female labor force participation are high for the poorest economies generally, where agriculture is the dominant sector and women often participate in small-holder agricultural work. Women’s participation in the workforce is lower in middle-income economies which have much smaller shares of agricultural activities. Finally, among high-income economies, female labor force participation is again higher, accompanied by a shift towards a service sector-based economy and higher education levels among women.

This describes the posited  U-shaped relationship  between development (proxied by GDP per capita) and female labor force participation where women’s work participation is high for the poorest economies, lower for middle income economies, and then rises again among high income economies.

This theory of the U-shape is observed globally across economies of different income levels. But this global picture may be misleading. As more recent studies have found, this pattern does not hold within regions or when looking within a specific economy over time as their income levels rise.

In no region do we observe a U-shape pattern in female participation and GDP per capita over the past three decades.

Structural transformation, declining fertility, and increasing female education in many parts of the world have not resulted in significant increases in women’s participation as was theorized. Rather, rigid historic, economic, and social structures and norms factor into stagnant female labor force participation.

Historical view of women’s participation and GDP

Taking a historical view of female participation and GDP, we ask another question: Do lower income economies today have levels of participation that mirror levels that high-income economies had decades earlier?

The answer is no.

This suggests that the relationship of female labor force participation to GDP for lower-income economies today is different than was the case decades past. This could be driven by numerous factors -- changing social norms, demographics, technology, urbanization, to name a few possible drivers.

Gendered patterns in type of employment

Gender equality is not just about equal access to jobs but also equal access for men and women to good jobs. The type of work that women do can be very different from the type of work that men do. Here we divide work into two broad categories: vulnerable work and wage work.

The Gender gap in vulnerable and wage work by GDP per capita

Vulnerable employment is closely related to GDP per capita. Economies with high rates of vulnerable employment are low-income contexts with a large agricultural sector. In these economies, women tend to make up the higher share of the vulnerably employed. As economy income levels rise, the gender gap also flips, with men being more likely to be in vulnerable work when they have a job than women.

From COVID-19 crisis to recovery

The COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated these gender gaps in employment. Although comprehensive official statistics from labor force surveys are not yet available for all economies,  emerging studies  have consistently documented that working women are taking a harder hit from the crisis. Different patterns by sector and vulnerable work do not explain this. That is, this result is not driven by the sectors in which women work or their higher rates of vulnerable work—within specific work categories, women fared worse than men in terms of COVID-19 impacts on jobs.

Among other explanations is that women have borne the brunt of the increase in the demand for care work (especially for children). A strong and inclusive recovery will require efforts which address this and other underlying drivers of gender gaps in employment opportunities.

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