essay on nigeria problems

Nigeria at 61: A giant with challenging crises amid opportunities

Professor of Economic History, Kaduna State University

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Terhemba Wuam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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As Nigeria marks its 61st anniversary of independence, its citizens are stuck in a general anomie of despondency . This is as a result of general insecurity in the country , rising unemployment and high-cost of living.

It is also an age of anxiety, with many measures of Nigeria’s socioeconomic progress painting a picture of a nation in great distress. Nigeria’s economy has been stagnant , growing at less than 1% cumulatively during the past six years, far below population growth of 2.6%. It also has about 40% of the population of about 200 million living below the poverty line.

The country is equally beset by security and political challenges. Boko Haram insurgents still operate in the North-East. In the North-West, bandits are overwhelming the security forces. In North-Central Nigeria, deadly clashes between farmers and herders continue. And separatist and irredentist agitations resonate in the South-East and the South-West of the country .

Despite these problems, Nigeria has made substantial socio-economic progress, at least since 1999 when it returned to democracy after decades of military rule. It is also a country with huge resources that have yet to be fully tapped. The biggest of these is Nigeria’s educated citizens. The country had a literate population of less than 5% at independence. Now, more than 60% of the population is literate. Also, enrolment into tertiary education keeps increasing.

The past 60 years

A review of the past six decades shows that the Fourth Republic, which took off in 1999, has been Nigeria’s golden era in terms of economic and social indicators. This reality is, however, a difficult one to present to the millions of unemployed who are out of work and struggling to cope with inflationary pressures on food and other basic livelihood requirements.

Since 1999, Nigeria’s economy has grown more than sevenfold. A big chunk of this is explained by the rebasing of the economy in 2014 . It was found that the economy was 60% bigger than previous estimates.

Before 2014, Nigeria had been using the 1990 prices and the composition of economy to determine its size. Yet, a lot had changed since then. For example, telecommunications had grown substantially with the introduction of mobile telephony. Nollywood, Nigeria’s movie industry, has also expanded and morphed into a more professionally organised and run sector .

Nigeria moved from lower income to lower-middle income status, based on national income per head of population, during the Fourth Republic. That’s based on World Bank rankings . Other countries in this category include Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, Tunisia, India, Iran and Ukraine.

Economic difficulties

Nigeria’s economic difficulties started in the mid-2010s. Nigeria’s economic fortunes are closely aligned with oil prices which showed a sharp decline between 2014 and 2016.

The World Bank has described the 70% drop during that period as one of the three biggest declines since World War II, and the longest lasting since the supply-driven collapse of 1986.

In response, Nigeria’s economy, which had recorded an average growth rate of 6.68% between 1999 and 2015, has plunged in and out of negative figures since 2016. Within this period, it entered recession twice. . Cumulative growth since 2016 has averaged below 1% .

Nigeria has taken steps to reduce its reliance on oil. These measures include revival of the agricultural sector as well as reducing government reliance on oil revenues by tax revenue from other sources . These have yet to pay off . And the COVID-19 pandemic has aggravated the economic downturn, plunging more into unemployment and poverty.

Nigeria’s government has invested in agriculture and has articulated economic programmes for other sectors, progress has been hampered by inflationary pressures, low oil prices and a weak currency . Government’s inability to arrest the security crises in several states has also affected agricultural productivity . Other factors include government’s inability to articulate a clear economic agenda for the country. In addition, its monetary and fiscal policies favouring dual exchange rates, and restrictions on foreign trade through border closures have limited recovery and growth.

A national call to action

Nigeria requires a national leadership with the understanding and capability to set the tone and direction for national growth and development. This must incorporate all citizens, irrespective of ethnic or geopolitical affiliation in a grand vision of collective dynamic growth.

A lack of such political leadership denies the country of the possibility of meaningful growth and critical citizenry.

Nigeria remains a country of great potential. Her fountain of possibilities can be found in its growing population of educated citizens. The population of the educated at this very moment in the country’s history is at the threshold or point of national acceleration . An example is the country’s burgeoning tech ecosystem largely driven by young people . It is at a point conterminous with those of the Asian Tigers before their rapid transformation to developed world and high income status.

All the fundamentals are indicative of a country at the point of a great leap forward, the role of an enlightened and well-educated population is crucial to that process.

Despite limitations in the education sector, Nigeria has more than over 190 universities , the largest university and tertiary education sector in Africa. The country churns out millions of graduate annually, creating the most educated workforce on the continent.

This growth represents both a challenge and an opportunity. It will be a challenge and a huge economic burden if productive opportunities are not found for their engagement. Gainfully employed, these educated millions can be harnessed to drive Nigeria’s economic growth, thus promoting social stability.

Political leadership

Nigeria challenge is not that its political leadership has been corrupt, but that its has had limited ability to govern the country effectively. Nigeria needs a modern political administration where the state is not about maintenance of the status quo and the mere allocation of existing economic values for project and self-aggrandisement.

The state should be reoriented, and directed purposely towards a more expansive interpretation with focus on rapid economic growth and the provision of public goods that empower citizens to become meaningful actors in the overall positive transformation of their society.

Such purposeful action by the national leadership, who must be clearly reformist, is required to alter the trajectory of poor economic growth. It is also required to foster sustained productivity gains in the country’s economy to generate growth to average 6%-10% annually. Such growth is what will enable Nigeria to triple and possibly quadruple its economy within the next 10-15 years in a repeat of the first 20 years of the Fourth Republic.

Inevitably, a growing economy represents the best pathway toward addressing many of the social and economic challenges Nigeria now faces in its seventh decade of independence.

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• Nigeria at 61

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Title: The Failure of Governance in Nigeria: An Epistocratic Challenge

The failure of governance in Nigeria manifests in the declining capacity of political leaders to recognize systemic risks such as election fraud, terrorist attacks, herder-farmer conflict, armed banditry, and police brutality and put in place the necessary measures to navigate these challenges. In contrast with the current system in which leadership is attained through bribery, intimidation, and violence, Nigeria needs an epistocratic system of governance that is founded on the pedigree of its political leaders and the education of its voters.

At the end of the Cold War, African civil society movements striving for more democratic governance began to challenge authoritarian regimes on the continent. Declining living conditions within African countries and the failure of authoritarian African leaders to deliver the promises of economic prosperity they made to encourage the acceptance of development aid fueled the push for change. International donors’ insistence on democratic reform as a precondition for aid gave impetus for Nigerian civil society to push for domestic accountability. Thus, domestic pressure for political pluralism and external pressure for representative governance have both played a role in the calls for democratic reform in Nigeria.  

But despite some successes, corruption and socioeconomic disparities within Nigerian democracy continue to run rampant. Since 1999, the democratic space has been dominated by political elites who consistently violate fundamental principles associated with a liberal democratic system, such as competitive elections, the rule of law, political freedom, and respect for human rights. The outcome of the 2019 presidential election further eroded public trust in the ability of the independent electoral commission to organize competitive elections unfettered by the authoritarian influences of the ruling class. This challenge is an indicator of the systemic failure in Nigeria’s governance system. A continuation of the current system will only accelerate the erosion of public trust and democratic institutions. In contrast with the current system in which votes are attained through empty promises, bribery, voter intimidation, and violence, Nigeria needs a governance system that will enhance the education of its voters and the capability of its leaders.

Statistically speaking, Nigeria has consistently ranked low in the World Governance Index in areas such as government effectiveness, political stability and the presence of violence and terrorism, rule of law, and control of corruption. Nigeria is perceived in the 2020 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index as a highly corrupt country with a score of 25/100 while its corruption ranking increased from 146 in 2019 to 149 in 2020 out of 180 countries surveyed. While President Muhammadu Buhari won the 2015 election on his promise to fight insecurity and corruption, his promises went unfulfilled; Boko Haram continues to unleash unspeakable violence on civilians while the fight against corruption is counterproductive.  

At the core of Nigeria’s systemic failure is the crisis of governance, which manifests in the declining capacity of the state to cope with a range of internal political and social upheavals. There is an expectation for political leaders to recognize systemic risks such as terrorist attacks, herder-farmer conflict, and police brutality and put in place the necessary infrastructure to gather relevant data for problem solving. But the insufficiency of political savvy required to navigate the challenges that Nigeria faces has unleashed unrest across the nation and exacerbated existing tensions. The #ENDSARS Protests against police brutality in 2020 is one of the manifestations of bad governance. 

The spiral of violence in northern Nigeria in which armed bandits engage in deadly planned attacks on communities, leading to widespread population displacement, has become another grave security challenge that has sharpened regional polarization. Because some public servants are usually unaware of the insecurities faced by ordinary Nigerians, they lack the frame of reference to make laws that address the priorities of citizens. The crisis of governance is accentuated by a democratic culture that accords less importance to the knowledge and competence that political leaders can bring to public office. These systemic challenges have bred an atmosphere of cynicism and mistrust between citizens and political leaders at all levels of government.  

Political elites in Nigeria also exploit poverty and illiteracy to mobilize voters with food items such as rice, seasoning, and money. The rice is usually packaged strategically with the image of political candidates and the parties they represent. The assumption is that people are more likely to vote for a politician who influences them with food than one who only brings messages of hope. The practice of using food to mobilize voters is commonly described as “ stomach infrastructure ” politics. The term “stomach infrastructure” arose from the 2015 election in Ekiti state when gubernatorial candidate Ayodele Fayosi mobilized voters with food items and defeated his opponent Kayode Fayemi. It is undeniable that Nigerian political culture rewards incompetent leaders over reform-minded leaders who demonstrate the intellectualism and problem-solving capabilities needed to adequately address systemic issues of poverty and inequality. 

Jason Brennan   describes the practice of incentivizing people to be irrational and ignorant with their votes as the unintended consequence of democracy. Brennan believes specific expertise is required to tackle socio-economic issues, so political power should be apportioned based on expert knowledge. As Brennan suggests, Nigeria lacks a system of governance in which leadership is based on capability. Rather, the political system in Nigeria is dominated by individuals who gain power through nepotism rather than competence, influence voters with food rather than vision, and consolidate power through intimidation or by incentivizing constituents with material gifts which they frame as “empowerment” to keep them subservient and loyal political followers. By implication, the failure of governance in Nigeria is arguably the result of incompetent leadership.

Nigeria needs a new model of governance in which political leadership is based on the knowledge and competence of both political leaders and the electorate. One solution is to establish what Brennan refers to as epistocracy , which is a system of governance in which the votes of politically informed citizens should count more than the less informed. For  J ustin Klocksiem , epistocracy represents a political system in which political power rests exclusively on highly educated citizens. This idea drew its philosophical influence from  John Stuart Mill , who believed that the eligibility to vote should be accorded to individuals who satisfy certain educational criteria. The notion that educational attainment should be the prerequisite for the electorate to choose their leaders as proposed by Brennan, Klocksiem, and Mill is an important proposition that should be taken seriously. 

However, one cannot ignore that such thinking originates from societies where civic education is high and the electorate can make informed choices about leadership. In Nigeria, the majority of citizens are uneducated on political issues. Simultaneously, those who are highly educated are increasingly becoming indifferent to political participation; they have lost faith in the power of their votes and the integrity of the political system. For an epistocratic system to work in Nigeria, there must be significant improvements in literacy levels so that citizens are educated about the issues and can use their knowledge to make informed decisions about Nigeria’s political future. 

It is important to mention that Nigeria’s political elites have exploited illiteracy to reinforce ethnic, religious, and political divisions between groups that impede democratic ideals. Since the resultant effect of epistocracy is to instill knowledge, raise consciousness and self-awareness within a polity anchored on the failed system of democracy, decisions that promote the education of uninformed voters are the rationale for an epistocratic system of governance. The Constitution must ensure that only citizens who can formulate policies and make informed decisions in the public’s best interest can run for public office. When the Constitution dictates the standard of epistocratic governance, informed citizens will be better equipped to champion political leadership or determine the qualifications of their leaders. Epistocratic governance will be the alternative to Nigeria’s current dysfunctional democratic system while retaining the aspects of liberal democracy that maintain checks and balances.  

We are not, however, oblivious that implementing such an epistocratic system of governance in Nigeria potentially contributes to more inequality given its highly undemocratic and exclusive nature. Our argument takes into consideration the contextual realities of poverty and illiteracy and the realization that poor and illiterate constituents have less power to evaluate the credibility of public servants or hold them accountable. The benefits of electing epistocratic leaders are that many citizens would desire to be educated in preparation for leadership. The more educated the population the more likely it is that political leaders will be held accountable. However, the kind of education that is needed to significantly transform the governance landscape in Nigeria is civic education. 

We propose three policies to promote epistocratic governance in Nigeria. First, aspiring leaders must demonstrate the intellectual pedigree to translate knowledge into effective, transparent, and accountable governance that leads to national prosperity. As Rotimi Fawole notes, the bar should be higher for those aspiring to executive or legislative office “to improve the ideas that are put forward and the intellectual rigor applied to the discussions that underpin our statehood.”

Second, the government must increase access to education through government-sponsored initiatives that integrate civic education into school curriculums. Currently, little opportunity exists for young Nigerians, particularly those in underfunded public education systems, to learn about their civic roles at the local, state, national, and international levels, including how to emerge as participating citizens through the academic curriculum. 

Third, the government should engage the support of local NGOs to promote civic education across Nigeria in culturally appropriate ways. The NGOs should be empowered to define the legal concept of citizenship and summarize specific civil rights enshrined in the Constitution into a Charter of Rights and Responsibilities modeled after the Canadian Charter. The Charter should include value positions essential to an effective democracy, such as the rights of citizens, social justice, accountable governance, and rule of law. It can then be commissioned as a resource for civics education in Nigeria.  

This article recognizes that Nigeria is grappling with governance challenges orchestrated by two decades of a failed democratic project. Governing these challenges requires knowledgeable leaders and an equally informed electorate. Like any new experiment, there are concerns about the viability of epistocracy as a political system, particularly in a Nigerian context fraught with ethnoreligious and political challenges. But Nigeria will only have effective governance when the right people are saddled with the responsibility to govern. However, change cannot be spontaneous. The implementation of an epistocratic system of governance within the Nigerian context must be incremental, bearing in mind that Nigeria’s democracy is still evolving.  

Obasesam Okoi is Assistant Professor of Justice and Peace Studies at the University of St. Thomas , Minnesota, where he teaches Intro to Justice and Peace Studies, Public Policy Analysis and Advocacy, and Social Policy in a Changing World. His research interests and expertise include governance and peacebuilding, insurgency and counterinsurgency, assessment of post-conflict peacebuilding programs and policies, and peace engineering. He has published in prominent peer-reviewed journals such as World Development, Conflict Resolution Quarterly, African Security, and Peace Review. 

MaryAnne Iwara is a Senior Jennings Randolph Fellow in the program on Countering Violent Extremism at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), USA, and a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Nigeria. Very recently, she was a Policy Leader Fellow at the School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute, Florence, Italy. She is currently a PhD student at the University of Leipzig, Germany.

Image Credit: Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (via Creative Commons)

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The Current Situation in Nigeria

A USIP Fact Sheet

Monday, April 22, 2024

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As Africa’s most populous country, largest economy and most notable democracy, Nigeria is a bellwether for the continent. A weakening economy and rising insecurity threaten progress made in its democratic development. Amid deepening distrust in government and institutions, Nigeria has significant work to do in improving national, state and local security and governance following the national and state elections in 2023.

USIP's Work

USIP leverages its on-the-ground access to partners and stakeholders in Nigeria to strengthen capacity and networks invested in peacebuilding. Through its office and expert staff in Abuja, USIP supports in-country initiatives such as the Nigeria Working Group, the Network of Nigerian Facilitators, and a range of capacity-strengthening engagements with state-level peacebuilding institutions. These initiatives are designed to help address localized conflicts that exacerbate entrenched grievances, undermine public faith in government institutions, and risk escalation to large-scale conflict. USIP also convenes state governors, national policymakers and civic leaders to develop inclusive approaches on conflict prevention and community-oriented security programs. Recent work includes:

Nigeria Working Group on Peacebuilding and Governance

In 2016, USIP established the Nigeria Working Group on Peacebuilding and Governance — comprised of former senior policymakers, senior military officers, academics, and traditional and religious leaders — to ensure a diverse array of voices influence decision-making processes in Nigeria. The working group fosters relationships between citizens, policymakers, and national and international figures to turn localized expert analysis into tangible, actionable policy options that are presented at Nigerian decision makers’ request. Ahead of the 2023 elections, the working group organized a six-episode television program highlighting citizens’ perspectives on key issues in the election that aired over 30 million viewers throughout Nigeria. The working group is regularly invited by state and national policymakers to provide recommendations on a range of issues, from inclusive governance , regional dynamics and electoral violence to communal conflicts between pastoralists and farming communities. 

Network of Nigerian Facilitators (NNF)

The NNF is a group of professional peace mediators trained by USIP to resolve local conflicts through nonviolent means across 11 states. NNF dialogues focus on strengthening community-security relationships and mitigating intercommunal, pastoralist-farmer and election-related violence. Since 2019, the NNF has collaborated with state peacebuilding institutions to address conflicts and support local peace processes.

Strengthening State Governments and Peacebuilding Institutions

Nigeria’s federal system bestows governors with the responsibility of addressing the issues driving the country’s multiple conflicts, including intercommunal violence, deepening regional divides, armed banditry and terrorism. USIP supports governors and state peacebuilding institutions in establishing inclusive, cooperative strategies to prevent and resolve violent conflicts and aligning policies with citizens’ needs surrounding governance and human security.

Resilient and Responsive Local Security Approaches

Through USIP’s ongoing Justice and Security Dialogue project, citizens at the local level work together to identify security challenges specific to their communities. With USIP’s support, community members organize dialogues that bring together internally displaced communities and local police to develop practical and concrete solutions that build trust, foster accountability and preserve local agency.

Providing Security Policy Options to Nigerian Policymakers

USIP conducts research on governance and security to inform Nigerian policymakers’ responses to growing challenges in a complex regional environment. USIP has published research mapping state peacebuilding institutions ; assessing election-related violence risks ; and outlining pathways to civilian-led governance amid the Boko Haram insurgency in northeast Nigeria. 

Convening U.S. and Nigerian Senior Policymakers

USIP fosters stronger ties and collaboration between U.S. and Nigeran senior policymakers by convening government officials, partners and civic leaders at its Washington headquarters and its Nigeria country office for candid and productive conversations that inform USIP’s program priorities. USIP hosted then-President Muhammadu Buhari in 2022, the Buhari-Tinubu presidential transition team in 2023, and President Tinubu’s national security advisor Nuhu Ribadu in 2024. In 2024, USIP will convene governors from Katsina, Zamfara, Kaduna, Niger, Sokoto, Kebbi, Benue and Plateau states for another high-level symposium in Washington that allows U.S. stakeholders to work directly with “front-line” governors to develop inclusive strategies for addressing the drivers of conflict and insecurity in northern Nigeria.

Expanding the Institute’s Field Work

In 2020, USIP established a country office in Abuja to deepen its operations with credible partners and stakeholders based in the region and sustain its direct action for peace in Nigeria.

In 2023, the Network of Nigerian Facilitators (NNF) helped the Kaduna State peacebuilding institutions negotiate, draft and implement a peace agreement between local groups to resolve a long-standing and violent communal conflict. The agreement built on a 2019 peace agreement also supported by the NNF to resolve a cross-border conflict involving many of the same groups in neighboring Plateau State.

The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s).

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The issue of insecurity in Nigeria

A man set a bonfire on the Kaduna-Abuja highway in Gauruka, near Abuja, Nigeria, on May 24, 2021 during a protest against incessant kidnapping and killing after gunmen kidnapped 16 residents and killed three others in Niger State. (Photo by Kola Sulaimon / AFP)

A trouble is a private matter and occurs when values cherished by an individual are felt by him to be threatened, while issues have to do with matters that transcend the local environments of the individual. So when values cherished by the public are felt to be threatened, then there is an issue because that is a communal matter.

If only one man is unemployed in a city of 100,000, that is his personal trouble, and for a solution, we investigate the character of the person, his skills and his immediate opportunities, but when in a nation of 50 Million people we have 15 Million that are unemployed, that is an issue and we may not hope to find its solution within the range of opportunities open to any individual, this signifies that the very structure of opportunities has collapsed.

In the above scenario, both the correct statement of the problem and the range of possible solutions, require us to consider economic and political institutions of the society and not merely the personal situation and character of individuals.

In the early 20th century sociologists typically associated social problems such as unemployment, crime, poverty with deviant individuals. As a result when they sought to solve social problems, they focus on changing individual behaviour, although this approach is still alive today, sociologist had by and large arrived at a different understanding.

By the mid-century, sociologist turned away from an emphasis on individuals to a consideration of the social structures of nation’s organisations and institutions such as corporations, governments and the media for an understanding of the possible factors influencing social inequalities.

Sociologists has come to define social problems as problems that concern large numbers of people, have social structural causes, and require social-structural solutions. This approach remains fundamental to the sociological perspective. It was a step forward from the individualistic approach. Because by finally demonstrating that social problems have structural causes, sociologist helped to steer the people away from unproductive scape-goating of individuals to an awareness of the need for social change.

When a problem affects a large number of people, we must look beyond individuals to social structures-the larger economic, political, and social patterns of a society, we cannot solve the problems of a society that is structurally flawed by changing individuals one at a time.

We live in a world where people are increasingly interconnected and so are their problems, people in USA lose their jobs when factories are moved to nations where wages are lower. In Brazil people lose their homelands when the rain forests are cut down to make furniture for the world market, these are pointers to the need for one to look beyond what is being seen as a problem to determine its influencing factors.

For over a decade, Nigeria has been fraught with insecurity challenges, from Boko Haram and their ISWAP counterparts to Bandits and unknown gun men, in the midst of all this, the statistics of unemployed youths and graduates in the nation has been rising to an alarming rate, the basic development infrastructures like electricity to enhance the industrialization of the nation in order to create employment opportunities has been lacking, thereby crippling other efforts to drive the economic resurgence of the 7th most populous nation in the world.

It’s a fact that the issue of insecurity in the nation has invincible social sponsors like poverty and unemployment; these contributes to frustration and anger that can result to one taking to armed robbery, kidnapping or pitching tent with agitators calling for dissolution of the nation under the guise of revolutionaries thereby creating more panic in the society.

Leading nations of the world are undergoing a process of modernization, encompassing changes such as industrialization, urbanization, and growing social complexity in the modernization perspective. Insecurity in Nigeria and Imo are social problems inherent in Nigeria, and as a social problem, can be seen as failures in modernization. For example, in today’s world societies that fail to industrialize will be poor and conflict ridden. On an optimistic note, this perspective suggests that these problems can be solved through government intervention to lead society on the road to modernization.

So many of today’s social problems are global in nature, we cannot hope to solve them by focusing on individual nations, ISWAP that are recently credited with killing of Shekau the Boko Haram leader, is an offshoot of a globally recognised terrorist network.

On this premise, Senator Hope Uzodinma and other Governors facing insecurity challenges are also victims of the same circumstance with the people they govern, because the challenge cannot be resolved successfully by an individual, but with modernistic social approaches strong enough to trigger a paradigm shift among the populace, that can feed them with hope and dreams that are far better than for them resorting to violence.

The Nigerian government has to understand that insecurity in the nation requires a proactive economic plan, accompanied by a wealth of opportunities to help engage its people in productive activities that can help them to dream of a better tomorrow.

Prisons and Electric Chairs in nations like USA have not stopped the crimes associated with drugs and gun violence, so equipping Nigerian Military and Police Force with exotic weapons will not end insurgency faster than creating an enabling environment that will help the people to dream would.

The Insecurity in Imo and its concomitant hazards that has been successfully arrested as a situation was inherited from Nigeria by Senator Hope Uzodinma, the Unknown Gun-men issue is related to other inherent negative social factors in other parts of Nigeria as well as other nations outside of Nigeria.

The best he can do for Imo and his people is to create a wealth of opportunities like he is doing, recently he empowered 15,000 Imo youths with a seed of 250,000 Naira each, after completing their entrepreneurial skills. That is a good step in the right direction but will not end the issue until the entire political leadership of Nigeria accelerate the steps towards industrialization, and create not just opportunities but an enabling environment to help their people dream differently.

Insecurity in Nigeria is not a national problem as most people think but rather trans-national, Nigeria need to look beyond its borders for insurgents, as well as overhauling its economic plan to totally eliminate this visible and invisible enemy.

Senator Hope Uzodinma as Governor of Imo State is innocent just like every one of us that has not chosen violence, guns and grenades as means of conversing with our fellow Nigerians. Leadership sometimes comes with tough and unpleasant decisions and the Governor has not retreated from them having consistently chosen the ones that serve the interest and safety of Imo people first.

Before we start apportioning blames and looking for whom to fault for the uncertainties that has ravaged our communities in this short time, we need to remember that we are citizens in a global world that we do not control. Insecurity in Nigeria and Imo, are social problems that unemployment, poverty of opportunities and lack of basic amenities to enhance the survival of an individual will remain its unseen sponsors.

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Nigeria’s Military Is Part of the Problem. It’s Also the Solution.

Soldiers don’t belong on the streets—and the army is uniquely placed to pressure the government for police reforms to tackle rampant insecurity..

Nigeria is once again in the headlines for the wrong reasons. In addition to the Boko Haram insurgency, the country has been rocked by multiple outbursts of banditry, kidnapping, and violence this year. Approximately 600 students were kidnapped between December 2020 and March of this year alone.

Then, a few days ago, unknown gunmen shot to death a member of the ruling All Progressives Congress party. Nigerians are aghast and appalled that the government of Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari (who was elected partly on his pedigree as a retired general and promises to crush insurgents) has been unable to suppress the insecurity. However, the causes are long term and have their roots in the country’s era under military rule in the 20th century. Nigeria’s military is ironically the cause of, and the solution to, many of the country’s security problems.

Although Nigeria transitioned to democracy 22 years ago, the consequences of decisions made by prior military dictatorships still influence events in contemporary Nigeria. Discontent regarding economic inequality, corruption, and the overly centralized structure of the Nigerian state has simmered for decades, but prior military governments kept a lid on them—through ruthless force rather than by addressing their underlying causes.

The genie of paying people to not be violent is already out of the bottle.

During its three decades of military rule from the 1960s to 1999, the military appropriated responsibility for more and more facets of daily life. It also sidelined the police, first by excising its intelligence gathering department and then by underequipping and underfunding it. Thus, when the military left government in 1999, the incoming civilian government inherited an under-policed society and a police force with almost 40 percent of its officers engaged as escorts or guards for VIPs. Instead of protecting the public, many police officers spent their time protecting VIPs from the public.

A presidential committee report on police reform bluntly stated the police were “saddled with a very large number of unqualified, undertrained and ill-equipped officers and men, many of whose suitability to wear the respected uniform of the force is in doubt.”

Democracy ironically opened avenues for violence, and the policies of civilian governments perversely incentivized violence. Divisive and incendiary arguments, such as the need to equitably share the country’s national resources and the apportionment of power between the federal and regional governments, which the military previously suppressed, have now erupted in the less repressive environment of democracy.

Nigeria’s post-1999 democratic governments have adopted unconventional responses to crime and insecurity. In 2009, the government ended an insurgency in the oil-producing regions of the south (where most of Nigeria’s wealth is obtained) by granting amnesties to more than 25,000 insurgents, including monthly cash stipends and training provided by the government, in exchange for them agreeing to lay down their weapons.

Although the amnesty program seemed like a creative solution to end the violence and allow the resumption of oil extraction, it created a dangerous “cash for guns” precedent by adding insurgents to the government’s payroll. Nigeria’s past military governments would never have contemplated, let alone granted, amnesty for insurgents.

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However, the genie of paying people to not be violent is already out of the bottle. To the horror of its victims, some have also lobbied the government to implement a similar amnesty program for Boko Haram and other bandit groups. As corporations and other Nigerians have paid ransoms to secure the release of hostages, further precedents have been set that create the impression that crime and violence pay. Rewarding violence has led to the commercialization of crime and kidnapping.

Kidnap gangs are well organized and demand huge ransoms for the release of hostages. Kidnappers are now so brazen that they have kidnapped high-profile Nigerians, such as the mother of Nigeria’s former minister of finance and the father of then-captain of Nigeria’s national soccer team . The families of middle-class and working-class hostages often borrow or crowdsource money from friends, employers, and their communities to pay the ransoms.

After the release of their family member, the money they raised is then converted into a loan they must repay. This often sends them into a spiral of economic vulnerability where they are simultaneously financially burdened by debts they have to pay and also vulnerable to more kidnappings since the kidnappers are now aware they are willing to pay ransoms.

There are good reasons for arguing the solution to Nigeria’s insecurity is to reduce military presence on its streets rather than sending out more soldiers.

If there is a solution to this insecurity, the military is likely to provide it. With the police overwhelmed, the military has been tasked with acting not just as an army but as a proxy police force. The army is currently deployed in at least 30 of Nigeria’s 36 states . However, the army does not want the job of substituting for the police. A retired general lamented “in Nigeria today, the armed forces are the ones doing the duties of the police.” Yet the military is not blameless. There are good reasons for arguing the solution to Nigeria’s insecurity is to reduce military presence on its streets rather than sending out more soldiers.

The frequency of its deployment in civilian spaces has amplified civil-military conflicts and human rights abuses as well as degraded its professionalism. However, the military’s wide deployment across the country gives it leverage and makes it part of the solution. Despite its frequent brutality and being reviled by many of its compatriots, Nigeria’s military is ironically one of the few Nigerian institutions committed to the country’s unity.

Last month, Nigeria’s army chief and 10 other senior military officers died in a tragic plane crash . The appointment of Maj. Gen. Faruk Yahaya as his successor a few days ago is one of the most important appointments of Buhari’s presidency. Nigeria needs an army chief who has the courage to tell his government some hard truths and remind it the military’s personnel are soldiers, not police officers. Both the military and Nigeria’s society need an exit strategy to withdraw soldiers from Nigeria’s streets.

Part of the reason why so many soldiers are on the streets is because they are less prone to the sort of extortion police officers routinely practice on the citizenry they are supposed to protect. Giving guns and ammunition to underpaid police officers is extremely dangerous. Rather than throw more money at the police, which may never reach officers on the beat due to corruption, the solution may be to change how officers are paid.

Potential solutions include giving them perks, such as preferential banking, housing, loans, and mortgage facilities, to encourage recruitment and retention and to discourage corruption. Another more ambitious reform would be to overhaul the Nigerian criminal code by introducing a distinction between federal and local police, allowing locally recruited police to investigate petty crimes with a separate elite federal police force devoting itself to more serious violence.

The military is best placed to lobby the government to stop throwing money and security problems at the military but to instead invest in strengthening the police.

Nigeria’s government already has representatives from perhaps the most influential constituency in Nigerian society. Both Nigeria’s national security advisor and the minister of defense are, like the president, also retired generals.

Nigeria’s group of retired generals is like its own private members club. Their word is likely to carry more weight with the president, and they can use their influence to convince Nigeria’s leaders to address the huge elephants in the room the country has been ignoring for decades: the country’s militarized society and exploding population of more than 200 million people as well as its youth bulge, which keep churning out national security threats on a regular basis.

As an institution that has the ears of the president and whose sudden absence from national life would cause chaos, the military is best placed to lobby the government to stop throwing money and security problems at the military but to instead invest in strengthening the police.

It is Nigeria’s great irony that very little moves unless the military is pushing it.

Max Siollun is an author and historian who has written four acclaimed books on Nigeria’s history; his latest is titled What Britain Did to Nigeria . Twitter:  @maxsiollun

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Problems Of Nigeria: 15 Major Problems/Challenges Of Nigerian Economy

• Post author: Edeh Samuel Chukwuemeka ACMC
• Post published: August 16, 2023
• Post category: Scholarly Articles

Problems in Nigeria and Solutions : Nigeria is Africa’s most populated country and the world’s sixth most populous country. The burgeoning population has resulted in a slew of new issues, including environmental deterioration and traffic congestion in major cities. Violence is being perpetrated in northern Nigeria by a group known as Boko Haram, which is fighting for a state-controlled by Sharia Law.

The organization has kidnapped children and murdered Christians across the country. Nigeria is regarded as Africa’s country with the highest unemployment rate. As a means of surviving, many unemployed adolescents have turned to internet frauds. Corruption has been a big issue in Nigeria for quite some time. Political leaders have a history of engaging in corrupt practices.

Diseases like HIV/AIDS have also been a major problem that has cost the government billions of dollars to address. Currently, 3% of the population is between the ages of 15 and 64.

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Table of Contents

Major Problems Facing Nigeria

1. Economic crisis: Nigeria’s economic situation has deteriorated significantly. The country’s purchasing and selling situation are dire and depressing. The country’s annual profits have decreased, significantly impacting the country’s population. Inflation is a significant issue in the country.

Inflation is defined as a rise in the overall level of prices for goods and services, resulting in a decrease in the buying power of the currency. Workers’ incomes are no longer sufficient to purchase physical goods from marketplaces. It poses a serious threat to many people’s lives, which is one of the reasons why many workers are requesting pay raises.

Nigeria’s annual inflation rate rose to 11.23 percent in August 2018, up from 11.14 percent in July, which was higher than the market’s forecast of 11.11 percent. It was the first time the inflation rate has risen since it began to fall in January 2017, when it hit a 12-year high of 18.7%. (Trading Economics 2018).

Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has been growing at a slow pace in recent years. The gross domestic product (GDP) is one of the most important indices of a country’s economic health. In addition, the GDP has decreased during the last few months. In the first quarter of 2016, it fell by -13.98 percent. In addition, the country’s GDP fell by -13.4 percent in the first quarter of 2018.

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2. Ethnicity: Nigeria, Africa’s colossus, is the world’s most populated black country. Nigeria has a population of around 180 million people. The country’s population is diverse, with over 250 ethnic groups represented. Nigeria’s multi-ethnic character has many advantages as well as disadvantages – ethnicity issues in Nigeria.

Naturally, when it comes to ethnicity, Nigerians are extremely sensitive, with tempers frequently flaring and occasionally resorting to violence. Below are some of the difficulties impacting ethnicity in Nigeria, as well as proposed.

3. The problem of Amalgamation: The British colonial authorities constructed Nigeria as a geographical place to make administration easier. Despite being neighbors, the mostly Muslim north and predominantly Christian south were never united until 1914. Some of the current conflicts in the country may be traced back to this forced union.

Even though the country has been together for almost a century, it has failed to fully integrate. Northerners continue to be suspicious of their southern counterparts, and vice versa. There is a lot of debate about the “ Northern agenda ” and the “ Southern agenda ,” but not much about the “ Nigerian agenda .”

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4. Inequality : This is due to the government’s and its agencies’ apparent favoring of people or regions belonging to one tribe over another. There is an unspoken belief that ethnic majority dominate the affairs of the country, which makes minorities feel like second-class citizens in their own country, not for any fault of their own, but just because they are few.

This frequently causes a sense of perceived unfairness by the government and its agents towards these communities.

5. The problem of Internal Land Conflicts: Land ownership disputes have frequently caused conflicts among Nigerians. Border settlement inside the country is still a work in progress. Many lives have been sacrificed as a result of land ownership disputes, and many more are likely to be lost until these concerns are resolved once and for all.

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6. Resource Management: Tensions frequently arise when it comes to the control of the country’s natural resources. Across the country, groups have emerged to compete for control of resources located on their land. The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta is a good example (MEND).

This organization has filed a lawsuit against the government for control of money derived from the sale of crude oil produced in their territory. They claim that, despite being the golden egg-laying chicken, their territory is severely undeveloped. Members of the Niger-Delta militants have reintroduced the use of weaponry in expressing their grievances.

In their pursuit, they have damaged oil pipelines and abducted oil employees. Even if they have suspended operations for the time being, their actions have drastically reduced crude oil output in the country.

7. Corruption : Many of Nigeria’s issues are caused by corruption. Corruption manifests itself in a variety of ways and infiltrates all political and economic organizations. It is heartbreaking to learn that the government, which was established to strengthen the country and combat corruption, is taking from its citizens.

The government officials tasked with combating corruption are unconcerned about what is expected of them. Non-governing citizens are also judged guilty, even though they are supposed to be free of corruption. Power abuse may be found in practically every branch of the federal government. The present ruling administration is not fulfilling its promises, and officials are more concerned with stuffing their wallets than with properly governing.

Nigeria was ranked 144th out of 177 countries on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index in 2013 , making it one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Nigeria was the 33rd most corrupt country in 2013, mathematically.

In Nigeria, election tampering is not uncommon. Nigerians are tired of going to the polls on election day only to discover that their ballots haven’t been counted. In the year preceding up the 2007 elections, a Foreign Affairs study found about 700 election-related violent actions, including two killings.

International monitors witnessed widespread vote box theft in 2007, and while the situation improved in 2011, ballot-rigging remained widespread. Nigerians and foreign watchdog groups describe accounts of candidates using thugs to steal ballot boxes and threaten voters during elections. Many of these assailants are disgruntled and jobless teenagers.

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8. Terrorism: Terrorism is a major concern in Nigeria daily. The daily massacres, kidnappings, bombings, and rape carried out by Boko Haram throughout the country are quite concerning. Nigeria was rated fourth in the world with the most international war deaths in 2016, according to the Global Peace Index.

In Nigeria, Boko Haram is known as a destroyer, and the northern section of the nation has been so badly damaged that even students are unable to complete their studies In Nigeria, Boko Haram is a well-known terrorist organization. Even if you don’t live in Nigeria, you’ve probably heard of Boko Haram’s kidnappings of hundreds of children, predominantly girls, from schools and communities in northern Nigeria in 2014.

Boko Haram kidnapped roughly 276 Chibok schoolgirls on the night of the 14th and 15th of April in 2014. According to a source, the females were between the ages of 17 and 18. They were pupils of Government Secondary School in Chibok, Nigeria’s Borno State.

9. Unemployment: In Nigeria, unemployment is spreading like a virus. Due to the economic recession, there has been a high rate of unemployment; no jobs are available for the youths; 24 percent of Nigerians are unemployed; now, let’s move on to the youths; there is no rating I can give you for that because there are so many jobless youths on the street; however, based on some facts, I can estimate that 8% of youths under the age of 24 are unemployed. 500,000 job hopefuls were in a rush to apply for roughly 5,000 openings in Nigeria’s immigration agency in 2014, and 16 people were murdered in a melee. Unemployment is also one of the key causes of social vices in the country; even graduates have difficulty finding work.

Students who attend tertiary education institutes frequently leave with no employment and low morale. Nigerian education has a significant difficulty. Many Nigerian graduates did not acquire useful skills during their education. They were too preoccupied with reading textbooks to understand how to apply what they had learned. They apply for employment but are not recruited due to a lack of qualifications.

Graduates frequently have to stay in their parents’ houses for an extended period, leading to dissatisfaction and pessimism. This negativity is one of the main reasons for crime among Nigerian youth; they turn to illegal activities since they have nothing better to do with their time or money. 200,000 students graduate from colleges each year, yet many struggles to find work and others resort to less-than-honorable ways of subsistence.

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10. Education system: Students who attend tertiary education institutions are usually unemployed and depressed. Education in Nigeria is a major challenge. During their schooling, many Nigerian graduates did not learn practical skills. They were too absorbed with reading textbooks to see how what they had learned might be applied. They apply for jobs, but owing to a lack of credentials, they are not hired.

Graduates are usually required to live with their parents for lengthy periods, which can lead to discontent and pessimism. One of the biggest causes of crime among Nigerian young is negativity; they turn to unlawful activities since they have nothing better to do with their time or money. Every year, 200,000 students graduate from college, but many struggles to find jobs and turn to less-than-honorable means of sustenance.

Another issue in Nigerian schools nowadays is political meddling; politics is the most powerful factor in the Nigerian educational system. Many educational institutions are now founded and administered on political grounds in many states; entrance to universities, colleges, and polytechnics, particularly universities, is sometimes influenced by politicians rather than academic merit.

Today’s parents utilize their political clout or influence to affect their children’s education. Malpractices and a lack of preparation Test malpractices have been identified by education experts, with poor examination preparation by pupils being another setback in the educational system. Due to the escalating costs of education ( school fees, enrolment fees, the cost of books and other materials), students and even their parents will not want to be held behind by any type of deficit or failure in any of the needed topics, and would thus go to any length to avoid being held back.

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11. Infrastructure : Following other issues such as Boko Haram, infrastructure may appear to be a minor concern, but how can a country advance without a steady power supply? The power sector is crooked and mismanaged, and many personnel in the energy industry lack the necessary skills and training. Domestic output suffers as a result of these conditions, but frequent power outages also make it impossible for many international enterprises to do business in Nigeria. Nigeria is a third-world country year after year due to this issue.

Without a reliable road system, business suffers. Roads are in disrepair due to corruption and misappropriation of public monies Only 67 percent of paved roads and 33 percent of unpaved roads were in good or fair condition in 2011, according to the World Bank. Between 2001 and 2006, just $50 million of the $240 million needed for road repairs was paid.

Water resources and railways have similar problems with insufficiency and corruption. Nigeria must address its infrastructure challenges by providing adequate financing and clamping down on the misappropriation of public monies intended for infrastructure. Any engineer or contractor who does not complete his work properly should be held accountable.

Nigeria’s environmental and health standards are deplorable. According to Amnesty International, hundreds of oil leaks occur each year in Nigeria’s Niger Delta, owing to pipe degradation, sabotage, and carelessness on the part of oil firms. Oil spills deplete soil microorganisms and nutrients, which impacts Delta fishing and farming communities as well as the broader economy. In Nigeria, litter is strewn across the highways and streets. The spread of illness is aided by improperly dumped waste.

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12. Lack of skilled personnel’s: Brain drain has become a common phenomenon today, as our highly skilled professionals are now relocating to countries where there are quality infrastructures to work, great standard of living, and a good pay to match.

This issue of lack of highly skilled personnel and sufficient manpower has led to reduced productivity in most sectors of our economy, and as such has limited our economic development and growth.

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13. Inconsistent economic policies: In Nigeria, every Government comes into office in with their own economic policies which often differ from the policies of the previous administration, hence the previous policies suffer fatally from poor implementation because before it is fully implemented to produce maximum result in our economy, the tenure of the initiator will elapse, and the policies will not be implemented further by the proceeding administration, so therefore resulting in a situation of an ever changing and poorly implemented economic policies which does no good to the growth of our economy.

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14. Electoral malpractice: Election malpractice is corruption defined. It has become a disturbing menace in Nigeria that elections are hardly conducted freely and fairly. The 2023 election was an eye-opener for everyone. Regardless of the various measures that were put in place to curtail election malpractice, all were to no avail. The good news, however, is that the recent innovations in the electoral law, policy and practice made the electoral irregularities very obvious.

15. The removal of fuel subsidy: After the current president Tinubu was sworn in, his opening statement included the intention to remove fuel subsidy. Nigerians know exactly what this entails. This led to the abrupt outrageous increase in price of fuel in Nigeria. This is the worse Nigeria has recorded so far from the history. The president later on, made a statement, stating that nothing can be done to remedy the situation. Recall that the announcement for the intended removal of fuel subsidy was made without any single measure being put in place to remedy the impact of the removal of fuel subsidy.

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Solutions to the Problems in Nigeria

a . Nigerians must come to embrace the truth that, despite the fact that the country was founded by the British, we are all one people.

b. Those who advocate for one tribe’s supremacy over others should be warned and potentially sanctioned. This will contribute to the country’s unity and build greater trust among all tribes.

c . All tribes and areas should be treated equally by the government. The Principle of Federal Character, which stipulates that all states are represented in the federal government, was included in the constitution to address this issue.

d . Resource management should be prioritized so that groups like MEND can no longer exist in our country.

e . Land disputes, many of which have been dragging on for years, should be resolved as soon as possible to avoid further loss of life and property.

f. The educational sector should receive enough funding. The Nigerian government requires a rebirth. Especially for all of the promises they made on education. As stated in the Nigerian constitution of 1999, basic and secondary education would be free. Every kid has the right to an education in a safe and healthy setting.

g . Since we are all aware of our economy’s job dilemma, everyone should strive for a “ back up plan .” If there are no jobs in the economy, try to create some. This can be accomplished by learning one or two different trades. Attending school provides you with extra information, allowing you to become an educated tailor, baker, or shoemaker, for example. Being your own boss pays better than anything else.

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h. Finding a remedy to corruption has proven to be a dead end throughout the years. This is because corruption affects practically all Nigerians on a daily basis, not only crooked politicians. It might be by bribery or connections, or by attempting to force someone who lacks quality into a position he does not belong. Corruption must be combated as a team effort. We must all take a stance to expose corruption and tell the truth about issues that affect our environment.

I. The use of violence to combat violence is unlikely to succeed in eliminating terrorism since it will result in the deaths of many innocent people. According to studies, the most effective approach to terrorism is effective security and dialogue with terrorists to tackle issues related to the source of terrorism, and the government must prioritize the benefits of the people. The government is responsible for this discourse, which must be conducted in order to keep the country secure.

j . To begin, the government should put in place policies that have already been developed, such as a gender policy that aspires to achieve gender equality. The administration has also pledged an equitable transfer of wealth to the people, which should be implemented.

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The use of violence to combat violence is unlikely to succeed in eliminating terrorism since it will result in the deaths of many innocent people. According to studies, the most effective approach to terrorism is effective security and dialogue with terrorists to tackle issues related to the source of terrorism, and the government must prioritize the benefits of the people.

The government is responsible for this discourse, which must be conducted in order to keep the country secure. The government should put in place policies that have already been developed, such as a gender policy that aspires to achieve gender equality. The administration has also pledged an equitable transfer of wealth to the people, which should be implemented.

Edeh Samuel Chukwuemeka, ACMC, is a lawyer and a certified mediator/conciliator in Nigeria. He is also a developer with knowledge in various programming languages. Samuel is determined to leverage his skills in technology, SEO, and legal practice to revolutionize the legal profession worldwide by creating web and mobile applications that simplify legal research. Sam is also passionate about educating and providing valuable information to people.

This Post Has 7 Comments

Mr question is that, all this solution you’ve have written down, have once ever secretly or openly impacted at least one of it to solve one part of the problems?

These vague and two-line solutions proffered to the mountain of problems are insufficient to shed light on the way forward, they {solutions} seem better said than done!

Hmmmmmm true talk, may the Lord restore our country and guides our leaders to lead us well

Our story is not as bleak as presented here. That this report is coming from a Nigerian saddens my heart. The tone here is so negative! If we scored ourselves so low like this, how can we be rated any better by foreigners? I admit that things are bad but not as bad as we are made to believe here!

I what to know the genesis of thi s Nigeria problem

Thanks so much, I love the way you broke things down and not just that. You also gave solutions. Nice one!

Comments are closed.

Challenges and Possibilities for Progress in Nigeria

Subscribe to africa in focus, olumide taiwo ot olumide taiwo former brookings expert.

May 17, 2010

The death of Nigerian President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua did not come as a shock to most Nigerians due to his prolonged illness. In memory of his brief presidency, Yar’Adua will be remembered most for his unyielding commitment to the rule of law and his personal transparency as a politician. These attributes are rare among the Nigerian political elite. As president-elect, he declared his financial assets and invited Nigerians to judge his pledge of transparency at the end of his elected term when he would once again declare his assets. His attempt to find a lasting solution to the crisis in the oil-producing Niger-Delta region produced an amnesty program that required militants to lay down their guns and embrace peace and development in their communities. After admitting flaws in the election that brought him the presidency, Yar’Adua immediately initiated an overhaul of the electoral process to ensure that Nigeria could conduct credible elections in the future. He removed the selectivity stain that previously clouded anti-corruption efforts. In a departure from his predecessor, Yar’Adua institutionalized efforts to fight corruption rather than build the efforts around an individual, although his efforts against corruption were overshadowed by noise from within and outside the country.

During his inaugural speech, the new Nigerian president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, affirmed his commitment to Yar’Adua’s legacy in the areas of transparent governance, electoral reform, peace and development of the Niger Delta, security of life and property around the country, and the fight against corruption. Since the return of democratic governance to Nigeria in May 1999, elected presidents have tended to live up to their promises. A comparison of the last two presidents’ inaugural speeches and their subsequent achievements not only support this but also provides a basis for confidence in the new president.

Jonathan has learned important governing lessons from the various crises and challenges of democratic governance during his tenure as a deputy governor, then as governor of his home state before becoming vice president in May 2007. While these experiences are invaluable, it is also important that, as president, Jonathan seizes this opportunity to put Nigeria back on the path of rapid progress by devising fresh approaches to tackling the country’s growth and development problems.

Good Governance and Electoral Reforms

President Jonathan has taken some steps to demonstrate his commitment to good governance. He declared his financial assets back in 2007, and has included more people with either good knowledge of the country or proven managerial skills in his cabinet. While these were good steps, the problem of political patronage remains the bane of political and economic progress in Nigeria. Although the leadership crisis that gripped the country following the former president’s illness is partly attributable to weakness in the constitution regarding succession of power, it is to a greater extent a reflection of the strength of political patronage. Going forward, the president needs to establish new standards regarding who should do business with government and how government business should be run. Some of the steps taken by the Obama administration in the U.S. could provide guidance in this respect. On electoral reforms, he has taken some bold steps by removing the controversial chairman of the electoral commission. He should continue to engage the Judicial Council in the reforms and ensure that credible electoral officers are appointed, while ensuring the independence of the electoral commission. He also needs to ensure that the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) becomes an institution that operates independently of the presidency subject to the rule of law.

Peace and Development of the Niger-Delta

The crisis in the Niger Delta has festered over more than two decades. The late president had already initiated an amnesty program to tackle the issue. Moving forward on this agenda requires a critical look at the historically important issues. Although the Movement for Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) claimed that their struggle was borne out of total neglect of the Niger Delta areas, insiders would say that the crisis was more a result of the loss of confidence and trust by the youth in their political leaders. First, the federal government did not make good on its plan to compensate the indigenes for land appropriated for oil exploration. Second, monetary compensations by the oil companies to the communities through their leaders are often misappropriated. The youth reacted by attacking the homes and properties of community leaders. After cycles of infighting and having realized their approach was not fruitful, the youth changed their strategy and resorted to demanding compensation directly from the oil companies by taking hostages and demanding ransoms.

The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), which was established about a decade ago to develop those areas, has made minimal impact primarily due to internal conflicts among its members. Members from different states and ethnic groups would prefer to appropriate most of the funds and projects for the benefit of their own respective areas. The absence of tangible impact by the commission remains a rallying point for militant youth to return to hostage-taking. As an indigene and former governor of a member state of the Niger Delta, the acting president needs to demonstrate that he has the knowledge, executive power and the political will to implement the terms of the amnesty program. Although he has recently appointed a new minister of the Niger Delta, there is a pressing need to restructure the NDDC in order to fasten the pace of development efforts. Jonathan could consider appointing a trusted Nigerian non-indigene of the Niger Delta area as chair of the governing board in order to break the current and potential stalemate in the commission’s decision process.

Security Issues around the Country

The crisis in Jos, Plateau State and similar crises in other parts of Nigeria provide lessons in the handling the country’s security matters. However, the lessons would be lost if the causes of these security crisis are not thoroughly examined. The Jos crisis began as an ethno-political one, but has recently assumed a dangerous religious dimension. The crisis started in 1996 during election for chairmanship of the Jos North local government. The new council was created by the Ibrahim Babangida administration in 1994 and governed by an appointed chairman for the first two years during which there were no crises. The area is populated by indigenous people and immigrant settlers. Since the settlers have outnumbered the indigenes over the years, the council election was won by a representative of the immigrant Hausa ethnic group, the majority population group in the council area. The outcome was not acceptable to the indigenes who felt entitled to the office. Since then, the battle for control of the local government has generated unrest on a recurring basis. The crisis assumed a religious dimension since the immigrant Hausas are Muslims and the indigenes are predominantly Christians. Other ethnic groups have become victims of the intermittent crisis either accidentally or by taking sides with the two groups based on religious affiliations.

Fundamentally, the Jos crisis can easily be replicated in other parts of the country as long as there are grounds for rivalry for resource control, particularly along ethnic lines. The main lesson learned is that governance by appointed administrators who are typically from outside the council area has worked better for peace and development. While this is at odds with the principles of democratic governance, the model provides clues as to how to solve the crisis. The government has always dealt with this and other crises on a post-mortem basis by setting up committees of inquiry. It is time to switch from the committee-of-inquiry approach to investing in more proactive domestic intelligence gathering system. Every crisis-in-waiting can be averted with little additional investment in the intelligence apparatus. Nigeria has the manpower to achieve this goal; there are people with deep knowledge of the history of every potential trouble area that would be happy to be part of the process.

Sound and Long-Term Public Institutions

The major problems confronting development in Nigeria are rooted in socio-cultural composition. The society consists of distinct and numerous communal groups, extended families and lineages, clans and ethnic groups, which have served to sustain livelihoods during years of bad governance, unemployment, deprivation and financial insecurity. As a result, these groups have transformed into solidarity groups, the welfare of which has assumed greater importance than the welfare of the larger society. This explains why female relatives of a Nigerian politician ordered to be arrested for corruption are willing to strip naked in protest. A Nigerian politician who holds public office is expected to use the country’s resources first and foremost for the benefit of his or her cultural, familial, ethnic or religious group. Instead of hard work on the farm or other productive enterprises, politics and political patronage have turned out as the most productive private investments and the platform for achieving the “Nigerian” dream.

For Nigeria to move forward in a sustainable way, it is imperative to strengthen public institutions, including law enforcement and social security institutions. The parliament needs to take seriously the issue of retirement benefits for politicians in every part of the county. There is urgent need for viable debate on how to eliminate the “fear of the unknown” that is the leading driver of corruption. If necessary, new institutions should be creatively designed with two objectives in mind. First, they must have the potential to weaken group solidarity. Second, they should provide Nigerian citizens some sense of ownership of the larger society in the country. It is also time to start investing in the collection of rich data that can provide the necessary information for development planning and robust policy analysis. The current depth of data collection efforts is anything but commendable.

The 2011 Presidential Election

President Goodluck Jonathan should not make participation in the 2011 presidential election a do-or-die affair. He should rather focus on building on the legacy of his late friend and predecessor Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. He has the support of various interest groups and citizens from across the country behind him. He should seize the moment and pursue the goals he promised in order move the country onto a path of sustainable development. If Jonathan decides to run in the 2011 presidential election and wins, it would be good news for the country since it guarantees continuity in his programs and policies. If instead he decides to just complete the tenure of the Yar’Adua administration, then he can focus more energy into his plans and supervise a credible election later this year. Either way, it is a win-win situation for the country.

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February 6, 2023

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Causes, Effects and Solutions to Youth Unemployment Problems in Nigeria

2013, Journal of Emerging Trends in Economics and Management Sciences

The purpose of this paper is to look into the causes, effects and solutions to youth unemployment problems in Nigeria. The rate at which unemployed graduates roam the street after the National Youth Service constitutes social malice to the country as a whole. The data for this paper was collected from secondary sources using descriptive approach of previous researches and analysis of scholars to gather empirical data. The findings revealed that unemployment in Nigeria among youths are caused by six major problems and six major effects which has created tension and hatred between the haves and have not, leading to communal clashes and the rise of such groups such as Boko Haram, Niger Delta Militant, armed robbery, prostitution and child trafficking constituting hiccups to security of lives and properties. Also, the findings revealed that unemployment in Nigeria increased from 21.1% in 2010 to 23.9% in 2011 with youth unemployment at over 50%. From 2011 to 2013 there is an increase of 16% unemployment growth rate in Nigeria. Significantly, the impact of this paper is that government should create labour market that work better for the youths employment and recommends that the government should invest heavily on education to enable the youth become self reliance instead of job seekers through skills development and training.

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Canadian Social Science

Kakwagh Venatus

Aminu Zubairu Surajo

The paper focuses attention on the persistent problem of unemployment and poverty among the youths, which is a serious phenomenon in Nigeria. It constitutes a problem not only for the youths themselves but to the overall social, political and economic structures of the country. By examining the condition of the youths, it indicates that there is no concrete attempt by the government to connect, organize and improve the dynamisms of its youths towards sustainable national development. Unemployed youths in the country have not only been neglected and left unattended but have been imposed by unemployment and poverty. This problem not only leads to their disempowerment but also creates a situation that influences them to involve in deviant behaviours such as crime, drug trafficking, prostitutions, internet scam, election rigging and other fraudulent activities. Youth unemployment and poverty threatened peace and national security which shows that the country needs to re-consolidate, educate, and be dedicated to youths by developing policies and programmes that address their problems. Therefore, the problems associated with youth unemployment and poverty in Nigeria include government failure to empower youths to sustain a living, high rate of crime, the rapid growth of ethnic militias and Boko Haram insurgency, youth involvement in political violence and drug trafficking. The solutions to the problem of youth unemployment and poverty in the country comprise of youth empowerment, employment creation, establishing well-articulated National youth policy, propagate moral reorientation, provide sporting and recreational services and train youths the philosophy of tolerance and hardworking.

international journal of zambrut

Patrick Tabe

Abstract The scourge of youth unemployment in Nigeria is increasingly pervasive and gruesome, accelerating the rate of the socio-economic downturn. Majority of the Nigerian population live in abject poverty unable to cater for themselves as a result of joblessness which leads to frustration, crime and suicide. The objective of this study therefore, is to examine the current scenario of the increasing and devastating upsurge of unemployment and underemployment among youths in Nigeria. As a measure to proffer possible panacea, a way out of this regressive cycle of youth unemployment., secondary data were extracted from National Bureau of Statistic (NBS, 2015-2019), National Population Commission (NPC, 2015-2019), using descriptive approach of previous research publications and analysis of scholars to gather empirical data. The findings revealed that there exists disequilibrium between the growing rate of population and the demand for labour force in the labour market, not everyone who wants a job can get one. As a result of such socio-economic environment, Nigerian youths are trapped in a state of voluntary and involuntary unemployment leading to waste of human capital. Further findings identified the pivotal role played by the federal government in curbing the paralysis of youth unemployment and underemployment, as they are urged to do more in order to create an enabling environment that nurtures entrepreneurship and also invest heavily on educational, developmental training programmes to enable the youth become self reliance and creator of employment opportunities in the country Keywords: Youth employment, poverty, solution, crime, skills development, Nigeria

Attah Emmanuel

Unemployment remains one of the greatest problems Nigeria is facing today. This paper thus looks into the unemployment situation in Nigeria, types of unemployment, causes of unemployment in Nigeria and the social effect of unemployment. The paper examines library materials, journal publications, internet materials and other documented materials relevant to the subject matter. It is recommended that the government should put in place massive youth development programmes in all the states of the federation; The general school curriculum should be remodeled to inculcate technical skill acquisition which will help even secondary school graduates to have employable skills; Youth creativeness and entrepreneurial skills need to be encouraged by private organizations and government institutions; Government should make agriculture more attractive by providing and making available modernized tools and also encouraging youths into this direction. The paper concludes that in order to reduce une...

Williams Abomaye-Nimenibo PhD

Yemisi Lydia Olaleye

This paper examines the effects of youth unemployment on socioeconomic development in contemporary Nigeria. Youth unemployment in Nigeria is due to high population growth, lack of employable skills due to inappropriate school curricula, perception of policy makers amongst other factors. Youth unemployment can make youths become frustrated as they have to depend on their family for sustenance because they cannot cater for their own needs. The implication of this is that the crises facing contemporary African youths in socioeconomic sectors, like employment, education, and other institutions, are addressed by the government. One striking revelation from this paper is that unemployment affects youth psychologically which can have many short term and long term effects. This paper concludes that tackling the problem of youth unemployment will really do the country good as it will become a better place, safer place and a country filled with talented and confident young men and women. It is, therefore, recommended that youth should be encourage not to only relying on white collar jobs alone but they should be ready to learn vocational jobs such as motor mechanic, fashion designing, catering, soap making, etc. while they are in secondary school. This can be done after school or weekend.

Arts and Design Studies

rufus akindola

This study employs qualitative and quantitative research methods to investigate the causes and effects of youth unemployment in Oye Local Government Area of Ekiti State. It was found that low level of education, the collapse of local industries, inadequate job creation and neglect of the agricultural sector by the State Government are largely responsible for youth unemployment in the local government area. The study also found that low standard of living and high crime rates are the direct results of youth unemployment and recommended the diversification of the economy to enhance the generation of full and part time job opportunities, including the revitalisation of collapsed local industries to absorb the growing number of unemployed youths. Keywords: Youth, Unemployment, Oye-Ekiti, Local Government, Crime, Nigeria

lawrence okwuosa

This article explores unemployment among the youths in Nigeria and its impact on peace and stability in the country. It draws data from National Bureau of statistics documents, books, journal articles, and other scholarly works. These were analyzed in order to re-evaluate the implication of unemployment among the youths in Nigeria and proffer solutions to the predicament. Findings revealed that the unemployment rate among the youths in Nigeria is high and worrisome despite the rich natural recourses in the country. It further indicates that youth unemployment is associated with high rate of violence and criminality in the country which have continued to jeopardize the peace and security of the nation. To reverse the trend of youth unemployment and ensure peace and security in Nigeria, the research suggests that the Nigerian government should set up more skill acquisition centres through effective entrepreneurship development, revitalize ailing industries, encourage agriculture, and ...

SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS AND UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG YOUTHS IN NIGERIA A CASE STUDY OF ZARIA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA

Abstract This study work is on unemployment and the socio-economic effects of among youths in Nigeria: A case study of Zaria Local Government Area in Kaduna State. The issue of unemployment in Nigeria is a tropical issue, which brought to lot of comments as regarding the damage it causes to the social life of citizens. The method used in this study is survey research design. In pursuance of the objectives of the study data were collected from one Hundred and Twenty (120) respondents from three (3) or wards. The data were collected by the use of questionnaire, the data analyzed were based on the one hundred and twenty (120) self administered questionnaire retrieved from the respondents. The three objectives of the study work were being highlighted, while three (3) research questions were presented, and three major findings were found in the study, the study recommended that: Government should make provision for social amenities to better the life of unemployed youths, both governments; and non-governmental organization should promote skilled acquisition among youths in order to make them self reliance to ensure effective socio-economic development among the youths in the area of research.

THE IMPACT OF YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN BENUE STATE, NIGERIA

Kwaghga A O N D O A S E E R Lawrence

This study examined the phenomenon of youth unemployment, its prevalence and form, causes and effects on socio economic development in Benue State. Cross sectional study design was used while youths and adults constituted population of the study. Data were collected using questionnaire and key informant interviews. Structural and frictional youth unemployment was dominant among the people. The findings show that, the causes of youth unemployment in the study area include inability of government to effectively implement youth empowerment programmes, corruption by government officials and overpopulation. Others include improper socialization, decaying moral values, rapid urbanization, ignorance, lack of entrepreneurship skills, lack of industrialization, outdated school curriculum, untimely business policies and poor economic growth in the country. The effects of youth unemployment on socio economic development were found to include consistent violence, armed robbery, insecurity, political thuggery, prostitution, militancy, vandalism. Others include proliferation of arms, drug abuse, political instability, stress, frustration, depression, hostility, abduction, murder and election rigging which have collectively adversely affected socio economic development in Benue State. It recommended for technical, vocational and entrepreneurship education and effective economic policies to tackle the problem of youth unemployment in the area.

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Home — Essay Samples — Geography & Travel — Africa — Nigeria

Essays on Nigeria

Nigeria is a country with a rich and diverse history, culture, and economy. With its large population, diverse ethnic groups, and abundant natural resources, Nigeria offers a wide range of essay topics to explore. Whether you are interested in politics, economics, culture, or history, there are countless fascinating topics to delve into when writing about Nigeria. In this article, we will provide a comprehensive list of Nigeria essay topics, along with some tips on choosing the right topic for your essay.

The Importance of the Topic

Writing about Nigeria is important for several reasons. First, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and has a significant impact on the continent's politics, economy, and culture. Therefore, understanding Nigeria is crucial for anyone interested in African affairs. Additionally, Nigeria's history and culture are rich and complex, making it an intriguing subject for study and exploration. By writing about Nigeria, you can gain a deeper understanding of the country and its people, as well as contribute to the scholarly discourse on African studies.

Advice on Choosing a Topic

When choosing a topic for your Nigeria essay, it's important to consider your interests, as well as the requirements of the assignment. If you are passionate about politics, you might consider writing about Nigeria's democratic system, the role of political parties, or the impact of corruption on governance. If you are interested in economics, you could explore topics such as Nigeria's oil industry, the impact of globalization on the Nigerian economy, or the challenges of economic development. For those interested in culture and history, there are numerous topics to choose from, including traditional Nigerian music and dance, the history of colonialism in Nigeria, or the impact of globalization on Nigerian traditions. Ultimately, the best topic for your essay is one that aligns with your interests and expertise, while also allowing you to explore new ideas and perspectives.

Nigeria offers a wealth of essay topics to explore, ranging from politics and economics to culture and history. By writing about Nigeria, you can gain a deeper understanding of this diverse and dynamic country, while also contributing to the scholarly discourse on African studies. When choosing a topic for your Nigeria essay, it's important to consider your interests and the requirements of the assignment, in order to select a topic that is both engaging and academically rigorous. Whether you are interested in exploring Nigeria's political landscape, economy, culture, or history, there is no shortage of fascinating topics to delve into when writing about Nigeria.

Geo-political Review of Nigeria

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Women and Property Inheritance in Nigeria

Influence of colonialism on nigeria, business ideas for women, nigeria’s democracy in the era of fake news, let us write you an essay from scratch.

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Why 2011, 2015 and eventually 2019 general election are history makers in nigeria, best vacations in nigeria, prisoners of conscience in nigeria, relations between china and nigeria, lost virtues in my country, pre-colonial and post-colonial challenges of motherhood as illustrated in joys of motherhood, overview of the political system in nigeria, small arms proliferation and its national security implications in nigeria,, importance of ajaokuta to the industrialization of nigeria, the independent national electoral commission (inec), fatherly role in african politics, an analysis of distinct nature of the urhobo people in regards to marriage and family life, the scales of the golden fish, lost at the sea, the impact of the film "merry men: the real yoruba demons" in nigerians, democracy in nigeria & india & effects of colonial experience on these countries, effects of colonialism in africa: nigeria and the congo, the main aims of the author in "things fall apart", nigeria vs western capitalist society as potrayed in things fall apart and the joys of motherhood, assessing the status of ergonomics and the health implications in an organization in nigeria, relevant topics.

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Judiciary Biggest Problem of Nigeria's Democracy Not INEC - Peter Obi

T he presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 election, Peter Obi said the biggest problem of Nigeria's democracy is the judiciary and not the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC.

Obi stated this at the fifth memorial of late Justice Anthony Aniagolu at the Godfrey Okoye University in Enugu.

According to the former Anambra governor, justice in Nigeria "goes to the highest bidder" and has become "commodified."

He said, "While the judiciary, today, still boasts of a few outstanding judges, there is an undeniable decline in our judicial system.

"This decline poses a significant threat to the future of Nigeria. Justice is increasingly commodified, and delivered in favour of the highest bidder.

"Whenever democracy is discussed, fingers point to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as the problem. But INEC is not the problem, instead, the judiciary is. The judiciary is the biggest threat to Nigeria. If our judiciary is effective, our businesses will thrive.

"When the rule of law is compromised, the most vulnerable members of society are disproportionately affected, and the fabric of our society begins to fray. The integrity of our institutions, the protection of human rights, and the stability of our nation are all jeopardised.

"The rule of law is the highest intangible and most valuable asset of any society, and we must work tirelessly to protect and preserve it. We must prioritise the pursuit of justice above all else.

"I emphasised the urgent need to revitalise our judicial system by safeguarding its independence and promoting the values of character, competence, capability, compassion, and integrity among our jurists, as well as within our political leadership.

"By doing so, we can ensure justice and fairness prevail as we endeavour to build a better Nigeria for all.

"Nigeria has become a country where anything goes. There is no rule of law, there is almost no judiciary. Everybody could be pushed down because there is no rule of law.

"Because the judiciary has become commercialised and depends on how much one pays, it has become difficult to get true justice in the judiciary.

"At any point in time where the judiciary is not working, the society suffers."

Harry and Meghan's Archewell charity found delinquent over unpaid fees

LOS ANGELES — The charity founded by Prince Harry and his wife, Meghan , has been found delinquent in California and cannot raise money because the state has determined Archewell Foundation has not paid its annual registration fees or submitted an annual report.

A source close to Archewell said that the group’s initial check was lost in the mail but that payment has been resubmitted. The issue is expected to be resolved within days, the source said.

California Attorney General Rob Bonta issued a notice of delinquency to Archewell Foundation this month, noting that the organization's renewal information was incomplete. State records show that the foundation's last renewal was in May 2023 and that it has officially been marked "delinquent," meaning the charity cannot raise money.

The Duke and Duchess of Sussex have been in Nigeria bringing attention to causes they have long supported, including wounded veterans. Harry, a founding patron of the Invictus Games, played a game of sitting volleyball with wounded former soldiers.

The couple launched Archewell Foundation in 2020, after they stepped down from their duties as senior members of the royal family and moved out of the United Kingdom . Its mission statement is simply "Show up, do good."

"We consciously partner with key organizations and leaders to identify immediate needs, build meaningful initiatives, and drive long-term change," the foundation's website says.

According to the foundation, it backs programs that involve supporting parents, empowering girls, advocating for mental health and connecting families of Afghan refugees with the communities where they have resettled.

Archewell is also supporting a playground in Uvalde, Texas, in honor of the shooting that killed 19 children at Robb Elementary School.

Diana Dasrath reported from Los Angeles and Doha Madani from New York.

Diana Dasrath is entertainment producer and senior reporter for NBC News covering all platforms.

Doha Madani is a senior breaking news reporter for NBC News. Pronouns: she/her.

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Guest Essay

The View Within Israel Turns Bleak

By Megan K. Stack

Ms. Stack is a contributing Opinion writer who has reported from the Middle East.

It was the pictures of Palestinians swimming and sunning at a Gaza beach that rubbed Yehuda Shlezinger, an Israeli journalist, the wrong way. Stylish in round red glasses and a faint scruff of beard, Mr. Shlezinger unloaded his revulsion at the “disturbing” pictures while appearing on Israel’s Channel 12.

“These people there deserve death, a hard death, an agonizing death, and instead we see them enjoying on the beach and having fun,” complained Mr. Shlezinger, the religious affairs correspondent for the widely circulated right-wing Israel Hayom newspaper. “We should have seen a lot more revenge there,” Mr. Shlezinger unrepentantly added. “A lot more rivers of Gazans’ blood.”

It would be nice to think that Mr. Shlezinger is a fringe figure or that Israelis would be shocked by his bloody fantasies. But he’s not, and many wouldn’t be.

Israel has hardened, and the signs of it are in plain view. Dehumanizing language and promises of annihilation from military and political leaders. Polls that found wide support for the policies that have wreaked devastation and starvation in Gaza. Selfies of Israeli soldiers preening proudly in bomb-crushed Palestinian neighborhoods. A crackdown on even mild forms of dissent among Israelis.

The Israeli left — the factions that criticize the occupation of Palestinian lands and favor negotiations and peace instead — is now a withered stump of a once-vigorous movement. In recent years, the attitudes of many Israelis toward the “Palestinian problem” have ranged largely from detached fatigue to the hard-line belief that driving Palestinians off their land and into submission is God’s work.

This bleak ideological landscape emerged slowly and then, on Oct. 7, all at once.

The massacre and kidnappings of that day, predictably, brought a public thirst for revenge. But in truth, by the time Hamas killers rampaged through the kibbutzim — in a bitter twist, home to some of the holdout peaceniks — many Israelis had long since come to regard Palestinians as a threat best locked away. America’s romantic mythology and wishful thinking about Israel encourage a tendency to see Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the main cause of the ruthlessness in Gaza, where Israel has killed more than 35,000 people. The unpopular, scandal-ridden premier makes a convincing ogre in an oversimplified story.

But Israel’s slaughter in Gaza, the creeping famine, the wholesale destruction of neighborhoods — this, polling suggests, is the war the Israeli public wanted. A January survey found that 94 percent of Jewish Israelis said the force being used against Gaza was appropriate or even insufficient. In February, a poll found that most Jewish Israelis opposed food and medicine getting into Gaza. It was not Mr. Netanyahu alone but also his war cabinet members (including Benny Gantz, often invoked as the moderate alternative to Mr. Netanyahu) who unanimously rejected a Hamas deal to free Israeli hostages and, instead, began an assault on the city of Rafah, overflowing with displaced civilians.

“It’s so much easier to put everything on Netanyahu, because then you feel so good about yourself and Netanyahu is the darkness,” said Gideon Levy, an Israeli journalist who has documented Israel’s military occupation for decades. “But the darkness is everywhere.”

Like most political evolutions, the toughening of Israel is partly explained by generational change — Israeli children whose earliest memories are woven through with suicide bombings have now matured into adulthood. The rightward creep could be long-lasting because of demographics, with modern Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews (who disproportionately vote with the right) consistently having more babies than their secular compatriots.

Most crucially, many Israelis emerged from the second intifada with a jaundiced view of negotiations and, more broadly, Palestinians, who were derided as unable to make peace. This logic conveniently erased Israel’s own role in sabotaging the peace process through land seizures and settlement expansion. But something broader had taken hold — a quality that Israelis described to me as a numb, disassociated denial around the entire topic of Palestinians.

“The issues of settlements or relations with Palestinians were off the table for years,” Tamar Hermann told me. “The status quo was OK for Israelis.”

Ms. Hermann, a senior research fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute, is one of the country’s most respected experts on Israeli public opinion. In recent years, she said, Palestinians hardly caught the attention of Israeli Jews. She and her colleagues periodically made lists of issues and asked respondents to rank them in order of importance. It didn’t matter how many choices the pollsters presented, she said — resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict came in last in almost all measurements.

“It was totally ignored,” she said.

The psychological barrier between Israelis and Palestinians was hardened when Israel built the snaking West Bank barrier, which helped to forestall attacks on Israelis toward the end of the second intifada — the five-year Palestinian uprising that erupted in 2000, killing about 1,000 Israelis and roughly three times as many Palestinians. The wall helped keep West Bank suicide bombers from penetrating Israel and piled extra misery on ever-more-constrained Palestinian civilians, many of whom refer to it as the apartheid wall.

Many Israelis, Ms. Hermann told me, are at a loss when asked to identify the border where Israel ends and the West Bank begins. Her research from 2016 found that only a small percentage of Israelis knew for sure that the Green Line was the border delineated by the 1949 Armistice. The question of whether this border should even be depicted on Israeli school maps has been a heated topic of debate within Israel; with a rueful laugh, Ms. Hermann described many of the classroom maps as “from the river to the sea.”

Such ignorance is a luxury exclusive to Israelis. Palestinians make it their business to know exactly where the border between Israel and the West Bank lies, which checkpoints are open on a given day, which roads they may and may not use. These are not abstract ideas; they dictate the daily movements of Palestinians, and confusing them could be fatal.

Israel’s uneasy detachment turned to rage on Oct. 7.

A handful of songs with lyrics calling for the annihilation of a dehumanized enemy have been circulated in Israel these past months, including “Launch,” a hip-hop glorification of the military promising “from kisses to guns, until Gaza is erased” and suggesting that the West Bank city of Jenin is under the “plague of the firstborn,” a reference to the biblical story in which God smites the eldest sons of Egypt. The smash hit “ Harbu Darbu ,” addressed to “you sons of Amalek,” promises “another X on the rifle, ’cause every dog will get what’s coming to him.”

“There is no forgiveness for swarms of rats,” another song goes . “They will die in their rat holes.”

Israeli shops hawk trendy products like a bumper sticker that reads, “Finish them,” and a pendant cut into the shape of Israel, with East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza seamlessly attached.

Israeli protesters have repeatedly taken to the streets in anguish over the hostages held in Gaza and rage at Mr. Netanyahu (who faced intense domestic opposition long before Oct. 7) for failing to save them. But the demonstrations should not be conflated with international calls to protect civilians in Gaza. Many Israelis want a cease-fire to free the hostages, followed by the ouster of Mr. Netanyahu — but the protests do not reflect a groundswell of sympathy for Palestinians or a popular desire to rethink the status quo ante of occupation and long-silenced peace talks.

If anything, with the world’s attention fixed on Gaza, Israel’s far-right government has intensified the domination of Palestinians. The single largest Israeli land grab in more than 30 years happened in March , when Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich announced the state seizure of 10 square kilometers of the West Bank. The land takeovers are accompanied by a bloody campaign of terror , with an ever-less-distinguishable mix of soldiers and settlers killing at least 460 Palestinians in the West Bank since Oct. 7, the Palestinian health ministry says.

Meanwhile, inside Israel, the police have handed out guns to civilians and set up de facto militias in the name of self-defense. But questions about whom these newly armed groups are meant to defend, and from whom, have created a creeping unease.

The weapons have gone not only to West Bank settlements or towns adjacent to Palestinian territories and Lebanon but also to communities set deep in Israel’s interior, particularly places that are home to a mix of Arab and Jewish residents . An analysis published in January by the newspaper Haaretz found that while the national security ministry wouldn’t disclose which communities got gun licenses or the criteria used to decide, Arab communities — even those on Israel’s frontier — did not seem to be eligible.

The guns sent a chill through Palestinian citizens of Israel, who have often been invoked in defense of the state. Look, Israel’s advocates often say, Arabs live more freely in Israel than anywhere else in the Middle East.

Hassan Jabareen, a prominent Palestinian lawyer who founded Adalah, Israel’s main legal center for Arab rights, told me that many Arab citizens of Israel — who constitute one-fifth of the population — live in fear.

Israel’s attacks on Gaza have in the past provoked community protests, riots and clashes among Arabs and Jews in Israel. After Oct. 7, though, the message was clear: Stay quiet.

“The police left no doubt that we were enemies of the state,” Mr. Jabareen said, “when they started arming the Jewish citizens of Israel and called Jewish citizens to come to the station and take your arms to defend yourself from your Palestinian neighbor.”

Diana Buttu, a Palestinian lawyer who lives with her family in the Israeli city of Haifa, told me that these past months have been thick with unease. She has long imagined herself as a living holdover from the once-thriving Arab population that was largely displaced from what is now Israel. A “remnant,” she calls herself, who for years moved through Israel feeling invisible.

Now the sense of invisibility has melted. Both Ms. Buttu and Mr. Jabareen said that the current atmosphere in Israel had drawn closer and sharpened in their minds the mass displacement known in Arabic as the nakba, or catastrophe, as if history might yet loop back. Mr. Netanyahu evoked the same era when he referred to Israel’s current onslaught as “Israel’s second war of independence.”

“They didn’t see us,” Ms. Buttu said. “We were the ghosts; we were just there. And now it’s like, ‘Wow, they’re here.’ There is an interest in trying to get rid of Palestinians. We’re on the rhetorical front lines.”

Long before this current storm of violence, Mr. Netanyahu’s far-right government had worked to strengthen Jewish supremacy. The 2018 “nation-state law” codified the right to national self-determination as “unique to the Jewish people,” removed Arabic as an official language and established “Jewish settlement as a national value” that the government must support. Palestinian members of the Knesset famously shredded copies of the bill in Parliament and yelled, “Apartheid,” but it passed all the same.

In 2022, Israel reauthorized its controversial family unification law, largely barring Palestinians who marry Israeli citizens from receiving legal status — or living with their spouses in Israel — if they are from the West Bank or Gaza. The law also applies to people from the “enemy states” of Lebanon, Syria and Iraq (homes to Palestinian refugee communities), as well as Iran.

With legal disadvantages and social pressures mounting, Palestinian citizens of Israel have started to look abroad for support. Mr. Jabareen told me that his organization is preparing an application to the United Nations to request international legal protections for Palestinians inside Israel. In March a Palestinian citizen of Israel was granted asylum in Britain after arguing that returning would very likely expose him to persecution because of his political views and activism for Palestinian rights and Israel’s “apartheid system of racial control of its Jewish citizens over its Palestinian citizens.”

Another stark sign of Israel’s hardening is the hundreds of Israelis — mostly Arabs, but some Jews, too — who have been arrested, fired or otherwise punished for statements or actions regarded as endangering national security or undermining Israel’s war efforts. Even a social media post expressing concern for Palestinians in Gaza is enough to draw police scrutiny.

Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a scholar who lectures at Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Queen Mary University of London, said on a podcast that Zionism should be abolished, that Israel may be lying about the extent of sexual assault that took place on Oct. 7 and that Israelis were “criminals” who “cannot kill and not be afraid, so they better be afraid.” Israeli police responded in April by jailing Ms. Shalhoub-Kevorkian overnight and asking a judge to keep her locked up while they investigated her on suspicion of incitement. The judge decided to release her but acknowledged that she “may have crossed the line from free expression to incitement.”

For nearly two decades — starting with the quieting of the second intifada and ending calamitously on Oct. 7 — Israel was remarkably successful at insulating itself from the violence of the occupation. Rockets fired from Gaza periodically rained down on Israeli cities, but since 2011 , Israel’s Iron Dome defense system has intercepted most of them. The mathematics of death heavily favored Israel: From 2008 until Oct. 7, more than 6,000 Palestinians were killed in what the United Nations calls “the context of occupation and conflict”; during that time, more than 300 Israelis were killed.

Human rights organizations — including Israeli groups — wrote elaborate reports explaining why Israel is an apartheid state. That was embarrassing for Israel, but nothing really came of it. The economy flourished. Once-hostile Arab states showed themselves willing to sign accords with Israel after just a little performative pestering about the Palestinians.

Those years gave Israelis a taste of what may be the Jewish state’s most elusive dream — a world in which there simply did not exist a Palestinian problem.

Daniel Levy, a former Israeli negotiator who is now president of the U.S./Middle East Project think tank, describes “the level of hubris and arrogance that built up over the years.” Those who warned of the immorality or strategic folly of occupying Palestinian territories “were dismissed,” he said, “like, ‘Just get over it.’”

If U.S. officials understand the state of Israeli politics, it doesn’t show. Biden administration officials keep talking about a Palestinian state. But the land earmarked for a state has been steadily covered in illegal Israeli settlements, and Israel itself has seldom stood so unabashedly opposed to Palestinian sovereignty.

There’s a reason Mr. Netanyahu keeps reminding everyone that he’s spent his career undermining Palestinian statehood: It’s a selling point. Mr. Gantz, who is more popular than Mr. Netanyahu and is often mentioned as a likely successor, is a centrist by Israeli standards — but he, too, has pushed back against international calls for a Palestinian state.

Daniel Levy describes the current divide among major Israeli politicians this way: Some believe in “managing the apartheid in a way that gives Palestinians more freedom — that’s [Yair] Lapid and maybe Gantz on some days,” while hard-liners like Mr. Smotrich and Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir “are really about getting rid of the Palestinians. Eradication. Displacement.”

The carnage and cruelty suffered by Israelis on Oct. 7 should have driven home the futility of sealing themselves off from Palestinians while subjecting them to daily humiliations and violence. As long as Palestinians are trapped under violent military occupation, deprived of basic rights and told that they must accept their lot as inherently lower beings, Israelis will live under the threat of uprisings, reprisals and terrorism. There is no wall thick enough to suppress forever a people who have nothing to lose.

Israelis did not, by and large, take that lesson. Now apathy has been replaced by vengeance.

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Megan K. Stack is a contributing Opinion writer and author. She has been a correspondent in China, Russia, Egypt, Israel, Afghanistan and the U.S.-Mexico border area. Her first book, a narrative account of the post-Sept. 11 wars, was a finalist for the National Book Award in nonfiction. @ Megankstack