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Pandemic Pantries in the Streets? You Communist!
By Glenn Diaz
Mr. Diaz is a writer based in Manila. His second novel, “Yñiga,” about the spate of political killings in the Philippines in the 2000s, was shortlisted for the 2020 Novel Prize.
MANILA — The day the city went back into a hard lockdown in late March, I started a ritual: Trapped again, I took to counting the ambulance sirens I’d hear from my place in Quezon City, the most populous area of this sprawling capital. At one point, blare after dystopian blare came every 20 minutes or so.
The confirmed Covid-19 case total in the Philippines breached the one million mark in late April. New daily cases were averaging about 7,700 this week, down from a peak of about 10,800 in mid-April, but that’s still considerably more than the previous high of about 4,400 in late August. And the Department of Health warned recently that the situation could quickly worsen again and the Philippines could face the “big possibility” of an “India-like” catastrophe.
Dire superlatives limn the costs of the state’s neglect. Figures for infections and deaths per capita in the Philippines are now the worst in Southeast Asia. The economic downturn here has been the steepest in the region . The country faces the most sluggish economic recovery .
I started counting sirens out of helplessness and rage; it was a desperate attempt to get a handle on what is really happening on the ground, given competing accounts and confounding official policies.
At the height of the recent surge, the government claimed that around 14 percent of beds in intensive care units in Metro Manila were still available , even as social media feeds were flooded with calls for help and stories of patients being taken to facilities four or five hours away because of long waiting lists.
The health care system is buckling after decades of austerity and privatization . But more than anything, the culprit is the Duterte administration’s penchant for solutions anchored in brute force and draconian control rather than science and concern for the public’s welfare.
Led by a Covid task force filled with military officials , the government’s pandemic response is bannered by a militarized approach to containment, exceedingly strict lockdowns and punitive measures against supposed violators. One man accused of breaking quarantine reportedly died after being forced by police officers to do squat-like exercises as punishment.
In late March, a journalist succumbed to the virus after isolating himself in his car : He had stocked it with food and water, terrified of infecting his family and only too aware of the dire state of health facilities. Around that time, Mr. Duterte vanished from the public eye for a couple of weeks, fueling rumors about his failing health. (#PatayNaBa — Is he dead? — trended on Twitter.)
Still, the government insisted that it had done an “ excellent job ” of containing the virus. “ We did not fall short ,” Mr. Duterte intoned in his trademark drawl after he reappeared.
His spokesman, Harry Roque — who tested positive for the virus in early April and miraculously found an empty bed at the top government hospital — has placed the blame for the recent surge in cases squarely on new virus variants. Not on reopening up too quickly after an earlier lockdown, not on a virtually nonexistent contact-tracing system, not on a botched vaccination deal that may have delayed the beginning of inoculations by months. As of Friday, just 0.3 percent of the population had been fully vaccinated, according to Bloomberg’s vaccine tracker.
Look at Germany, look at France, the government says; rich countries are also suffering. A memo from the presidential communications office was leaked recently: It directed state media to emphasize the global picture “to convey to the public that the Philippines is faring better than many other countries in addressing the pandemic.”
Mr. Duterte, the archetypal strongman, is adamant about controlling the narrative. His government has remained popular despite a war on drugs that has killed thousands of people , the shutdown of the country’s biggest media network and the jailing of a senator in the opposition. Mr. Duterte is supposed to leave office next year, and his daughter Sara leads opinion polls as the choice for the next president.
It was amid the mounting anguish and collective grief that in mid-April, Ana Patricia Non, who goes by Patreng, placed a rickety bamboo cart on the side of Maginhawa Street , in the mostly well-to-do neighborhood of Quezon City near the campus of the University of the Philippines.
Ms. Non, 26, loaded the cart with the simplest of food items: canned goods, rice and pieces of hardy chayote, a local gourd. Taped on a nearby lamppost were two cardboard signs. One said “Maginhawa Community Pantry.” The other stated the pantry’s operating principle: “Give what you can. Take what you need.”
Among the first photos that spread on social media, one showed an older woman holding open her reusable bag while Ms. Non put bundles of leafy vegetables inside. In another , Ms. Non was crouched next to the pantry, which she replenished with greens from the baskets around her.
As word got around, more people — including a few, no doubt, among the millions who have lost their jobs in the pandemic — made a beeline to Maginhawa.
Rising to the challenge, people sent bagfuls of groceries . The owners of nearby stores where supplies were being bought matched those donations. Farmers from tens of miles north sent sacks of sweet potatoes ; fishermen to the south, kilos of tilapia .
The idea behind the pantries was inviting in its simplicity; the exchange, at its heart, instinctive and mutually gratifying. It linked people and communities torn apart by the lockdown.
Most important, it fed those in need: As of late March, some 3.2 million people in Metro Manila, or almost one in four residents, were thought to be going hungry . Ms. Non’s pantry was like the first drop of rain landing on parched earth.
Within two weeks, more than 400 pantries reportedly had sprouted across the country.
In my neighborhood, not far from Maginhawa, a call for donations went out on Twitter. The following morning, there was a plastic table on the side of a quiet road and on it a bag brimming with garlic, onions and tomatoes — the critical starter ingredients for most Filipino dishes. There were signs bearing the name of our area and Ms. Non’s mantra, “Give what you can. Take what you need.”
With no prodding, someone made better-looking signs. People volunteered for grocery runs. Donations continued to pour in, all accounted for in a public spreadsheet. In a group chat, there were conversations about setting up a soup kitchen or community gardens next.
The pantries exposed the granular suffering that the most vulnerable among us experience daily, the quiet scraping-by. They reminded people of the government’s paltry aid . “ Tayo-tayo na lang ,” went a common refrain on social media; we’re on our own. Like the ambulances I track, the pantries are a coping mechanism that also upends any illusion of normalcy.
Which is why the government’s storytellers promptly went to work. The communists were using the pantries to recruit rebels , they warned. The pantries’ slogan was Marx-adjacent.
Among the most virulent critics is Lt. Gen. Antonio Parlade Jr. , the garrulous spokesman for the government’s anti-communist task force, which ostensibly was created to end Asia’s longest-running insurgency . In a televised interview on April 20, General Parlade compared Ms. Non with Satan : Both may seem to operate on their own, he said, but in reality they are propped up by a massive, concerted operation — in this case, the vile communist network.
Vice President Leni Robredo , several senators and lawyers’ groups have denounced this red-tagging of pantry organizers and have called for their protection.
The pop-up food banks are an affront to the state’s legitimacy, evidence of the failure of its pandemic response. As a spontaneous expression of a community’s caring, they also expose the violent and self-serving drives that animate this government and subordinate the people’s welfare to political gain.
In July, Congress railroaded an antiterrorism law that critics warned would pave the way for a brazen crackdown on perceived enemies of the state . The nongovernmental organization Karapatan reported more than 50 extrajudicial killings between the law’s passing and the end of 2020; among the victims were community organizers, activists and farmers who had been denounced by state officials.
On March 7, just days after Mr. Duterte ordered security forces to “ kill them all ,” in reference to communist rebels, nine people died in a raid against left-leaning community organizers and activists.
“Give what you can. Take what you need.” How much has the government given, considering what it has taken?
Glenn Diaz ( @glennndiaz ) is the author of the novels “The Quiet Ones” and “Yñiga.”
The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram .
Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Philippine Government — Overcoming Key Issues Facing Barangays in the Philippines
Overcoming Key Issues Facing Barangays in The Philippines
- Categories: Philippine Government Philippines
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Published: Sep 1, 2023
Words: 563 | Page: 1 | 3 min read
Table of contents
Waste management difficulties, security and crime, unemployment and poverty, inadequate infrastructure, weak public service delivery.
- Philippine Statistics Authority. (2020). 2020 Philippine standard geographic code: List of barangays. https://psa.gov.ph/classification/psgc/?q=cods/lgu
- Ofreneo, R.E. (2013). Garbage collection and barangay governance in Metro Manila. Philippine Social Sciences Review , 65(1), 99-125. https://www.ejournals.ph/article.php?id=10816
- Lumanta, M.F.C. (2008). Decentralization, power and networked governance practices in Metro Manila. Public Administration and Development , 28(4), 292-304. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.500
- Brillantes, A.B., & Fernandez, M.T. (2011). Restoring trust and building integrity in government: Issues and concerns in the Philippines. International Public Management Review , 12(2), 55-80. http://journals.sfu.ca/ipmr/index.php/ipmr/article/view/95
- Llanto, G.M. (2007). Shelter finance strategies for the poor: Philippines. Environment and Urbanization , 19(1), 409–423. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247807079626
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Marcos, F. (2018). Ferdinand Marcos Sr. Biography. The Famous People. https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/09/11/blood-debt-in-the-philippines-from-marcos-to-aquino/
Amnesty International. (1982). 'The Philippines: Torture in the Marcos Era.' Retrieved from https://www.nhcp.gov.ph/resources/online-resources/martial-law-years/.
Timberman, D. C. (1991). A Changeless Land: Continuity and Change in Philippine Politics. Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University Press.
Marcos, Ferdinand E. Inaugural Address. 30 December 1965.Marcos, Ferdinand E. State of the Nation Address. 24 January 1966.Sicat, Gerardo. 'Marcos, A Great Man But....' Discussion Paper Series No. 1987-05, Philippine Institute [...]
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Debate Proposition and Debate Issues: Philippine Context
DEBATE PROPOSITION necessarily involves an “issue” or that which is the subject of concern or the central topic in a debate. For instance, in the proposition “Resolved that Death Penalty should be legalized,” the debate issue is evidently ‘death penalty’ or ‘capital punishment.’
The following are some of the nationally relevant debate issues. Under each issue, useful discussions are provided to comprehensively introduce the debate topics. In most cases, useful accounts or reasons for and against the issues are enumerated to help the students in drafting arguments and cases for the debates in class or in debate tournaments.
As they are enlightening, the information and arguments provided for each issue may also be used by students in speech or public speaking class. (As a disclaimer, the contentions provided for the various issues are not necessarily the personal beliefs of the author.)
Sex Education
Also called ‘sexuality education’ and ‘sex and relationships education,’ the so-called sex education entails teaching and learning information about sex, sexual identity, relationships, and intimacy.
In the Philippines, sex education is recently one of the most controversial issues. The debate on the issue involves inquiring whether such kind of education could be a suitable solution to pertinent social problems like overpopulation or could only become a ‘black torch’ which would bring curse and immorality to our society particularly to the youth. Discussions on the topic also revolves on whether or not it will really develop young people’s minds so that they would make informed choices about their behaviors, and feel confident and competent about acting on their choices.
Some possible reasons for taking the stand that it is proper to implement sex education in the Philippines are:
1. Awareness.
Sex education will provide more knowledge on the negative and disastrous consequences of engaging in pre-marital sex.
2. Formality.
Academic institutions are far better place to learn things about sex compared to other venues like the various kinds of media like some websites.
3. Enlightenment.
Students at an early age can be enlightened on the harsh realities that can be brought about by sexual activity such as early pregnancy, depression, confusion, abortion, etc.
4. Fine Lining.
Sex education will provide lectures that will provide clear distinction between love and lust.
5. Morality.
Sex education will provide proper understanding of the concept “sex” which is by nature good or moral within proper context.
On the other hand, some reasons which could be submitted for the position that sex education is improper are:
1. Curiosity leads to activity.
Sex education will only stimulate the students’ curiosity on sex. Due to their curiosity, students might be unhesitant to engage in sexually activities.
2. Inappropriate responsibility.
It is improper to delegate the responsibility to teach such kind of education to public or private school teachers. It is part of the basic duties and responsibilities of the parents and of the church.
3. Promiscuity.
Especially that young people are not that mentally matured and responsible yet, sex education could promote indiscriminate sexual relations.
4. Encouragement.
Sex education might encourage the youth, especially those engaged in boyfriend-girlfriend relationships, to engage in pre-marital sex given the fact that the teens today can be sexually active especially when given constant stimulus.
5. Improper timing.
Various proposals mention teaching sex education to students as young as Grade 4 to 6 pupils who are too young to understand the things that should be taught to high school or college students.
Sangguniang Kabataan (SK)
The Youth Council in the Philippines locally termed Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) is the governing body in every chapter of the Youth Federation or Katipunan ng Kabataan .
Each barangay in the Philippines is mandated by law to have its own chapter of the Katipunan ng Kabataan , composed of the youth aging from 15 to 18 years old who reside in their respective barangays for at least 6 months and registered in the Sangguniang Kabataan , or in the official list in the custody of the barangay secretary. It is the local youth program-and-project-implementation partner of the government.
The Sangguniang Kabataan is an off-shoot of the KB or the Kabataang Barangay (Village Youth) which was abolished when the Local Government Code of 1991 was enacted. In the current system, the Katipunan ng Kabataan members elect their officers collectively known as Sangguniang Kabataan which serves as the local youth legislature in the barangay or village.
The main function of the Sangguniang Kabataan is to initiate policies, programs, and projects for the development of youth in their respective political territories. The SK Chairman acts as the Chief Executive of the Sanggunian (Council), while the Kagawad (Councilor), as the legislative council. The Kagawads approve resolutions of the Sanggunian and appropriate the money allotted to the council, a share in the revenue of the Barangay .
There is an ongoing debate on whether or not the Sangguniang Kabataan should be abolished. Some possible reasons to call for its abolition are:
1. SK officers are youths who are (and should be) in school studying. Either they focus on studying well preparing for their future or function well as political leaders, but not both.
2. The SK functions can be absorbed by the Sangguniang Barangay (SB). The state will save a huge amount of money in abolishing the SK.
3. Abolishing SK will remove the youth from the culture of politics which is usually associated with corruption.
4. Young as they are, SK officials are unprepared to discharge their duties. Exposed to older corrupt officials, SK could only be a training ground for corruption.
Some possible reasons to hold that SK should not be abolished, but be somewhat reformed instead, are:
1. The youth should really be represented in the barangay government and SK officers are the best ones to represent them in various government programs and projects.
2. SK projects provide venues to enhance and develop the different skills and abilities of the youth.
3. The Sangguniang Kabataan trains the youth to become good leaders of the community.
4. SK officers are elected by the youth, so their being the voice of the youth in their respective community is the will of the youth.
Also Check Out: Reasoning and Debate: A Handbook and a Textbook by Jensen DG. Mañebog
Nuclear Power in the Philippines
Electric bills among Filipino households have been increasing almost incrementally not necessarily because of increase in energy utilization but because of the increase in charges by electric companies.
Furthermore, many places in the Visayas and Mindanao regions experience electric interruptions due to insufficiency of energy resources. To solve this problem, two congressmen, namely Rep. Mark Cojuangco and Rep. Juan Miguel Arroyo, pushed in 2009 the reestablishment and reopening of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant through House Bill 4631.
The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant was built by the late president Ferdinand Marcos to ease the country’s problem on electric energy sources and to lessen the burden of the Filipinos in paying high cost for electricity. Yet, this billion-worth project was never used, so it did not really become beneficial to the country. Different environmental groups backed up by some politicians opposed and hindered the proposed operation of the power plant.
Many scientific studies prove that nuclear power provides a cheap alternative to fossil fuel sources of electricity. Aside from its economic advantage, its operation is considered the cleanest among the currently known viable energy source. In addition, nuclear power’s safety record is exemplary. Efficient as it is, it is possible to generate a great amount of electrical energy in one single plant. Lastly, this technology, as far our country is concerned, is readily available—it does not have to be build from scratch for it is already there.
On the other hand, some studies state that despite a generally high security standard, accidents can still occur in nuclear power operation. In addition, the problem of radioactive waste is still an unsolved issue. Nuclear power plants as well as the nuclear waste could also be the preferred targets for terrorist attacks or during wars.
Furthermore, the energy source for nuclear energy is Uranium which is a scarce resource. Its supply is estimated to last only for the next 30 to 60 years depending on the actual demand. Lastly, nuclear power plant may harm the environment and may cause contagious diseases to those who will be exposed to its radiation, like what happened in Japan, after the tsunami incident.
Philippine Supreme Court Justices
In the Philippines, the Judiciary is one of the three branches of the government which is co-equal with the Legislative and the Executive. Under the Judiciary branch is the Supreme Court which is the highest court of the country. The court is composed of 14 Associate Justices appointed by the President of the Philippines. The Judiciary is the only branch of the government with officials not elected by the voting citizens but basically appointed instead by the president.
In the near past, the 8-5 votes of the Supreme Court in favor of a temporary restraining order filed by former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo on the watch list order issued by the Department of Justice was so controversial. As they were appointed by her, most of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court then, many say, were part of the elaborate scheme laid down by the past administration to frustrate the efforts of exacting accountability and justice from the Arroyo couple. So, not to taint the dignity of the Supreme Court decisions, among other things, should the Supreme Court Justices be elected and not appointed?
Some usable justifications for the proposal to subject Supreme Court Justices to election are:
1. The proposal will fortify the principle of co-equality among the branches of government. In effect, it will strengthen the power of the Judiciary branch and make it more independent from the Executive counterpart.
2. As should be the case, the Supreme Court Justices will owe their allegiance to the electorates and the nation, not to the president who, in the current system, appoints them.
3. The Supreme Court’s decisions will not be blemished with suspicions (like of being politically influenced) since justices are elected by people and not appointed by a politician.
4. The proposed system will increase people’s trust on the Supreme Court and our Justice system for it is the people themselves who get to choose and elect the justices.
5. Current and past presidents would no longer receive special favors from the land’s highest court.
To dispute the proposition, the following reasons can be offered:
1. In the proposed system, the Justices will have campaign contributors like big personalities, politicians, and companies which may also affect their future decisions in favor of their election sponsors.
2. The system will limit the Justices’ freedom to rule based on what they feel is best because they will have to make decisions that are popular to the voters to keep their “political career.”
3. Conducting an election for Supreme Court Justices means additional expenses to the nation.
4. The proposal will not make the Supreme Court doubt-free. For one thing, the nation’s electoral system is not yet that efficient to produce trustworthy results.
5. Experientially, only the rich and the famous have the capacity to launch a nationwide campaign. So competent but poor candidates have minimal chance of becoming part of the Supreme Court.
Ferdinand Marcos’ Remains
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos, Sr. was the President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. Born on September 11, 1917, he was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949–1959), and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959–1965). A Filipino leader, Marcos was the Senate President from 1963–1965.
During his terms as president, he implemented nationwide infrastructure development programs and monumental economic reform. However, his accomplishments were somewhat overshadowed by his authoritarian way of ruling the country after 1972. His administration was marred by charges of massive corruption, nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations.
Marcos died on September 28, 1989 of kidney, heart, and lung ailments. His remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in his home province, Ilocos Norte. One controversial issue for an academic debate is whether or not his remains should be transferred to Heroes’ Cemetery.
Some possible justifications for the proposal to transfer Marcos’ remains to the Heroes’ Cemetery are:
1. He was a bona fide Filipino soldier, former Philippine president, and he held various other national political positions for a long time. By law, he is thus qualified for the honor to be buried in ‘Libingan ng Mga Bayani.’
2. In terms of accomplishments, he had built more schools, hospitals, and infrastructures than any of his predecessors had done.
3. His declaration of Martial Law had maintained peace and order in the community which paved the way for educational reforms, labor forms, land reforms, and other social services and programs.
4. He promoted ‘crony capitalism’ which redistributed the monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen.
5. He promoted Filipino culture and nationalism through the establishment of Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) in accordance to Executive Order No. 30 s. 1966.
On the other hand, the following claims can be used to oppose the idea of transferring Marcos’ remains to heroes’ cemetery:
1. Marcos’ martial law was the dark, if not the darkest, era in modern Philippine history. Human rights violations were rampant such as the tortures of political prisoners in the hands of Marcos’ military men.
2. As a president, Marcos financed his extravagant projects by borrowing huge amounts of money from international lenders, thereby making the Philippines one of the most indebted countries in Asia.
3. He in effect suspended the writ of habeas corpus, thereby permitting the military to pick up and incarcerate many innocent citizens on trumped-up charges like sedition. More often than not, these people were convicted without trial, and were thus deprived of the due process of law.
4. Marcos’ crony capitalism practically led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Some estimate that Marcos alone stole at least $5 billion from the Filipino treasury.
5. Some allege that there were misuse and misapplication of funds for the construction of the Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films were purportedly exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions.
The K to 12 Basic Education Program in the Philippines
Some claim that just because it is underway does not mean that it is okay. So the debate continues on whether or not the K to 12 Basic Education Program in the Philippines is proper.
The new educational program adds two years to the former 10-year basic education system. The K to 12 program includes Kindergarten, 6 years of elementary education, four (4) years of junior high school (Grades 7 to 10), and two (2) years of senior high school.
The 2010 Department of Education Briefing Report explains that the last two years (Grades 11 and 12) will provide time for the student to consolidate the acquired academic skills and competencies. Basically, the program aims to prepare the basic education graduates for becoming part of the nation’s competent workforce.
The following accounts can be used to refute the appropriateness of K to 12 program in the Philippines:
1. As the proposal is costly, it is impractical for a country that has a relatively low budget for education.
2. Additional years to finish basic education literally mean extra expenses for Filipino families, the majority of which evidently belong to the poor. K to 12 thus just adds up to the burden of parents.
3. The program jut reinforces cheap semi-skilled Filipino labor for foreign markets.
4. The implementation is untimely just as the program itself is unrealistic. Many Filipino educators are not prepared to teach the curriculum and K to 12 will just drive more youths to drop out of school, especially the many poor students.
In contrast, the following points can be used to defend the K to 12 basic education program in the Philippines:
1. In the current program, the incompetence of high school graduates for work, entrepreneurship, and college education is evident. The K to 12 is thus a good opportunity for the nation to produce Filipino youths who will match the academic and skill levels of their counterparts in other countries.
2. Carefully implementing the K to 12 program is enhancing our basic education program in a manner that is not disruptive to the current curriculum and most affordable to the government.
3. The program will provide time for the students to consolidate acquired academic skills and competencies. It is thus a big opportunity for us to produce well experienced, competitive, and international skilled graduates.
4. As the additional two years will decongest the basic education curriculum and provide quality learning, the program will produce graduates who will be at par with other countries which provide more years for basic education.
The Government’s Treatment on Poor Filipinos
The late Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay once said that “He who has less in life must have more in law.” Ideally pro-poor, this principle is appealing to the Filipino mass which generally comprises people in poverty.
Under the Philippine Constitution, the poor citizens should at least be treated equally, if not necessarily favorably. In the Bill of Rights, particularly in Article III Section 1 of the 1987 Constitution, “No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of laws.“
In Metropolitan areas, the poor are basically seen in the slums which are densely populated, usually filthy parts of cities. Many Filipinos in the areas are too poor to pay for at least decent quarters so instead they choose to build makeshift homes on un-chartered lands. How does the government treat these people and their counterpart in the provinces? Are not the laws and political decisions favoring the rich in the country?
Some usable justifications to propose that the government is favoring the wealthy sector of the nation are:
1. The so-called selective justice is palpable. The poor, without the decent means to defend themselves, have to rot in jail after being charged of committing an offense. On the other hand, the rich, committing the same crime, could enjoy life outside of prison with their brilliant lawyers and money working on their behalf.
2. Despite approved charters and budget for it, there is inadequate housing for the poor and insufficient jobs created by the government for them. Implemented projects basically serve the interest of those in the middle and upper classes.
3. The so-called ‘double standard’ exists in the country’s judicial system. Many cases can be referred to proving that there is a standard for the poor and another for the rich.
4. The poor do not have a voice in many government bodies. It is the rich people who become appointed officials and they have the means either to run for offices or sponsor the election of people who will keep them enjoy their lifestyles.
5. The government fails to have reasonable and humane methods to address ‘illegal settling.’ Some programs even become opportunities for rich people to benefit off the poor—such as the case of politicians and other public officials who illegally subdivide plots which are supposedly awarded to the poor.
Contrariwise, the following are reasons that could be submitted to counter the claim that the Philippine government is favoring the rich.
1. Government-sponsored bills like the RH Bill is pro-poor. It promotes parity favoring the poor families as the bill addresses the severe inequities between the rich and poor as regards reproductive health. According to OurHappySchool.com (“Philippine Government,” 2011), 94% of women in the richest quintile have a skilled attendant at birth compared to only 26% in the poorest. Compared to the poorest families, the richest have three (3) times higher tubal ligation rates—something that partly explains why the wealthy hardly exceed their planned number of children, while the poorest get an extra two (2). The RH law will provide stronger public health services accessible to poor families.
2. Because of the government’s accomplishments in its efforts to promote national growth through good fiscal management, improved investment climate, and programs in human capital (specifically in health and education), the World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors approved some years ago a US$250 million financing for the Philippines. This is a recognition of the Philippine government’s achievement in good governance, growth, and poverty reduction as its programs enable the poor to take advantage of emerging economic opportunities.
3. On June 21, 2011, Benigno “PNoy” Aquino, the Philippine President, signed the ‘Pro-poor Laws’ that include the Mandatory Immunization for Children, a bill allowing the Employment of Female Night Workers, and the Extension of the Lifeline Electricity Rates for the Poor Consumers. The Extension of a Lifeline Rates for Electricity would allow the poor citizens to put more of their resources into feeding themselves, or into saving enough money to pay for their medical needs. Thus, it would allow the poor to focus more of their resources into keeping themselves and their families alive, while also giving them access to electricity. The Mandatory Infants and Children Immunization Act mandate that all children under 5 years old must be given basic immunization against vaccine-preventable diseases. The bill that allows female night workers to get employed would exempt night-working female employees from the Department of Labor and Employment.
4. Quezon City, an example of Local Government Unit (LGU), is currently enforcing the Social Housing Tax Ordinance which imposes an additional 0.5% tax on lands with assessed value exceeding P100,000.00 that shall accrue to a special account under the city government’s general fund over the next five years. District II Councilor Roderick Paulate said that the ordinance was pro-poor and pro-people for the fund would be translated into more public services.
5. In partnership with many private companies, various government agencies sponsor job fairs for the unemployed which are continuously conducted every month. This program gives opportunities for the poor to get a job and be economically successful.
Also Check Out: From Socrates to Mill: An Analysis of Prominent Ethical Theories , also by author Jensen DG. Mañebog
The Philippine National Hero
If we were to choose only one national hero who is best fitting to be regarded as ‘the’ Philippine national hero, who would it be? Though many Filipino reformers and revolutionaries are deemed national heroes, two of them typically stand out: Jose Rizal and Andres Bonifacio.
Jose Rizal (José Protasio Rizal Mercado y Alonso Realonda) was born on June 19, 1861 to a relatively well-off family in a Dominican-owned tenant land in Calamba, Laguna. He lived and died during the Spanish colonial era in the Philippines.
At an early age, Jose had mastered the alphabet and learned to write and read. At age eleven, Rizal attended the Ateneo Municipal de Manila and obtained at age 16 his Bachelor of Arts degree with an average of “excellent”. In the same year (1877), he took Philosophy and Letters at the University of Santo Tomas, while at the same time enrolled in a course in land surveying at the Ateneo. He finished his surveyor’s training in 1877 and passed the licensing exam in May 1878. He enrolled in medicine at the University of Santo Tomas in 1878. On May 3, 1882, he went to Spain and enrolled at the Universidad Central de Madrid. In June of 1884, he received the degree of Licentiate in Medicine at the age of 23. A year later, he completed his course in Philosophy and Letters with the grade of “excellent.” Wanting to cure his mother’s advancing blindness, Rizal went to Paris, Heidelberg, and Berlin to get further knowledge and training in ophthalmology. In Heidelberg, he completed his eye specialization.
Being well-traveled, Rizal was said to have learned 22 languages. He wrote extraordinary poems, contributed nationalistic essays to publications, religiously kept his diary, and corresponded to his friends and relatives. In March 1887, he published in Berlin his first controversial novel, the Noli Me Tangere , which revealed the tyranny and arrogance of the Spanish clergy and officials in the Philippines. To bring to light that the Filipinos had an impressive civilization even long before the Spanish colonization, he annotated and reprinted in Paris Morga’s Successos De Las Islas Filipinas . On September 18, 1891, Rizal’s more militant novel, El Filibusterismo was printed in Ghent.
As leader of patriotic Filipinos, he became one of the leaders of the literary and cultural organization Propaganda Movement , the patriotic society Asociacion La Solidaridad (Solidaridad Association), the temporary social society Kidlat Club , the society of Filipino patriots in Paris Indio Bravo , the mysterious Redencion de los Malayos (Redemption of the Malays), and founded the La Liga Filipina , a civic organization that subsequently gave birth to the Katipunan. In various ways, Rizal asked for radical reforms in the Spanish colonial system and clerical powers in the Philippines and advocated equal rights before the law for Filipinos.
In 1892, he was imprisoned in Fort Santiago from July 6 to July 15 on a trump-up charge that anti-priest leaflets were found in the pillow cases of his sister Lucia who arrived with him from Hong Kong. He was then exiled to Dapitan, an island in Mindanao. While an exile, he engaged in agriculture, fishing, and commerce while operating a hospital and maintaining a school for boys. Moreover, he did scientific researches, collected specimens of rare species, corresponded with scholars abroad, and led construction of water dam and a relief map of Mindanao.
In 1896, Rizal received a permission from the Governor General to become a volunteer military physician in the revolution in Cuba, which was at the time also raged by yellow fever. But the ‘Katipunan’ started the Philippine Revolution in August 1896. The powerful people whose animosity Rizal had provoked took the opportunity to implicate him to the rebellion.
After a trial in a kangaroo court, he was convicted of rebellion and sentenced to death by firing squad at Bagumbayan Field (now Luneta). Not even an Andres Bonifacio or Emilio Aguinaldo had saved him from the executioners’ Remingtons and Mausers. Facing the sky, Rizal died in the serene morning of December 30, 1896. But since then, he has lived perpetually in the hearts and minds of true Filipinos.
On the other hand, Andres Bonifacio (Andres Bonifacio y de Castro) was born on November 30, 1863 and died on May 10, 1897. He was a co-founder and later the ‘ Supremo’ (supreme leader) of the Filipino revolutionary group Katipunan .
Bonifacio was the eldest of five children of Santiago Bonifacio, a tailor who served as a teniente mayor of Tondo, Manila, and Catalina de Castro, a mestiza born of a Spanish father and a Filipino-Chinese mother. When his parents died of sickness, Andres stopped attending school to support his siblings. He made and sold canes and paper fans, crafted posters for commercial firms, worked in the British trading firm ‘Fleming and Company’, later transferred as storehouse worker to the German trading firm ‘Fressell and Company’, and even moonlighted as an actor in moro-moro plays.
Andres was self-educated, having read local and international books in his time. Aside from Spanish and Tagalog, he could speak English, which he learned from the British firm where he worked. Bonifacio had read Jose Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo.
On July 3, 1892, he joined Rizal’s La Liga Filipina , being one of the 20 attendees in the meeting administered by Rizal at the house of Doroteo Ongjunco at Ilaya Street, Tondo, Manila. When Rizal was exiled to Mindanao, Bonifacio and others revived La Liga in Rizal’s absence, recruiting members for it.
Bonifacio and his compatriots officially founded the Katipunan on July 7, 1892 when Rizal was to be deported to Dapitan. Bonifacio, whose pseudonym in the society was ‘May Pag-asa’ ( There is Hope), became Katipunan’s Supremo (supreme leader) in 1895. The Katipunan created its organ, ‘ Kalayaan’ (Freedom) in which Bonifacio wrote several articles like the poem ‘ Pag-ibig sa Tinubúang Lupa’ (Love for One´s Homeland) under the penname ‘ Agapito Bagumbayan’ .
Being the Supremo, Bonifacio supervised a council meeting of Katipunan leaders in Pasig on May 3, 1896. When the council decided to consult first Jose Rizal before launching a revolution, Bonifacio sent Pio Valenzuela to Dapitan. Rizal nonetheless politely refused to sanction the uprising, believing that a revolution would be unsuccessful without arms and monetary support from wealthy Filipinos. He nonetheless advised that if the Katipunan were to start a revolution, it had to ask for the support of rich and educated Filipinos.
Bonifacio led the launching of the Philippine Revolution toward the end of August 1896. Rizal, on the other hand, left for Cuba on September 3, but was later declared as prisoner onboard, and was imprisoned in Monjuich when he reached Spain in October. He was then sent back to the Philippines and imprisoned in Fort Santiago upon his return.
At the onset of December1896, the criminal hearing of Rizal’s case started. When asked about his connections to Katipunan leaders, he denied to the end that he knew Andres Bonifacio (Bantug & Ventura, 1997, p. 141). Rizal was charged, among other things, with being the principal organizer and the living soul of the Filipino insurrection that was launched by Bonifacio’s group.
After Rizal’s martyrdom, Bonifacio wrote the first Tagalog translation of Rizal’s farewell poem (later named ‘Mi Ultimo Adios’) to which he (Bonifacio) gave the title ‘ Pahimakas’ (Farewell).
Together with his brother Procopio, Andres was charged with sedition and treason against Emilio Aguinaldo’s government and conspiracy to murder ‘El Presidente.’ Found guilty by the jury consisted exclusively of Aguinaldo’s men, the Bonifacio brothers were executed on May 10, 1897 in the Maragondon mountains in Cavite.
On February 16, 1921, just twenty five (25) years after the launching of the revolution by the Katipunan, the members of the Philippine Legislature passed Act No. 2496, proclaiming November 30 of every year a legal holiday to commemorate the birth of its Supremo, Andres Bonifacio.
Despite the absence of any official and legal declaration categorically stating them as national heroes, both Rizal and Bonifacio are given the implied recognition of being such for having shown exemplary acts of patriotism and heroic deeds to attain Philippine independence. Both heroes are commemorated annually nationwide on their respective birth day. But, who do you think, between the two, deserves to be considered ‘the’ Philippine national hero?
Check out: Jose Rizal’s Collaborations with Other Heroes by Jensen DG. Mañebog
Read Also: The Interesting Tales of the Jose Rizal Family by Jensen DG. Mañebog
Divorce Bill
The Encarta Dictionary defines ‘divorce’ as “official ending of marriage: an ending of a marriage by an official decision in a court of law” (“Divorce,” 2009). The Wikipedia.org further explains this dissolution of marriage’ as “the termination of a marital union, the canceling of the legal duties and responsibilities of marriage and the dissolving of the bonds of matrimony between a married couple” (“Divorce,” n.d.).
Divorce is not the same with annulment which pronounces the marriage null and void. Though divorce laws substantially vary around the world, divorce typically requires the sanction of an authority (such as a court) and allows each former partner to marry another.
Aside from the Vatican City (a religious state), the only country that does not allow divorce is the Philippines (though an annulment is permitted in the country). In a referendum held on the 28th May 2011, the country Malta voted in favor of divorce legislation, leaving the Philippines and the Vatican City the only sovereign states where divorce is legally forbidden.
Divorce can be a taxing and strenuous experience affecting both parties’ finances, children, living arrangements, health conditions, household jobs, schedules, and the like. It may also involve other issues like that of alimony (spousal support), distribution of property, child custody and support, and division of debt.
ALSO CHECK OUT: Reasoning and Debate: A Handbook and a Textbook by Jensen DG. Mañebog
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Home / Essay Samples / Health / Teenage Pregnancy / Teenage Pregnancy Issue in the Philippines
Teenage Pregnancy Issue in the Philippines
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Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012
Prevention of adolescent pregnancy act of 2020, a stagnant culture that does not allow open-mindedness, availability of contraceptives.
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