research question cyberbullying

EDITORIAL article

Editorial: cyberbullying and mental health: an interdisciplinary perspective.

• 1 Department of Psychology, University of Turin, Turin, Italy
• 2 Department of Behavioural Sciences and Learning, Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden
• 3 Faculty of Communication, Cultural and Society, Faculty of Biomedical Sciences, Università della Svizzera italiana, Lugano, Switzerland

Editorial on the Research Topic Cyberbullying and Mental Health: An Interdisciplinary Perspective

Introduction

Adolescents are at risk of various forms of peer victimization, particularly in the school context. However, in the last decade, with the development of new technologies and the proliferation of social media among adolescents, the phenomenon of cyberbullying has attracted the attention of researchers, practitioners, and policy makers, considering the impact of cyberbullying victimization on the psychological adjustment and psychophysical integrity of minors.

Knowledge of the phenomenon of cyberbullying is not only a scientific and theoretical curiosity, but also allows appropriate prevention and intervention strategies to be more effective. Although scientific research has identified cyberbullying as a risk factor for adolescent mental health, little is known about the possible mechanisms and mediating factors involved in this relationship. Theoretical models of the relationship between cybervictimization and mental health are underdeveloped, particularly in the emerging field of social neuroscience.

The goal of this Research Topic is to advance current knowledge of the relationship between cybervictimization and mental health, promote an interdisciplinary view of the phenomenon, and identify opportunities for prevention and intervention.

For the Research Topic, 13 contributions with different cultural backgrounds were compiled, including two literature reviews and 11 empirical studies, two of which applied a qualitative approach.

Literature Review and Theoretical Contributions

In their mini review, McLoughin et al. point out that there is a gap in the literature on how cyberbullying affects brain development. According to the authors, this is an important limitation, as developmental cognitive neuroscience could help us to understand which factors increase the likelihood of an adolescent becoming involved in cyberbullying, as either a victim or an aggressor, and to develop tailored interventions. In particular, the authors emphasize the importance of encouraging longitudinal studies using brain imaging techniques to understand how cyberbullying may affect brain development according to gender and age. The importance of interdisciplinary approaches is also emphasized by Auriemma et al. who propose a theoretical model for understanding the cyberbullying phenomenon based on complex and multifaceted constructs of empathy such as emotional contagion, theory of mind, compassion, prosocial behavior, egocentric bias, and individual traits.

Empirical Findings: Quantitative Data on Cyberbullying and Developmental Outcomes

Empirical articles have examined the relationship between cyberbullying and mental health in adolescents, pointing to possible mediating mechanisms. Wachs et al. found that high levels of alexithymia tended to mediate the relationship between cyberbullying victimization and measures of self-esteem and Internet addiction in three different countries: Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States.

The paper by Yu et al. from China attempts to expand knowledge of possible mechanisms to explain the relationship between cybervictimization and non-suicidal self-injury. Based on social control theory and the organism-environment interaction model, the authors report that school engagement is a possible mediating factor between cybervictimization and non-suicidal self-injury among adolescents with high sensation seeking.

In a large sample of Chinese adolescents, Chen et al. found that cybervictimization may increase the risk of deviant peer affiliation, which may help to explain the association between cybervictimization and increased drinking behavior among adolescents. In addition, the authors note that the personal growth initiative plays a mediating role. Consistent with the person-environment interaction model, the authors posit that personal growth initiative is a potential protective factor for the indirect effects of cybervictimization on adolescent drinking.

In a large sample of Chinese adolescents, Wang et al. confirm a significant correlation between cybervictimization and Internet addiction, identifying depression as a possible mediating factor. Interestingly, the authors note that positive peer affiliation does not appear to protect adolescents from negative outcomes when they experience high levels of cybervictimization. This suggests the need for further studies on the relationship between cybervictimization and mental health, and on the mediating role of peer relationships, particularly prosocial peer affiliation.

The pandemic situation and lockdowns around the world have created a context in which forms of cybervictimization can proliferate. The paper by Han et al. addresses the relationship between cyberbullying and mental health in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and specifically targets a rural population of Chinese youth. In the context of the COVID-19 outbreak in 2020, the authors examined the associations between involvement in cyberbullying, resilient coping, and loneliness. They show that resilient coping strategies can reduce the association between cyberbullying and loneliness. Moreover, bullying victims tend to exhibit higher levels of loneliness and lower levels of resilient coping than perpetrators who engage in bullying alone or victims who engage in bullying alone.

The Italian paper by Saladino et al. adds to our knowledge of adolescents' personal cognitions and perceptions of cyberbullying and its consequences. In addition, the authors explain how these data can support cyberbullying prevention and intervention efforts in the school context.

Cyberbullying prevention cannot focus exclusively on victims and aggressors and must consider the entire social scene involved in the dynamics of bullying and cyberbullying. With this in mind, Jungert et al. experimental study addresses potential bystander figures and helps us to better understand when and why youth are motivated to help bullying victims. Research has only recently focused on the bystander figure, but we believe that understanding the factors involved in the predisposition and decision to help a victim of bullying or cyberbullying could have important implications for preventing and counteracting the phenomenon.

Research on the relationship between psychological well-being and cyberbullying has focused predominantly on adolescents, with little evidence on younger students. With this in mind, the brief report by Sidera et al. seeks to expand our knowledge on the relationship between cyberbullying victimization and psychological adjustment in elementary school. The authors report that 14% of the students surveyed had been victims of cyberbullying at least once in the past 2 months, and many of them reported having been victims of traditional bullying as well. The data show that males are at greater risk of being victims of cyberbullying than females, and that the impact of cyberbullying is greater on children who have not also experienced traditional bullying. It is possible that cyberbullying in childhood has different risk factors added to social exclusion ( Morese and Longobardi, 2020 ) and impacts on developmental processes than in adolescence, and future research in this area should be encouraged.

Another stage of the life cycle that appears to be under-researched is adulthood. There is limited research on the relationship between cyberbullying and psychological well-being in adults. In relation to this, Schodt et al. conducted two studies on the relationship between psychological symptoms and involvement in cyberbullying among American adults. In doing so, they attempted to fill a gap in the literature by finding an association between mental health measures and increased risk of involvement in cyberbullying as a victim or aggressor, particularly among men who use social media more. These data appear to differ in part from the literature for adolescents. Therefore, further research on the relationship between mental health and cyberbullying at any developmental stage should be encouraged.

Empirical Findings: Qualitative Research on Adolescents' Perceptions and Experiences of Cyberbullying

Two interesting qualitative research articles are found within this Research Topic. Li and Hesketh carried out semi-structured interviews with 41 students (12–16 years old) involved in traditional bullying and cyberbullying. The authors found that traditional bullying is more common than cyberbullying, although there is a great deal of overlap between the two types. They developed a conceptual framework which identified a number of risk factors at the organizational and individual levels, pointing to a lack of support from parents and teachers, even when needed, leading to poorer developmental and academic outcomes.

Mishna et al. have also sought to expand current knowledge about how adults, parents, and teachers perceive traditional bullying and cyberbullying. According to the authors, it is important to examine how adolescents and adults (who represent three critical relationship systems in the ecological context of bullying) conceptualize the nature and impact of peer victimization in online and offline contexts in order to identify more accurate and effective prevention and intervention strategies.

Conclusions

In conclusion, the Research Topic highlights the importance of considering cyberbullying as a risk factor for the psychological adjustment of individuals and adolescents in particular. It is important to increase our knowledge on the relationship between cyberbullying and mental health to understand which areas of individual functioning are affected and which mediating factors are involved. This knowledge will allow us to identify at-risk situations more accurately and implement prevention and intervention strategies more effectively.

The collected contributions point to the need to address and prevent forms of peer victimization, including cyberbullying. Prevention efforts must target all actors involved in the dynamics of bullying and cyberbullying—not only the victims and perpetrators of bullying, but also the observers and the adults (teachers and parents) among their peers. In this respect, the collected research contributions emphasize the importance of making individuals aware of the definition of the phenomenon of cyberbullying and its consequences, starting from the knowledge and personal perceptions that individuals—both adults and minors—develop regarding the phenomenon.

In addition, we believe it is important to increase the scientific knowledge on the relationship between cybervictimization and mental health at different developmental stages, including childhood and adulthood. In connection with this, we emphasize the importance of an interdisciplinary approach when studying the relationship between cyberbullying and psychological adjustment, and we believe that social neuroscience can help expand our knowledge and develop theoretical models that can contribute to prevention and intervention.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct, and intellectual contribution to the work and have approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher's Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Morese, R., and Longobardi, C. (2020). Suicidal ideation in adolescence: a perspective view on the role of the ventromedial prefrontal cortex. Front. psycho. 11, 713.

PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar

Keywords: cyberbullying, mental health, adjustment (psychology), adolescents, cross cultural

Citation: Longobardi C, Thornberg R and Morese R (2022) Editorial: Cyberbullying and Mental Health: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Front. Psychol. 12:827106. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.827106

Received: 01 December 2021; Accepted: 17 December 2021; Published: 12 January 2022.

Edited and reviewed by: Pablo Fernández-Berrocal , University of Malaga, Spain

Copyright © 2022 Longobardi, Thornberg and Morese. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Claudio Longobardi, claudio.longobardi@unito.it

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Future Research Questions in Cyberbullying

Research output : Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceeding › Chapter

In the last decade, research on cyberbullying has provided much needed knowledge about this relatively new form of bullying. Earlier studies documented prevalence and developmental patterns (e.g., age and gender) of cyberbullying among children (Kowalski & Limber, 2007; Williams & Guerra, 2007; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). Research findings also identified a number of correlates of cybervictimization, including depression (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006; Perren, Dooley, Shaw, & Cross, 2010), anxiety (Dempsey, Sulkowski, & Nichols, 2009), and suicidal ideation (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010). Along with cyberbullying cases that have been widely publicized by the popular media, these studies have alerted us to the significance of hostile, aggressive behaviors using communication technology among children and adolescents. As the field pushes this research area forward, researchers must address the many challenges in studying cyberbullying, as have been outlined throughout the other chapters of this book. This chapter explores possible research questions that would stimulate future research efforts and thus contribute to ongoing theory building and intervention/prevention efforts against cyberbullying.

ASJC Scopus subject areas

• General Psychology

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• 10.4324/9780203084601-37

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• Cyberbullying Medicine & Life Sciences 100%
• Bullying Medicine & Life Sciences 15%
• aggressive behavior Social Sciences 15%
• Suicidal Ideation Medicine & Life Sciences 14%
• communication technology Social Sciences 11%
• exclusion Social Sciences 10%
• Child Medicine & Life Sciences 10%
• anxiety Social Sciences 9%

T1 - Future Research Questions in Cyberbullying

AU - Yoon, Jina

N1 - Publisher Copyright: © 2013 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

PY - 2012/1/1

Y1 - 2012/1/1

N2 - In the last decade, research on cyberbullying has provided much needed knowledge about this relatively new form of bullying. Earlier studies documented prevalence and developmental patterns (e.g., age and gender) of cyberbullying among children (Kowalski & Limber, 2007; Williams & Guerra, 2007; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). Research findings also identified a number of correlates of cybervictimization, including depression (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006; Perren, Dooley, Shaw, & Cross, 2010), anxiety (Dempsey, Sulkowski, & Nichols, 2009), and suicidal ideation (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010). Along with cyberbullying cases that have been widely publicized by the popular media, these studies have alerted us to the significance of hostile, aggressive behaviors using communication technology among children and adolescents. As the field pushes this research area forward, researchers must address the many challenges in studying cyberbullying, as have been outlined throughout the other chapters of this book. This chapter explores possible research questions that would stimulate future research efforts and thus contribute to ongoing theory building and intervention/prevention efforts against cyberbullying.

AB - In the last decade, research on cyberbullying has provided much needed knowledge about this relatively new form of bullying. Earlier studies documented prevalence and developmental patterns (e.g., age and gender) of cyberbullying among children (Kowalski & Limber, 2007; Williams & Guerra, 2007; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2004). Research findings also identified a number of correlates of cybervictimization, including depression (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006; Perren, Dooley, Shaw, & Cross, 2010), anxiety (Dempsey, Sulkowski, & Nichols, 2009), and suicidal ideation (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010). Along with cyberbullying cases that have been widely publicized by the popular media, these studies have alerted us to the significance of hostile, aggressive behaviors using communication technology among children and adolescents. As the field pushes this research area forward, researchers must address the many challenges in studying cyberbullying, as have been outlined throughout the other chapters of this book. This chapter explores possible research questions that would stimulate future research efforts and thus contribute to ongoing theory building and intervention/prevention efforts against cyberbullying.

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UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/citedby.url?scp=85121889839&partnerID=8YFLogxK

U2 - 10.4324/9780203084601-37

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M3 - Chapter

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PB - Taylor and Francis

• Open access
• Published: 14 January 2023

Prevalence and related risks of cyberbullying and its effects on adolescent

• Gassem Gohal 1 ,
• Ahmad Alqassim 2 ,
• Ebtihal Eltyeb 1 ,
• Ahmed Rayyani 3 ,
• Bassam Hakami 3 ,
• Abdullah Al Faqih 3 ,
• Abdullah Hakami 3 ,
• Almuhannad Qadri 3 &
• Mohamed Mahfouz 2  

BMC Psychiatry volume  23 , Article number:  39 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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Cyberbullying is becoming common in inflicting harm on others, especially among adolescents. This study aims to assess the prevalence of cyberbullying, determine the risk factors, and assess the association between cyberbullying and the psychological status of adolescents facing this problem in the Jazan region, Saudi Arabia.

A cross-sectional study was conducted on 355 students, aged between 12–18 years, through a validated online questionnaire to investigate the prevalence and risk factors of cyberbullying and assess psychological effects based on cyberbullying questionnaire and Mental Health Inventory-5 (MHI-5) questions.

The participants in this study numbered 355; 68% of participants were females compared to 32% were males. Approximately 20% of the participants spend more than 12 h daily on the Internet, and the estimated overall prevalence of cyberbullying was 42.8%, with the male prevalence slightly higher than females. In addition, 26.3% of the participants were significantly affected in their academic Performance due to cyberbullying. Approximately 20% of all participants considered leaving their schools, 19.7% considered ceasing their Internet use, and 21.1% considered harming themselves due to the consequences of cyberbullying. There are essential links between the frequency of harassment, the effect on academic Performance, and being a cyber victim.

Conclusions

Cyberbullying showed a high prevalence among adolescents in the Jazan region with significant associated psychological effects. There is an urgency for collaboration between the authorities and the community to protect adolescents from this harmful occurrence.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Cyberbullying is an intentional, repeated act of harm toward others through electronic tools; however, there is no consensus to define it [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. With the surge in information and data sharing in the emerging digital world, a new era of socialization through digital tools, and the popularization of social media, cyberbullying has become more frequent than ever and occurs when there is inadequate adult supervision [ 4 , 5 ]. A large study that looked at the incidence of cyberbullying among adolescents in England found a prevalence of 17.9%, while one study conducted in Saudi Arabia found a prevalence of 20.97% [ 6 , 7 ]. Cyberbullying can take many forms, including sending angry, rude, or offensive messages; intimidating, cruel, and possibly false information about a person to others; sharing sensitive or private information (outing); and exclusion, which involves purposefully leaving someone out of an online group [ 8 ]. Cyberbullying is influenced by age, sex, parent–child relationships, and time spent on the Internet [ 9 , 10 ]. Although some studies have found that cyberbullying continues to increase in late adolescence, others found that cyberbullying tends to peak at 14 and 15 years old before decreasing through the remaining years of adolescence [ 11 , 12 , 13 ].

The COVID-19 epidemic has impacted the prevalence of cyberbullying since social isolation regulations have reduced face-to-face interaction, leading to a significant rise in the use of social networking sites and online activity. As a result, there was a higher chance of experiencing cyberbullying [ 14 ].

Unlike traditional Bullying, which usually only occurs in school and is mitigated at home, victims of cyberbullying can be contacted anytime and anywhere. Parents and teachers are seen as saviors in cases of traditional Bullying. Simultaneously, in cyberbullying, children tend to be reluctant to tell adults for fear of losing access to their phones and computers, so they usually hide the cyberbullying incident [ 15 ]. Reports show that cyberbullying is a form of harm not easily avoided by the victim. In addition, in the cyber form of Bullying, identification of the victim and the perpetrator is generally challenging compared to traditional Bullying; this makes an accurate estimation of the problem widely contested [ 16 , 17 ].

There is growing evidence that is cyberbullying causes more significant levels of depression, anxiety, and loneliness than traditional forms of Bullying. A meta-analysis examining the association between peer victimization, cyberbullying, and suicide in children and adolescents indicates that cyberbullying is more intensely related to suicidal ideation than traditional Bullying [ 18 ]. Moreover, the significant problem is that cyberbullying impacts adolescent due to its persistence and recurrence. A recent report in Saudi Arabia indicated a growing rise in cyberbullying in secondary schools and higher education, from 18% to approximately 27% [ 19 ]. In primary schools and kindergartens in Saudi Arabia, we were not surprised to find evidence that children were unaware that cyberbullying is illegal. Although the study showed an adequate awareness of the problem in our country, Saudi Arabia, there were relatively significant misconceptions [ 20 ].

Adolescents' emotional responses to cyberbullying vary in severity and quality. However, anger, sadness, concern, anxiety, fear, and depression are most common among adolescent cyber victims [ 21 ]. Moreover, cyberbullying may limit students' academic Performance and cause higher absenteeism rates [ 22 ]. Consequently, this study aims to assess the prevalence of cyberbullying, determine the risk factors, and establish the association between cyberbullying and the psychological status of adolescents. We believe our study will be an extension of and significantly add to the literature regarding the nature and extent of cyberbullying in the Jazan region of Saudi Arabia.

A descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out in the Jazan region, a province of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. It is located on the tropical Red Sea coast of southwestern Saudi Arabia.

Design and participants

A descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out in the Jazan region, a province of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. It is located on the tropical Red Sea coast of southwestern Saudi Arabia. The study targeted adolescents (12–18 years old) who use the Internet to communicate in the Jazan region. The main inclusion criteria are adolescents between 12–18 years who use the Internet and agree to participate; however, it excludes adolescents not matching the inclusion criteria or those refusing to participate in the study. If participants were under 16, the parent and/or legal guardian should be notified. A sample of participants was estimated for this study, and the ideal sample size was calculated to be 385 using the Cochran formula, n  = (z) 2 p (1 – p) / d 2 . Where: p = prevalence of cyberbullying 50%, z = a 95% confidence interval, d = error of not more than 5%. A convenience sample was used to recruit the study participants. A self-administrated online questionnaire was used to collect the study information from May to December 2021.

The ethical approval for this study was obtained from The Institute Review Board (IRB) of Jazan University (Letter v.1 2019 dated 08/04/2021). Informed consent was acquired from all participants and was attached to the beginning of the form and mandatory to be read and checked before the participant proceeded to the first part of the questionnaire. For the participants under 16, informed consent was obtained from a parent and legal guardian.

Procedure of data collection and study measures

An Arabic self-administrated online questionnaire was used for this research. This anonymous online survey instrument was based on (Google Forms). The study team distributed the questionnaire to the participants through school teachers. The research team prepared the study questionnaire and chose the relevant cyberbullying scale questions from similar studies [ 5 , 6 ]. The questionnaire was translated by two bilingual professionals to ensure the accuracy and appropriateness of the instrument wording. A panel of experts then discussed and assessed the validity and suitability of the instrument for use on adolescents. The panel also added and edited a few questions to accommodate the local culture of Saudi students. It was validated with a pilot study that included 20 participants. The questionnaire was divided into three main sections. The first part of the questionnaire contains the basic participant information, including gender, age, nationality, school grade, residence, and information about family members and the mother's occupation and education. The mother's level of education was considered as it found that mothers' low levels of education specifically had a detrimental impact on the cyberbullying process [ 23 ]. The second section explores the participant's definition of cyberbullying, questions regarding exposure to cyberbullying as a victim or by bullying another person, and questions considering the possible risk factors behind cyberbullying. The last section explores how cyberbullying affects adolescents psychologically based on the standardized questionnaire Mental Health Inventory-5 (MHI-5). MHI-5 is a well-known, valid, reliable, and brief international instrument for assessing mental health in children and adolescents (such as satisfaction, interest in, and enjoyment of life) and negative aspects (such as anxiety and depression) [ 24 ]. It is composed of five questions, as shown in Table 1 . There are six options available for each question, ranging from "all the time" (1 point) to "none of the time" (6 points); therefore, the adolescent's score varies between five and 30. These questions assess both negative and positive qualities of mental health, as well as questions about anxiety and depression. By adding all the item scores and converting this score to a scale ranging from 0 to 100, the final MHI-5 score is determined, with lower scores indicating more severe depressive symptoms. The value for which the sum of sensitivity and specificity was utilized to establish the ideal cut-off score for MHI-5 in many similar studies was reviewed to reach an optimal conclusion. Therefore, we considered all cut-off values with associated sensitivities and specificities of various MHI-5 cut-off points previously employed among adolescents in similar studies and compared them to conclude that MHI-5 = 70 as our cut points. So the presence of depressive symptoms is considered with an MHI-5 cut-off score of ≤ 70 [ 25 ].

The Questionnaires were initially prepared in English and then translated into Arabic. A native speaker with fluency in English (with experience in translation) converted the questionnaire from the initial English version into Arabic. Then, we performed a pilot study among 20 participants to ensure the readability and understandability of the questionnaire questions. We also assessed the internal consistency of the questionnaire based on Cronbach’s alpha, which produced an acceptable value of 0.672. The internal consistency for Mental Health Inventory-5 (MHI-5) was reported at 0.557. In order to assess the factor structure of the Arabic-translated version of the (MHI-5) questionnaire, a factor analysis was conducted. The factor loading of the instrument is shown in Table 1 . Using principal component analysis and the varimax rotation method, we found a one-component solution explaining 56.766% of the total variance. All items loaded on the first factor ranged from (0.688 to 0.824), which confirms that a single factor has explained all the items of the scale. In addition, Bartlett’s test of sphericity was found significant ( p  < 0.001).

Data presentation & statistical analysis

Simple tabulation frequencies were used to give a general overview of the data. The prevalence of cyberbullying was presented using 95% C.I.s, and the Chi-squared test was performed to determine the associations between individual categorical variables and Mental Health. The univariate and multivariate logistic regression model was derived, and unadjusted and adjusted odds ratios (OR) and their 95% confidence intervals (C.I.s) were calculated. A P -value of 0.05 or less was used as the cut-off level for statistical significance. The statistical analysis was completed using SPSS ver. 25.0 (SPSS Inc. Chicago, IL, USA) software.

The distributed survey targeted approximately 385 students, but the precise number of respondents to the questionnaire was 355 (92% response rate), with 68% of female students responding, compared to 32% of male students. More than half of the respondents were secondary school students, with a nearly equal mix of respondents living in cities and rural areas. Table 2 demonstrates that 20% of the participants spend more than 12 h daily on the Internet and electronic gadgets, while only 13% spend less than two hours.

As demonstrated in Table 3 , the total prevalence of cyberbullying was estimated to be 42.8%, with male prevalence somewhat higher than female prevalence. Additional variables, such as the number of hours spent on the Internet, did not affect the prevalence. Table 4 shows the pattern and experience of being cyberbullied across mental health levels, as measured by the MHI-5.

Academic Performance was significantly affected due to cyberbullying in 26.3% of the participants. Furthermore, approximately 20% of all participants considered leaving their schools for this reason. Moreover, 19.7% of the participants thought of stopping using the Internet and electronic devices, while 21.1% considered harming themselves due to the effects of cyberbullying. Regarding associations between various variables and psychological effects using the MHI-5, there are significant associations between whether the participant has been a cyber victim before (cOR 2.8), the frequency of harassment (cOR 1.9), academic Performance (cOR 6.5), and considering leaving school as a result of being a cyber victim (cOR 3.0). In addition, by using univariate logistic regression analysis, there are significant associations between the psychological effects and the participant's thoughts of getting rid of a bully (cOR 2.8), thinking to stop using electronic devices (cOR 3.0), and considering hurting themselves as the result of cyberbullying (cOR 6.4). In addition, the use of the multivariate logistic regression analysis showed that frequency of harassment was the only statistically significant predictor of mental health among adolescents (aOR 2.8). Other variables continue to have higher (aORs) but without statistical significance. All these results are demonstrated in Table 4 .

Cyberbullying prevalence rates among adolescents vary widely worldwide, ranging from 10% to more than 70% in many studies. This variation results from certain factors, specifically gender involvement, as a decisive influencing factor [ 26 , 27 ]. Our study found a prevalence of 42.8% (95% confidence interval (CI): 37.7–48), which is higher than the median reported prevalence of cyberbullying of 23.0% in a scoping review that included 36 studies conducted in the United States in adolescents aged 12 to 18 years old [ 28 ]. A systematic review found that cyberbullying ranged from 6.5% to 35.4% [ 3 ]. These two studies gathered data before the COVID-19 pandemic. When compared to recent studies, it was found that cyberbullying increased dramatically during the COVID-19 era [ 29 , 30 ]. Subsequently, with the massive mandate of world online communication in teaching and learning, young adolescents faced a large amount of cyberspace exposure with all risk-related inquiries. Psychological distress due to COVID-19 and spending far more time on the Internet are vital factors in this problem, which might be a reasonable explanation for our results.

There is insufficient data to compare our findings to the Arab world context, notably Saudi Arabia. Although, according to one study done among Saudi Arabian university students, the prevalence was 17.6%. [ 31 ]. we discovered a considerable discrepancy between this prevalence and our findings, and the decisive explanation is the difference in the target age group studied. Age is a crucial risk factor for cyberbullying, and according to one study, cyberbullying peaks at around 14 and 15 years of age and then declines in late adolescence. Thus, a U-inverted relation exists between prevalence and age [ 11 , 12 , 13 , 32 ].

In our study, males reported being more vulnerable to cyberbullying despite there being more female participants; this inconsistent finding with previous literature requires further investigation. A strong, but not recent, meta-analysis in 2014 reported that, in general, males are likely to cyberbully more than females. Females were more likely to report cyberbullying during early to mid-adolescence than males [ 11 ]. This finding presents a concern for males reporting lower than females’ results in our data and raises some questions about whether cultural or religious conservative values play a role.

Increased Internet hours are another risk factor in this study and were significantly associated with cyberbullying. Specifically, it was likely to be with heavy Internet users (> 12 h/day); a similar result was well documented in one equivalent study [ 3 ]. Notably, while some studies have reported that those living in city areas are more likely to be cyberbullying victims than their counterparts from suburban areas [ 3 ], our observations reported no significant influence of this factor on the prevalence of cyberbullying.

According to a population-based study on cyberbullying and teenage well-being in England, which included 110,000 pupils, traditional Bullying accounted for more significant variability in mental well-being than cyberbullying. It did, however, conclude that both types of Bullying carry a risk of affecting mental health [ 33 ]. We confirmed in this study that multiple occurrences of cyberbullying and the potential for being a victim are risk factors influencing mental health ( P  < 0.001). Moreover, the frequency of harassment also shows a significant, influential effect. The victim's desire to be free from the perpetrator carrying out the cyberbullying is probably an alarming sign and a precursor factor for suicidal ideation; we reported that nearly half of the participants wished they could get rid of the perpetrators. Furthermore, more than 20% of participants considered harming themselves due to cyberbullying; this result is consistent with many studies that linked cyberbullying and self-harm and suicidal thoughts [ 34 , 35 , 36 ].

Adolescence is a particularly vulnerable age for the effects of cyberbullying on mental health. In one Saudi Arabian study, parents felt that cyberbullying is more detrimental than Bullying in the schoolyard and more harmful to their children's mental health. According to them, video games were the most popular social platform for cyberbullying [ 37 ]. Both cross-sectional and longitudinal research shows a significant link between cyberbullying and emotional symptoms, including anxiety and depression [ 38 , 39 ]. Therefore, we employed the MHI-5 to measure the mental impact of cyberbullying on adolescents in this study. Overall, the MHI-5 questionnaire showed relatively high sensitivity in detecting anxiety and depression disorders for general health and quality of life assessments. The questions listed happy times, peacefulness, and sensations of calmness, in addition to episodes of anxiousness, downheartedness, and feelings of depression, as given in Table 1 .

Cyberbullying has been well-documented to affect the academic achievement of the victim adolescents. Therefore, bullied adolescents are likelier to miss school, have higher absence rates, dislike school, and report receiving lower grades. According to one meta-analysis, peer victimization has a significant negative link with academic achievement, as measured by grades, student performance, or instructor ratings of academic achievement [ 40 ]. In our investigation, we reported that up to 20% of participants considered leaving their schools due to the adverse effects of cyberbullying (cOR 3.0) and wished they could stop using the Internet; 26% of participants felt that their school performance was affected due to being cyber victims (cOR 6.5). The results of the univariate analysis showed a high odd ratio related to school performance and a willingness to leave school. This conclusion indicates the likelihood of these impacts specifically with a significant p-value, as shown in Table 5 .

In this study, approximately 88% of the participants were cyber victims compared to only 11% of cyberbullying perpetrators who committed this act on their peers. Mental health affection is well-reported in many studies on cyber victims with higher depression rates than cyberbullying perpetrators [ 41 , 42 ]. However, other studies indicate that cyberbullying victims are not the only ones affected; harm is also extended to involve perpetrators. Cyberbullying perpetrators have high-stress levels, poor school performance, and an increased risk of depression and alcohol misuse. Furthermore, research shows that adolescents who were victims or perpetrators of cyberbullying in their adolescence continue to engage in similar behavior into early adulthood [ 43 , 44 ].

Limitations of the study

Although the current study found a high prevalence and positive connections among variables, it should be emphasized that it was conducted on a determinate sample of respondents, 11 to 18 years old. Therefore, the results could not be generalized for other samples, age groups, and communities from other cultures and contexts. In addition, it was limited to adolescent survey responses, did not include parents' and caretakers' viewpoints, and failed to include other risk factors such as divorce and financial status. We believe future studies should consider parents' perspectives and more analysis of perpetrators' characteristics. Moreover, self-reported tools are susceptible to social desirability bias, which can influence test item responses. As a result, future research should employ a variety of monitoring and evaluation metrics and larger potential populations and age ranges. Another limitation of this analysis is that we cannot make conclusive inferences regarding gender and exact prevalence because male adolescents had a lower response rate than female adolescents, suggesting that males might be more sensitive to disclosing these issues.

Even though experts in the social sciences typically research cyberbullying, it is crucial to investigate it from a clinical perspective because it significantly affects mental health. Adolescents' lives have grown increasingly centered on online communication, which provides several possibilities for psychological outcomes and aggressive actions such as cyberbullying. Stress, anxiety, depressive symptoms, suicidal ideation, and deterioration in school performance are all linked to cyberbullying. Therefore, we emphasize the need for parents and educators to be conscious of these dangers and be the first line of protection for the adolescent by recognizing, addressing, and solving this problem. Furthermore, we urge the responsibility of pediatricians, physicians, and psychiatric consultants to create a comfortable atmosphere for adolescents to disclose and report this problem early and raise awareness of the problem in their communities. Furthermore, practical strategies for dealing with such occurrences involving health, education, and law authorities, should be supported to tackle this problem, which can affect the adolescent mentally and academically. Lastly, to decide how to intervene most effectively, more research must be done on the many methods to assess how schools, communities, and healthcare providers tackle cyberbullying.

Availability of data and materials

The authors ensure that the data supporting the results of this study are available within the article. The raw data for the study will be obtainable from the corresponding author upon reasonable demand.

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Gohal, G., Alqassim, A., Eltyeb, E. et al. Prevalence and related risks of cyberbullying and its effects on adolescent. BMC Psychiatry 23 , 39 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-023-04542-0

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Social media plays a crucial role in Americans’ news consumption . Half of all U.S. adults say they at least sometimes get news there, according to a 2023 Pew Research Center survey .

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These findings come from a broader Center survey of U.S. adults’ news habits . The survey asked Americans who get news on social media to describe – in their own words – the things they like and dislike most about getting news there. Their responses were then sorted into categories.

Pew Research Center asked two open-ended questions about what people like and dislike most about getting news on social media as part of a survey on U.S. adults’ news habits. The survey of 8,842 U.S. adults was conducted from Sept. 25 to Oct. 1, 2023.

Everyone who completed the survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the  ATP’s methodology .

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We asked whether Americans prefer social media or news outlets for various types of information on a separate ATP survey conducted March 20-26, 2023, among 3,576 U.S. adults. Here are the questions used for the spring 2023 survey , along with responses, and its  methodology .

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. This is the latest report in Pew Research Center’s ongoing investigation of the state of news, information and journalism in the digital age, a research program funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation.

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What Americans dislike about getting news on social media

Many social media news consumers also see downsides to getting news this way. Four-in-ten Americans who get news from social media say inaccuracy is the thing they dislike most about it – an increase of 9 percentage points since 2018. This category of responses includes concerns about unverified facts, misinformation, “fake news” and unreliable sources.

A much smaller share of social media news consumers (8%) say they dislike the low quality of news there, with some giving clickbait or a lack of in-depth coverage as examples. Others say the news on social media is too biased or political (6%) or they don’t like the way people behave there (5%).

Another 1% of social media news consumers say censorship is what they dislike most. This category – which we used for the first time in the 2023 survey – includes responses such as “Too much censorship by the sites” and “I really dislike when some of my view points are removed.” There are no significant differences in the shares of Democratic and Republican social media news consumers who say they’re concerned about news censorship on social media. In fact, there are no partisan differences within any of these complaint categories.

Just 4% of respondents say they don’t dislike anything about getting news on social media. Another 31% did not answer the question.

Social media posts versus news outlets: Which do Americans prefer for certain types of information?

The perceived downsides of getting news on social media may help explain why many Americans prefer to go directly to news outlets instead. In a separate Center survey, U.S. adults who say they at least sometimes get news on social media were asked whether they prefer reading social media posts or going directly to news outlets for five different types of information. Those types of information include the basic facts about an issue or event as well as in-depth information and opinions on it.

Americans prefer to get four of the five types of information from news outlets over social media. However, a substantial share say they like getting each type of information from news outlets and social media about the same.

For example, 45% of respondents say they prefer news outlets for getting the most in-depth information about an issue or event, while only 11% prefer social media posts for this. An additional 34% say they value both sources equally, while 8% say they prefer neither option.

Social media news consumers also tend to prefer news outlets over social media to get:

• The basic facts about an issue or event (39% vs. 14%)
• Up-to-date information about an event as it is happening (34% vs. 21%)
• Information about how an issue or event impacts them (31% vs. 15%)

In each of these cases, roughly four-in-ten or more say they like social media and news outlets about the same.

In contrast, equal shares of Americans prefer news outlets and social media when it comes to opinions on an issue (22% each).

Previous Center research has shown that younger Americans are more likely than older Americans to prefer getting news from social media , and that pattern also appears in the findings of this survey. Adults under 30 express a clear preference for using social media over news outlets to get opinions on an issue (36% vs. 13%) and up-to-date information as an event is happening (35% vs. 21%). Americans ages 65 and older are much more likely to prefer news outlets over social media for every type of information we asked about. 

• Digital News Landscape
• Media Industry
• News Habits & Media
• Social Media & the News

Luxuan Wang is a research associate at Pew Research Center

Naomi Forman-Katz is a research analyst focusing on news and information research at Pew Research Center

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A Survey of Cyberbullying Detection and Performance: Its Impact in Social Media Using Artificial Intelligence

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• Volume 4 , article number  859 , ( 2023 )

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• S. Meenakshi Sundaram 1  

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Recently, cyberbullying has become one of the most important topics on social media. Online social media users have recognised this as a severe problem, and in recent years, effective detection models have been developed. This has taken on substantial importance. The numerous forms of cyberbullying on social media are highlighted by this poll. Currently, research is being done to identify cyberbullying using AI approaches. We talk about various machine learning and natural language processing (NLP) methods that are used to identify cyberbullying. Additionally, the difficulties and potential directions for future research in the area of AI detection of cyberbullying have been discussed. Attacks on victims of cyberbullying have surged by 40% in 2020’s pandemic season. 20% of the increase in juvenile suicides is attributable to cyberbullying. Attacks involving cyberbullying are expected to reach an all-time high in 2025, according to 60% of experts. 38% of respondents report daily exposure to cyberbullying on social media platforms. Even though many people are aware of cyberattacks, cyberbullying has begun to rise alarmingly. By keeping track of the signs of cyberbullying before it occurs, internet service providers can develop more precise classifications for the behaviour to prevent it. Large data sets can also be processed using deep learning techniques.

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Ambareen, K., Meenakshi Sundaram, S. A Survey of Cyberbullying Detection and Performance: Its Impact in Social Media Using Artificial Intelligence. SN COMPUT. SCI. 4 , 859 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s42979-023-02301-2

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Poll: Election interest hits new low in tight Biden-Trump race

The share of voters who say they have high interest in the 2024 election has hit a nearly 20-year low at this point in a presidential race, according to the latest national NBC News poll , with majorities holding negative views of both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump.

The poll also shows Biden trimming Trump’s previous lead to just 2 points in a head-to-head contest, an improvement within the margin of error compared to the previous survey, as Biden bests Trump on the issues of abortion and uniting the country, while Trump is ahead on competency and dealing with inflation.

And it finds inflation and immigration topping the list of most important issues facing the country, as just one-third of voters give Biden credit for an improving economy.

But what also stands out in the survey is how the low voter interest and the independent candidacy of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. could scramble what has been a stable presidential contest with more than six months until Election Day. While Trump holds a 2-point edge over Biden head to head, Biden leads Trump by 2 points in a five-way ballot test including Kennedy and other third-party candidates.

“I don’t think Biden has done much as a president. And if Trump gets elected, I just feel like it’s going to be the same thing as it was before Biden got elected,” said poll respondent Devin Fletcher, 37, of Wayne, Michigan, a Democrat who said he’s still voting for Biden.

“I just don’t feel like I have a candidate that I’m excited to vote for,” Fletcher added.

Another poll respondent from New Jersey, who declined to provide her name and voted for Biden in 2020, said she wouldn’t be voting in November.

“Our candidates are horrible. I have no interest in voting for Biden. He did nothing. And I absolutely will not vote for Trump,” she said.

Democratic pollster Jeff Horwitt of Hart Research Associates, who conducted the survey with Republican pollster Bill McInturff of Public Opinion Strategies, said, “Americans don’t agree on much these days, but nothing unites the country more than voters’ desire to tune this election out.”

The poll was conducted April 12-16, during yet another turbulent time in American politics, including the  beginning of Trump’s criminal trial  in New York and new attacks and heightened tensions  in the Middle East.

According to the poll, 64% of registered voters say they have high levels of interest in November’s election — registering either a “9” or a 10” on a 10-point scale of interest.

That’s lower than what the NBC News poll showed at this time in the 2008 (74%), 2012 (67%), 2016 (69%) and 2020 (77%) presidential contests.

The question dates to the 2008 election cycle. The lowest level of high election interest in the poll during a presidential cycle was in March 2012 — at 59%. But it quickly ticked up in the next survey.

This election cycle, high interest has been both low and relatively flat for months, according to the poll.

McInturff, the Republican pollster, says the high level of interest in the poll has “always been a signal for the level of turnout” for a presidential contest.

“It makes it very hard for us to predict turnout this far in advance of November, but every signal is turnout will be a lower percentage of eligible voters than in 2020,” he said.

By party, the current poll shows 70% of self-identified Republicans saying they have high interest in the coming election, compared with 65% of Democrats who say so.

Independents are at 48%, while only 36% of voters ages 18 to 34 rate themselves as highly interested in the election.

“They just aren’t low interest,” McInturff said of young voters. “They are off-the-charts low.”

NBC News poll: Frequently asked questions

Professional pollsters at a Democratic polling firm (Hart Research Associates) and a Republican firm (Public Opinion Strategies) have worked together to conduct and operate this poll since 1989. (Coldwater Corporation served as the Republican firm from 1989-2004.)

The polling firms employ a call center, where live interviewers speak by cell phone and telephone with a cross section of (usually) 1,000 respondents. The respondents are randomly selected from national lists of households and cell numbers. Respondents are asked for by name, starting with the youngest male adult or female adult in the household.

One of the common questions that critics ask of polls is, "I wasn't interviewed, so why should this poll matter?” By interviewing 1,000 respondents and applying minimal weights based on race, ethnicity, age, gender, education and the 2020 presidential vote, the poll achieves a representative sample of the nation at large – with a margin of error at a 95% confidence level.

NBC News editors and reporters — along with the pollsters at Hart Research and Public Opinion Strategies — all work to formulate the questions to try to capture the news and current events NBC is trying to gauge. Both Hart Research and Public Opinion Strategies work to ensure the language and placement of the questions are as neutral as possible.

Biden trims Trump’s lead

The poll also finds Trump narrowly ahead of Biden by 2 points among registered voters in a head-to-head matchup, 46% to 44% — down from Trump’s 5-point advantage in January, 47% to 42%.

The movement, which is within the poll’s margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points, is consistent with what other national polls have found in the Trump-Biden race.

Trump’s biggest advantages are among men (53% to 37%), white voters (54% to 37%) and white voters without college degrees (65% to 25%).

Biden’s top advantages are among Black voters (71% to 13%), women (50% to 39%) and Latinos (49% to 39%).

The poll shows the two candidates are essentially tied among independents (Biden 36%, Trump 34%) and voters ages 18-34 (Biden 44%, Trump 43%). One of the big polling mysteries this cycle is whether young voters have defected from Biden (as the NBC News poll has found over multiple surveys) or whether Democrats have maintained their advantage among that demographic.

When the ballot is expanded to five named candidates, Biden takes a 2-point lead over Trump: Biden 39%, Trump 37%, Kennedy 13%, Jill Stein 3% and Cornel West 2%.

Again, the result between Biden and Trump is within the poll’s margin of error.

Notably, the poll finds a greater share of Trump voters from the head-to-head matchup supporting Kennedy in the expanded ballot compared with Biden voters, different from the results of some other surveys.

(Read more here about how Kennedy's candidacy affe cts the 2024 race, according to the poll.)

The president’s approval rating ticks up to 42%

In addition, the poll found 42% of registered voters approving of Biden’s overall job performance — up 5 points since January’s NBC News poll, which found Biden at the lowest point of his presidency.

Fifty-six percent of voters say they disapprove of the job he has done, which is down 4 points from January.

Biden’s gains over the past few months have come from key parts of his 2020   base, especially among Democrats and Black voters. But he continues to hold low ratings among Latinos (40% approval), young voters (37%) and independents (36%).

“The data across this poll show that Joe Biden has begun to gain some ground in rebuilding his coalition from 2020,” said Horwitt, the Democratic pollster. “The question is whether he can build upon this momentum and make inroads with the groups of voters that still are holding back support.”

But McInturff, the GOP pollster, points out that the only recent presidents   who lost re-election had approval ratings higher than Biden’s at this point in the election cycle: George H.W. Bush (43%) and Trump (46%).

“President Biden has a precarious hold on the presidency and is in a difficult position as it relates to his re-election,” McInturff said.

On the issues, 39% of voters say they approve of Biden’s handling of the economy (up from 36% in January), 28% approve of his handling of border security and immigration, and just 27% approve of his handling of the Israel-Hamas war (down from 29% in January).

Voters gave Biden his highest issue rating on   addressing student loan debt, with 44% approving of his handling of the issue, compared with 51% who say they disapprove.

Biden leads on abortion and unity; Trump leads on inflation and competency

The NBC News poll asked voters to determine which candidate they thought is better on several different issues and attributes.

Biden holds a 15-point advantage over Trump on dealing with the issue of abortion, and he is ahead by 9 points on having the ability to bring the country together — though that is down from his 24-point advantage on that issue in the September 2020 NBC News poll.

Trump, meanwhile, leads in having the ability to handle a crisis (by 4 points), in having a strong record of accomplishments (by 7 points), in being competent and effective (by 11 points), in having the necessary mental and physical health to be president (by 19 points) and in dealing with inflation and the cost of living (by 22 points).

Inflation, immigration are the top 2024 issues

Inflation and the cost of living top the list of issues in the poll, with 23% of voters saying they’re the most important issue facing the country.

The other top voters is   immigration and the situation at the border (22%) — followed by   threats to democracy (16%), jobs and the economy (11%), abortion (6%) and health care (6%).

In addition, 63% of voters say their families’ incomes are falling behind the cost of living — essentially unchanged from what the poll found in 2022 and 2023.

And 53% of voters say the country’s economy hasn’t improved, compared with 33% who say that it has improved and that Biden deserves some credit for it and another 8% who agree the economy has improved but don’t give him credit for it.

“If I look back to when I had all three of my children in the house — we only have one child left in the house now, and we’re spending more now than what we did when we had a family of five,” said poll respondent Art Fales, 45, of Florida, who says he’s most likely voting for Trump.

But on a separate question — is there an issue so important that you’ll vote for or against a candidate solely on that basis? — the top responses are protecting democracy and constitutional rights (28%), immigration and border security (20%) and abortion (19%).

Indeed, 30% of Democrats, 29% of young voters and 27% of women say they are single-issue voters on abortion.

“I have a right to what I do with my body,” said poll respondent Amanda Willis, 28, of Louisiana, who said she’s voting for Biden. “And I don’t believe that other people should have the ability to determine that.”

Other poll findings

• With Trump’s first criminal trial underway, 50% of voters say he is being held to the same standard as anyone else when it comes to his multiple legal challenges. That compares with 43% who believe he’s being unfairly targeted in the trials. 
• 52% of voters have unfavorable views of Biden, while 53% share the same views of Trump.
• And Democrats and Republicans are essentially tied in congressional preference, with 47% of voters preferring Republicans to control Congress and 46% wanting Democrats in charge. Republicans held a 4-point lead on this question in January.

The NBC News poll of 1,000 registered voters nationwide — 891 contacted via cellphone — was conducted April 12-16, and it has an overall margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points.

Mark Murray is a senior political editor at NBC News.

Sarah Dean is a 2024 NBC News campaign embed.

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Cyberbullying and LGBTQ Youth: A Systematic Literature Review and Recommendations for Prevention and Intervention

Roberto l. abreu.

1 Department of Educational, School, and Counseling Psychology, College of Education, University of Kentucky, 251 Dickey Hall, Lexington, KY 40506 USA

Maureen C. Kenny

2 Leadership and Professional Studies, College of Arts, Science and Education, Florida International University, Miami, FL USA

Research has demonstrated that cyberbullying has adverse physical and mental health consequences for youths. Unfortunately, most studies have focused on heterosexual and cisgender individuals. The scant available research on sexual minority and gender expansive youth (i.e., LGBTQ) shows that this group is at a higher risk for cyberbullying when compared to their heterosexual counterparts. However, to date no literature review has comprehensively explored the effects of cyberbullying on LGBTQ youth. A systematic review resulted in 27 empirical studies that explore the effects of cyberbullying on LGBTQ youth. Findings revealed that the percentage of cyberbullying among LGBTQ youth ranges between 10.5% and 71.3% across studies. Common negative effects of cyberbullying of LGBTQ youth include psychological and emotional (suicidal ideation and attempt, depression, lower self-esteem), behavioral (physical aggression, body image, isolation), and academic performance (lower GPAs). Recommendations and interventions for students, schools, and parents are discussed.

Technology has become a conventional and widely used form of communication among individuals. Youth in particular appear to be drawn to different forms of technology, and use it regularly. According to a 2015 study by the Pew Research Center, 92% of teens go online on a daily basis and 56% access online material several times a day (Lenhart 2015 ). While the Internet provides many benefits (e.g., connecting with others, vast information), there are risks related to privacy, security, and harassment. Specifically, readily available access to the Internet has opened the door for a new form of bullying among youth, commonly known as cyberbullying (other names include cyber victimization, online victimization, and online aggression). Although different definitions for cyberbullying are found in the literature, researchers have identified this form of aggression as behaviors performed through the use of digital media or technology with the goal of communicating aggression and inflicting harm in an individual or a group of people (e.g., Hinduja and Patchin 2014 ; Pham and Adesman 2015 ). Research shows that exposure to cyberbullying has severe consequences for adolescents’ and young adults’ physical and mental health, including academic problems, substance abuse, and suicide (Flanagan 2014 ; Pham and Adesman 2015 ). A current systematic literature review of 25 empirical studies revealed that a significant number of children and adolescents (20% - 40%) report being victims of cyberbullying (Aboujaoude et al. 2015 ). Cyberbullying among children and adolescents is a serious threat and collective efforts headed by schools, policy-makers, and medical and mental health providers must be put in place in order to protect youth from the hazards associated with an ever dependent digital world (Aboujaoude et al. 2015 ).

Specific to sexual and gender minority youth, there is a dearth of research on the experiences of LGBTQ youth and cyberbullying. However, extensive research exists on traditional bullying (i.e., face-to-face) of LGBTQ students. This body of research shows that LGBTQ youth are being bullied, harassed, and victimized in schools at disproportionate rates when compared to their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts (Black et al. 2012 ; Espelage et al. 2015 ; Kosciw et al. 2016 ). As a result, LGBTQ students have lower GPAs, higher rates of depression, lower self-esteem, and more suicidal ideation and suicide attempts (Kosciw et al. 2016 ; Montoro et al. 2016 ). In a national study of sexual minority high school students by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), LGB high school students reported higher levels of violence and bullying than their heterosexual counterparts, including forced to have sex (17.8% vs. 5.4%) and experiences of bullying at school (34.5% vs. 18.5%; Kann et al. 2016 ).

Regarding the experiences of cyberbullying, Aboujaoude et al. ( 2015 ) and Zych et al. ( 2015 ) found that sexual minorities are among one of the most vulnerable populations. Another systematic literature review of 39 empirical studies on the psychological and health outcomes of sexual minority and gender expansive youth revealed that victimization related to sexual identity is linked to increased depressive symptoms, suicidality, and substance abuse (Collier et al. 2013 ). Although cyberbullying has been briefly mentioned in reviews that explore the victimization of sexual minority and gender expansive youth and sexual minorities have been mentioned as a population of interest in cyberbullying youth literature reviews, to date no systematic literature review has exclusively explored the correlates of cyberbullying on LGBTQ youth. That is, the authors were not able to locate a single systematic literature that has brought together all of the available empirical research on LGBTQ youth cyberbullying. Therefore, the aim of the present review is to provide a comprehensive and integrative review of cyberbullying among sexual minority and gender expansive youth, including prevalence, correlates, and recommendations for prevention and intervention.

Search Strategy

The authors conducted a computer-based search of the databases Academic Search Complete, PsycINFO, PubMed, and Web of Science to locate studies. Variations of the term cyberbullying (i.e., cyberbullying, cyber-bullying, online bulling, cyber aggression, cyber violence, and online victimization) were used in combination with keywords related to sexual and/or gender identity (i.e., LGBT, GLBT, LGB, GLB, GLBTQ, gay, homosexuality, male homosexuality, bisexuality, lesbianism, transgender, sexual orientation, sexual identity, and sexual minority). In order to make sure the search led to exhaustive results, keywords related to bullies’ potential motives (i.e., homophobia, homophobic, biphobia, and transphobia) were also used in combination with variations of the term cyberbullying. In addition, a search of victims’ characteristics (i.e., gender expression, gender identity, feminine, femininity, masculine, masculinity, gender atypical, gender bending, gender incongruence) was used in combination with variations of the term cyberbullying.

Considering the lack of research in the area of cyberbullying and LGBTQ individuals (Evans and Smokowski 2016 ), in the initial search, the authors did not narrow their search to a specific country, setting, or developmental age, to intentionally find all studies that captured the experience of cyberbullying among LGBTQ people before creating any inclusion and exclusion criteria. However, all of the studies found were conducted with LGBTQ adolescents, with school settings ranging from middle school to college/university level, with most studies ( n  = 22) including middle and high school students. In addition to the database search, a second method for literature searching included an ancestral approach (White 1994 ), which entailed reviewing the reference lists of each selected article to identify additional studies for possible inclusion. The search was conducted during the months of August 2016 through March 2017, and no time parameters were used. Duplicate publications were excluded.

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Inclusion criteria included studies that were: (a) empirically based; (b) report original research findings (this included school climate surveys); (c) conducted among LGBTQ (or other sexual or gender minorities) youth; (d) explored cyberbullying toward LGBTQ adolescents in any setting; and (e) explored prevalence, correlates, consequences (including physical and psychological), and/or prevention efforts/recommendations in relation to LGBTQ youth cyberbullying. Both authors reviewed the abstracts of all citations produced by the database search and conducted ancestral approach to determine which citations met these criteria. Considering we were not able to locate any previously published literature review specific to LGBTQ youth and cyberbullying, we did not have a criterion for time frame (e.g., publications on and/or after a certain year). It was the authors’ intention to capture all of the current available empirical research on the experiences of cyberbullying among LGBTQ youth. Exclusion criteria included articles that: (a) did not assess for cyberbullying (i.e., studies that only reported on traditional bullying, or face-to-face) or (b) did not assess for sexual or gender identity of participants. It is important to note that not all selected studies included exclusive samples of LGBTQ participants. Over half of studies ( n  = 14) included a large sample (i.e., over 70%) of heterosexual participants. We included any study that reported on the experiences of cyberbullying among LGBTQ youth participants, regardless if the study’s sample also included heterosexual and/or cisgender participants. For those studies that included a mixed sample of heterosexual and cisgender and LGBTQ participants, we focused on the results and analysis that, in any way, involved LGBTQ youth. As a result of the inclusion and exclusion criteria, 27 studies were included in the review. After each author was done with their individual review of each article (documented in a table form), tables were exchanged and reviewed for discrepancies. Discrepancies were discussed and reconciled among both authors.

Results of Literature Review

The studies were conducted in the United States ( n  = 19), Canada ( n  = 3), Australia ( n  = 3), Sweden ( n  = 1), and United Kingdom ( n  = 1). Most of the participants were collected from a nationwide sample ( n  = 9), followed by school counties/districts/zones ( n  = 6), single state/province/region ( n  = 5), single university ( n  = 4), and multiple states/provinces/regions ( n  = 3). Most of the reviewed studies were quantitative ( n  = 21), followed by mixed-method ( n  = 5) and qualitative ( n  = 1). Study sample size (all participants) ranged between 18 and 20,406 participants, with the smallest sample coming from the one qualitative study (i.e., Varjas et al. 2013 ). The range of LGBTQ participants ranged between 3.84% and 100%. For the purpose of this review, we organized the results and findings for each study into three different categories: (a) prevalence ( n  = 26), (b) correlates and impact ( n  = 9), and (c) prevention and intervention strategies ( n  = 11). Only three of the 11 studies that discussed prevention strategies for cyberbullying mentioned LGBTQ-specific prevention strategies (i.e., GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Hinduja and Patchin 2012 ; Ramsey et al. 2016 ). See Table ​ Table1 1 for more details about each study.

Description of the Studies on LGBTQ Cyberbullying Included in the Systematic Review

Studies and Participants’ Diversity

Age and educational level.

The majority of the studies ( n  = 20) reported on the age of participants (range of 11–25 years old), while seven studies only reported the grade or educational level. Most studies ( n  = 22) were conducted with secondary-age school students, including middle and high school or a combination thereof. Nine studies were conducted with only high school students, while nine studies were conducted with middle and high school students combined and only one study (Rice et al. 2015 ) with middle school students. On the other hand, only five studies included participants from postsecondary institutions, including colleges and universities. Noticeably, the five studies that reported data from private schools (GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Guasp 2012 ; Hillier et al. 2010 ; Kosciw et al. 2012 ; Kosciw et al. 2016 ) were all large scale, nationwide climate surveys. In addition, only two studies (Blais et al. 2013 ; Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ) collected data from both secondary and postsecondary schools combined.

Race and Ethnicity

The racial and ethnic diversity varied greatly among studies. More specifically, White participants made up the largest range across studies (3.3% - 92%), followed by Hispanics/Latinas/os (5% - 59.62%), African American/Black (2.8% - 41%), Asian/Pacific Islander (2.4% - 19%), Biracial/Multiracial (1.26% - 16.6%), “Other” (0.8% - 6.4%), and Native American/Indigenous people (0.41% - 6%). In addition, only three studies (Cénat et al. 2015 ; Kosciw et al. 2012 ; Kosciw et al. 2016 ) reported racial and ethnic demographic data on Middle Eastern participants. Furthermore, seven studies (Blais et al. 2013 ; Hillier et al. 2010 ; Hinduja and Patchin 2012 ; Mace et al. 2016 ; Priebe and Svedin 2012 ; Robinson and Espelage 2011 ; Walker 2015 ) did not report specific data on racial and/or ethnic diversity. Moreover, four studies (Cénat et al. 2015 ; Guasp 2012 ; Schneider et al. 2015 ; Stoll and Block 2015 ) did not provide a breakdown of the percentage of racial and ethnic diversity in their sample and only reported White vs. non-White participants.

Sexual Identity

Although the sexual identity of participants ranged across studies, there are important trends. Most studies ( n  = 19) provided a combined sample of heterosexual and non-heterosexual participants, with the goal of comparing prevalence, correlates, and outcomes between these groups. Fourteen of the 19 studies had a significantly large sample of heterosexual participants (range of 71% - 94.4%) and did not provide a breakdown of the non-heterosexual sample (i.e., participants were identified as only heterosexual or non-heterosexual). In fact, only eight studies (Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ; GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Guasp 2012 ; Hillier et al. 2010 ; Kosciw et al. 2012 ; Kosciw et al. 2016 ; Sterzing et al. 2017 ; Varjas et al. 2013 ) had a sample of 100% LGBT participants and only three studies (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ; Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ; Hillier et al. 2010 ) had a large sample (over 75%) of LGBT participants. Of the studies that provided a breakdown of sexual identities ( n  = 13), the category of gay participants made up the largest range across studies (0.7% - 82%), followed by lesbian and gay combined (0.65% - 62.9%), bisexual (2.4% - 42%), lesbian (1.4% - 39%), and queer/questioning/unsure (0.09% - 12%). Furthermore, one study (Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ) did not report the number of LGB identified individuals despite the fact that these participants were part of the results and analysis.

Gender also varied greatly by study. Female participants made up the largest percentage in most studies ( n  = 17), with only five studies (Bouris et al. 2016 ; Guasp 2012 ; Kosciw et al. 2016 ; Rice et al. 2015 ; Varjas et al. 2013 ) reporting a higher percentage of males than females. In addition, only 11 studies (Blais et al. 2013 ; Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ; Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ; GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Guasp 2012 ; Hillier et al. 2010 ; Kosciw et al. 2012 ; Kosciw et al. 2016 ; Ramsey et al. 2016 ; Sterzing et al. 2017 ; Taylor et al. 2011 ) reported on transgender participants, with a range between 0.25% and 15.2%. Noticeably, the study by Sterzing et al. ( 2017 ) included the largest percentage of genderqueer participants (20.5%). Furthermore, only two studies (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ; Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ) reported on intersex participants (0.1% and 0.6%). Three studies (Hinduja and Patchin 2012 ; Robinson and Espelage 2011 ; Sinclair et al. 2012 ) did not provide a percentage for gender.

As noted by Aboujaoude et al. ( 2015 ) in a review of the literature on cyberbullying (overall, not specific to LGBTQ youth), it is challenging to accurately estimate the prevalence of online victimization. However, across this literature review one finding is clear: sexual minority and gender expansive adolescents are disproportionally more often victims of cyberbullying than their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts. Also, although the percentage of cyberbullying among LGBTQ youth seems to differ from one study to another, the range appears to be between 10.5% and 71.3% across studies. An interesting finding by Schneider et al. ( 2015 ) is that cyberbullying among sexual minority youth decreased by 3% between 2006 and 2012 (47% vs. 50%). However, they assert that regardless of this decline and promising trend, sexual minority youth consistently report significantly higher levels of cyberbullying when compared to their heterosexual counterparts (Schneider et al. 2015 ), and this still translates to almost half of all sexual minority youth as victims of cyberbullying.

Sexual minority and gender expansive youth reported being more exposed to anonymous forms of cyberbullying than their heterosexual counterparts (Bauman and Baldasare 2015 ; Guasp 2012 ). In addition, according to Blais et al. ( 2013 ), after rejection and humiliation, cyberbullying is consistently ranked among the highest form of prejudice toward sexual minority students, affecting between 28% and 48.95% of these youth. Moreover, when compared to traditional bullying, Duong and Bradshaw ( 2014 ) found that LGB students experienced more cyberbullying than traditional bullying (9.7% vs. 8.2%). The following sections will present prevalence of cyberbullying among sexual minority and gender expansive youth, divided by: (a) gender and cyberbullying, (b) reasons for not reporting cyberbullying and help seeking behaviors, and (c) people of color and cyberbullying. Before proceeding with this section it is important to note that only eight of the studies included in this review used a representative sample, with most studies ( n  = 19) using an ad hoc sampling approach. Considering that a prevalence rate is intended to inform about the percentage of victims in a population and only representative samples can yield conclusions about populations, these prevalence rates should be interpreted with caution.

Gender and LGBTQ Cyberbullying

Overall, a review of these studies show that both male and female sexual minority youth report substantially higher levels of cyberbullying than their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts (e.g., Hillier et al. 2010 ; Schneider et al. 2015 ; Wensley and Campbell 2012 ). In addition, Cooper and Blumenfeld ( 2012 ) found that 19% of LGBT participants reported being harassed for their biological sex and 41% for their gender identity or expression. The study by GLSEN et al. ( 2013 ) took the findings by Cooper and Blumenfeld ( 2012 ) a step further and reported that participants who identified as cisgender non-heterosexual females, transgender youth, and youth with “other” genders reported higher levels of cyberbullying than those who identified as cisgender gay and bisexual males. These findings seem to be consistent with Hinduja and Patchin ( 2012 ) and Rice et al. ( 2015 ), whose findings show that sexual minority females reported greater frequency of cyberbullying than male sexual minority youth. Unfortunately, there seems to be a discrepancy across studies regarding which gender is more often victimized among LGBT students. Specifically, Schneider et al. ( 2015 ) report that sexual minority males were more likely to report cyberbullying than both their heterosexual counterparts and sexual minority females.

Furthermore, some studies suggest that bisexual youth might not only be more susceptible to a higher prevalence of cyberbullying than heterosexual youth (Cénat et al. 2015 ) but also more susceptible than other sexual minority youth (Robinson & Espelage 2011 ). For example, Taylor et al. ( 2011 ) found that bisexual female students were more likely to experience cyberbullying than lesbian participants (38.5% vs. 28.1%). However, the same trend was not found for gay versus bisexual males. That is, gay males were more likely to be bullied than bisexual males (28.2% vs. 18.9%; Taylor et al. 2011 ). Furthermore, some studies seem to suggest that there is a gender difference in victimization among bisexual youth. For instance, Cénat et al. ( 2015 ) found that bisexual and questioning males were more likely than bisexual and questioning females to report cyberbullying.

Reasons for LGBTQ Youth not Reporting Cyberbullying and Support Seeking

sexual minority and gender expansive youth often do not report cyberbullying to their parents or school personnel (i.e., counselors, teachers, and administrators). Blumenfeld and Cooper ( 2010 ) found that heterosexual participants were more likely to tell their parental figure about being exposed to cyberbullying than their LGBT counterparts (37% vs. 18%). The number one reason for not reporting cyberbullying to parents among LGBT students was fear that parents would restrict their use of technologies, which was significantly higher than their heterosexual counterparts (56% vs. 37%; Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ). Some other reasons for LGBT students not reporting were the belief that parents could not do anything about the incidents of cyberbullying, lack of understanding and support by parents, getting in trouble with parents, suffering further retaliation by the bully, and fear of being made fun of by others (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ; Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ). Qualitative data revealed that LGBT participants were fearful of reporting cyberbullying because of their sexual and gender identities and potential exposure of these identities (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ). Similar to the reasons for not reporting to parents, it appears that sexual minority and gender expansive youth do not report cyberbullying to school personnel due to the belief that the school will not take action to stop it, fear of not being understood by the school, retaliation from the bully, and belief that they had to handle the situation themselves (Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ). However, it is important to note that Priebe and Svedin ( 2012 ) found that participants identified parents as a main source of support after being cyberbullied.

This literature review revealed mixed findings regarding support-seeking behaviors from sexual minority and gender expansive youth. Mace et al. ( 2016 ) revealed that sexual minority victims of cyberbullying had higher levels of access to perceived social support than their heterosexual peers. Also, sexual minority youth who experienced cyberbullying had similar levels of perceived social support than that of their heterosexual counterparts (Mace et al. 2016 ). However, the authors point out that these findings are at odds with the findings of Flaspohler et al. ( 2009 ) and Holt and Espelage ( 2007 ) who found that sexual minority individuals reported fewer social supports, which was associated with greater risk for bullying. Further, Priebe and Svedin ( 2012 ) found that although sexual minority youth reported that they had sought more support than their heterosexual counterparts due to incidents of cyberbullying, they did not receive the support that they needed. Some encouragement is provided by Varjas et al. ( 2013 ) who report that sexual minority students perceived that school policies are being put in place to reduce cyberbullying. However, these students believe that cyberbullying will still take place without staff awareness or ability to stop it (Varjas et al. 2013 ).

Although research on the reasons why LGBTQ students do not report or seek support for cyberbullying is scant and provides mixed findings, studies from the general bullying literature might help further explicate this phenomenon. Overall, research shows that the main reasons why students do not report bullying are: (a) concerns that the staff will blame them for the incident (i.e., victim-blaming), (b) beliefs that staff will not accurately handle the issue or will downplayed the incident, and (c) feeling powerless, shameful and fearful (e.g., Bjereld 2016 ; DeLara 2012 ). A unique reason for LGBTQ students not reporting bullying is distrust that the school personnel will not keep confidentiality about their sexual and/or gender identity and will, instead, out them to other staff and family members. In addition, another striking and disturbing finding unique to LGBTQ students and traditional bullying is the fact that some of these students identify school personnel as the perpetrators of harassment and bullying (Kosciw et al. 2016 ) and, therefore, these students feel powerless to report their experiences due to the fact that those whose duty is to protect them are the actual perpetrators.

LGBTQ Youth of Color and Cyberbullying

Although limited, some of the data provides information about the intersection of sexual and gender identity and race and ethnicity. Cooper and Blumenfeld ( 2012 ) found that in the last 30 days, 14% of LGBT youth reported being harassed based on their race or ethnicity. However, this finding does not seem to be corroborated by other studies in this literature review. Specifically, GLSEN et al. ( 2013 ) found that African American and Asian LGBT participants were the least exposed to cyberbullying when compared to their White counterparts. On the other hand, two studies found that there were no differences in overall reporting of cyberbullying by race or ethnicity (Schneider et al. 2012 ; Stoll and Block 2015 ).

Correlates and Impact

This literature review revealed nine studies that reported findings on the correlates of cyberbullying for LGBT youth. Overall, there is a higher correlation between being a victim of cyberbullying and negative outcomes for sexual minority and gender expansive youths than for their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts. There is no doubt that when sexual minorities and gender expansive youths feel “outed,” exposed, and harassed due to their sexual and gender identity they are vulnerable to negative mental health outcomes including isolation and psychological distress (Cénat et al. 2015 ). For the purpose of this review, the authors have classified correlates and impact into three main categories: (a) psychological and emotional, (b) behavioral, and (c) academic.

Psychological and Emotional Correlates of Cyberbullying among LGBTQ Youth

Psychological and emotional correlates of cyberbullying are perhaps the most well researched correlate for cyberbullying among sexual minority and gender expansive youth. We have classified the different areas of psychological and emotional correlates under the categories of: (a) suicidal ideation and attempt, (b) depression, and (c) lower self-esteem.

This literature review revealed a correlation between suicidal ideation and attempt and cyberbullying alone and a combination of cyberbullying with traditional bullying (Cénat et al. 2015 ; Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ; Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ; Schneider et al. 2012 ; Sinclair et al. 2012 ), with many participants reporting the need for medical attention after serious suicide attempts (Sinclair et al. 2012 ). Cooper and Blumenfeld ( 2012 ) found that 35% of LGBT participants reported having suicidal thoughts while 14% reported attempting suicide as a result of being cyberbullied. Also, Duong and Bradshaw ( 2014 ) found that LGB participants attempted suicide in the past 12 months at a rate of 3.07 times higher after being cyberbullied. In addition, in the study by Cénat et al. ( 2015 ), sexual minority youth who reported being victims of cyberbullying reported higher rates of suicidal ideation than those sexual minority participants who were not victims (55.6% vs. 24.7%). Similarly, Schneider et al. ( 2012 ) found that suicide attempt was highest among participants who had been cyberbullied versus those who had experienced face-to-face school bullying (9.4% vs. 4.2%). In addition, gender seems to play a role among sexual minorities who report suicidal ideation and attempts as a result of cyberbullying. Cénat et al. ( 2015 ) found that bisexual and questioning girls and bisexual boys were more likely to report suicidal ideations than heterosexual boys, with bisexual girls reporting higher levels than other sexual minority youth.

It is important to note that participants who experienced two forms of bullying (i.e., face-to-face and cyberbullying) reported greater rates of serious suicide attempts than those who only reported being bullied face-to-face (5.03 vs. 4.20 times). Also, those who experienced two forms of bullying reported making serious suicide attempts and engaged in more suicidal behaviors than those who reported only one form of bullying (Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ). Compared to participants who did not report any form of bullying, the risk of attempted suicide was 4.72 times greater for LGB youth who experienced one form of victimization and 8.30 times greater for students who experienced two forms of victimization (Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ). Similar findings were reported by Schneider et al. ( 2012 ), who found the highest percentage of suicide among those who reported both face-to-face and cyberbullying combined (15.2%).

Sexual minority youth who have been exposed to cyberbullying report higher levels of depression compared to those who have not (GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Ramsey et al. 2016 ; Sinclair et al. 2012 ). Specifically, Cooper and Blumenfeld ( 2012 ) found that feelings of depression were the highest ranked emotional response correlated to cyberbullying among LGBT participants. Similarly, Schneider et al. ( 2012 ) found that 33.9% of those participants who reported being cyberbullied reported symptoms of depression. On the other hand, similar to findings about suicide ideation and attempt, those who experience both traditional and cyberbullying reported higher symptoms of depression. Cyberbullying has also been associated with lower self-esteem for sexual minorities and gender expansive youth (Cénat et al. 2015 ; GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Priebe and Svedin 2012 ). Furthermore, although not widely explored in this review, bisexual and questioning girls and bisexual boys were more likely to report lower self-esteem, with bisexual girls reporting lower levels than other sexual minority youth (Cénat et al. 2015 ).

Behavioral Correlates of Cyberbullying among LGBTQ Youth

While there is no evidence to support that cyberbullying alone leads sexual minorities to engage in more physical fights, being a victim of cyberbullying and traditional bullying exacerbates physical fights among these youth and their peers (Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ). It is important to note that research shows that when LGBT students stand up for themselves against being bullied and harassed they face harsher consequences than the perpetrator (Golgowki 2014 ). Other behavioral correlates are poor body image, isolating themselves from friends and family and fear of going to school (Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ).

Academic Correlates of Cyberbulling among LGBTQ Youth

According to GLSEN et al. ( 2013 ), LGBT youth who were cyberbullied reported significantly lower GPAs and overall academic success than youth who were less frequently cyberbullied. Participants who were victims of cyberbullying reported lower school performance (e.g., receiving failing academic grades) and lower school attachment (Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ; Schneider et al. 2012 ).

Prevention and Intervention Recommendations

Despite the rates of cyberbullying in sexual minorities and gender expansive youth, there is an absence of empirically evaluated prevention efforts addressing this problem. As stated by Ramsey et al. ( 2016 ), “Few interventions exist that are specifically developed to decrease… cyberbullying, and no interventions of this kind exist for sexual minority populations in particular” (p. 497). Taking into consideration existing research that supports the notion that a one-size fits all does not protect LGBTQ students against bullying (Kull et al. 2015 ), we propose that cyberbullying prevention and intervention programs be tailored for LGBTQ students. Our recommendations for students, schools and parents are based on anti-cyberbullying interventions discussed in 11 of the identified studies in this literature review and a comprehensive review of two bodies of literature: (a) overall cyberbullying prevention efforts and (b) LGBT bullying prevention strategies.

Student-Focused Interventions

Blumenfeld and Cooper ( 2010 ) and Ramsey et al. ( 2016 ) recommend raising awareness among students about the effects of LGBTQ cyberbullying by using educational programs that are peer-driven as an important intervention. Although no LGBTQ-specific programs exist, peer-driven interventions have proven to be effective in increasing awareness and reducing incidents of cyberbullying among students. While not used with LGBTQ students, in evaluating a peer-led approach (i.e., NoTrap!) to reduce cyberbullying among high school students, Palladino et al. ( 2016 ) found it had long-term effects in reducing cyberbullying for both boys and girls. Putting students in charge of delivering information to other students is an effective way of getting buy-in and increasing awareness and decreasing behaviors that constitute cyberbullying. Applying these findings to LGBTQ students, it is recommended that LGBTQ victims be involved in these awareness and prevention efforts. That is, with the consent of the LGBTQ student and protection of school personnel to make sure further harassment is not perpetrated, LGBTQ students should be active in the content selection, development, and implementation of a peer-led model. This will be crucial as bullying research suggests that when individuals are able to make an emotional connection with what is being presented to them, they are more likely to intervene (Case and Meier 2014 ).

Technology is also being used as an intervention to increase knowledge about what constitutes cyberbullying and its consequences, foster empathy toward victims, reduce the impact (e.g., depression) on victims, and teach coping skills to current and potential victims. Doane et al. ( 2016 ) developed and implemented a program, Theory of Reasoned Action-TRA , to measure the effectiveness of a video-based intervention with students. Although not focused on LGBT youth, results revealed that compared to students who were not exposed to the intervention (i.e., control group), those who were showed an increase in knowledge of cyberbullying and more empathy toward victims immediately after the intervention and at a one-month follow-up. Although this technology-based program has been successful in reducing cyberbullying and increasing empathy among students, we pose that this and similar programs must incorporate understanding of the needs of sexual minority and gender expansive youth, including how these platforms can be a source of support for LGBTQ youth (Hillier et al. 2010 ). For example, GLSEN et al. ( 2013 ) report that a substantial number of LGBT youth report searching for or reading about sexuality-related information online, thus, making the Internet an appropriate platform where these youth can access different sources of information, including information about cyberbullying, without having to be “outed.” Hillier et al. ( 2010 ) suggest that schools create online forums for LGBTQ students to connect safely with others. Similar to face-to-face interventions, online interventions must include specific information and scenarios to bring visibility to the higher prevalence of cyberbullying among sexual minority and gender expansive youth.

Other interventions include empowering youth to serve as “upstanders” and not bystanders. These methods would encourage them to intervene when they witness or become aware of cyberbullying (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ). Flanagan ( 2014 ) proposed using cognitive behavioral techniques to teach individual and group interventions to students such as how to appropriately address conflict with others, impulse control management, cultivating a positive self-esteem, and fostering self-efficacy.

School-Focused Interventions

The need to have a supportive and safe school environment for sexual minority and gender expansive youth is essential. It is recommended that schools include cyberbullying into their already existing traditional bullying intervention and education programs (Schneider et al. 2012 ). For example, Bauman and Baldasare ( 2015 ) suggest that teachers across grade levels include a statement on their syllabus about what behaviors constitute cyberbullying, available resources for victims, and consequences for perpetrators. Also, researchers agree that schools must create and enforce explicit policies against students who tease, threaten, exclude, or mistreat other students based on sexual orientation or gender identity and/or expression, including cyberbullying (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ; Hinduja and Patchin 2012 ). LGBTQ participants in the study by Blumenfeld and Cooper ( 2010 ) recommend that schools create online methods for students to anonymously report incidences of cyberbullying or having witnessed someone being cyberbullied, as it could allow for early opportunities to intervene and educate. These online reporting sites need to be accessed regularly and swift action taken by school authorities. These policies not only deliver the message that school personnel are invested in ending cyberbullying against LGBTQ students but are crucial in reducing harassment against this vulnerable population. Guasp ( 2012 ) found that sexual minority students were significantly less likely to be bullied in schools that responded quickly to homophobic bullying than in schools that did not respond to these incidents.

Additional training for school personnel would include education about their state’s laws regarding cyberbullying, including states that include sexual minority and gender expansive youth as part of these laws. Although currently all of the United States and the District of Columbia (with the exception of Alaska and Wisconsin) have laws against cyberbullying, only 14 states 1 and the District of Columbia include gender identity/expression. Eighteen states 2 and the District of Columbia are inclusive of sexual orientation in their anti-cyberbullying laws (Cyberbullying Research Center 2016 ; Stop Bullying 2015 ). While these laws exist, the extent to which school personnel alert law enforcement is unknown.

A critical intervention for incidents of LGBTQ bullying and cyberbullying is the identification of “safe” faculty and administrators who students can turn to for help (Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ). According to Mace et al. ( 2016 ) school personnel are crucial in identifying LGBTQ victims of bullying, including cyberbullying, and helping students access support services within the school. School participants in a study by Liboro et al. ( 2015 ) were in agreement that the more confident and comfortable the teachers were in supporting LGBT students, the safer they felt. In addition, Duong and Bradshaw ( 2014 ) found that having an adult to talk to at school was protective against engaging in physical fights, attempting suicide, and making serious suicide attempts for cyberbullied sexual minority youth. The authors maintain that adults, administrators, teachers, and staff, who are openly supportive of (and knowledgeable about) LGBTQ perspectives and issues, should make themselves available as a resource to students (Hinduja and Patchin 2012 ). Actions that increase LGBTQ visibility in schools, such as having a Gay-Straight Alliance (GSA) club in school, positive representations of LGBTQ people and events in classroom discussions, LGBTQ-inclusive library materials, sex education, and signage, can potentially reduce incidents of cyberbullying.

Parent-Focused Interventions

Parents need to be aware of the risks associated with the use of technology, including high incidents of cyberbullying (Ramsey et al. 2016 ). In addition, providing parents education about youth reports on cyberbullying and the reasons for not reporting cyberbullying can help inform educational programs for parents and potentially increase parents’ supportive responses in the case of victimization. Youth often do not want to report cyberbullying because they are fearful that their technology devices will be taken away (Blumenfeld and Cooper 2010 ).

Many parents do not feel competent enough with technology to be involved in their child’s technology activities, and believe their children are the experts (Schneider et al. 2015 ). Therefore, parents should be proactive and seek information about their child’s technology use by directly asking the child (Flanagan 2014 ). Recognizing that it is not feasible for parents to monitor their child’s use of technology at all times, scholars recommend that parents discuss, share, and have their child sign a family contract that outlines responsible and healthy ways of using technology (e.g., Scola 2014 ; for more information and ideas for parent-child media agreements visit https://mediatechparenting.net/contracts-and-agreements/ ). In addition, it is important to recognize that regarding parents and family involvement in LGBTQ-specific cyberbullying there are added layers of concerns that must be considered. For instance, the LGBTQ adolescent being bullied might not be out to their parents. Thus, when discussing family contracts, parents should openly mention information about cyberbullying prevalence and consequences about LGBTQ youth, regardless of their child’s sexual and/or gender identity. This delivers a message of safety and may lead to potentially encouraging the child to disclose and have a conversation regarding LGBTQ-specific bullying instances.

A Collaborative Approach to Cyberbullying Prevention

These authors suggest a comprehensive prevention effort among students, school personnel and parents in order to target cyberbullying, rather than individual, disconnected efforts. Research suggests that when schools work together with students, parents, and community partners and leaders, there is a decrease in cybervictimization among youth (Couvillon and Ilieva 2011 ; Flanagan 2014 ). When planning for cyberbullying programming, involving the various stakeholders in youths’ lives increases consistency in policy development and enforcement (Couvillon and Ilieva 2011 ; Flanagan 2014 ; Simmons and Bynum 2014 ). For example, attorneys can help schools, teachers, and parents understand the legal ramifications for engaging in cyberbullying and different ways to access already established legal supports for victims of cyberbullying (Flanagan 2014 ). These authors recommend that schools establish a community-wide LGBTQ-cyberbullying taskforce to assess their school’s LGBTQ-bullying climate and develop and implement programs to protect sexual minority and gender expansive students. Schools should build relationships with local community organizations that specifically work with LGBTQ youth in order for them to provide their expertise in addressing LGBTQ cyberbullying.

This literature review explored the prevalence and correlates for LGBTQ victims of cyberbullying and provided interventions and recommendations for this vulnerable population. The 27 studies reviewed differed in location, sample size, and methodology, with most studies employing quantitative methods ( n  = 21) and only one qualitative study. LGBTQ youth are disproportionally more likely to experience cyberbullying and suffer negative outcomes (i.e., psychological and emotional, behavioral, academic, and relational) than their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts. In addition, to date no LGBTQ specific cyberbullying interventions exist. This literature review revealed 11 studies that provided recommendations based on the larger literature on cyberbullying prevention efforts. Based on the recommendations presented in this literature review and other studies on cyberbullying and LGBTQ prevention strategies we have provided recommendations tailored specifically to target and hopefully reduce LGBTQ cyberbullying.

Gaps and Recommendations

As presented in this paper, perhaps the most important and noticeable limitation is the absence of LGBTQ-specific cyberbullying interventions and prevention research. The authors of this paper propose that in order to decrease the prevalence of cyberbullying among LGBTQ youth, researchers need to be intentional about understanding the needs of this marginalized population and create interventions grounded on specific needs of LGBTQ youth. Currently, not only there are no programs that address LGBTQ cyberbullying, but there are few programs that provide interventions and prevention for traditional bullying of LGBTQ youth as well. An observation across studies was the lack of representation of LGBTQ students of color. That is, although racial, ethnic, sexual, and gender identities were reported by most studies, analyses rarely included a consideration of LGBTQ students of color and their experiences of cyberbullying. Notably, only four studies (i.e., Cooper and Blumenfeld 2012 ; GLSEN et al. 2013 ; Schneider et al. 2012 ; Stoll and Block 2015 ) included race and ethnicity as part of their analysis and results. Unfortunately, there seems to exist a discrepancy, with two of these studies (i.e., Schneider et al. 2012 ; Stoll and Block 2015 ) reporting no differences in overall reporting of cyberbullying by race or ethnicity. Considering that research on traditional bullying and discrimination among LGBTQ students of color suggest that these students might suffer greater victimization than their White peers, we pose that cyberbullying of LGBTQ people of color needs to be further explored and systematically researched. In addition, it is important to note that LGBTQ youth may also have other oppressed intersecting identities that may make them more susceptible to bullying, including race and ethnicity, gender expression (e.g., performing one’s gender in a more masculine or feminine way than expected), body type, socioeconomic status, and religious identity. In a school climate study of 2130 LGBTQ students of color, Diaz and Kosciw ( 2009 ) found that over 80% of these students were harassed in the past year for their sexual identity and “more than half of African American (51%), Latino/a (55%), Asian/Pacific Islander (55%), and multiracial students (59%) report[ing] being verbally harassed in school for this reason” (p. xi). Also, LGBT students might experience higher rates of cyberbullying for reasons (e.g., depression, lower self-esteem) other than their sexual and gender identity. For example, while bullying has been associated with depression among children and adolescents, studies have revealed that it is also true that depressed children and adolescents tend to be more bullied and victimized than their peers (e.g., Kochel et al. 2012 ; Schacter and Juvonen 2017 ). In a longitudinal study of 486 fourth through sixth graders, Kochel et al. ( 2012 ) found that higher symptoms of depression among participants indicated higher levels of victimization. Considering that LGBTQ individuals, including youth, suffer higher prevalence of depression and lower self-esteem (e.g., Institute of Medicine 2011 ), it would be beneficial to further investigate the relationship between negative consequences and cyberbullying, and vice versa, in order to more accurately capture and understand to what extent cyberbullying affects LGBTQ youth.

Experiences of transgender and other gender expansive individuals are either conflated with sexual identity or outright ignored in most studies. Also, in studies where transgender participants are included, conclusions are drawn from a small sample of participants, with as little as only 0.25% of the sample being comprised of gender expansive students. Future research should thoroughly explore the experiences of cyberbullying of transgender and other gender expansive students. It is possible that the experiences of gender expansive students are as different, and perhaps more pervasive and negative than LGB and heterosexual students and, therefore, different cyberbullying prevention strategies might be needed. Moreover, the studies that have been presented in this literature review specifically capture those who identify with a particular label (LGBTQ). As stated by Kosciw et al. ( 2012 ), conclusions cannot be drawn from youth who might engage in same-sex relationships but who do not particularly identify with a label or as a sexual minority or gender expansive youth. Therefore, further research should also assess for cyberbullying among individuals who identify with other sexual identities, or no specific sexual identities, but engage in same-sex relationships.

Methodological Concerns

An important limitation is sampling strategy. That is, most studies recruited participants in school settings or LGBTQ-related organizations. While these are reasonable and understandable recruitment sites, it is plausible to believe that the results and experiences discussed in this paper reflect only those of LGBTQ individuals who have connections to these organizations or who felt safe enough to participate in the study (e.g., Kosciw et al. 2012 ).

Cyberbullying research lacks theoretical and conceptual clarity, including differences in definition, operationalization, and cut-off values (i.e., the frequency of experiences and/or behaviors a person must experience to be considered cyberbullying; Zych et al. 2016 ). Specific to this paper, 11 studies used multiple items to assess cyberbullying, nine used a one-item scale, and seven did not specify how many items were used (including the one qualitative study). In addition, some researchers have made the case that research should focus on wide-range experiences of cyber-aggression, and not specifically cyberbullying (e.g., Smith 2016 ), while other researchers argue that cyberbullying is a specific form of cyber-aggression that must be studied separately (e.g., Smith et al. 2013 ). We pose that as researchers further develop and test new ways of defining and assessing for cyberbullying, that the experiences of LGBTQ youth are taken into consideration.

Suggestions for Future Research

Most studies in this review used a cross sectional research design, making it challenging for researchers to accurately understand the long term consequences of cyberbullying and limiting the ability to make causal inferences (Cénat et al. 2015 ; Duong and Bradshaw 2014 ). Future research should employ longitudinal research designs to better assess the effects of cyberbullying on LGBTQ youth over time and establish causation (Ramsey et al. 2016 ). Also, efforts should be made to cast a wider net and try to reach LGBTQ youth who might be isolated or not have LGBTQ-related organizations readily available within their communities (e.g., rural communities, communities with large numbers of LGBTQ people of color). In addition, the lack of uniformity regarding the definitions and evaluation measurements of cyberbullying makes it difficult for researchers to accurately describe and make definitive deductions regarding the prevalence and impact of cyberbullying (e.g., Hamm et al. 2015 ). Lack of consistency and representative sampling approach makes it challenging for researchers to precisely capture the extent to which cyberbullying affects LGBTQ youth, thus affecting their ability to recommend evidence-based interventions to combat and dismantle LGBTQ cyberbullying.

LGBTQ youth are harassed and cyberbullied at rates higher than their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts, resulting in psychological and behavioral effects. These youth, who are often already experiencing traditional bullying, lack support from their peers, parents, schools and community and frequently do not report cyberbullying. Current cyberbullying interventions do not target these youth in their efforts and notably absent is programming geared toward LGBTQ youth of color. It is recommended that schools work collaboratively with parents, LGBTQ students, and community partners to create policies to protect these students. Parents are encouraged to dialogue openly with their children about the risks of social media and provide supportive responses when youth disclose cyberbullying. Comprehensive school policies that create a climate of awareness for LGBTQ-specific cyberbullying are recommended to begin to combat cyberbullying. There is also a need to create therapeutic communities to assist victims in recovering from this traumatic form of bullying and decrease psychological distress.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Lorena Perez, Marina Marchena, and Haiying Long for their assistance in manuscript preparation.

Compliance with Ethical Standards

On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states that there is no conflict of interest.

1 Arkansas, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, North Carolina, Rhode Island, and Vermont

2 Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Rhode Island, Vermont and Washington

Contributor Information

Roberto L. Abreu, Email: [email protected] .

Maureen C. Kenny, Email: ude.uif@mynnek .

References marked with an asterisk (*) indicate studies included in the meta-analysis.

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