phd national security

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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Intelligence and Global Security

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This distinctive program is designed to educate, train and prepare candidates to advance in national security-based academic, government (including intelligence, military and law enforcement agencies), and private sector communities.

Considering today’s complex global security threats this degree will provide doctoral candidates with a comprehensive, multidisciplinary understanding of the confluence of threats posed by terrorist groups, lone actors, para-military guerrilla groups, rogue states’ regular armies, cyber criminals (including state actors and terrorists), climate change, governance breakdowns, and public health threats such as the naturally-occurring biological-based infectious diseases (such as the COVID-19 pandemic). This multidisciplinary program draws on the university’s robust programs in counterterrorism, cybersecurity, computer science, critical infrastructure, and others.

The Ph.D. in Intelligence and Global Security program will enable the graduating students to apply theoretical, conceptual, and practical ‘real-world’ skills in intelligence and security studies in their doctoral dissertations that are essential to enter and advance in the public and private intelligence and national security sectors.

This degree provides a path for current professionals in the Intelligence and Global Security field to explore new ground in the critical field of Intelligence and Global Security. The completion of the Ph.D. in Intelligence and Global Security program requires the student to produce, present, and defend a doctoral dissertation after receiving the required approvals from the student’s Committee and the Ph.D. Review Board.

Why Capitol?

Learn around your busy schedule

Program is 100% online, with no on-campus classes or residencies required, allowing you the flexibility needed to balance your studies and career.

Proven academic excellence

Study at a university that specializes in industry-focused education in technology fields, with a faculty that includes many industrial and academic experts.

Expert guidance in doctoral research

Capitol’s doctoral programs are supervised by faculty with extensive experience in chairing doctoral dissertations and mentoring students as they launch their academic careers. You’ll receive the guidance you need to successfully complete your doctoral research project and build credentials in the field. 

Key Faculty

Professor of Practice

Adjunct Professor

Dissertation Chair

Degree Details

This program may be completed with a minimum of 60 credit hours, but may require additional credit hours, depending on the time required to complete the dissertation/publication research. Students who are not prepared to defend after completion of the 60 credits will be required to enroll in RSC-899, a one-credit, eight-week continuation course. Students are required to be continuously enrolled/registered in the RSC-899 course until they successfully complete their dissertation defense/exegesis.

The PhD program offers 2 degree completion requirement options.

• Dissertation Option: the student will produce, present, and defend a doctoral dissertation after receiving the required approvals from the student’s Committee and the PhD Review Boards.
• Publication Option: the student will produce, present, and defend doctoral research that is published as articles (3 required) in peer reviewed journals identified by the university and the student’s Committee. Students must receive the required approvals from the student’s Committee and the PhD Review Board prior to publication.

Prior Achieved Credits May Be Accepted

Student Outcomes: 

Upon graduation, graduates will be able to:

• Integrate and synthesize theory and intel within the field of Intelligence and Global Security
• Demonstrate advanced knowledge and competencies in Intelligence and Global Security
• Analyze theories, tools and frameworks used in Intelligence and Global Security.
• Execute a plan to complete a significant piece of scholarly work in Intelligence and Global Security
• Critique human skills and practices for selecting teams that work in Intelligence and Global Security

Tuition & Fees

Tuition rates are subject to change.

The following rates are in effect for the 2024-2025 academic year, beginning in Fall 2024 and continuing through Summer 2025:

• The application fee is $100
• The per-credit charge for doctorate courses is $950. This is the same for in-state and out-of-state students.
• Retired military receive a $50 per credit hour tuition discount
• Active duty military receive a $100 per credit hour tuition discount for doctorate level coursework.
• Information technology fee $40 per credit hour.
• High School and Community College full-time faculty and full-time staff receive a 20% discount on tuition for doctoral programs.

Find additional information for 2024-2025 doctorate tuition and fees.

Need more info, or ready to apply?

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Public Policy PhD in National Security Studies

Transfer credits, next start date, help protect america’s future by pursuing a public policy phd in national security policy.

Do you want to play an integral role in creating effective policies designed to keep our nation safe? Perhaps you’ve worked in the public sector or national defense for some time, and you’re searching for a valuable, terminal degree that can help you maximize your earning potential and take your career to new heights. If you have a passion for public policy and national defense and you’d like to prepare for a research-based career that allows you to serve as an advocate for policies you believe in, our PhD in Public Policy – National Security Policy is a great option.

Throughout American history, the United States has faced countless domestic and international security threats. The study of national security challenges isn’t just an academic subject — it is crucial to America’s sovereignty. At Liberty, we recognize the importance of studying public policy and national security, and we’ve designed our public policy PhD in national security studies program with full awareness of the national security challenges that the United States faces. Our PhD in Public Policy – National Security Policy has been designed to help you anticipate and confront both foreign and domestic threats. 

Through our flexible and affordable online courses, you will study a wide range of national security issues — including operational strategy, lawmaking, policy implementation, and law enforcement — that can help equip you to combat foreign and domestic threats to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Liberty University’s PhD in Public Policy – National Security Policy can provide you with well-rounded training in the essential theories and practices of government and policymaking while also giving you deep insight into national security challenges and potential solutions. 

How long is a PhD in Public Policy? Liberty’s online PhD in Public Policy – national security strategy takes students an average of 3 years to complete. With no set login times and and most courses offered in a convenient 8-week format , you can complete your degree at Liberty on a schedule that works for you.

Our PhD in counseling online degree is taught by professionals with real-world experience in clinical and leadership settings. The PhD in Counseling program curriculum builds on your knowledge and expertise to grow critical thinking, leadership, and clinical skills. Whether you are seeking to expand in your current role or explore other areas within the counseling field, our PhD in Counseling online program is designed to equip you with the knowledge and training you need.

Why Choose Liberty’s PhD Degree in Public Policy – National Security Policy?

This degree is more than an ordinary PhD in national security and strategic studies online. Our public policy and national security PhD can help make you a principled, well-rounded public policy expert who has an advanced understanding of national security policy, public policy, and political science. 

By specializing in national security, you can become better equipped to manage the most challenging security issues of our time. The knowledge and applicable biblical values you gain through this program can help you make a greater legislative impact on policymaking. With these tools, you can be equipped to conduct research, work with policymakers, and implement laws that help increase the quality of life for the people in your jurisdiction.

Our PhD in Public Policy – national security studies is taught by a distinguished group of expert professors who have a vested interest in your success. We realize that college is about more than writing essays and taking exams, which is why our professors are available for mentorship and professional guidance. You can learn from the experience of our instructors as you work towards the completion of your public policy PhD and pursue job positions upon graduation.

At Liberty, you’ll benefit from nearly 40 years of learning, growing, adapting, and innovating for the distance learner. You can be confident that we’ve taken the time to learn what’s important to you, and we look forward to working with you to accomplish your personal and career goals. Each course within our public policy doctoral program is taught from a Christian worldview, and we believe our focus on ethics and moral decision-making as they relate to public policy development helps set us apart from other universities.

Military Tuition Discount We want to help you find the doctoral degree you want — at a price you’ve earned. As a thank-you for your military service, Liberty University offers eligible current and former service members like you or your spouse multiple pathways to earn a doctoral degree for only $300/credit hour . Find out how you can take advantage of this unique opportunity as you work towards your goal of reaching the pinnacle of your profession — for less.

What Will You Learn in Our Doctoral Degree in Public Policy – National Security Studies? 

Our online doctoral degree in public policy – national security can help train you to effectively shape national security policies in the areas of legislation, communications, politics, and international relations. This degree allows you to take advanced courses in policy and governmental functions as well as conduct in-depth, meaningful research as you write your dissertation.

Liberty’s public policy online PhD in security studies is divided into 4 sections: core policy courses, research-focused courses, national security courses, and a dissertation sequence. In the public policy section of this PhD program, you will study the foundations of public policy, natural law, government, and the Gospel’s role in public policy. You will also explore the Founding Era, the US Constitution, contemporary challenges to the Constitution, federalism, and competing visions of statesmanship.

The research courses of our online doctorate in public policy – national security studies offer an overview of quantitative and qualitative research methods for policymakers, policy analysis and research design, and data analysis for policymakers. This section of our PhD program in public policy administration and national security is designed to prepare you for the research you will conduct as you write your dissertation. 

Our national security courses will guide you through studies in the relationship between public policy and national security efforts, historic national security policies, and research in national security policy. Your dissertation consists of 5 sequential courses that conclude with a dissertation defense where you will present your findings to our Helms School of Government faculty.

Through our PhD in Public Policy – National Security, you can become a more knowledgeable and prepared professional who is capable of navigating complex policy issues and mitigating national security threats. Whether you want to work in the defense sector, as a member of a legislative body, or at a think tank, our public policy PhD in national security studies can help you accomplish your career goals. Partner with us and take your career to new heights. 

PhD in Public Policy Featured Courses

• PLCY 700 – Foundations of Public Policy
• PLCY 802 – Competing Visions of Statesmanship
• PLCY 805 – Policy Analysis and Research Design
• PLCY 880 – Introduction to National Security Policy Studies

Benefits of Choosing Liberty University’s Online PhD in Public Policy – National Security Policy

We are recognized by multiple institutions for our academic quality, affordability, and accessibility . Our commitment to excellence also helped us rank in the top 10% of Niche.com’s best online schools in America . Earning your online degree from a nonprofit university with this kind of recognition can help set you apart from others in your field.

• The majority of tuition for undergraduate, graduate, and doctoral programs has not increased in 9 years. While many other online colleges have raised tuition, Liberty has been able to keep costs low as a nonprofit university.
• Liberty University is regionally accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges ( SACSCOC ).
• This program is mostly offered in an 8-week course format with no set login times!
• You can complete our online PhD in Public Policy with a specialization in national security policy in as little as 3 years.
• You will be taught by expert professors who have years of real-world experience in public policy and national security.

What Can You Do with a Public Policy PhD in National Security?

Our PhD in Public Policy – national security studies is designed to help equip you for a number of career options. By successfully completing our public policy and national security PhD program, you can become prepared to pursue the following career options:

• Counterterrorism analyst
• Federal agent
• Government employee
• Intelligence analyst
• National security policy researcher
• Professor (higher education)
• Senior public policy analyst

PhD in Public Policy Degree Online Program Information

• This program falls under the  Helms School of Government .
• Download and review the  Degree Completion Plan .
• View the Graduate Government Course Guides   (login required) .

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Admission Requirements for Liberty’s PhD in Public Policy

A regionally or nationally accredited master’s degree with a 3.0 or above GPA is required for admission in good standing. Please visit our  admission requirements page  for more detailed admissions-related information.

All applicants must submit the following:

• Admission application
• Application fee*
• Official college transcripts
• Proof of English proficiency (for applicants whose native language is other than English)

*There is no upfront application fee; however, a deferred $50 application fee will be assessed during Financial Check-In. This fee is waived for qualifying service members, veterans, and military spouses – documentation verifying military status is required.

*Some restrictions may occur for this promotion to apply. This promotion also excludes active faculty and staff, military, Non-Degree Seeking, DGIA, Continuing Education, WSB, and Certificates.

Apply FREE This Week*

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Criminal Justice: Homeland Security

Public policy: economic policy, public policy: foreign policy, looking for a different program.

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Security Studies

About the program.

The Security Studies Program’s mission is to teach a new generation of analysts, policymakers, and scholars to think critically and act responsibly in the face of the 21st century’s most pressing national and international security problems. At SSP we offer a multidisciplinary master’s degree designed to prepare graduates for positions within the defense and security fields, and our curriculum is designed to give students a broad array of course options addressing numerous areas of study. Through their study at SSP, young professionals are able to apply their recent theoretical undergraduate education to practical policy applications. Meanwhile, students with mid- to long-term experience in the military, intelligence, and defense contracting sectors enhance their practical knowledge with critical thinking, analytical writing, and theory-based solutions. Class sizes are kept small, allowing students to learn not only from their professors, but also from their peers. SSP recognizes the benefit of having students who are currently working or interning in the security field. As such, we not only accommodate but encourage part-time students. All but a small number of SSP courses take place in the evening, as do many of our social and academic events.

Degrees Offered

Accelerated program (Georgetown students only)

• B.S.F.S./M.A.

Joint degree programs

• M.A./Ph.D. (Government)

Admissions Requirements

For general graduate admissions requirements, visit the Office of Graduate Admissions’ Application Information  page. Review the  program’s website  for additional information on program application requirements.

Application Materials required:

• Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Application Form
• $90.00 Application Fee
• Resume or CV (No page limit)
• Statement of Purpose: Your statement of purpose is not to exceed 500 words and should address your intellectual interests and professional and academic goals. The statement of purpose is a critical component of the SSP application. Please carefully explain how SSP specifically fits into your future academic and professional plans.
• Optional Statement: As Georgetown is a diverse, global community, we encourage you to upload a brief statement of up to 500 words to help the Admissions Committee understand the contribution your personal background and individual experiences would make to our community. As appropriate, you may wish to address any educational, familial, cultural, economic, and social experiences that have helped to shape your educational and professional goals; or how your background (e.g., first generation student, resident outside the U.S.) or activities (e.g., community service and leadership) will contribute to the diversity of perspectives and ideas at Georgetown University.
• Transcripts: Applicants are required to upload to the application system copies of official transcripts from all undergraduate and graduate institutions attended. Do not send electronic or paper copies of your official transcripts before receiving an offer of admission. Review the Graduate School’s How to Apply page for additional details and FAQs.
• Letters of recommendation from three (3) individuals who can assess the applicant’s qualifications and preparation for graduate study in security studies. Letters of recommendation are to be submitted electronically using the online application system. Personal letters of recommendation, such as those from colleagues, coaches, and family friends, are not accepted.
• Official GRE scores sent directly from the Educational Testing Service (ETS). See below for additional information on standardized testing.
• Supplemental Analytical Writing Sample: Please answer the following prompt in no more than 600 words: Discuss a security challenge facing the US or the international system and identify potential solutions.
• The Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL)
• The International English Language Testing System (IELTS)

Application Deadlines

• Spring Enrollment: October 1
• Fall Enrollment: January 15

Degree Requirements

Students finish the program when they complete 36 hours of credit while maintaining at least a 3.0 cumulative grade point average. The program does not accept any transfer credits.

To receive an M.A. in Security Studies, students must complete:

• Theory and Practice of Security in the first semester of the program
• Strategy/Policy/Military Operations in the first semester of the program
• The core course in the chosen area of concentration in the first year of the program
• Three additional courses in the chosen concentration
• One course from each of the following distribution categories: area studies; economics and security; and technology and security
• Three electives of the student’s choice, approved by the program
• Students are also required to pass a three-hour written comprehensive examination given during the student’s final semester in the program.

Connect with Us

Program Contact: SSP Admissions, [email protected]

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Security Studies Ph.D.

The Security Studies PhD program at UCF is a fast-paced, focused program for people who have already completed an MA in a related field. Students complete coursework and write their dissertation in as little as three years, which makes it well-suited for advanced students, people with professional experience, and military officers who want to improve their skills in their field or make a career shift.  Our students have found academic and professional success.  In the past couple of years, despite the small size of our program, our PhD students have published in quality, peer-reviewed publications, both on their own ( Civil Wars ,  Intelligence and National Security,  and others) and with faculty ( Conflict Management and Peace Science, African Affairs, Journal of Conflict Resolution,  etc . )  Our students have been placed in research positions with respected organizations and government bureaucracies, and won a nationally competitive fellowship.

Program Timeline

First year students  develop basic research skills and receive a grounding in the literature. By the end of the year, when they hold their first meeting with the Dissertation Committee, they should be making progress towards developing their dissertation topic.

Second year students  complete their coursework and qualifying exams and start work on their dissertation proposal.  Ideally, students will complete the proposal by the end of the second year.

Third year students  work on their dissertation.  Those who chose to do so also have opportunities to teach undergraduate courses in the department.  Depending on the student and their topic, some students will complete their dissertation by the end of the third year.  Others may need continue working on it beyond the third year.

Applying to the Security Studies PhD program

Fall 2023 applications must be completed by December 1, 2022 for International Applicants and  January 15, 2023 for Domestic Applicants

Applicants to our PhD program must complete an earned Master’s Degree in Political Science, International Politics/Affairs/Relations, or a clearly related discipline before enrolling.

• Students who expect to complete their degree before beginning the program may also apply.
• Masters degrees from accredited Professional Military Education institutions (War Colleges, the Naval Post Graduate School, etc.) are usually sufficient to meet this requirement.

Students must apply on line using UCF’s online graduate applications system, and should expect to submit:

• One official transcript (in a sealed envelope) from each college/university attended.*
• A 500 word personal statement that describes their preparation for PhD-level study, research interests, and post-degree career goals
• A 2500-word writing sample that demonstrates their ability to conduct graduate-level research
• An updated resume
• Three letters of references, at least one of which must be from a faculty member associated with their MA degree.
• If a student is not a native English speaker, a TOEFL score of 90 or better on the internet-based test (iBT); or a score of 232 or better on the TOEFL computer-based test; or a score of 575 or better on the TOEFL paper-based test; or a score of 7.0 or better on the IELTS
• Program statistics and admissions data can be found by visiting the College of Graduate Studies’ website .

*Applicants applying to this program who have attended a college/university outside the United States must provide a course-by-course credential evaluation with GPA calculation. Credential evaluations are accepted from  World Education Services (WES)  or  Josef Silny and Associates, Inc.  only.

The political science department makes funding offers to most students admitted to the program. Usually these are GTA positions that are guaranteed for three years, conditional on academic progress.  Depending on budgetary constraints, students who are making good progress may be funded in their fourth year.  We nominate our best applicants for UCF’s university fellowships.  The Presidential and Trustees Fellowships fund students for four years of study; other fellowships may be shorter but will be combined with department GTA positions to support students for at least 3 years of study.    We encourage applicants to apply for outside fellowships that they may also be eligible for.

Our faculty includes world-class researchers and teachers who have published in topic journals including the  American Political Science Review ,  International Organization ,  International Security ,  International Studies Quarterly ,  The Journal of Conflict Resolution, African Affairs , and other top journals.  We have a strong record of collaborating with students and guiding them as they develop their research.

Student Highlights

Our PhD students have published in high quality journals, both on their own and in collaboration with faculty members.

UCF Class Spotlight: Political Psychology

BY JENNA MARINA LEE Class Name POS 4206 – Political Psychology Description The psychological analysis of political behavior, with emphasis on the individual rather than the…

Students’ Papers Sweep Competition

The UCF Political Science Department is proud to announce that Jennifer L. Hudson, a graduate student in the Political Science master’s program, won the FPSA…

Frequently Asked Questions

Does the department fund PhD students in the summer?

Yes, PhD students who are enrolled during the summer are funded through GTA positions. During the summer, students may enroll in our online graduate courses or do independent work with individual faculty.

Do students typically secure funding in their fourth year, if they take more than a year to finish their dissertation?

The department makes every effort to support students in their fourth year. However, the department cannot guarantee 4 th  year funding, and depending on budgetary constraints that vary year by year, may not be able to fund some or all students in their fourth year.

Do I need to be in Orlando during the summers?

No. The department offers online graduate courses in the summer to allow students to continue their studies while travelling. We encourage students to use the summer time to pursue additional training through summer graduate workshops (ICPSR, IQRM, SWAMOS, SIPP, EITM, etc.), do field research work, or engage in professional opportunities with government agencies, research institutes, or the private sector.

How important is quantitative (i.e., statistical) training for your program?

All students in our program receive basic quantitative training and basic qualitative training. Students can pursue further training in our department, through other UCF departments, and other training programs like ICPSR. While some experience with statistical methods is useful, we do not require students to have well developed methodological skills on entry.

IWP scholar-practitioners teach all the arts of statecraft in a setting that encourages discussion and debate and thoroughly prepares students for career success.

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IWP offers seven master’s degrees with a curriculum that includes statecraft, history, American political philosophy, the Western moral tradition, economics, and moral leadership.

• Master of Arts in Statecraft and National Security Affairs
• Master of Arts in Statecraft and International Affairs
• Master of Arts in Strategic Intelligence Studies
• Executive Master of Arts in National Security Affairs
• Master of Arts in Strategic and International Studies (Professional)
• Master of Arts in Statecraft and Strategy (Online)
• Executive Master of Arts in Statecraft and Strategy (Online)
• Professional Master of Arts in Statecraft and Strategy (Online)

Doctor of Statecraft and National Security (Professional)

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The faculty are experts from the national security and international relations fields, scholar-practitioners with both academic credentials and high-level experience.

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The student body includes recent graduates and a mix of mid-career professionals whose various perspectives enrich the classroom experience.

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National security is the highest public policy priority and is achieved by teaching future leaders all the instruments of power. Supporting IWP makes this possible.

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IWP students become leaders in the national security and foreign policy fields through the study of all the instruments of power, and 97% earn jobs in their field.

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The Doctor of Statecraft and National Security (Professional) (DSNS) is a degree tailored towards national security professionals, as opposed to those who wish to pursue a teaching career. This program is designed to educate national security professionals in the art of employing the integrated instruments of national power to achieve the ends of policy.

52 Credit Hours (beyond an MA) Three years to complete with full-time student status

The Doctor of Statecraft and National Security (Professional) (DSNS) is a degree tailored towards national security professionals, as opposed to those who wish to pursue a teaching career. In contrast to most Ph.D. programs, it avoids extreme specialization in favor of a broad-gauged understanding of the integrated use of the instruments of national power to achieve the ends of policy.

Program Learning Outcomes

Students will be able masterfully to:

• Understand the main ideological currents of the modern era and their impact on U.S. and foreign behavior.
• Demonstrate expertise in one of the major instruments of statecraft (diplomacy; economics; public diplomacy and strategic influence; intelligence; military).
• Integrate the various instruments of statecraft into national strategy.
• Exhibit knowledge of the culture, political landscape, security challenges, and U.S. interests in a selected region of the world.
• Appreciate the principles of the American founding and the Western moral tradition as applied to national security and foreign policy.

Prerequisite Knowledge: Students will be responsible for, and will be tested on, the following outcome which includes basic elements not already required in the curriculum for this program: “Students will demonstrate an extensive understanding of the national security field including policy, process, and implementation; history; theories; and geography.” Students without a background in these topics should take the relevant courses IWP offers as prerequisites under the guidance of their Doctoral Advisors.

(Note: Students will be responsible for, and will be tested on, the following outcome which includes basic elements not already required in the curriculum for this program. Students without background on these topics should take the relevant courses IWP offers as prerequisites under the guidance of their Doctoral Advisors.)

I am looking to apply my knowledge, rather than develop theory… When I talk about issues in the federal system, my professors understand where I am coming from.

– Dr. Curt Klun (’23)

Doctor of Statecraft and National Security Requirements

To earn the degree of Doctor of Statecraft and National Security, the student will:

• Successfully complete the required courses and electives. All DSNS courses are taught as enhanced versions of our MA courses, which entail: extra readings; a more challenging exam; a longer, more robust paper; and an additional 4-6 meetings with the professor outside of the MA class, which can occur during office hours, and the length can be based on the professor’s judgment of the student’s needs.
• Pass an oral thesis defense in each area of study: 1) Principles of Statecraft and Strategy; 2) Functional Specialty; and 3) Regional Specialty. Note: A student will complete the Principles of Statecraft area of study first. Once he or she has passed the oral defense, the student may then take courses in both the Functional and Regional areas of study. 
• Pass a final written comprehensive examination at the end of one’s studies consisting of a philosophical essay question and strategy memorandum.
• Deliver a paper of 75 pages that demonstrates mastery in each area of study (three 75-page papers in total).

The program is designed to provide students with the flexibility to customize their curriculum according to their interests and needs. This degree is not meant as preparation primarily for teaching, but for those who are or who wish to become national security professionals.

IWP doctoral students are required to take 52 credits within 3 areas of study : Principles of Statecraft and Strategy (20 credits); Functional Concentration (16 credits); Regional concentration (16 credits)

Principles of Statecraft and Strategy

Four required classes, totaling 8 credits:

• 6060 (enhanced version of IWP 606 ): Ideas and Values in International Affairs Two credits
• 6080 (enhanced version of IWP 608 ): Sources of American Political Thought Two credits
• 6150 (enhanced version of IWP 615 ): Western Moral and Political Thought Two credits Note: Students who have taken either 606, 608, or 615 (or all three) should consult with their doctoral advisors to identify suitable substitutions.
• 6900 Principles of Strategy Two credits

Two of the following classes, 4 credits each:

• 6090 (Enhanced version of IWP 609 ): Economic Statecraft and Conflict
• 6280 (Enhanced version of IWP 628 ): Military Strategy: Theory and Practice
• 6360 (Enhanced version of IWP 636 ): The Art of Diplomacy
• 6370 (Enhanced version of IWP 637 ): Public Diplomacy
• 6050 (Enhanced version of IWP 605 ): Intelligence and Policy

IWP 9900 Thesis research/ writing, 4 credits

Functional Concentration

• Any combination of enhanced classes equaling 12 credit hours ( Note: Selected courses will automatically have the number ‘0′ added to the end of the course number to indicate doctoral level.)
• 9900 Thesis research/ writing, 4 credits

Regional Concentration

• Any combination of enhanced classes equaling 12 credit hours (Note: Selected courses will automatically have the number ‘0′ added to the end of the course number to indicate doctoral level.)

The IWP education has been immensely valuable to me. I have not found the core curriculum anywhere else.

– Dr. Matthew Jenkins (’23)

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International and National Security Policy

In a world where problems cross borders and disciplines, where threats that were previously thought to be independent are found to be interconnected, where distinctions between what is domestic policy and what is foreign policy are becoming more and more tenuous, students need training and perspective to break down disciplinary silos. They need the tools and dexterity to work across issue areas and in diverse policy arenas. They need to see connections that others miss, and be able to describe and explain those connections so that others will then see them too. The concentration in International Policy Studies aims to train the next generation of policy leaders who will go on to influence policy making in trade, foreign affairs, security, economic development and the environment.

Note that the courses below are not an exhaustive list; students may select other courses for their concentration with the approval of their faculty advisor. 

Affiliated Faculty

James Fearon

Francis Fukuyama

Judith L. Goldstein

Kenneth Schultz

Allen S. Weiner

Jeremy Weinstein

Gateway Courses

Elective courses.

Course Catalog | Liberty University

Public policy (ph.d.) - national security policy.

Important: This degree plan is effective for those starting this degree program in fall 2023 through summer 2024. This degree plan will remain in effect for students who do not break enrollment or who do not change degree programs, concentrations, or cognates.

PLCY 815 Advanced Quantitative Methods I (3 c.h.) and PLCY 816 Advanced Quantitative Methods II (3 c.h.) may be substituted for PLCY 810 Quantitative Methods I (3 c.h.) and PLCY 811 Quantitative Methods II (3 c.h.) by permission of the Department Chair

Once the student enters the Dissertation phase, he/she must maintain continuous enrollment (Fall, Spring, and Summer semesters) until all degree requirements are completed

Any student who is not ready for enrollment in  PLCY 990 Dissertation IV - Dissertation Defense (0 c.h.)  after completing  PLCY 989 Dissertation III (5 c.h.)  may be required, as determined by the student’s dissertation chair, to repeat  PLCY 989 Dissertation III (5 c.h.)  until deemed ready for enrollment in  PLCY 990 Dissertation IV - Dissertation Defense (0 c.h.)

All applicable prerequisites must be met

Graduation Requirements

• Complete 60 hours
• A maximum of 50% of a post-graduate and doctoral degree may be transferred if approved and allowable, including credit from an earned degree from Liberty University on the same academic level
• No grades lower than a B- may be applied to the degree
• Successful completion of Research Concept
• Successful defense of Dissertation
• Degree must be completed within 7 years
• Submission of Degree Completion Application must be completed within the last semester of a student’s anticipated graduation date

Program Offered in Online Format

PLCY 815 and PLCY 816 may be substituted for PLCY 810 and PLCY 811 by permission of Department Chair.

Once the student enters the Dissertation phase, he/she must maintain continuous enrollment (Fall, Spring, and Summer semesters) until all degree requirements are completed.

Any student who is not ready for enrollment in PLCY 990 after completing PLCY 989 may be required, as determined by the student's dissertation chair, to repeat PLCY 989 until deemed ready for enrollment in PLCY 990 .

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Liberty University 2023-2024 Undergraduate Catalog

A PDF of the entire 2023-2024 Undergraduate Catalog.

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A PDF of the entire 2023-2024 Graduate Catalog.

Doctor of Defense and Strategic Studies

Protect, advise and serve across the world

This professional doctoral degree prepares you for high-level roles in today’s security community.

Explore the policies, theories and methods used in diplomacy and defense. Advise on security issues.

Get the best training and knowledge as you study under experts in the field.

Have an invaluable asset for your career.

• Get started
• Review program requirements

Why earn a doctoratal degree in defense and strategic studies?

Study on your schedule

This program is perfect for the working professional. You can take courses fully online, in-person (Washington, D.C.) or a hybrid of both. Go to school full-time or part-time. Complete your degree from anywhere.

Achieve your career goals

The job market needs highly skilled and educated national security professionals. Work in government, defense, international affairs, diplomacy and other areas. Serve in a variety of policy and field positions.

Have a deeper focus

Your classes cover advanced topics like nuclear strategy, intelligence, security affairs and cyber warfare – among others. Dr. Keith Payne, a world-renowned strategist and defense analyst, teaches the capstone course, “Advanced Nuclear Strategy, Deterrence and Arms Control.”

Learn from the best

Your faculty and guest speakers are current/former national security experts. They know the field and have hands-on experience in the topics they teach.

The defense and strategic studies (DSS) department is located in the Washington, D.C. metro area, in the nearby suburb of Fairfax, Virginia. Our student body is diverse, with a mix of traditional, mid-career and active-duty military.

Want to know more? Review frequently asked questions .

Accreditation

• Missouri: Higher Learning Commission
• Virginia: State Council of Higher Education for Virginia

Immersive academics

Helping you succeed.

Find support for your education

Get involved on and off campus

Meet your department

Stay in touch with your alma mater

• Apply online

Department of National Security Affairs

Security studies - department of national security affairs.

• Regional Studies

Security Studies

• Publications

Rodrigo Nieto Gomez

Anne Marie Baylouny

Thomas Bruneau

Anshu Chatterjee

Anne Clunan

Christopher Darnton

COL Peter Frank

Carolyn Halladay

Scott Jasper

Michael Malley

Cristiana Matei

Jessica Piombo

Maria Rasmussen

Robert Weiner

James Wirtz

Wade Huntley

Rodrigo Nieto-Gomez

Thomas-Durell Young

Ryan Gingeras

Tristan Mabry

Mariana Giusti Rodriguez

Aleksandar Matovski

Covell Meyskens

Letitia Lawson

Robert Looney

Michael Glosny

Jeffrey Larsen

Emily Meierding

Daniel Moran

Afshon Ostovar

James Russell

Zachary Shore

Christopher Twomey

S. Paul Kapur

Thomas H. Johnson

Anne Marie Bayloun y

Mohammed Hafez

National Security, Intelligence and Defense

Title: Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Discusses International Conflict, Defense and Leadership on the Hilltop

On Thursday April 25, 2024 Georgetown students gathered in the Healey Family Student Center Social Room to hear from General Charles Q. Brown, Jr., Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff about the role of the U.S. military in U.S. politics and the world. As the most senior-ranking military officer in the U.S. and military advisor to the President , General Brown shared his experiences as a military leader and students had the opportunity to ask questions. 

Vilda Westh Blanc (SFS‘27), a student who was on Dan Lamothe’s Student Strategy Team this semester, introduced the event. She welcomed Brown to the stage as well as current GU Politics Fellow Dan Lamothe to moderate the conversation.

Lamothe started the conversation by asking Brown about the current state of U.S. military operations and the threats to national security. “What makes this time uniquely dangerous, uniquely challenging?” Lamothe asked. 

Brown emphasized the complex dynamics of this moment for U.S. national security, noting the significance of threats from North Korea, China, Russia and Iran. He explained that before coming to his current position he championed the phrase “Accelerate change or lose.”

“Personally and professionally, I do not play for second place. And I am very focused on ensuring we have all the capabilities to ensure our national security,” Brown said.

Outlining his priorities for the U.S. military, Brown highlighted the importance of training skilled service members, embracing the modernization of capabilities, and creating a foundation of trust with communities and elected officials.

On the importance of maintaining trust with American people, Brown said “Having that trust is hugely important to ensure that we do the things the nation calls us to do as military members.”

Next, Lamothe asked Brown how the Israel-Hamas conflict shapes the priorities of the U.S. military. 

On the tension between current crises and future threats, Brown said “You’ve got to balance risk over time.”

 “You never want to take short-term satisfaction at the expense of your long-term goals,” Brown said.

Continuing to discuss the conflict in the Middle East, Lamothe asked Brown about what it takes to deal with such a volatile situation and what strategies the military is utilizing to keep the conflict contained.

“From the very beginning, we looked at how do we deter a future conflict and at the same time protect our armed forces and support Israel to defend itself,” Brown said. “In addition to that is making sure we were providing humanitarian assistance and minimizing collateral damage.”

“This has been a theme throughout: how do we deter a broader conflict,” Brown said. Brown further emphasized the military’s preparedness, the efforts of the U.S. National Security Council, and the role of other foreign nations.

Lamothe then asked about what initial concerns Brown had regarding Iran’s attack on Israel on April 13th. 

“First thing I’ll tell you is that I didn’t have a lot of concern because I have complete confidence in our force and they were well-prepared,” Brown said. He emphasized the work of the U.S. military in the week leading up to the April 13th attack and explained the communication and collaboration between the Pentagon and White House that happened the day of.

Turning to the topic of Ukraine, Lamothe noted that despite the recent aid package approved by the U.S. Congress, many think that “Ukraine will continue to be outgunned this year. What do you see as the likely outcome this summer?”

“When Ukraine is supplied, they have been able to be effective,” Brown said, stressing the importance of continuing to provide support.

“Even broader than this: what happens in one corner of the world does not stay in one corner of the world,” Brown added. “Unchecked aggression provides opportunity for future aggression.” 

Next, Lamothe asked about building trust in the U.S. military. “We’re in a time where there is dwindling support for the U.S. military in a lot of polls. There are concerns about American democracy at large. What does it take to build new faith in the American military?” Lamothe asked.

“Trust is the foundation of our profession. And part of that, my focus, is not only maintaining the trust we have but to continue to build upon it.” Brown added, “I think the most important thing I can do is lead by example.” 

Brown also emphasized the importance of being non-partisan as a military member. “Our oath is to the Constitution of the United States, to an ideal— not to a leader, not to an office,” Brown said. 

Students then had the opportunity to ask Brown questions.

Captain Trevor Barton, Omar Bradley Fellow and McCourt Student studying national security issues asked: “What is your assessment, as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, of the current health of the defense industrial base related to our production capability, and what can policymakers do to increase the resiliency of the defense industrial base?”

“​​There’s key things, from a policymaker standpoint, that I think are very important. Consistency is probably top of the notch,” Brown said. “What I mean by that is that there’s consistency in our demand signal from the Department of Defense in what we need. And then consistency in resourcing. When you have that consistency, that helps predictability for the defense industrial base.”

MJ Ninal (C’24), a cadet in the Air Force ROTC , asked Brown about his advice for young lieutenants in this unique time of international threats and political polarization.

 “Whatever job you’re going into, get really good at it. That’s probably the most important thing you can do. I’d also say ask a lot of questions. There are no dumb questions,” Brown said. “And when you ask tough questions of your leaders, it challenges us.”

One student asked Brown about the challenges of advising political leaders and what his advice was for fostering mutual understanding of perspectives and positions.

“When providing advice, you need to understand your boss, and your boss’s boss, and their intent and what their focused on,” Brown said. He emphasized that the perfect military solution does not always line up with what is going on geopolitically, economically and diplomatically, but understanding the bigger picture is key to effective conversations and problem-solving. 

Lewis Williams III (S’28), a student studying applied intelligence at Georgetown’s School of Continuing Studies asked Brown, “What are some of your role models or individuals that have inspired you, whether civilian or military?”

Brown talked about the influence of his father, who was in the Army and encouraged Brown to apply. “This is all his idea,” Brown said. 

“I think the other thing that has been an inspiration to me has been the Tuskegee Airmen,” Brown said, referring to the first African American military aviators in the U.S. “Just in general, what they were able to do leading up to World War II and during World War II.”

Brown recounted his experience getting to talk to some of the Tuskegee Airmen and hear their stories. He remembered Brigadier General Charles McGee and reflected on the honor it was to meet him.

Brown also answered student questions about cybersecurity, use of innovative technologies in Ukraine, climate change as a national security threat, and promoting cooperation between branches of the U.S. military. 

Luke Hughes (SFS‘27) asked Brown what his message would be to incoming Georgetown students who are considering joining the ROTC.

On reasons to join, “I would say two things: One, the opportunity to serve your nation but the opportunity to gain some valuable experience,” Brown noted.

Brown emphasized the opportunities for growing as a leader, building meaningful relationships, and giving back to your community through involvement in the military.

“We need you, whether you serve in uniform or you serve in some other part of government, that’s what makes our democracy so strong,” Brown said.

GU Politics extends its gratitude to the Walsh School of Foreign Service , the SFS Security Studies Program , the Georgetown University Military and Veterans Resource Center and the National Defense Policy Initiative for co-sponsoring this event.

This article was written by Jane Wright , a first-year graduate student in the McCourt School of Public Policy.

Watch the full recording below.

The Hoya: Panelists Discuss Ranked-Choice Voting and Polarization With GU Politics

Panelists argued ranked-choice voting produces more democratic elections and decreases polarization and apathy in a Georgetown University Institute of Politics and Public Service (GU Politics) event April 17.

Maxwell Frost Discusses Advocacy, Activism and Running for Office at Georgetown

On Wednesday, April 10, 2024 students gathered in the ICC Auditorium to hear from U.S. Representative Maxwell Frost (D-FL) about his experience as an organizer and elected official,…

Boris Johnson Talks Democracy Around World at Gaston Hall

On Thursday April, 11 Georgetown students filled Gaston Hall to hear former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Boris Johnson have a conversation about global politics and democracy…

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Chinese students in US tell of ‘chilling’ interrogations and deportations

As tensions with China rise, scientists at America’s leading universities complain of stalled research after crackdown at airports

Stopped at the border, interrogated on national security grounds, laptops and mobile phones checked, held for several hours, plans for future research shattered.

Many western scholars are nervous about travelling to China in the current political climate. But lately it is Chinese researchers working at US universities who are increasingly reporting interrogations – and in several cases deportations – at US airports, despite holding valid work or study visas for scientific research.

Earlier this month the Chinese embassy in Washington said more than 70 students “with legal and valid materials” had been deported from the US since July 2021, with more than 10 cases since November 2023. The embassy said it had complained to the US authorities about each case.

The exact number of incidents is difficult to verify, as the US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agency does not provide detailed statistics about refusals at airports. A spokesperson said that “all international travellers attempting to enter the United States, including all US citizens, are subject to examination”.

But testimonies have circulated on Chinese social media, and academics are becoming increasingly outspoken about what they say is the unfair treatment of their colleagues and students.

“The impact is huge,” says Qin Yan, a professor of pathology at Yale School of Medicine in Connecticut, who says that he is aware of more than a dozen Chinese students from Yale and other universities who have been rejected by the US in recent months, despite holding valid visas. Experiments have stalled, and there is a “chilling effect” for the next generation of Chinese scientists.

The number of people affected is a tiny fraction of the total number of Chinese students in the US. The State Department issued nearly 300,000 visas to Chinese students in the year to September 2023. But the personal accounts speak to a broader concern that people-to-people exchanges between the world’s two biggest economies and scientific leaders are straining.

The refusals appear to be linked to a 2020 US rule that barred Chinese postgraduate students with links to China’s “military-civil fusion strategy”, which aims to leverage civilian infrastructure to support military development. The Australian Strategic Policy Institute thinktank estimates that 95 civilian universities in China have links to the defence sector.

Nearly 2,000 visas applications were rejected on that basis in 2021 . But now people who pass the security checks necessary to be granted a visa by the State Department are being turned away at the border by CBP, a different branch of government.

“It is very hard for a CBP officer to really evaluate the risk of espionage,” said Dan Berger, an immigration lawyer in Massachusetts, who represents a graduate student at Yale who, midway through her PhD, was sent back from Washington’s Dulles airport in December, and banned from re-entering the US for five years.

“It is sudden,” Berger said. “She has an apartment in the US. Thankfully, she doesn’t have a cat. But there are experiments that were in progress.”

Academics say that scrutiny has widened to different fields – particularly medical sciences – with the reasons for the refusals not made clear.

X Edward Guo, a professor of biomedical engineering at Columbia University, said that part of the problem is that, unlike in the US, military research does sometimes take place on university campuses. “It’s not black and white … there are medical universities that also do military. But 99% of those professors are doing biomedical research and have nothing to do with the military.”

But “if you want to come to the US to study AI, forget it,” Guo said.

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One scientist who studies the use of artificial intelligence to model the impact of vaccines said he was rejected at Boston Logan International airport. He was arriving to take up a place at Harvard Medical School as a postdoctoral researcher. “I never thought I would be humiliated like this,” he wrote on the Xiaohongshu app, where he recounted being quizzed about his masters’ studies in China and asked if he could guarantee that his teachers in China had not passed on any of his research to the military.

He did not respond to an interview request from the Observer . Harvard Medical School declined to confirm or comment on the specifics of individual cases, but said that “decisions regarding entry into the United States are under the purview of the federal government and outside of the school’s and the university’s jurisdiction.”

The increased scrutiny comes as Beijing and Washington are struggling to come to an agreement about the US-China Science and Technology Agreement , a landmark treaty signed in 1979 that governs scientific cooperation between the two countries. Normally renewed every five years, since August it has been sputtering through six-month extensions.

But following years of scrutiny from the Department of Justice investigation into funding links to China, and a rise in anti-Asian sentiment during the pandemic, ethnically Chinese scientists say the atmosphere is becoming increasingly hostile.

“Before 2016, I felt like I’m just an American,” said Guo, who became a naturalised US citizen in the late 1990s. “This is really the first time I’ve thought, OK, you’re an American but you’re not exactly an American.”

Additional research by Chi Hui Lin

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• The Observer
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The Clinton-Yeltsin Moscow Summit, January 1994

Declassified transcripts show close cooperation on nuclear and regional security issues, rising concerns about failure of economic reform in Russia

Top Clinton advisor called Yeltsin “arguably your most important foreign counterpart”

Washington, D.C., January 25, 2024 - Declassified highest-level records from the Moscow summit 30 years ago this month detail U.S. President Bill Clinton’s strong personal support for Russian President Boris Yeltsin, their close cooperation on security issues, and deep concern about Yeltsin backtracking on economic reforms newly understood by the Clinton team as too “harsh” on the Russian people.

The documents include verbatim transcripts of Clinton’s two “one-on-one” discussions with Yeltsin, their trilateral discussion with Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk about removal of nuclear weapons from Ukraine, the detailed report from the U.S. Embassy Moscow on the dinner thrown by Yeltsin at his official dacha for Clinton, and the transcript of the expanded bilateral discussion between Clinton and Yeltsin on security issues.

The e-book includes an overview briefing memo for the President from national security adviser Anthony Lake, which describes Yeltsin as “arguably your most important foreign counterpart,” and the economic briefing memo to Clinton that admits that market reforms urged by the U.S. and implemented by Yeltsin failed to provide a social safety net for Russians, who reacted by voting against the reformers in the December 1993 parliamentary elections.

One highlight among the documents from January 1994 is the 12-page “eyes only” memo from Strobe Talbott to Secretary of State Warren Christopher, with Christopher’s extensive handwritten comments in the margins, including the admission that “set speeches” were “a real weakness” of his. Just a few days after being nominated to be Christopher’s deputy, a major promotion after less than one year as ambassador for the former Soviet republics, Talbott provides his boss with an almost anthropological account of Washington’s foreign policy village, with candid commentary on Russia and NATO policies (and their critics), on State Department personnel issues, and on internal tensions in the Clinton team. These included Lake’s “runs” at “knocking me out of Presidential events on Russia,” such as the upcoming Moscow one-on-ones. [1]

The new documents come from two major sources: a successful National Security Archive lawsuit against the State Department under the Freedom of Information Act and multiple declassification review requests filed at the Clinton Presidential Library. These records are highlights from the forthcoming 2,500-document declassified reference collection: U.S.-Russian Relations from the End of the Soviet Union to the Rise of Vladimir Putin , the next installment in the award-winning Digital National Security Archive series published by ProQuest.

The documents show the American team working hard to include multiple non-Yeltsin-centered events in the summit schedule. The U.S. ambassador, Thomas Pickering, hosted a reception at Spaso House for Clinton to meet oppositionists, excluding only Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the extremist Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, the top vote-getter in the December legislative election. Clinton also addressed an audience of young Russians at the Ostankino television complex and met with the Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, who had attempted to mediate the constitutional crisis between Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet the previous year. [2]

Two of the documents, the Clinton-Kravchuk memcon at Kyiv’s Borispol Airport and the trilateral memcon with Clinton, Yeltsin and Kravchuk in Moscow, mark a key moment in the history of nuclear weapons in Ukraine. Traumatized by the 1986 Chernobyl explosion, the Ukrainian independence movement had pushed to remove Soviet nuclear weapons from Ukraine, and the newly independent state signed the Lisbon Protocol in May 1992 to become a non-nuclear party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (along with Belarus and Kazakhstan, which also inherited Soviet nukes). Ukraine had no capacity to service and maintain the nuclear warheads—which were reaching the end of their service lives and were thus mini-Chernobyls waiting to happen—and couldn’t afford to build a nuclear reprocessing cycle (the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences’ estimate was $3 billion), especially with the international sanctions that would have ensued. [3]

In order to remove the nukes, Ukraine needed compensation and security assurances; at the same time, some voices in the Ukrainian parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, argued for keeping the nukes. The Moscow summit documents, including the Trilateral Statement signed by the three leaders, show the first steps towards the ultimate deal. The U.S. put up $60 million to prime the pump; the Russians provided fuel assemblies blended down from warhead fissile material to fuel Ukrainian nuclear power plants; and the Ukrainians started shipping warheads to the Russians for reprocessing. Ukraine also received debt forgiveness for hundreds of millions of dollars in already supplied Russian oil and gas and security assurances that lasted until 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea. The Russian invasion of Ukraine, in 2022, popularized the notion that Ukraine should have kept its nukes, but the record shows that maintaining a nuclear arsenal wasn’t really an option for the country in 1994. [4]

The biggest worry among the Clinton team at the Moscow summit was not so much the Ukraine trilateral but the fate of economic and democratic reforms in Russia after the shock of the December elections. During the opening dinner at Yeltsin’s dacha on January 13, the Russian president referred to the leading reformer, former prime minister Yegor Gaidar, as the leader of the government party in the Duma, “clearly impl[ying] that Gaidar would be out of the government and work only in the Duma.” The next day, during the formal Kremlin dinner, Clinton’s aides heard from Gaidar that, actually, he was being fired, and others of his team were also on their way out. At the insistence of Treasury undersecretary Larry Summers, Clinton sought a final one-on-one with Yeltsin on January 15 to warn that “President Clinton’s credibility was connected to President Yeltsin’s indication that he would continue the reforms, which were linked to a specific team of people.” But, of course, that was for Yeltsin to decide. [5]

The Documents

Clinton Presidential Library

This cover memo from the national security adviser for Clinton’s briefing book on the Moscow Summit highlights the major differences from the two previous Clinton-Yeltsin meetings at Vancouver and Tokyo in 1993. The challenge “at this critical turning point,” according to Lake, will be to reaffirm “a close U.S.-Russia partnership built on a Russian commitment to democratic political and market reform.” The parliamentary elections in December—a shocking loss for the reformers—revealed that Russia was “deeply divided over the pace and direction of economic reform, the role and rights of Russia in the ‘Near Abroad,’” and how fast to “integrate with the West” at all.

Lake warns Clinton that Russian reform faces the criticism that “average Russians” are “worse off than when the USSR collapsed two years ago.” So the U.S. would have a twofold message both encouraging Yeltsin to continue privatization and macro reform and understanding the need for “greater targeted social investments,” even though the U.S. cannot design or fully fund those—“that is clearly Russia’s job.”

On the hopeful side, the Moscow trip is taking place in the middle of an intensive three-way diplomatic process with Ukraine, working out compensation from Russia for the rapidly wasting nuclear warheads left over in Ukraine from the Soviet Union—all targeted on the U.S. but reaching the end of their working lives. Lake tells Clinton that a successful resolution here “would be the crowning achievement of the summit, a victory for your nonproliferation policy” and “a strong public symbol of Russia’s willingness to work fairly with its most important neighbor.”

U.S. Department of State, National Security Archive FOIA

This 12-page “eyes only” memo to the Secretary of State is the first in a long series of candid briefing memos written by Strobe Talbott in his role as the number two official in the State Department. Written just four days after Talbott had been formally nominated to be Deputy Secretary, the memo leaves a wide margin for Christopher’s reactions, and asks if he wants more such frank missives. The Secretary scribbles “yes” on the first page and adds many more comments on other pages. Talbott displays the lively writing style developed in his previous two-decade tenure at TIME magazine, and captures Christopher’s attention with colorful details on personalities, on the administration’s critics and how to disarm them, on the internal policy conflicts, and with constructive suggestions for ways forward. While recognizing that the new deputy secretary role would involve many more responsibilities than just U.S.-Russia policy, Talbott makes sure to impress upon Christopher that Clinton himself wanted Talbott’s continuing close engagement on Russia, especially for Clinton-Yeltsin meetings such as the Moscow summit that month.

In this memo to the national security adviser on the eve of Clinton’s visit to Moscow, Talbott previews some of the most important issues the Russia side wants to raise during the summit—the future security arrangements in Europe. Talbott writes quite dismissively and negatively about a new European security initiative that Russian Foreign Minister Andrey Kozyrev presented in a German newspaper, which he called the “Partnership for United Europe.” The plan would subordinate NATO to the CSCE structures and strengthen the Russian role in building a new integrated Europe. Although the Clinton team stated publicly that a fully integrated Europe without new dividing lines was their goal, Talbott dismisses Kozyrev’s thoughts on Russian desire to “be the architect […] along with the U.S. of a completely new European security order,” saying that “it sticks in their craw that NATO appears poised to dictate the terms of the new order.”

Talbott’s early relationship with Kozyrev had been cordial and productive, but now his view of Kozyrev has changed completely. He sees the Russian foreign minister moving in a more nationalist direction partly as a result of the December elections and his own political interests. Talbott concludes that “Kozyrev has become part of the problem rather than part of the solution” and suspects that he was an unhelpful influence on Yeltsin during the last weeks of the trilateral process. He shares with Lake the talking points for Secretary Christopher’s upcoming meeting with Kozyrev where they were scheduled to discuss the Partnership for Peace and European security.

Strobe Talbott’s backstage version of this conversation, published in 2002, gave a colorful, conflict-ridden account of the Clinton stopover in Kyiv on the way to Moscow. But that version is not supported by the actual transcript, only declassified in 2018. According to Talbott, “Clinton and Christopher, neither of whom was in the habit of roughing up a head of state, decided to make an exception. They told Kravchuk in the bluntest of terms that if he backed out of the deal that had already been made it would be a major setback for Ukraine’s relations with both Russia and the U.S.” Kravchuk was “visibly shaken” in Talbott’s version.

The transcript (Talbott was not actually in the room, according to the list of participants on the memcon) shows far more diplomatic language, with Clinton praising Kravchuk’s “enormous vision and courage” and promising “to do everything I can for the people of Ukraine and for you, sir.” Clinton points to the $175 million in Nunn-Lugar funds coming to underwrite the nuclear dismantling and offers to persuade the G-7 and the IMF to develop ways to pay for energy imports (Ukraine’s were all from Russia and already indebted).

Kravchuk responds gratefully: “Certainly we should start our broader cooperation so that I can tell our people that after I took this position on the nuclear question, there was a change in attitude toward assistance to our country. That would help. When we have stabilization for our currency and private investment for Ukraine, then everyone will understand that the agreements signed by the three Presidents were the only possible step.” The only apparent moment of U.S. pressure comes when Christopher says the signing in Moscow will be “an historic event and a celebration. It will not be a negotiating session.” The conversation concludes with interesting commentary by Kravchuk on Russia to the effect that Yeltsin understands, “but there is no eternal president and we worry about expansion.”

While Yeltsin is eager to greet Bill Clinton in the Kremlin, the long-awaited state visit is happening in less-than-ideal circumstances. The December Duma elections brought a backlash against the democratic forces due to the harshness of economic reform and Yeltsin’s heavy-handed approach to the constitutional crisis. Clinton’s planned speech to the newly elected parliament had to be scrapped. Yeltsin starts the meeting talking about the composition of the new Duma saying that he does not “share the concern that is felt abroad about Zhirinovskiy.” Yeltsin gives a correct diagnosis that the Zhirinovsky vote was a response to economic hardship, that the people “didn’t vote for taking back Alaska, Ukraine and Crimea or for the fascism that he embodies but rather because they are unhappy.”

In response, and clearly in view of the future presidential election in Russia, Clinton gives his counterpart some sound political advice on how to work with the opponents and how to make his political program more appealing to people. He says that “the reformers’ campaign showed a recklessness,” comparing it to some U.S. Democrats. Clinton advises Yeltsin to come back to the image of the man on the tank and focus more on values, not programs. He offers Yeltsin advice from his political experts, suggesting he should send Gaidar or his other associates to Washington for a “quiet meeting,” which Yeltsin enthusiastically accepts.

Turning to economic reform, Yeltsin complains about the slow pace of G-7 and IMF assistance and the lack of U.S. investment in Russia and points to the continued existence of the Jackson-Vanik amendment. He says Russia does not “want aid since that can lead to an anti-Western flair-up.” He asks for investment, help in rescheduling of foreign debt, and to redirect 10% of the Nunn-Lugar program funding to Russian research institutes. Clinton expresses his continued support for the reform but names three issues that prevent him from moving more decisively in his Russia agenda— Russia’s arms sales to Iran, slowness in joining the Partnership for Peace, and lack of agreement on the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Baltic states.

This document is a placeholder for the first big economic discussion of the summit, the “First Expanded Bilateral” that took place on the morning of January 13, 1994. The highly professional staff at the Clinton Presidential Library have to date been unable to locate a transcript (memcon) of this meeting and speculate that perhaps one was not written up afterwards, perhaps due to a division of labor between the National Security Council staff, who would normally have taken the notes, and the Treasury Department personnel, who were also in attendance and were personally invested in the Yeltsin economic reform program.

Beforehand, the NSC and Treasury staff prepared Clinton for the meeting with this revealing briefing memo and talking points. The memo says, “The Parliamentary elections were a wake-up call generally, but specifically the Russian people view the government’s two-year attempt to begin a historic economic transition from command economics to a ‘Russian’ market economy as harsh and directly responsible for the decline in living standards during this period. Russia’s economic reforms have not succeeded on at least two fronts. They haven’t established a social safety net for the average Russian and have also not reduced subsidies to large state enterprises.”

Clinton’s main concern was to insist on continuing “bold economic reforms” while acknowledging “our understanding” of “greater emphasis on social welfare programs.” At the top of Clinton’s talking points was the affirmation “that reform program and team will stay in place.” That was not to be. In fact, during the summit the Americans learned that the leading reformers, Yegor Gaidar and Boris Fyodorov, were being fired by Yeltsin. Perhaps the Americans shouldn’t have been so surprised. Even Strobe Talbott had commented in December that the U.S. goal now after the elections was to promote “less shock and more therapy.” The remark “managed to infuriate both Russian liberals and my colleagues at Treasury,” Talbott later wrote; “it sounded to both groups that I too was blaming Gaidar and Fyodorov for the rise of Zhirinovsky and undercutting our own government’s insistence on rapid, disciplined structural reform and strict conditionality for IMF lending.” [6] Indeed.

President Clinton meets with the Russian Orthodox Patriarch in the hospital as part of the plan to widen his circle of Russian interlocutors and to appeal to the Russian believers. Clinton’s mother has just passed, and the Patriarch offers a prayer for her. Aleksiy expresses his church’s support for democratic reform in Russia and his concern about the results of the recent parliamentary elections. He delicately hints about the proliferation of various proselytizing preachers from the West, who flooded Russia in the early 1990s, which the official Orthodox church saw as a competing influence on Russians’ souls. Clinton responds that he is a Baptist himself (a denomination previously considered a sect in the USSR) and that he appreciates the religious liberty in Russia. He reminisces about his visit to the Novodevichy Monastery 24 years ago and his visit to St. Basil’s Cathedral earlier in the day. The U.S. president’s remarks are very brief but empathetic and respectful of Russian spirituality. It’s worth noting that the second Church official in attendance, Metropolitan Kirill, went on to become the Patriarch himself, blessing the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

The dinner at Yeltsin’s official dacha in Novo-Ogarevo features moose lips in wine sauce, Bill Clinton playing saxophone, and a most lavish 24-course dinner with lots of toasts. It was designed as a showcase of the U.S.-Russian partnership and a display of warm personal relationship between the two presidents. The cable drafted by Ambassador Pickering misdates the dinner, which took place on the evening of January 13. Among the many issues covered, most important were the Russian role in European security, the Partnership for Peace and the future expansion of NATO, and Russian policies in the near abroad.

Yeltsin reflects on the challenges of working with the new parliament and the changes he was planning to make in his cabinet. Clinton comes to the dinner straight from the Spaso House reception where he met with representatives of many Russian political parties and movements, most of whom were critical of Yeltsin’s policies. Yeltsin gives his counterpart a somewhat optimistic review of his prospects of working productively with the new parliament but mentions that Yegor Gaidar would have to step down and work in the Duma.

Turning to the security agenda, Yeltsin tells Clinton that his information about arms sales to Iran is incorrect and asks him if sanctions on Iraq could be eased so that Russia could collect some of the debt that Iraq still owed it. Clinton noted that if Iraq was permitted to sell oil, the falling oil prices would harm Russian interests. Defense Minister Grachev talks about military-to-military relations, his recent meetings with U.S. Defense Secretary Les Aspin, and his first call on the Partnership for Peace hotline on January 5, 1995. He wants to meet with the new U.S. Defense Secretary as soon as possible (retired Admiral Bobby Inman had been nominated by Clinton to succeed Aspin but later withdrew) and to brief the Secretary General of NATO on the new Russian military doctrine. Grachev is very pleased with the close cooperation with the U.S. military and even invites Clinton and Yeltsin to personally observe a planned bilateral military exercise in July 1994.

One of most important issues for the U.S. team, according to the scene-setter, is the deployment of Russian peace-keeping forces in the near abroad. This issue is painful for Yeltsin, who is trying to be a force for good in the former Soviet space. The Russian president talks about Russia’s constructive actions in Moldova and Georgia and his desire to stop bloodshed. He says that “allegations of imperial aspirations are harming us and are not correct.”

Yeltsin wants to speak about his favorite subject—U.S.-Russian partnership, and Russia’s relationship with NATO. In his memoir, Kozyrev wrote that Yeltsin was shocked by Clinton’s “not whether but when” statement in Prague about future NATO expansion, and even felt betrayed by Clinton. Here, however, Yeltsin says to Clinton “we certainly agree with you on NATO” but also states that “Russia has to be the first country to join NATO,” followed by other states from Central and Eastern Europe. He even proposes “a kind of cartel of the U.S., Russia and Europeans to help to ensure and improve world security.” Clinton’s response is very careful, mentioning Russian’s sense of greatness but not engaging on the idea of a cartel or Russia’s membership in NATO.

The Russian president expresses his deep appreciation of Clinton: “You come to Russia not to confront us, but with the affection and love of our people and with a sense of support for Russia.” In response, Clinton talks about their “relationship of trust and confidence” and the unique chance it creates if Russia stays the course: “we could guarantee the countries of Europe a century of peace or more.” Such were the high hopes of the 1990s.

This very brief (one might even say rushed) meeting between presidents Clinton, Kravchuk and Yeltsin is the formal event to present the “crowning achievement” of the summit—the Trilateral Statement on withdrawal of nuclear weapons from Ukraine. This meeting was preceded by months of work by diplomats from all three countries and was still in question as Clinton was flying to Europe. Yeltsin summarizes the details of the statement, emphasizing that “Russia and the U.S. will give [Ukraine] full guarantees of security.” Kravchuk confirms that “there is no alternative to nuclear disarmament” and pledges full cooperation with the trilateral process. Clinton commends Russia and Ukraine on their cooperation and praises the Trilateral Statement that “this agreement makes the world safer and each of our countries more secure.” Relieved that the agreement was finally in hand, he suggests that everybody has already said enough and they “should go sign the agreement.” Yeltsin suggests they exchange the letters spelling out each side’s commitments first.

Document 10

 Clinton Presidential Library

In his scene setter (Document 1) Tony Lake calls the prospective signing of the Trilateral Statement “the crowning achievement of the summit.” The U.S. team doubted that they would be able to sign it with the agreed wording even as they arrived in Moscow. Both the Ukrainians and the Russians were trying to reopen the text, but Clinton pushed back on both. [7] The historic agreement achieves the goal of Ukrainian nuclear disarmament as well as settling the issue of Russia’s payment for the uranium contained in the nuclear warheads that would be moved to Russia for dismantlement. Ukraine commits to eliminating all nuclear weapons on its territory by dismantling them and sending the warheads to Russia. Russia commits to providing Ukraine with fuel rods for civilian nuclear power plants using downgraded uranium from the warheads. The United States commits to providing assistance for dismantlement of nuclear weapons under the Nunn-Lugar Program. Ukraine is to get at least $175 million of this assistance. All three signators commit to treating each other as full and equal partners. The Annex specifies the security assurances that Russia and the United States gave Ukraine (these were later formalized in the Budapest Memorandum in December 1994). However, the assurances did not go beyond the commitments already contained in the text of the Helsinki Final Act and the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Russia violated its commitments in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and again with the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Document 11

After the Trilateral Statement is signed, the entire Russian and U.S. security teams meet face to face to discuss dozens of issues on their agenda. Clinton starts by noting that the HEU agreement first discussed in Vancouver, under which the United Stated would purchase the uranium from nuclear warheads dismantled in Russia, is being signed later in the day. After mentioning START I, the U.S. president moves quickly to raise a very sensitive issue—biological weapons remaining from the Soviet program. His talking points from Anthony Lake instruct him to link the issue to Nunn-Lugar certification if Russia does not resolve bio concerns. Clinton reminds Yeltsin of his personal commitment to end the program and notes that U.S. experts believe that illegal work was still happening. Yeltsin and Defense Minister both deny that anything illegal is going on and “shake [their] head[s] vigorously.”

In the first part of the conversation, Yeltsin seems not fully engaged, saying almost nothing, stating that Russia has ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention (it had not) and sounding surprised when Clinton mentions Russian arms sales to Iran, Libya and North Korea. However, when he takes the floor, he is quite eloquent but prefers to talk about grand ideas and designs rather than specific issues. His favorite subject is how the U.S.-Russian partnership would transform the world, creating a “new system of international relations.” He suggests they should “propose an initiative to reshape world institutions such as the United Nations and the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe.” He sees a need to formulate an official document formalizing the U.S.-Russian partnership, sounding like a partnership between two superpowers (even while Russia, by 1994, was just a shadow of the former USSR). While Yeltsin wants to reshape the world and build new structures, the U.S. side is concerned about preserving and expanding its own main security structure—NATO. Clinton wants to be very careful about how they describe the partnership, so that other countries “don’t think we are dividing Europe.” Clinton expresses his commitment to a fully integrated Europe “for the first time in history” but does not engage with Yeltsin on his grand reformist designs.

The meeting is very productive in terms of achieving specific understandings on ABM, the need to ratify START II, Soviet troops in the Baltics and elimination of chemical weapons. Russian Defense Minister Pavel Grachev carries most of the arms-control and non-proliferation discussions for the Russian side.

Document 12

This last conversation was not planned, but Clinton requested it after he learned that Yeltsin was about to let go of some of his most committed reformers led by Yegor Gaidar, who would resign the day after the U.S. delegation left Moscow. Clinton (who does all the talking here) tells Yeltsin that he now understands better that Russian people were hurt by the reform, that “most ordinary citizens and some well-educated ones did not feel connected to what Yeltsin was doing,” and that they “did not feel that their lives had improved.” Still, he encouraged Yeltsin to try to keep the reformist team, among other things, because Clinton’s “credibility was connected to President Yeltsin’s indication that he would continue the reforms, which were linked to a specific team of people.” Departure of those people would hurt Clinton’s ability to deliver on promises of IMF credits and debt relief. Yeltsin replies only that “President Clinton saw the situation, and these difficulties did exist.”

[1] The most revealing insider account of U.S.-Russia policy in the 1990s is found in Strobe Talbott’s The Russia Hand (2002). The title refers not to Talbott himself, but rather to Bill Clinton, who personalized his support for Boris Yeltsin all the way to Yeltsin’s resignation in 1999, anointing his successor, Vladimir Putin.

[2] The Ostankino event with young people is the highlight of Clinton’s own account of the summit in his book, My Life (2004, pp. 570-71), while Talbott commented: “Watching Clinton prepare for and deliver this speech was both frightening and inspiring, in that it captured both his indiscipline and his genius,” scribbling amendments to his speech text in the car on the way. ( The Russia Hand , p. 115)

[3] The most thoughtful high-level Ukrainian account is in Volodymyr Horbulin, “Nuclear Disarmament of Ukraine,” pp. 240-254 of his memoir, My Journey In The Looking Glass (2019), translated by Sarah Dunn in the National Security Archive e-book, Nuclear Weapons and Ukraine , https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nunn-lugar-russia-programs/2019-12-05/nuclear-weapons-ukraine . A rocket engineer, Horbulin served as Ukraine’s national security adviser and as head of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences.

[4] The blow-by-blow of the extensive diplomacy involved, both bilaterally with Ukraine and trilaterally including Russia, is detailed in Steven Pifer, The Eagle and the Trident (2017), pp. 37-76, with reflections on this history post-Crimea. The best scholarly account is in Mariana Budjeryn, Inheriting the Bomb (2023).

[5] For the backstage story, see Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand , pp. 117-118, including the commentary from Talbott’s counterpart, Yuri Mamedov: “You want us to be a democracy, so don’t be surprised when a president and a prime minister have to sacrifice a minister or two who are tarred with the brush of failed policies. This is real politics. At least we don’t shoot people.” For an indictment of the Gaidar program, see Peter Reddaway and Dmitri Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms (2001). For an invaluable oral history centering on Gaidar, see Petr Aven and Alfred Kokh, Gaidar’s Revolution (2015).

[6] See Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand , pp. 106-107.

[7] For the details of Clinton’s pressure both on Kravchuk and on Yeltsin, see Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand , pp. 112-113.

• Universities

RANEPA University

Full information about the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration. Programs and tuition fees at RANEPA University. Faculties, institutes and branches of RANEPA University. RANEPA admission requirements

The Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA) is the largest educational center in Russia. More than 450 contracts with foreign partner universities allow to successfully implement joint training programs. The Presidential Academy is often called the "forge of ministers", Defense Minister S.K. Shoigu and Chairman of the Court of Auditors A.V. Kudrin attended RANEPA for retraining.

Training programs

Advantages of studying at the ranepa.

• Prestigious diploma. Megafon, Loreal, Gazprombank, VTB 24 and other large companies gladly hire applicants with a diploma of RANEPA. In 2017, the university took 3rd place in the ranking according to the number of graduates among top managers in the largest companies of the Russian Federation [1] . RANEPA is the leader in the rating [2] in the quality of managerial staff training.
• Training for civil service. The university implements more than 100 programs of higher and additional education for the training of government workers at the federal and municipal levels. In 2018, Russian government included 11 students and graduates of the RANEPA [3] .
• International connections. RANEPA has established partnership agreements with educational institutions from 60 countries . RANEPA students can participate in international internships , receive a foreign diploma in one of the foreign-language programs that follow the international standard. For example, the Kingston IHRM (International Human Resource Management) Masters Program is accredited by the largest professional association in Europe CIPD .
• Language training. Students of most faculties from the 1st year spend up to 12 academic hours per week on learning English. At the 2-3 year, another foreign language is added to the program. As part of the development of the bilingual environment, teachers are often native speakers. Thanks to this approach, students successfully complete modules taught by foreign teachers.
• Developing soft skills . During training at the RANEPA, students have the opportunity to simultaneously master additional competencies that increase competitiveness in the labor market. Meetings with speakers at the Cultural Affairs club, master classes from industry leaders as part of the Medialoft project, volunteering initiatives at the Gaidar Forum and other events give participants a chance to develop useful practical skills.
• High competition and passing scores for state-funded seats. RANEPA is one of the most popular universities in the country. For some programs, the competition is more than 70 people per seat. As for international applicants, the number of seats available is limited both for state-funded and fee-paying places. To be admitted one has to go through a tough competition.
• Cost of education. The average price of a year of study for bachelor’s programs is 3,252  USD . There are programs that cost up to 6,612  USD . If you add the cost of living in Moscow, the total sum will become even more impressive.

Requirements for admission

International students are eligible to apply both within the quota (state-funded places in particular programs) and in general order (state-funded or fee-paying in all the programs). However there are some limitations on the admission right depending on the applicant’s citizenship. Check the details here .

Application process for foreign citizens on a quota basis

• Filing documents and applications. The full list of documents and application form are published on the official website of the Academy. Documents must be translated into Russian and notarized.
• Passing an entrance exam. Conducted in the form of a personal interview at the Academy. It is allowed to pass this stage via Skype, if the technical conditions allow to establish the identity of the candidate.
• Getting the selection results. The selection committee reports the results of the exams (recommendation/refusal of admission). In case of a positive decision, it is necessary to send a statement of consent to study to the Academy.
• Arrival to studies. Before the start of the course, it is necessary to apply for a visa or extend an existing one, obtain medical insurance, register at the migration office, and attend to other issues related to education and accommodation.

Admission of foreign citizens on a general basis

For admission on a paid basis, it is necessary to submit the documents, then pass examinations in 2 subjects in RANEPA or provide the results of the USE (depends on the citizenship and the choice of the applicant). Documents must be translated into Russian and notarized. The deadlines for submitting, passing tests and admission are the same as for Russian applicants.

How to prepare for admission

Scholarship programs and grants of ranepa.

Foreign students studying within a state-funded quota get the state academic scholarship (about 22  USD monthly) regardless of their academic performance. Full-time international students that got admitted in general order get the same scholarship, the amount of which varies depending on the student’s academic performance in the previous semester:

There is also a higher state scholarship granted to students demonstrating significant achievements in academic, research, social, cultural or sports activities. The exact sums depend on the year of study and kind of activities (from 39  USD to 87  USD per month).

In addition to paying state scholarships, the RANEPA encourages talented students with the assistance of partner companies. Gazprombank, British Petroleum and the Board of Trustees of the Presidential Academy annually select more than 50 students. The amount of monthly nominal scholarships ranges from 108  USD to 379  USD .

Career development

Center Development Center actively helps with employment, development of business relations with partners of the RANEPA. The university supports students in building a career before graduation by giving advice on choosing a profession and creating a CV, organizing internships, and work related to the area of studies during the summer holidays. Read More

More than 50 companies are partnered with the Presidential Academy. They are interested in employing students who have proved themselves during various forums, case-championships, and presentations. Among the partners of the RANEPA are several leading banks, international companies and, of course, government agencies (the Government of Moscow, Court of Auditors of the Russian Federation, the Federal Treasury, etc.).

The electronic job fair has been held since 2017. For 1 day, the website contains resumes of Academy students and vacancies from potential employers. In 2018, companies made about 1,500 job offers, a quarter of which were accepted by students. According to the results of the fair, lists of the most sought-after students and employers are published. Website

International exchange programs

Presidential Academy implements more than 100 international exchange programs in bachelor’s and master’s levels. Students of the RANEPA Graduate School of Corporate Management are studying at University Bielefeld (Germany), ISS cooperates with Leiden University (Netherlands), FESS offers students training at the oldest university – University of Pisa (Italy). Detailed information on current programs is published on the websites of faculties and institutes.

To study at one of the foreign universities, you need to demonstrate excellent academic performance, fluency in a foreign language and go through several stages of selection (blitz interviews, interviews). According to the results of the competition, the best students go to study for one semester to one of the partner universities. Programs include monthly scholarships, travel expenses, accommodation and meals . Detailed information about the international exchange programs is published on the official websites of the RANEPA departments.

Double degree programs

At the RANEPA, several double degree programs are accredited by the prestigious associations of the world. The international composition of teachers and a combination of different international approaches to teaching are the main advantages of these programs. In case of successful completion of the course, graduates receive a diploma of the RANEPA and a diploma of a foreign partner university. Some popular programs are:

Infrastructure

Most training takes place in one of the 9 buildings located on Vernadsky Prospect, near the Yugo-Zapadnaya metro station. Except 3 dormitories, the rest of the facilities are located on the territory of the Academy's main campus:

• Library. Students can get all the literature necessary for preparation in one of the academic libraries located in buildings 1 and 5 or using the electronic library through the website . The fund has more than 7 million books. Students in the Academy's branches also get access to literature.
• Dormitories. The school’s special pride is 4 comfortable, modern dorms, one of which is not inferior in level to a 4-star hotel. Nonresident and foreign students have rooms for up to 3 people, a refrigerator, equipped kitchens, Wi-Fi, separate rooms for preparing for classes. The cost of living starts from 15  USD per month.
• Sports complex. From the 1st to the 3rd year, students must undergo sports training in one of the sections of the Academy. After 5pm, students have free access to the pool, games, gyms and fitness rooms, saunas, and, in summer, outdoor areas.
• Nutrition. In all buildings of the educational institution there are cafeterias and canteens. In total, there are 10 catering points on the territory of the RANEPA with a varied menu and prices.

Student life

Activities. In addition to classes, students participate in various events organized by the Academy: Cultural Affairs club, Medialoft , KVN , the famous New Year's ball . A busy student life opens up opportunities for the development of organizational abilities, creativity, oratory and other soft skills. Participation in these activities requires the luxury of spare time, which not all students can afford.

Gaidar forum . The annual forum, organized by RANEPA since 2010, is dedicated to issues of political, economic and social development. More than 500 students of the Academy participate in the international event as volunteers. On the final day, the youngest participants perform, among whom are RANEPA students. Read More

Summer campus. One of the most significant annual student life events. Since 2012, students from different cities and countries come to Kazan to attend the international leadership school. The format of the event is presented by trainings and master classes from teachers and experts in various fields. More details Video

Interesting facts

• In 2018, 55 RANEPA graduates were included in the rating of “Top 1000 Russian Managers” [5] .
• In 2018, Forbes magazine placed RANEPA in the 2nd place in the ranking of Russian universities [6] . The study took into account the quality of educational services, the quality of graduates (statistics on employment and demand) and the Forbes factor (biographies of representatives of the state and business elite). The Academy surpassed in the overall classification such eminent universities as Moscow State University, MGIMO, MISiS.
• RANEPA has AMBA accreditation that is the sign of the world-class quality standard of business education.
• The total area where the Academy objects are located is more than 20 hectares.

Famous graduates

• Valentina Matvienko – Chairman of the Council of the Federation of the Russian Federation (2011 – present);
• Vyacheslav. Volodin – Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation (2016 – present),
• Anton Siluanov – Minister of Finance of the Russian Federation (2011 – present);
• Sergey Kiriyenko – First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration (2016 – present);
• Alexei Kudrin – Chairman of the Accounts Cnamber (2018 – present);
• Veronika Skvortsova – Director of the Federal Biomedical Agency (2020 – present), Minister of Health of the Russian Federation (2012 – 2020);
• Viktor Chernomyrdin – Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation (1993 – 1998), Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Ukraine (2001 – 2009);
• Sergey Shoigu – Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation (2012 – present);
• Svetlana Zhurova – First Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation for International Affairs (2013 – present);
• Svetlana Khorkina – Assistant to the Control Department of the President of the Russian Federation (2012 – present).

A complete list of well-known graduates

Student reviews of RANEPA

Pros. Students most often note the prestige of the university, the professionalism of teachers, an eventful student life, comfortable dormitories. A great advantage of education at the RANEPA is practicing teachers. For example, at economic faculties, top managers from large companies are involved in evaluating students' business plans; practicing lawyers and law students take cases together with students.

Cons. Students criticize the university for the poor organization of the educational process (lack of classrooms, incompetent work of deans), the low level of training of students, boring lectures on general subjects. Students in Humanities note excessive requirements in mathematical disciplines, because of which some students are expelled from the first year.

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Universities in Russia

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Moscow State University

Saint petersburg state university, novosibirsk state university, bauman moscow state technical university, moscow state institute of international relations.

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Canada works with Philippine partners to advance the Women, Peace, and Security agenda in Southeast Asia

April 22, 2024 - Defence Stories 

Author : Lieutenant-Commander Delphine Bonnardot, PhD, Women, Peace and Security and IWGPAF instructor in the Philippines

Panelists discuss Gender Responsive Leadership. Photo credit: LCdr Delphine Bonnardot, March 2024

On 1 March 2024, the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) Military Training and Cooperation Program (MTCP) and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) co-hosted a Symposium on Gender-Responsive Leadership in Manila. This key leader engagement event marked the conclusion of the MTCP’s Integration of Women and Gender Perspectives in Armed Forces (IWGPAF) workshop delivered from February 26 to March 1 , 2024.

These events were held in support of Canada's Indo-Pacific Strategy, which calls for greater engagement, cooperation and collaboration with regional partners, including through an increased Canadian defence presence in the region. Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy includes $7.6 million to advance the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda in the region. This investment will support the meaningful participation of women within armed forces and in addressing the transnational, tradition, and non-traditional security challenges that we all face.

The IWGPAF workshop brought together 37 participants from the armed forces of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and the Philippines, to exchange on the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in different countries.

Instructors for the Integration of Women and Gender Perspectives in Armed Forces workshop. Photo credit: Philippines Armed Forces, March 2024.

The Symposium enabled senior leaders to join the conversation following the close of the IWGPAF workshop. Symposium delegates included Brigadier General Krishnamurti Mortela from the AFP, His Excellency David Hartman, Ambassador of Canada in the Philippines, Defense Attaches from Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, Executive Director Susana Marcaida from the Office of the Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity (Philippines) , and panelists representing organizations such as the CAF, the Philippines Department of National Defence Gender and Development (GAD) Offices, and UN Women.

"Today's demonstration of support for UNSCR 1325 and the Women, Peace, and Security agenda underscores a commitment to shared values. The diverse representation from countries across the Indo-Pacific region is a testament to the collaborative vision outlined in Canada's Indo-Pacific Strategy [...]," stated His Excellency David Hartman, Ambassador of Canada in the Philippines.

The event offered a platform for senior leaders to discuss organizational culture and share best practices in support of advancing the WPS agenda. Discussions revealed that, challenges remain to the meaningful integration of women within security and defence institutions.

Official picture, Integration of Women and Gender Perspectives Workshop. Photo credit: Philippines Armed Forces, March 2024.

Promoting gender equality and women's rights is a priority shared by Canada and many of its Southeast Asian partners and advancing the WPS agenda requires collaborative action from leaders spanning various sectors and regions.

"In the Armed Forces of the Philippines we firmly uphold the belief that promoting gender equality and upholding the principles of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda are paramount. Recently, our nation unveiled its National Action Plan, underscoring our dedication to fostering opportunities for the advancement of women ," said Brigadier General Krishnamurti Mortela, AFP.

By working together and promoting inclusivity and equality, we can strengthen our defence institutions, making them more resilient in the face of today’s complex and evolving security challenges.

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Senior Earns Prestigious Boren Fellowship Award

After she graduates with her bachelor’s degree in international affairs in May, Allison Mahr ’24 will head to the Republic of Georgia with the support of a Boren National Security Fellowship. She’s excited to use the award to build her skills and, ultimately, make an impact in the post-conflict reconstruction of the region.

April 25, 2024

By Renee Chmiel, Office of Marketing and Communications

When Allison Mahr ’24 was a first-year student at the University of New Haven, she knew she wanted to apply for a Boren National Security Fellowship . She did just that during her senior year, and as she was preparing to graduate, she learned she’d been selected for the prestigious award.

An international affairs major , Mahr had been, in a way, preparing for the fellowship throughout her time as a Charger. As a member of the University’s award-winning Model United Nations program for four semesters, she honed her understanding of policy and diplomacy on an international level. She also studied at the University’s campus in Prato, Italy , as a sophomore, gaining experience living and learning abroad.

Mahr will bring together the many exciting experiences she’s had as a Charger during her fellowship. She’ll be studying in Tbilisi, Georgia, as part of a program run by American Councils, an organization focused on international education. She’ll split her time between studying Ukrainian, conducting research, and volunteering.

“This fellowship is the perfect opportunity to take what I’ve learned studying international affairs and Russian at the University and apply it in a real-world context,” she said. “I plan to partner with an organization that works with Ukrainian refugees in Georgia, and I hope to take what I learn from that experience and apply it to my own personal research on post-conflict reconstruction.”

Making an impact

Mahr has already gained valuable experience conducting research as a Charger. She took the opportunity to collaborate with and learn from Matthew Schmidt, Ph.D. , who has become a trusted mentor. They’ve submitted their work, which examines post-conflict reconstruction in Ukraine, for academic publication. She says the experience taught her about all facets of research, while helping her to sharpen her analytical skills.

Mahr began building those skills during her first year as a Charger, and her internship with SafeAbroad , a security service based in New Haven, proved to be a particularly important way for her to gain experience while making a meaningful impact. As an intern, she was working as an intelligence analyst when Russia attacked Ukraine. She recalls being one of the only staff members who knew any Russian or Ukrainian. She immediately jumped into action.

“I was very quickly in charge of the company’s efforts monitoring the conflict,” she recalls. “I remember staying up 3 to 4 days straight to be able to monitor everything that was going on in Ukraine during the day while still going to classes and doing homework.

“I actually had the opportunity to help evacuate the family of one of the professors at the University,” she continued. “I was monitoring troop movements and helping them find a safe evacuation route to Poland.”

‘My goal...’

Her experiences sparked Mahr’s interest in post-conflict reconstruction. It also set her on the path to pursuing the Boren award. She’s among several Chargers who have received highly competitive Boren scholarships in recent years, including Angélica Cruz ’21 , Kristy Santana ’19 , and Mahr’s classmate Sarah Middleton ’24 , who received the National Security Education Program (NSEP) David L. Boren Scholarship last year.

After she completes her bachelor’s degree and her international fellowship, Mahr will pursue a master’s degree in public policy at the Ford School at the University of Michigan. She’s excited to draw on her education, experience, and passion to make an impact on the lives of people in the region where she’ll be completing her fellowship.

“Ultimately, my goal is to work in post-conflict reconstruction and help to rebuild Ukraine once the war with Russia is over,” she said. “Understanding the languages – both Russian and Ukrainian – and the culture by working with Ukrainian refugees is vital to crafting policies that will genuinely help those affected.”

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