essay on the history of money

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What Is Money?

• Bartering to Currency
• First Official Currency
• Paper Currency
• Currency Wars

Mobile Payments

Virtual currency, the bottom line.

• Personal Finance
• Financial Literacy

The History of Money: Bartering to Banknotes to Bitcoin

From bartering to banknotes to Bitcoin

The terms money and currency are often used interchangeably. But several theories suggest they are not identical. According to some theories, money is inherently an intangible concept. Currency, on the other hand, is the physical or tangible manifestation of the intangible concept of money.

According to this theory, money cannot be touched or smelled. Currency is the coin, note, object, or physical representation that is presented in the form of money. The basic form of money is numbers while the basic form of currency is paper banknotes , coins, or plastic cards like credit or debit cards . Though this distinction between money and currency is important in some contexts, for the purposes of this article, the terms are used interchangeably.

Key Takeaways

• Money is a medium of exchange with a recognized value that was adopted to make it easier for people to trade products and services with each other.
• The history of money crisscrosses the world as various cultures recognized the need to simplify trade by introducing a single, portable token of value into the process.
• People bartered before the world began using money.
• The world’s oldest known coin minting site was located in China, which began striking spade coins sometime around 640 BCE.
• Since then, the world adopted banknotes and moved into digital forms of payment, including virtual currencies.

Money doesn't always have value whether it's represented by a seashell, a metal coin, a piece of paper, or a string of code mined electronically by a computer. With global wealth estimated to be about $454.4 trillion at the end of 2022, the value of money depends on the importance that people place on it as a medium of exchange, a unit of measurement, and a storehouse for wealth.

Money allows people to trade goods and services indirectly. It helps communicate the price of goods and provides individuals with a way to store their wealth. It is valuable as a unit of account—a socially accepted standard by which things are priced and with which payment is accepted. However, both the usage and form of money have evolved throughout history.

Investopedia / Sabrina Jiang

From Bartering to Currency

Money has been part of human history for at least the past 5,000 years in some form or another. Before that time, historians generally agree that a system of bartering was likely used. Bartering is a direct trade of goods and services.

For example, a farmer may exchange a bushel of wheat for a pair of shoes from a shoemaker. However, these arrangements take time. If you exchange an axe as part of an agreement in which the other party is supposed to kill a woolly mammoth, you have to find someone who thinks the tool is a fair trade for having to face down the 12-foot tusks of a mammoth. If this doesn't work, you would have to alter the deal until someone agreed to the terms.

A type of currency slowly developed over the centuries that involved easily traded items like animal skins, salt, and weapons. These traded goods served as the medium of exchange even though the value of each of these items was still negotiable in many cases. This system of trading spread across the world and still survives today in some parts of the globe.

One of the greatest achievements of the introduction of money was the increased speed at which business, whether it involved mammoth slaying or monument-building, could be done.

In early August 2021, Chinese archaeologists with the State University of Zhengzhou announced the discovery of the world’s oldest known, securely dated coin minting site in Guanzhuang in Henan Province, China. A mint is a facility where currency is created. Sometime around 640 BCE, this facility began striking spade coins, one of the first standardized forms of metal coinage.

Millions of coins are circulating in the United States. As many as 47,250 coins are minted per minute at the Philadelphia Mint while 40,500 coins are produced per minute by the Denver Mint.

First Official Currency Is Minted

Meanwhile, further west during this era, in 600 BCE, the invention of metal coinage occurred when Lydia's King Alyattes minted what is believed to be the first official currency, the Lydian stater.

The coins were made from electrum, a mixture of silver and gold that occurs naturally, and the coins were stamped with pictures that acted as denominations .

Lydia's currency helped the country increase both its internal and external trading systems, making it one of the richest empires in Asia Minor. Today, when someone says, "as rich as Croesus", they are referring to the last Lydian king who minted the first gold coin.

Investopedia / Alice Morgan

Transition to Paper Currency

During 1260 CE, the Yuan dynasty of China moved from coins to paper money . By the time Marco Polo, a Venetian merchant, explorer, and writer who traveled through Asia along the Silk Road, visited China in approximately 1271 CE, the emperor of China had a good handle on both the money supply and its various denominations. In fact, in the place where modern American bills say, "In God We Trust," the Chinese inscription at that time warned: "Those who are counterfeiting will be beheaded."

Parts of Europe still used metal coins as their sole form of currency until the 16th century. Colonial acquisitions of new territories via European conquest provided new sources of precious metals and enabled European nations to keep minting a greater quantity of coins.

But banks eventually started using paper banknotes for depositors and borrowers to carry around in place of metal coins. These notes could be taken to the bank at any time and exchanged for their face value in metal, usually silver or gold, coins. This paper money could be used to buy goods and services. In this way, it operated much like currency does today in the modern world. But it was issued by banks and private institutions rather than the government, which is now responsible for issuing currency in most countries.

The first paper currency issued by European governments was actually issued by their colonial governments in North America. Because shipments between Europe and the North American colonies took a long time, colonies often ran out of cash. Instead of going back to a barter system, the colonial governments issued IOUs that traded as currency. The first instance was in Canada (then a French colony) in 1685 when soldiers were issued playing cards denominated and signed by the governor to use as cash instead of coins from France.

The gold standard was established in the 1870s. Under this rule, currency printing was permitted based on the amount of gold a country had in its reserves.

The Emergence of Currency Wars

The shift to paper money in Europe increased the amount of international trade that could occur. Banks and the ruling classes started buying currencies from other nations and created the first currency market. The stability of a particular monarchy or government affected the value of the country's currency, and thus, that country's ability to trade on an increasingly international currency market .

The competition between countries often led to currency wars , where competing countries would try to change the value of the competitor's currency by driving it up and making the enemy's goods too expensive, by driving it down and reducing the enemy's buying power (and ability to pay for a war), or by eliminating the currency completely.

The 21st century gave rise to a novel form of payment activated with the touch of your finger. Mobile payments refer to money used to pay for goods and services. They can also be used to transfer money to another individual, such as a family member or friend. This can all be done using a portable electronic device, such as a smartphone or tablet device.

This form of payment first came to prominence in Asia and Europe before moving over to North America. From payments via text message, the technology evolved to allow checks to be deposited using the camera app on smart devices.

Mobile payment services like Apple Pay and Google Pay are vying for retailers to accept their platforms for point-of-sale payments. There are also apps dedicated to this method of payment, including Venmo and PayPal .

Virtual currencies are only available in electronic form. As digital representations of money, this type of currency is stored and traded using computer applications or specially designated software. The appeal of virtual currency is that it offers the promise of lower transaction fees than traditional online payment mechanisms do and is operated by decentralized authorities, unlike government-issued  currencies .

Bitcoin ​ quickly became the standard for virtual currencies. It was released in 2009 by the pseudonymous Satoshi Nakamoto. All of the world's Bitcoin was worth just over $803.74 billion as of Dec. 12, 2023. Keep in mind, though, that virtual currencies like Bitcoin have no physical coinage because they are traded on exchanges. 

Although Bitcoin remains the most popular and most expensive one, other virtual currencies have hit the market. They include Ethereum, XRP, and Dogecoin.

How Long Has Money Been Around, and What Were the First Forms of Value Exchange?

Money has been part of human history for at least the past 5,000 years in some form or another. Historians generally agree that a system of bartering was likely used before this time. Bartering involves the direct trade of goods and services. For instance, a farmer may exchange a bushel of wheat for a pair of shoes from a shoemaker.

When and Where Did Coin Minting Begin?

The world’s oldest known, securely dated coin minting site was located at Guanzhuang in the Henan Province of China. The mint began striking spade coins sometime around 640 BCE, likely the first standardized metal coinage.

When Were Coins Replaced by Paper Money?

The Chinese moved from coins to paper money around 1260 CE. By the time Marco Polo visited China in approximately 1271 CE, the emperor of China had a good handle on both the money supply and its various denominations.

The history of money is still being written. The system of exchange has moved from swapping animal skins to minting coins to printing paper money, and today, we appear to be on the cusp of a massive shift to electronic transactions. Ancient transaction forms have been co-opted: for example, bartering still occurs on the margins in some markets such as the business-to-business (B2B) space and some consumer services. The monetary system will surely continue evolving as long as humans require a medium of exchange.

Credit Suisse AG. " Global Wealth Report ."

Glyn Davies. " History of Money: From Ancient Times to the Present Day ," Pages 9-11, 34. University of Wales Press, 2002.

Zhao H, Gao X, Jiang Y, et al. " Radiocarbon-Dating an Early Minting Site: the Emergence of Standardised Coinage in China ." Antiquity . 2021;95(383):1161-1178.

United States Mint. " Coin Production ."

World History Encyclopaedia. " The Importance of the Lydian Stater as the World's First Coin ."

World History Encyclopedia. " The Invention of the First Coinage in Ancient Lydia ."

Hans Ulrich Vogel. " Marco Polo Was in China: New Evidence from Currencies, Salts and Revenues ." Page 94. BRILL, 2012.

The Mariners' Museum and Park. " Marco Polo ."

Hans Ulrich Vogel. " Marco Polo Was in China: New Evidence from Currencies, Salts and Revenues ." Page 173. BRILL, 2012.

Bank of Canada. " New France ." Pages 4-5.

World Gold Standard. " The Classical Gold Standard ."

Bitcoin Project. " Frequently Asked Questions ." Select "General: Who Created Bitcoin?"

CoinMarketCap. " Bitcoin ."

CoinMarketCap. " Today's Cryptocurrency Prices by Market Cap ."

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History of Money

From ancient times to the present day, by glyn davies.

This site contains a chronology , by Glyn and Roy Davies and a collection of essays written by Roy Davies on various themes using information based on the book.

Search pages on money .

The directory name arian in this URL is the Welsh word for money . It also means silver , which was for many centuries the most common metal for making coins.

Where did money come from?

Associate Professor, Torrens University Australia

Disclosure statement

I helped the director of Finding the Money on an Australian tour in March 2024. I have no financial stake in the film, however.

Torrens University Australia provides funding as a member of The Conversation AU.

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This article is part one of The Conversation’s “Business Basics” series where we ask leading experts to discuss key concepts in business, economics and finance.

For the most part, economists continue to believe a story of money told to generations of students by a series of textbooks over the past 150 years.

This story asks us to imagine a pre-monetary barter economy, where people bought goods and services by trading them for other goods and services.

Eventually a suitable commodity – perhaps gold or silver – emerged as both an acceptable means of exchange for conducting trade and a convenient unit of account for expressing value.

Later, coins were issued – eventually to be monopolised by governments – and later still paper money, credit, and banking systems.

The problem with this story is that there is no historical evidence to support it. As was noted by prominent anthropologist Caroline Humphreys:

No example of a barter economy, pure and simple, has ever been described, let alone the emergence from it of money … all available ethnography suggests that there has never been such a thing.

So where did money come from exactly? One difficulty we face is that writing about money – what gives it value, and how monetary systems work – is not something young economists are generally encouraged to do.

As a consequence, among the best articles ever written about money are two now more than 100 years old by British economist Alfred Mitchell-Innes, entitled “ What is Money ?” and “ The Credit Theory of Money ”.

These papers, until recently almost completely ignored by the economics profession, tell a different story, rejecting the idea that money evolved naturally from barter.

We can now be confident this version is closer to the truth. And it has big implications for how we think about the role of governments within monetary systems, and what gives money value. Acknowledging the true story of money would force a paradigm shift among economists – no wonder a lot of them don’t want to think about it.

Actually, early governments invented money

The truth is that money predates markets. Governments invented money – it did not emerge independently from pre-existing barter systems.

Market economies simply could not develop until money existed. For much of history, the currency tokens people regarded as money had little or no intrinsic value, taking the form of clay tablets, hazelwood tally sticks, base metals, shells or paper.

The earliest forms of what Keynes called “modern money” – to distinguish it from gift tokens used for ceremonial purposes in communal groups – go back to the origins of taxation, accounting, and even literacy and numeracy. These early currencies were units of account used to assess the tributes that had to be paid to early governmental institutions in the Middle East.

The word shekel is still used as a currency unit, but dates to ancient Babylon and the emergence of money itself, over 5,000 years ago.

The idea that the need to pay taxes is what creates a demand for a currency was well understood by colonial governments. They knew how to introduce their currencies into countries they had invaded. To force locals to supply labour or goods to the government, they imposed a tax liability – often, a hut tax. This tax could only be paid using the currency of the colony.

Locals had to either work for the colonial government or supply goods to others who did, else they wouldn’t have the specific currency needed to pay taxes. This created a demand for the colonial power’s currency, which the government could then spend.

If such a government spent more overall than it withdrew in taxation – running a budget deficit – the community could add the remaining currency to its savings. Taxation and the legal system created a demand for the government’s money and provided the impetus for the development of a monetary economy.

Even today, it’s the tax system that drives the monetary system. Demand for a government’s money is guaranteed because people need it to pay federal taxes.

But banks create money too

Actual physical cash makes up a tiny proportion of the money in circulation. Most of what we regard as money is held in our bank deposits, effectively a bunch of numbers on a ledger. Most of these bank deposits are created by banks when they make loans to us, and this is not government money at all – it is private money, created by the banks themselves.

When a bank makes a loan to you, that loan becomes an asset for the bank, because you have to pay it back with interest. But at the same time, the loan appears as a deposit of funds in your account, which is a liability for the bank. Technically, you both owe each other.

On paper, this means there’s now money in the system that wasn’t there before. The bank hasn’t actually lent you someone else’s money, the loan deposited in your account represents the bank’s IOU to you.

Both the loan and the deposit are created by the bank, using nothing more than a computer keyboard. The bank has promised to use its holdings of government money to make payments on your behalf, including tax payments to the government, or to provide you with government money in the form of physical cash.

As economist Hyman Minsky once said, “anyone can create money – the problem lies in getting it accepted”.

Obviously, private banks don’t issue government currency. The Commonwealth government and its agent, the Reserve Bank of Australia, sit at the top of our own monetary system.

Government-issued currency will always have value because it’s the unit of account needed to assess and pay our taxes. How much value the currency holds depends on how much the economy produces, how difficult it is to obtain the currency and on how much tax we have to pay.

Here is some food for thought. If we accept that money and markets did not emerge naturally but had to be created by governmental institutions and legal systems, this means that there is no such thing as a genuinely free market, no such thing as a natural rate of unemployment, and no such thing as a natural distribution of income and wealth.

The theory that money emerged naturally in the private sector encourages people to believe that free markets are natural systems in which governments only interfere. But in truth, early governments invented the very institutions of money and markets, and the regulatory frameworks that determined how those markets work and in whose interests.

Exchange economies have always depended on systems of law and they always will. The more pertinent question concerns who writes those laws – and in whose interests those regulations are applied.

Correction: This article has been amended to reflect that a loan deposit represents a bank’s IOU to the customer, not to a bank’s other customers, as originally reported.

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Philosophy of Money and Finance

Finance and philosophy may seem to be worlds apart. But they share at least one common ancestor: Thales of Miletus. Thales is typically regarded as the first philosopher, but he was also a financial innovator. He appears to have been what we would now call an option trader. He predicted that next year’s olive harvest would be good, and therefore paid a small amount of money to the owners of olive presses for the right to the next year’s use. When the harvest turned out to be as good as predicted, Thales earned a sizable amount of money by renting out the presses (Aristotle, Politics , 1259a).

Obviously, a lot has changed since Thales’ times, both in finance and in our ethical and political attitudes towards finance. Coins have largely been replaced by either paper or electronic money, and we have built a large infrastructure to facilitate transactions of money and other financial assets—with elements including commercial banks, central banks, insurance companies, stock exchanges, and investment funds. This institutional multiplicity is due to concerted efforts of both private and public agents, as well as innovations in financial economics and in the financial industry (Shiller 2012).

Our ethical and political sensitivities have also changed in several respects. It seems fair to say that most traditional ethicists held a very negative attitude towards financial activities. Think, for example, of Jesus’ cleansing of the temple from moneylenders, and the widespread condemnation of money as “the root of all evil”. Attitudes in this regard seem to have softened over time. However, the moral debate continues to recur, especially in connection with large scandals and crises within finance, the largest such crisis in recent memory of course being the global financial crisis of 2008.

This article describes what philosophical analysis can say about money and finance. It is divided into five parts that respectively concern (1) what money and finance really are (metaphysics), (2) how knowledge about financial matters is or should be formed (epistemology), (3) the merits and challenges of financial economics (philosophy of science), (4) the many ethical issues related to money and finance (ethics), and (5) the relationship between finance and politics (political philosophy).

1.1 What is Money?

1.2 what is finance, 2. epistemology, 3. philosophy of science, 4.1.1 the love of money, 4.1.2 usury and interest, 4.1.3 speculation and gambling, 4.2.1 deception and fraud, 4.2.2 avoiding conflicts of interest, 4.2.3 insider trading, 4.3.1 systemic risk and financial crises, 4.3.2 microfinance, 4.3.3 socially responsible investment, 5.1 financialization and democracy, 5.2 finance, money, and domestic justice, 5.3 finance and global justice, other internet resources, related entries, 1. metaphysics.

Money is so ever-present in modern life that we tend to take its existence and nature for granted. But do we know what money actually is? Two competing theories present fundamentally different ontologies of money.

The commodity theory of money: A classic theory, which goes back all the way to Aristotle ( Politics , 1255b–1256b), holds that money is a kind of commodity that fulfills three functions: it serves as (i) a medium of exchange, (ii) a unit of account, and (iii) a store of value. Imagine a society that lacks money, and in which people have to barter goods with each other. Barter only works when there is a double coincidence of wants ; that is, when A wants what B has and B wants what A has. But since such coincidences are likely to be uncommon, a barter economy seems both cumbersome and inefficient (Smith 1776, Menger 1892). At some point, people will realize that they can trade more easily if they use some intermediate good—money. This intermediate good should ideally be easy to handle, store and transport (function i). It should be easy to measure and divide to facilitate calculations (function ii). And it should be difficult to destroy so that it lasts over time (function iii).

Monetary history may be viewed as a process of improvement with regard to these functions of money (Ferguson 2008, Weatherford 1997). For example, some early societies used certain basic necessities as money, such as cattle or grain. Other societies settled on commodities that were easier to handle and to tally but with more indirect value, such as clamshells and precious metals. The archetypical form of money throughout history are gold or silver coins—therefore the commodity theory is sometimes called metallism (Knapp 1924, Schumpeter 1954). Coinage is an improvement on bullion in that both quantity and purity are guaranteed by some third party, typically the government. Finally, paper money can be viewed as a simplification of the trade in coins. For example, a bank note issued by the Bank of England in the 1700s was a promise to pay the bearer a certain pound weight of sterling silver (hence the origin of the name of the British currency as “pounds sterling”).

The commodity theory of money was defended by many classical economists and can still be found in most economics textbooks (Mankiw 2009, Parkin 2011). This latter fact is curious since it has provoked serious and sustained critique. An obvious flaw is that it has difficulties in explaining inflation, the decreasing value of money over time (Innes 1913, Keynes 1936). It has also been challenged on the grounds that it is historically inaccurate. For example, recent anthropological studies question the idea that early societies went from a barter economy to money; instead money seems to have arisen to keep track of pre-existing credit relationships (Graeber 2011, Martin 2013, Douglas 2016).

The credit theory of money: According to the main rival theory, coins and notes are merely tokens of something more abstract: money is a social construction rather than a physical commodity. The abstract entity in question is a credit relationship; that is, a promise from someone to grant (or repay) a favor (product or service) to the holder of the token (Macleod 1889, Innes 1914, Ingham 2004). In order to function as money, two further features are crucial: that (i) the promise is sufficiently credible, that is, the issuer is “creditworthy”; and (ii) the credit is transferable, that is, also others will accept it as payment for trade.

It is commonly thought that the most creditworthy issuer of money is the state. This thought provides an alternative explanation of the predominance of coins and notes whose value is guaranteed by states. But note that this theory also can explain so-called fiat money, which is money that is underwritten by the state but not redeemable in any commodity like gold or silver. Fiat money has been the dominant kind of money globally since 1971, when the United States terminated the convertibility of dollars to gold. The view that only states can issue money is called chartalism , or the state theory of money (Knapp 1924). However, in order to properly understand the current monetary system, it is important to distinguish between states’ issuing versus underwriting money. Most credit money in modern economies is actually issued by commercial banks through their lending operations, and the role of the state is only to guarantee the convertibility of bank deposits into cash (Pettifor 2014).

Criticisms of the credit theory tend to be normative and focus on the risk of overexpansion of money, that is, that states (and banks) can overuse their “printing presses” which may lead to unsustainable debt levels, excessive inflation, financial instability and economic crises. These are sometimes seen as arguments for a return to the gold standard (Rothbard 1983, Schlichter 2014). However, others argue that the realization that money is socially constructed is the best starting point for developing a more sustainable and equitable monetary regime (Graeber 2010, Pettifor 2014). We will return to this political debate below ( section 5.2 ).

The social ontology of money: But exactly how does the “social construction” of money work? This question invokes the more general philosophical issue of social ontology, with regard to which money is often used as a prime example. In an early philosophical-sociological account, Georg Simmel (1900) describes money as an institution that is a crucial precondition for modernity because it allows putting a value on things and simplifies transactions; he also criticizes the way in which money thereby replaces other forms of valuation (see also section 4.1 ).

In the more recent debate, one can distinguish between two main philosophical camps. An influential account of social ontology holds that money is the sort of social institution whose existence depends on “collective intentionality”: beliefs and attitudes that are shared in a community (Searle 1995, 2010). The process starts with someone’s simple and unilateral declaration that something is money, which is a performative speech act. When other people recognize or accept the declaration it becomes a standing social rule. Thus, money is said to depend on our subjective attitudes but is not located (solely) in our minds (see also Lawson 2016, Brynjarsdóttir 2018, Passinsky 2020, Vooys & Dick 2021).

An alternative account holds that the creation of money need not be intentional or declarative in the above sense. Instead money comes about as a solution to a social problem (the double coincidence of wants) – and it is maintained simply because it is functional or beneficial to us (Guala 2016, Hindriks & Guala 2021). Thus what makes something money is not the official declarations of some authority, but rather that it works (functions) as money in a given society (see also Smit et al. 2011; 2016). (For more discussion see the special issue by Hindriks & Sandberg 2020, as well as the entries on social ontology and social institutions ).

One may view “finance” more generally (that is, the financial sector or system) as an extension of the monetary system. It is typically said that the financial sector has two main functions: (1) to maintain an effective payments system; and (2) to facilitate an efficient use of money. The latter function can be broken down further into two parts. First, to bring together those with excess money (savers, investors) and those without it (borrowers, enterprises), which is typically done through financial intermediation (the inner workings of banks) or financial markets (such as stock or bond markets). Second, to create opportunities for market participants to buy and sell money, which is typically done through the invention of financial products, or “assets”, with features distinguished by different levels of risk, return, and maturation.

The modern financial system can thus be seen as an infrastructure built to facilitate transactions of money and other financial assets, as noted at the outset. It is important to note that it contains both private elements (such as commercial banks, insurance companies, and investment funds) and public elements (such as central banks and regulatory authorities). “Finance” can also refer to the systematic study of this system; most often to the field of financial economics (see section 3 ).

Financial assets: Of interest from an ontological viewpoint is that modern finance consists of several other “asset types” besides money; central examples include credit arrangements (bank accounts, bonds), equity (shares or stocks), derivatives (futures, options, swaps, etc.) and funds (trusts). What are the defining characteristics of financial assets?

The typical distinction here is between financial and “real” assets, such as buildings and machines (Fabozzi 2002), because financial assets are less tangible or concrete. Just like money, they can be viewed as a social construction. Financial assets are often derived from or at least involve underlying “real” assets—as, for example, in the relation between owning a house and investing in a housing company. However, financial transactions are different from ordinary market trades in that the underlying assets seldom change hands, instead one exchanges abstract contracts or promises of future transactions. In this sense, one may view the financial market as the “meta-level” of the economy, since it involves indirect trade or speculation on the success of other parts of the economy.

More distinctly, financial assets are defined as promises of future money payments (Mishkin 2016, Pilbeam 2010). If the credit theory of money is correct, they can be regarded as meta-promises: promises on promises. The level of abstraction can sometimes become enormous: For example, a “synthetic collateralized debt obligation” (or “synthetic CDO”), a form of derivative common before the financial crisis, is a promise from person A (the seller) to person B (the buyer) that some persons C to I (speculators) will pay an amount of money depending on the losses incurred by person J (the holder of an underlying derivative), which typically depend on certain portions (so-called tranches) of the cash flow from persons K to Q (mortgage borrowers) originally promised to persons R to X (mortgage lenders) but then sold to person Y (the originator of the underlying derivative). The function of a synthetic CDO is mainly to spread financial risks more thinly between different speculators.

Intrinsic value: Perhaps the most important characteristic of financial assets is that their price can vary enormously with the attitudes of investors. Put simply, there are two main factors that determine the price of a financial asset: (i) the credibility or strength of the underlying promise (which will depend on the future cash flows generated by the asset); and (ii) its transferability or popularity within the market, that is, how many other investors are interested in buying the asset. In the process known as “price discovery”, investors assess these factors based on the information available to them, and then make bids to buy or sell the asset, which in turn sets its price on the market (Mishkin 2016, Pilbeam 2010).

A philosophically interesting question is whether there is such a thing as an “intrinsic” value of financial assets, as is often assumed in discussions about financial crises. For example, a common definition of an “asset bubble” is that this is a situation that occurs when certain assets trade at a price that strongly exceed their intrinsic value—which is dangerous since the bubble can burst and cause an economic shock (Kindleberger 1978, Minsky 1986, Reinhart & Rogoff 2009). But what is the intrinsic value of an asset? The rational answer seems to be that this depends only on the discounted value of the underlying future cash flow—in other words, on (i) and not (ii) above. However, someone still has to assess these factors to compute a price, and this assessment inevitably includes subjective elements. As just noted, it is assumed that different investors have different valuations of financial assets, which is why they can engage in trades on the market in the first place.

A further complication here is that (i) may actually be influenced by (ii). The fundamentals may be influenced by investors’ perceptions of them, which is a phenomenon known as “reflexivity” (Soros 1987, 2008). For example, a company whose shares are popular among investors will often find it easier to borrow more money and thereby to expand its cash flow, in turn making it even more popular among investors. Conversely, when the company’s profits start to fall it may lose popularity among investors, thereby making its loans more expensive and its profits even lower. This phenomenon amplifies the risks posed by financial bubbles (Keynes 1936).

Given the abstractness and complexity of financial assets and relations, as outlined above, it is easy to see the epistemic challenges they raise. For example, what is a proper basis for forming justified beliefs about matters of money and finance?

A central concept here is that of risk. Since financial assets are essentially promises of future money payments, a main challenge for financial agents is to develop rational expectations or hypotheses about relevant future outcomes. The two main factors in this regard are (1) expected return on the asset, which is typically calculated as the value of all possible outcomes weighted by their probability of occurrence, and (2) financial risk, which is typically calculated as the level of variation in these returns. The concept of financial risk is especially interesting from a philosophical viewpoint since it represents the financial industry’s response to epistemic uncertainty. It is often argued that the financial system is designed exactly to address or minimize financial risks—for example, financial intermediation and markets allow investors to spread their money over several assets with differing risk profiles (Pilbeam 2010, Shiller 2012). However, many authors have been critical of mainstream operationalizations of risk which tend to focus exclusively on historical price volatility and thereby downplay the risk of large-scale financial crises (Lanchester 2010, Thamotheram & Ward 2014).

This point leads us further to questions about the normativity of belief and knowledge. Research on such topics as the ethics of belief and virtue epistemology considers questions about the responsibilities that subjects have in epistemic matters. These include epistemic duties concerning the acquisition, storage, and transmission of information; the evaluation of evidence; and the revision or rejection of belief (see also ethics of belief ). In line with a reappraisal of virtue theory in business ethics, it is in particular virtue epistemology that has attracted attention from scholars working on finance. For example, while most commentators have focused on the moral failings that led to the financial crisis of 2008, a growing literature examines epistemic failures.

Epistemic failings in finance can be detected both at the level of individuals and collectives (de Bruin 2015). Organizations may develop corporate epistemic virtue along three dimensions: through matching epistemic virtues to particular functions (e.g., diversity at the board level); through providing adequate organizational support for the exercise of epistemic virtue (e.g., knowledge management techniques); and by adopting organizational remedies against epistemic vice (e.g., rotation policies). Using this three-pronged approach helps to interpret such epistemic failings as the failure of financial due diligence to spot Bernard Madoff’s notorious Ponzi scheme (uncovered in the midst of the financial crisis) (de Bruin 2014a, 2015).

Epistemic virtue is not only relevant for financial agents themselves, but also for other institutions in the financial system. An important example concerns accounting (auditing) firms. Accounting firms investigate businesses in order to make sure that their accounts (annual reports) offer an accurate reflection of the financial situation. While the primary intended beneficiaries of these auditing services are shareholders (and the public at large), accountants are paid by the firms they audit. This remuneration system is often said to lead to conflicts of interest. While accounting ethics is primarily concerned with codes of ethics and other management tools to minimize these conflicts of interests, an epistemological perspective may help to show that the business-auditor relationship should be seen as involving a joint epistemic agent in which the business provides evidence, and the auditor epistemic justification (de Bruin 2013). We will return to issues concerning conflicts of interest below (in section 4.2 ).

Epistemic virtue is also important for an effective governance or regulation of financial activities. For example, a salient epistemic failing that contributed to the 2008 financial crisis seems to be the way that Credit Rating Agencies rated mortgage-backed securities and other structured finance instruments, and with related failures of financial due diligence, and faulty risk management (Warenski 2008). Credit Rating Agencies provide estimates of credit risk of bonds that institutional investors are legally bound to use in their investment decisions. This may, however, effectively amount to an institutional setup in which investors are forced by law partly to outsource their risk management, which fails to foster epistemic virtue (Booth & de Bruin 2021, de Bruin 2017). Beyond this, epistemic failures can also occur among regulators themselves, as well as among relevant policy makers (see further in section 5.1 ).

A related line of work attests to the relevance of epistemic injustice to finance. Taking Fricker’s (2009) work as a point of departure, de Bruin (2021) examines testimonial injustice in financial services, whereas Mussell (2021) focuses on the harms and wrongs of testimonial injustice as they occur in the relationship between trustees and fiduciaries.

Compared to financial practitioners, one could think that financial economists should be at an epistemic advantage in matters of money and finance. Financial economics is a fairly young but well established discipline in the social sciences that seeks to understand, explain, and predict activities within financial markets. However, a few months after the crash in 2008, Queen Elizabeth II famously asked a room full of financial economists in London why they had not predicted the crisis (Egidi 2014). The Queen’s question should be an excellent starting point for an inquiry into the philosophy of science of financial economics. Yet only a few philosophers of science have considered finance specifically (Vergara Fernández & de Bruin 2021). [ 1 ]

Some important topics in financial economics have received partial attention, including the Modigliani-Miller capital structure irrelevance theorem (Hindriks 2008), the efficient market hypothesis (Collier 2011), the Black-Scholes option pricing model (Weatherall 2017), portfolio theory (Walsh 2015), financial equilibrium models (Farmer & Geanakoplos 2009), the concept of money (Mäki 1997), and behavioral finance (Brav, Heaton, & Rosenberg 2004), even though most of the debate still occurs among economists interested in methodology rather than among philosophers. A host of topics remain to be investigated, however: the concept of Value at Risk (VaR) (and more broadly the concept of financial risk), the capital asset pricing model (CAPM), the Gaussian copula, random walks, financial derivatives, event studies, forecasting (and big data), volatility, animal spirits, cost of capital, the various financial ratios, the concept of insolvency, and neurofinance, all stand in need of more sustained attention from philosophers.

Most existing work on finance in philosophy of science is concerned with models and modelling (see also models in science and philosophy of economics ). It seems intuitive to view financial markets as extremely complex systems: with so many different factors at play, predicting the price of securities (shares, bonds, etc.) seems almost impossible. Yet mainstream financial economics is firmly committed to the idea that market behavior should be understood as ultimately resulting from interactions of agents maximizing their expected utility. This is a direct application of the so-called neoclassical school of economics that was developed during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While this school continues to dominate textbooks in the field, there is a growing scholarly trend that seeks to criticize, complement or even replace some of its main assumptions. We can see how the problems play out in both corporate finance and asset pricing theory.

Corporate finance concerns the financing of firms. One question concerns a firm’s capital structure: should a firm obtain funding through equity (that is, from shareholders expecting dividends) or through debt (that is, from bondholders who lend money to the firm and have a contractual right to receive interest on the loans), or through a combination of the two. A key result in corporate finance is the Modigliani-Miller theorem, which says that a firm’s capital structure is irrelevant to its market value (Modigliani & Miller 1958). This theorem makes a number of highly unrealistic assumptions, among them the assumption that markets are efficient, and that there are no taxes. Alongside many other results in economics, it may therefore be considered as useless for predictive purposes; or even as dangerous, once used for such purposes nonetheless (Egidi 2014). In a detailed study of the Modigliani-Miller theorem, Hindriks (2008) has argued, however, that the value of highly idealized models in economics may lie in their providing counterfactual insights, just as in physics. Galileo’s law of free fall tells us what happens in a vacuum. Despite the fact that vacuum is rare in reality, the law is not uninformative, because it allows us to associate observed phenomena to the extent to which an unrealistic assumption must be relaxed. Similarly, if one of the assumptions that the Modigliani-Miller theorem makes is the absence of taxes, the observed relevance of capital structure may well have to be explained as resulting from particular tax regimes. The explanation obtained by relaxing unrealistic assumptions is called “explanation by concretization” (Hindriks 2008).

Explanation by concretization works if models and reality share at least a few concrete features. This is arguably the case for many extant models in finance, including models of bubbles and crises that are immediately relevant to explaining the 2008 crisis (Abreu & Brunnermeier 2003). A fairly recent development called “econophysics” may, however, be an exception. Econophysics uses physics methods to model financial markets (see Rickles 2007 for an overview). Where traditional models of crises include individual investors with beliefs and desires modelled by probability distributions and utility functions, econophysics models capture crises the way physicists model transitions of matter from fluid to solid state (Kuhlmann 2014).

Next, consider asset pricing theory. Ever since Bachelier’s groundbreaking mathematical treatment of asset pricing, financial economists have struggled to find the best way to determine the price developments of securities such as shares, bonds, and derivative instruments such as options. The mathematics of financial returns has received some attention in the literature (de Bruin & Walter 2017; Ippoliti & Chen 2017). Most models assume that returns follow Gaussian random walks, that is, stochastic processes in discrete time with independent and identically distributed increments. Empirical studies show, however, that returns are more peaked than Gaussian distributions, and that they have “fat tails”. This means that extreme events such as financial crises are far less improbable than the models assume. An exception with regards to these assumptions is Benoît Mandelbrot’s (1963) well-known contribution to financial mathematics, and work in this direction is gaining traction in mathematical finance.

A third aspect of financial models concerns the way they incorporate uncertainty (Bertolotti & Magnani 2017). Some of the problems of contemporary financial (and macroeconomic) models are due to the way they model uncertainty as risk, as outlined above (Frydman & Goldberg 2013). Both neo-classical models and behavioral economics capture uncertainty as probabilistic uncertainty, consequently ignoring Knightian uncertainty (Knight 1921 see also decision theory ). The philosophy of science literature that pertains to financial economics is, however, still fairly small (Vergara Fernández & de Bruin 2021).

Having considered the epistemic and scientific challenges of finance, we now turn to the broad range of compelling ethical challenges related to money and finance. The present part is divided into three sections, discussing 1) the claim that financial activities are always morally suspect, 2) various issues of fairness that can arise in financial markets, and 3) discussions about the social responsibilities of financial agents.

4.1 Money as the Root of All Evil?

Throughout cultural history, activities that involve money or finance have been subject to intense moral scrutiny and ethical debate. It seems fair to say that most traditional ethicists held a very negative attitude towards such activities. We will here discuss three very sweeping criticisms, respectively directed at the love of money (the profit motive), usury (lending at interest), and speculation (gambling in finance).

At the heart of many sweeping criticisms of money and finance lies the question of motive. For instance, the full Biblical quotation says that “the love of money is the root of all [kinds of] evil” (1 Timothy 6:10). To have a “love of money”, or (in less moralistic words) a profit motive, means to seek money for its own sake. It has been the subject of much moral criticism throughout history and continues to be controversial in popular morality.

There are three main variations of the criticism. A first variation says that there is something unnatural about the profit motive itself. For example, Aristotle argued that we should treat objects in ways that are befitting to their fundamental nature, and since money is not meant to be a good in itself but only a medium of exchange (see section 1.1 ), he concluded that it is unnatural to desire money as an end in itself ( Politics , 1252a–1260b). A similar thought is picked up by Marx, who argues that capitalism replaces the natural economic cycle of C–M–C (commodity exchanged for money exchanged for commodity) with M–C–M (money exchanged for commodity exchanged for money). Thus the endless accumulation of money becomes the sole goal of the capitalist, which Marx describes as a form of “fetishism” (Marx 1867, volume I).

A second variation of the criticism concerns the character, or more precisely the vice, that the profit motive is thought to exemplify (see also virtue ethics ). To have a love for money is typically associated with selfishness and greed, i.e., a desire to have as much as possible for oneself and/or more than one really needs (McCarty 1988, Walsh & Lynch 2008). Another association is the loss of moral scruples so that one is ready to do anything for money. The financial industry is often held out as the worst in this regard, especially because of its high levels of compensation. Allegations of greed soared after the 2008 crisis, when financial executives continued to receive million-dollar bonuses while many ordinary workers lost their jobs (Piketty 2014, McCall 2010, Andersson & Sandberg 2019).

A third variation of the criticism says that the profit motive signals the absence of more appropriate motives. Kant argued that actions only have moral worth if they are performed for moral reasons, or, more specifically, for the sake of duty. Thus it is not enough that we do what is right, we must also do it because it is right (Kant 1785). Another relevant Kantian principle is that we never should treat others merely as means for our own ends, but always also as ends in themselves (see also Kant’s moral philosophy ). Both of these principles seem to contrast with the profit motive which therefore is rendered morally problematic (Bowie 1999, Maitland 2002). It should come as no surprise that Kant was a strong critic of several examples of “commodification” and other market excesses (see also markets ).

There are two main lines of defensive argumentation. The most influential is Adam Smith’s well-known argument about the positive side-effects of a self-interested pursuit of profits: although the baker and brewer only aim at their own respective good, Smith suggested, they are “led by an invisible hand” to at the same time promote the public good (Smith 1776, see also Mandeville 1732). This argument is typically viewed as a consequentialist vindication of the profit motive (see also consequentialism ): positive societal effects can morally outweigh the possible shortcomings in individual virtue (Flew 1976).

A second argument is more direct and holds that the profit motive can exemplify a positive virtue. For example, there is the well-known Protestant work ethic that emphasizes the positive nature of hard work, discipline and frugality (Long 1972, Wesley 1771). The profit motive can, on this view, be associated with virtues such as ambition, industry, and discipline (see also Brennan 2021). According to Max Weber (1905), the Protestant work ethic played an important role in the development of capitalism. But it is not clear whether any of these arguments can justify an exclusive focus on profits, of course, or rather give permission to also focus on profits under certain circumstances.

If having a love of money seems morally suspect, then the practice of making money on money—for instance, lending money at interest—could seem even worse. This is another sweeping criticism directed at finance that can be found among the traditional ethicists. Societies in both Ancient and Medieval times typically condemned or banned the practice of “usury”, which originally meant all charging of interest on loans. As the practice started to become socially acceptable, usury came to mean the charging of excessive rates of interest. However, modern Islam still contains a general prohibition against interest, and many countries still have at least partial usury laws, most often setting an upper limit on interest rates.

What could be wrong with lending at interest? Some of the more obscure arguments concern the nature of money (again): Aristotle argued that there is something unnatural with “money begetting money”. While he allowed that money is a useful means for facilitating commercial exchange, Aristotle thought that it has no productive use in itself and so receiving interest over and above the borrowed amount is unnatural and wrong ( Politics , 1258b). A related argument can be found in Aquinas, who argued that money is a good that is consumed on use. Although a lender can legitimately demand repayment of an amount equivalent to the loan, it is illegitimate to demand payment for the use of the borrowed amount and so adding interest is unnatural and wrong ( Summa Theologica , II–II, Q78).

Some more promising arguments concern justice and inequality. For example, as early as Plato we see the expression of the worry that allowing interest may lead to societal instability ( The Republic , II). It may be noted that the biblical condemnations of usury most straightforwardly prohibit interest-taking from the poor. One idea here is that we have a duty of charity to the poor and charging interest is incompatible with this duty. Another idea is that the problem lies in the outcome of interest payments: Loans are typically extended by someone who is richer (someone with capital) to someone who is poorer (someone without it) and so asking for additional interest may increase the inequitable distribution of wealth (Sandberg 2012, Visser & MacIntosh 1998). A third idea, which is prominent in the protestant tradition, is that lending often involves opportunism or exploitation in the sense of offering bad deals to poor people who have no other options (Graafland 2010).

The Islamic condemnation of interest, or riba , adds an additional, third line of argument which holds that interest is essentially unearned or undeserved income: Since the lender neither partakes in the actual productive use of the money lent, nor exposes him- or herself to commercial risk, the lender cannot legitimately share in the gains produced by the loan (Ayub 2007, Birnie 1952, Thomas 2006). Based on this argument, contemporary Islamic banks insist that lenders and borrowers must form a business partnership in order for fees on loans to be morally legitimate (Ayub 2007, Warde 2010). Economists have over the years given several retorts to this argument. Some economists stress that lending also involves risk (e.g., that the borrower defaults and is unable to repay); others stress the so-called opportunity costs of lending (i.e., that the money could have been used more profitably elsewhere); and yet again others stress the simple time-preference of individuals (i.e., that we value present more than future consumption, and therefore the lender deserves compensation for postponing consumption).

The gradual abandonment of the medieval usury laws in the West is typically attributed to a growing acknowledgment of the great potential for economic growth unleashed by easy access to capital. One could perhaps say that history itself disproved Aristotle: money indeed proved to have a productive use. In a short text from 1787, Bentham famously poked fun at many of the classical anti-usury arguments and defended the practice of charging interest from a utilitarian standpoint (Bentham 1787). However, this does not mean that worries about the ethics of charging interest, and allegations of usury, have disappeared entirely in society. As noted above, usury today means charging interest rates that seem excessive or exorbitant. For instance, many people are outraged by the rates charged on modern payday loans, or the way in which rich countries exact interest on their loans from poor countries (Baradaran 2015, Graeber 2011, Herzog 2017a). These intuitions have clear affinities with the justice-based arguments outlined above.

A sweeping criticism of a more contemporary nature concerns the supposed moral defects of speculation. This criticism tends to be directed towards financial activities that go beyond mere lending. Critics of the capitalist system often liken the stock market to a casino and investors to gamblers or punters (Sinn 2010, Strange 1986). More moderate critics insist on a strict distinction between investors or shareholders, on the one hand, and speculators or gamblers, on the other (Bogle 2012, Sorell & Hendry 1994). In any case, the underlying assumption is that the similarities between modern financial activities and gambling are morally troublesome.

On some interpretations, these concerns are similar to those raised above. For example, some argue that speculators are driven by the profit motive whereas investors have a genuine concern for the underlying business enterprise (Hendry 2013). Others see speculation as “parasitic”, that is, to be without productive use, and solely dependent on luck (Borna & Lowry 1987, Ryan 1902). This latter argument is similar to the complaint about undeserved income raised in particular by Islamic scholars (Ayub 2007, Warde 2010).

A more distinct interpretation holds that speculation typically includes very high levels of risk-taking (Borna & Lowry 1987). This is morally problematic when the risks not only affect the gambler him or herself but also society as a whole. A root cause of the financial crisis of 2008 was widespread speculation on very risky derivatives such as “synthetic collateralized debt obligations” (see section 1.2 ). When the value of such derivatives fell dramatically, the financial system as a whole came to the brink of collapse. We will return to this issue below (in section 4.3.1 ). In this regard, the question of risk imposition becomes important too (Moggia 2021).

A related interpretation concerns the supposed short-sightedness of speculation. It is often argued that financial agents and markets are “myopic” in the sense that they care only about profits in the very near term, e.g., the next quarter (Dallas 2012). Modern disclosure requirements force companies to publish quarterly earnings reports. The myopia of finance is typically blamed for negative effects such as market volatility, the continuous occurrence of manias and crashes, inadequate investment in social welfare, and the general shortsightedness of the economy (e.g., Lacke 1996).

Defenders of speculation argue that it can serve a number of positive ends. To the extent that all financial activities are speculative in some sense, of course, the ends coincide with the function of finance more generally: to channel funds to the individuals or companies who can use them in the most productive ways. But even speculation in the narrower sense—of high-risk, short-term bets—can have a positive role to play: It can be used to “hedge” or off-set the risks of more long-term investments, and it contributes to sustaining “market liquidity” (that is, as a means for providing counterparties to trade with at any given point of time) which is important for an efficient pricing mechanism (Angel & McCabe 2009, Koslowski 2009).

4.2 Fairness in Financial Markets

Let us now assume that the existence of financial markets is at least in general terms ethically acceptable, so that we can turn to discuss some of the issues involved in making them fair and just for all parties involve. We will focus on three such issues: deception and fraud (honesty), conflicts of interest (care for customers), and insider trading (fair play).

Some of the best-known ethical scandals in finance are cases of deception or fraud. Enron, a huge US corporation, went bankrupt after it was discovered that its top managers had “cooked the books”, i.e., engaged in fraudulent accounting practices, keeping huge debts off the company’s balance sheet in an effort to make it look more profitable (McLean & Elkind 2003). Other scandals in the industry have involved deceptive marketing practices, hidden fees or costs, undisclosed or misrepresented financial risks, and outright Ponzi schemes (see section 2 ).

While these examples seem obvious, on further examination it is not easy to give an exact definition of financial deception or fraud. The most straightforward case seems to be deliberately misrepresenting or lying about financial facts. However, this assumes that there is such a thing as a financial fact, i.e., a correct way of representing a financial value or transaction. In light of the socially constructed nature of money and finance (see section 1 ), this may not always be clear. Less straightforward cases include simply concealing or omitting financial information, or refraining from obtaining the information in the first place.

A philosophical conception of fraud, inspired by Kant, defines it as denying to the weaker party in a financial transaction (such as a consumer or investor) information that is necessary to make a rational (or autonomous) decision (Boatright 2014, Duska & Clarke 2002). Many countries require that the seller of a financial product (such a company issuing shares) must disclose all information that is “material” to the product. It is an interesting question whether this suggestion, especially the conception of rationality involved, should include or rule out a consideration of the ethical nature of the product (such as the ethical nature of the company’s operations) (Lydenberg 2014). Furthermore, there may be information that is legitimately excluded by other considerations, such as the privacy of individuals or companies commonly protected by “bank secrecy” laws.

But is access to adequate information enough? A complication here is that the weaker party, especially ordinary consumers, may have trouble processing the information sufficiently well to identify cases of fraud. This is a structural problem in finance that has no easy fix, because financial products are often abstract, complex, and difficult to price. Therefore, full autonomy of agents may not only require access to adequate information, but also access to sufficient know how, processing ability and resources to analyze the information (Boatright 2014). One solution is to require that the financial services industry promotes transparent communication in which they track the understanding of ordinary consumers (de Bruin 2014b, Endörfer & De Bruin 2019, Shiller 2012).

Due to the problems just noted, the majority of ordinary consumers refrain from engaging in financial markets on their own and instead rely on the services of financial intermediaries, such as banks, investment funds, and insurance companies. But this opens up new ethical problems that are due to the conflicts of interest inherent in financial intermediation. Simply put, the managers or employees of intermediaries have ample opportunity, and often also incentives, to misuse their customers’ money and trust.

Although it is once again difficult to give an exact definition, the literature is full of examples of such misuse—including so-called churning (trading excessively to generate high fees), stuffing (selling the bank’s undesired assets to a client), front-running (buying an asset for the bank first and then reselling it to the client at a higher price) and tailgating (mimicking a client’s trade to piggyback on his/her information) (Dilworth 1994; Heacock, Hill, & Anderson 1987). Interestingly, some argue that the whole industry of actively managed investment funds may be seen as a form of fraud. According to economic theory, namely, it is impossible to beat the average returns of the market for any given level of financial risk, at least in the long term. Therefore, funds who claim that they can do this for a fee are basically cheating their clients (cf. Hendry 2013, Kay 2015).

A legal doctrine that aims to protect clients is so-called fiduciary duty, which imposes obligations on fiduciaries (those entrusted with others’ money) to act in the sole interest of beneficiaries (those who own the money). The interests referred to are typically taken to be financial interests, so the obligation of the fiduciary is basically to maximize investment returns. But some argue that there are cases in which beneficiaries’ broader interests should take precedence, such as when investing in fossil fuels may give high financial returns but pose serious risks to people’s future (Lydenberg 2014; Sandberg 2013, 2016). In any case, it is often thought that fiduciary duties go beyond the ideal of a free market to instead give stronger protection to the weaker party of a fragile relationship.

As an alternative or compliment to fiduciary duty, some argue for the adoption of a code of ethics or professional conduct by financial professionals. A code of ethics would be less arduous in legal terms and is therefore more attractive to free market proponents (Koslowski 2009). It can also cover other fragile relationships (including those of bank-depositor, advisor-client, etc.). Just as doctors and lawyers have a professional code, then, so finance professionals could have one that stresses values such as honesty, due care and accuracy (de Bruin 2016, Graafland & Ven 2011). But according to critics, the financial industry is simply too subdivided into different roles and competencies to have a uniform code of ethics (Ragatz & Duska 2010). It is also unclear whether finance can be regarded as a profession in the traditional sense, which typically requires a body of specialized knowledge, high degrees of organization and self-regulation, and a commitment to public service (Boatright 2014, Herzog 2019).

Probably the most well-known ethical problem concerning fairness in finance, and also perhaps the one on which philosophers most disagree, is so-called insider trading. Put simply, this occurs when an agent uses his or her position within, or privileged information about, a company to buy or sell its shares (or other related financial assets) at favorable times and prices. For example, a CEO may buy shares in his or her company just before it announces a major increase in earnings that will boost the share price. While there is no fraud or breach of fiduciary duty, the agent seems to be exploiting an asymmetry of information.

Just as in the cases above, it is difficult to give an exact definition of insider trading, and the scope of its operative definition tends to vary across jurisdictions. Most commentators agree that it is the information and its attendant informational asymmetry that counts and, thus, the “insider” need not be inside the company at all—those abusing access to information could be family, friends or other tippees (Irvine 1987a, Moore 1990). Indeed, some argue that even stock analysts or journalists can be regarded as insiders if they trade on information that they have gathered themselves but not yet made publicly available. It is also debatable whether an actual trade has to take place or whether insider trading can consist in an omission to trade based on inside information, or also in enabling others to trade or not trade (Koslowski 2009).

Several philosophical perspectives have been used to explain what (if anything) is wrong with insider trading. A first perspective invokes the concept of fair play. Even in a situation with fully autonomous traders, the argument goes, market transactions are not fair if one party has access to information that the other has not. Fair play requires a “level playing field”, i.e., that no participant starts from an unfairly advantaged position (Werhane 1989, 1991). However, critics argue that this perspective imposes excessive demands of informational equality. There are many asymmetries of information in the market that are seemingly unproblematic, e.g., that an antiquary knows more about antiques than his or her customers (Lawson 1988, Machan 1996). So might it be the inaccessibility of inside information that is problematic? But against this, one could argue that, in principle, outsiders have the possibility to become insiders and thus to obtain the exact same information (Lawson 1988, Moore 1990).

A second perspective views insider trading as a breach of duty, not towards the counterparty in the trade but towards the source of the information. US legislation treats inside information as the property of the underlying company and, thus, insider trading is essentially a form of theft of corporate property (often called the misappropriation theory) (Lawson 1988). A related suggestion is that it can be seen as a violation of the fiduciary duty that insiders have towards the company for which they work (Moore 1990). However, critics argue that the misappropriation theory misrepresents the relationship between companies and insiders. On the one hand, there are many normal business situations in which insiders are permitted or even expected to spread inside information to outside sources (Boatright 2014). On the other hand, if the information is the property of the company, why do we not allow it to be “sold” to insiders as a form of remuneration? (Engelen & van Liedekerke 2010, Manne 1966)

A third perspective deals with the effects, both direct and indirect, of allowing insider trading. Interestingly, many argue that the direct effects of such a policy might be positive. As noted above, one of the main purposes of financial markets is to form (or “discover”) prices that reflect all available information about a company. Since insider trading contributes important information, it is likely to improve the process of price discovery (Manne 1966). Indeed, the same reasoning suggests that insider trading actually helps the counterparty in the trade to get a better price (since the insider’s activity is likely to move the price in the “right” direction) so it is a victimless crime (Engelen & Liedekerke 2010). However, others express concern over the indirect effects, which are likely to be more negative. Allowing insider trading may erode the moral standards of market participants by favoring opportunism over fair play (Werhane 1989). Moreover, many people may be dissuaded from even participating in the market since they feel that it is “rigged” to their disadvantage (Strudler 2009).

4.3 The Social Responsibility of Finance

We will now move on to take a societal view on finance, and discuss ideas relating to the broader social responsibilities of financial agents, that go beyond their basic role as market participants. We will discuss three such ideas here, respectively focusing on systemic risk (a responsibility to avoid societal harm), microfinance (a responsibility towards the poor or unbanked), and socially responsible investment (a responsibility to help address societal challenges).

One root cause of the financial crisis of 2008 was the very high levels of risk-taking of many banks and other financial agents. When these risks materialized, the financial system came to the brink of collapse. Many banks lost so much money that their normal lending operations were hampered, which in turn had negative effects on the real economy, with the result that millions of “ordinary” people around the world lost their jobs. Many governments stepped in to bail out the banks and in consequence sacrificed other parts of public spending. This is a prime example of how certain financial activities, when run amok, can have devastating effects on third parties and society in general.

Much subsequent debate has focused on so-called systemic risk, that is, the risk of failures across several agents which impairs the functioning of the financial system as such (Brunnermeier & Oehmke 2013, Smaga 2014). The concept of systemic risk gives rise to several prominent ethical issues. To what extent do financial agents have a moral duty to limit their contributions to systemic risk? It could be argued that financial transactions always carry risk and that this is “part of the game”. But the important point about systemic risk is that financial crises have negative effects on third parties (so-called externalities). This constitutes a prima facie case for a duty of precaution on the part of financial agents, based on the social responsibility to avoid causing unnecessary harm (James 2017, Linarelli 2017). In cases where precaution is impossible, one could add a related duty of rectification or compensation to the victims of the harm (Endörfer 2022). It is, however, a matter of philosophical dispute whether finance professionals can be held morally responsible for these harms (de Bruin 2018, Moggia 2021).

Two factors determine how much an agent’s activity contributes to systemic risk (Brunnermeier & Oehmke 2013, Smaga 2014). The first is financial risk of the agent’s activity in the traditional sense, i.e., the probability and size of the potential losses for that particular agent. A duty of precaution may here be taken to imply, e.g., stricter requirements on capital and liquidity reserves (roughly, the money that the agents must keep in their coffers for emergency situations) (Admati & Hellwig 2013). The second factor is the agent’s place in the financial system, which typically is measured by its interconnectedness with—and thereby potential for cascading effects upon—other agents. This factor indicates that the duty of precaution is stronger for financial agents that are “systemically important” or, as the saying goes, “too-big-to-fail” institutions (Stiglitz 2009).

As an alternative to the reasoning above, one may argue that the duty of precaution is more properly located on the collective, i.e., political level (James 2012, 2017). We return to this suggestion below (in section 5.1 ).

Even in normal times, people with very low income or wealth have hardly any access to basic financial services. Commercial banks have little to gain from offering such services to them; there is an elevated risk of loan losses (since the poor lack collateral) and it is costly to administer a large amount of very small loans (Armendáriz & Morduch 2010). Moreover, there will likely be cases where some bank officers discriminate against underprivileged groups, even where extensive legal protection is in place. An initiative that seeks to remedy these problems is “microfinance”, that is, the extension of financial services, such as lending and saving, to poor people who are otherwise “unbanked”. The initiative started in some of the poorest countries of the world, such as Bangladesh and India.

The justifications offered for microfinance are similar to the justifications offered for development aid. A popular justification holds that affluent people have a duty of assistance towards the poor, and microfinance is thought to be a particularly efficient way to alleviate poverty (Yunus 1998, 2007). But is this correct? Judging from the growing number of empirical “impact studies”, it seems more correct to say that microfinance is sometimes helpful, but at other times can be either ineffective or have negative side-effects (Hudon & Sandberg 2013, Roodman 2012). Another justification holds that there is a basic human right to subsistence, and that this includes a right to savings and credit (Hudon 2009, Meyer 2018). But critics argue that the framework of human rights is not a good fit for financial services that come with both benefits and challenges (Gershman & Morduch 2015, Sorell 2015).

Microfinance is of course different from development aid in that it involves commercial banking relations. This invites the familiar political debate of state- versus market-based support. Proponents of microfinance argue that traditional state-led development projects have been too rigid and corrupt, whereas market-based initiatives are more flexible and help people to help themselves (Armendáriz & Morduch 2010, Yunus 2007). According to critics, however, it is the other way around: Markets will tend to breed greed and inequality, whereas real development is created by large-scale investments in education and infrastructure (Bateman 2010, H. Weber 2004).

In recent years, the microfinance industry has witnessed several “ethical scandals” that seemingly testify to the risk of market excesses. Reports have indicated that interest rates on microloans average at 20–30% per annum, and can sometimes be in excess of 100%, which is much higher than the rates for non-poor borrowers. This raises questions about usury (Hudon & Ashta 2013; Rosenberg, Gonzalez, & Narain 2009). However, some suggest a defense of “second best”, or last resort, when other sources of aid or cheaper credit are unavailable (Sandberg 2012). Microfinance institutions have also been accused of using coercive lending techniques and forceful loan recovery practices (Dichter & Harper (eds) 2007; Priyadarshee & Ghalib 2012). This raises questions about the ethical justifiability of commercial activity directed at the desperately poor, because very poor customers may have no viable alternative to accepting deals that are both unfair and exploitative (Arnold & Valentin 2013, Hudon & Sandberg 2013).

Socially responsible investment refers to the emerging practice whereby financial agents give weight to putatively ethical, social or environmental considerations in investment decisions—e.g., decisions about what bonds or stocks to buy or sell, or how to engage with the companies in one’s portfolio. This is sometimes part of a strictly profit-driven investment philosophy, based on the assumption that companies with superior social performance also have superior financial performance (Richardson & Cragg 2010). But more commonly, it is perceived as an alternative to mainstream investment. The background argument here is that market pricing mechanisms, and financial markets in particular, seem to be unable to promote sufficient levels of social and environmental responsibility in firms. Even though there is widespread social agreement on the evils of sweatshop labor and environmental degradation, for instance, mainstream investors are still financing enterprises that sustain such unjustifiable practices. Therefore, there is a need for a new kind of investor with a stronger sense of social responsibility (Sandberg 2008, Cowton & Sandberg 2012).

The simplest and most common approach among these alternative investors is to avoid investments in companies that are perceived to be ethically problematic. This is typically justified from a deontological idea to the effect that it is wrong to invest in someone else’s wrongdoing (Irvine 1987b, Langtry 2002, Larmer 1997). There are at least three interpretations of such moral “taint”: (1) the view that it is wrong in itself to profit from others’ wrongdoings, or to benefit from other people’s suffering; (2) the view that it is wrong to harm others, or also to facilitate harm to other; or (3) the view that there is a form of expressive or symbolic wrongdoing involved in “morally supporting” or “accepting” wrongful activities.

The deontological perspective above has been criticized for being too black-and-white. On the one hand, it seems difficult to find any investment opportunity that is completely “pure” or devoid of possible moral taint (Kolers 2001). On the other hand, the relationship between the investor and the investee is not as direct as one may think. To the extent that investors buy and sell shares on the stock market, they are not engaging with the underlying companies but rather with other investors. The only way in which such transactions could benefit the companies would be through movements in the share price (which determines the companies’ so-called cost of capital), but it is extremely unlikely that a group of ethical investors can significantly affect that price. After all, the raison d’être of stock exchanges is exactly to create markets that are sufficiently liquid to maintain stable prices (Haigh & Hazelton 2004, Hudson 2005). In response to this, the deontologist could appeal to some notion of universalizability or collective responsibility: perhaps the right question to ask is not “what happens if I do this?” but instead “what happens if we all do this?”. However, such more complicated philosophical positions have problems of their own (see also rule consequentialism and collective responsibility )

A rival perspective on socially responsible investment is the (more straightforward) consequentialist idea that investors’ duty towards society consists in using their financial powers to promote positive societal goods, such as social justice and environmental sustainability. This perspective is typically taken to prefer more progressive investment practices, such as pushing management to adopt more ambitious social policies and/or seeking out environmentally friendly technology firms (Mackenzie 1997, Sandberg 2008). Of course, the flip side of such practices, which may explain why they are less common in the market, is that they invite greater financial risks (Sandberg 2011). It remains an open question whether socially responsible investment will grow enough in size to make financial markets a force for societal change.

Recent work has started exploring whether concrete sustainable finance policies (such as those suggested by the European Commission’s Sustainable Finance Action Plan) will generate sufficient funds to pay for climate change mitigation and adaptation, based as they are on policies of information provision only (De Bruin 2023).

5. Political Philosophy

Discussions about the social responsibility of finance are obviously premised on the observation that the financial system forms a central infrastructure of modern economies and societies. As we noted at the outset, it is important to see that the system contains both private elements (such as commercial banks, insurance companies, and investment funds) and public elements (such as central banks and regulatory bodies). However, issues concerning the proper balance between these elements, especially the proper role and reach of the state, are perennially recurrent in both popular and philosophical debates.

The financial system and the provision of money indeed raise a number of questions that connect it to the “big questions” of political philosophy: including questions of democracy, justice, and legitimacy, at both the national and global levels (on the history of political thinking about money see Eich 2019, 2020, 2022; Ingham 2004, 2019; Martin 2013). The discussions around finance in political philosophy can be grouped under three broad areas: financialization and democracy; finance, money and domestic justice; and finance and global justice. We consider these now in turn.

Many of the questions political philosophy raises about finance have to do with “financialization”. The phenomenon of “financialization”, whereby the economic system has become characterized by the increasing dominance of finance capital and by systems of financial intermediation (Ertürk et al. 2008; Davis 2011; Engelen et al. 2011; Palley 2013), is of potentially substantial normative significance in a number of regards. A related normative concern is the potential growth in political power of the financial sector, which may be seen as a threat to democratic politics.

These worries are, in effect, an amplification of familiar concerns about the “structural power” or “structural constraints” of capital, whereby capitalist investors are able to reduce the freedom of action of democratic governments by threatening “investment strikes” when their preferred political options are not pursued (see Lindblom 1977, 1982; Przeworski & Wallerstein 1988; Cohen 1989; B. Barry 2002; Christiano 2010, 2012; Furendal & O’Neill 2022). To take one recent version of these worries, Stuart White argues that a republican commitment to popular sovereignty is in significant tension with the acceptance of an economic system where important choices about investment, and hence the direction of development of the economy, are under the control of financial interests (White 2011).

In many such debates, the fault-line seems to be the traditional one between those who favor social coordination by free markets, and hence strict limitations on state activities, and those who favor democratic politics, and hence strict limitations on markets (without denying that there can be intermediate positions). But the current financial system is not a pure creature of the free market. In the financial system that we currently see, the principle that individuals are to be held financially accountable for their actions, and that they will therefore be “disciplined” by markets, is patchy at best. One major issue, discussed above, is the problem of banks that are so large and interconnected that their failure would risk taking down the whole financial system—hence, they can anticipate that they will be bailed out by tax-payers’ money, which creates a huge “moral hazard” problem (e.g., Pistor 2013, 2017). In addition, current legal systems find it difficult to impose accountability for complex processes of divided labor, which is why there were very few legal remedies after the financial crisis of 2008 (e.g., Reiff 2017).

The lack of accountability intensifies worries about the power relations between democratic politicians and individuals or corporations in the financial realm. One question is whether we can even apply our standard concept of democracy to societies that have the kinds of financial systems we see today. We may ask whether societies that are highly financialized can ever be true democracies, or whether they are more likely to be “post-democracies” (Crouch 2004). For example, states with high levels of sovereign debt will need to consider the reaction of financial markets in every significant policy decision (see, e.g., Streeck 2013 [2014], see also Klein 2020) Moreover “revolving doors” between private financial institutions and supervising authorities impact on the ability of public officials to hold financial agents accountable. This is similar to the problems of conflicts of interest raised above (see sections 2 and 4.2.2 ). If financial contracts become a central, or maybe even the most central, form of social relations (Lazzarato 2012), this may create an incompatibility with the equal standing of citizens, irrespective of financial position, that should be the basis of a democratic society and its public sphere of deliberation (see also Bennett 2020 from an epistemic perspective).

While finance has, over long stretches of history, been rather strictly regulated, there has been a reversed trend towards deregulation since roughly the 1970s. After the financial crisis of 2008, there have been many calls for reregulation. Proposals include higher capital ratios in banks (Admati & Hellwig 2013), a return to the separation of commercial banking from speculative finance, as had been the case, in the US, during the period when the Glass-Steagall Act was in place (Kay 2015), or a financial transaction tax (Wollner 2014). However, given that the financial system is a global system, one controversial question is whether regulatory steps by single countries would have any effect other than capital flight.

When it comes to domestic social justice, the central question relating to the finance system concerns the ways in which the realization of justice can be helped or hindered by how the financial system is organized.

A first question here, already touched upon in the discussion about microfinance above ( section 4.3.2 ), concerns the status of citizens as participants in financial markets. Should they all have a right to certain financial services such as a bank account or certain forms of loans, because credit should be seen as a primary good in capitalist economies (see, e.g., Hudon 2009, Sorell 2015, Meyer 2018)? More broadly, how does the pattern of access to credit affect the distribution of freedom and unfreedom within society? (see Dietsch 2021; Preiss 2021). These are not only issues for very poor countries, but also for richer countries with high economic inequality, where it becomes a question of domestic justice. In some countries all residents have the right to open a basic bank account (see bank accounts in the EU in Other Internet Resources ). For others this is not the case. It has been argued that not having access to basic financial services creates an unfairness, because it drives poorer individuals into a cash economy in which they are more vulnerable to exploitative lenders, and in which it is more difficult to build up savings (e.g., Baradaran 2015). Hence, it has been suggested either to regulate banking services for individuals more strictly (e.g., Herzog 2017a), to consider various forms of household debt relief (Persad 2018), or to offer a public banking service, e.g., run by the postal office, which offers basic services at affordable costs (Baradaran 2015).

Secondly, financialization may also have more direct effects on socio-economic inequality. Those with managerial positions within the financial sector are disproportionately represented among the very top end of the income distribution, and so the growth of inequality can in part be explained by the growth in the financial sector itself (Piketty 2014). There may also be an effect on social norms, whereby the “hypermeritocratic” norms of the financial sector have played a part in increasing social tolerance for inequality in society more broadly (Piketty 2014: 265, 2020; see also O’Neill 2017, 2021). As Dietsch et al. point out, the process of increasing financialization within the economies of the advanced industrial societies has been encouraged by the actions of central banks over recent decades, and so the issue of financialization also connects closely to questions regarding the justice and legitimacy of central banks and monetary policy (Dietsch, Claveau, & Fontan 2016, 2018; see also Jacobs & King 2016).

Thirdly, many debates about the relation between distributive justice and the financial system revolve around the market for mortgages, because for many individuals, a house is the single largest item for which they need to take out a loan, and their mortgage their main point of interaction with the financial system. This means that the question of who has access to mortgage loans and at what price can have a major impact on the overall distribution of income and wealth. In addition, it has an impact on how financial risks are distributed in society. Highly indebted individuals are more vulnerable when it comes to ups and downs either in their personal lives (e.g., illness, loss of job, divorce) or in the economy as a whole (e.g., economic slumps) (Mian & Sufi 2014). The danger here is that existing inequalities—which many theories of justice would describe as unjust—are reinforced even further (Herzog 2017a).

Here, however, a question about the institutional division of labor arises: which goals of distributive justice should be achieved within markets—and specifically, within financial markets—and which ones by other means, for example through taxation and redistribution? The latter has been the standard approach used by many welfare systems: the idea being to let markets run their course, and then to achieve the desired patterns of distribution by taxation and redistribution. If one remains within that paradigm, questions arise about whether the financial sector should be taxed more highly. In contrast, the approach of “pre-distribution” (Hacker 2011; O’Neill & Williamson 2012; O’Neill 202), or what Dietsch calls “process redistribution” (2010), is to design the rules of the economic game such that they contribute to bringing about the distributive pattern that is seen as just. This could, for example, mean regulating banking services and credit markets in ways that reduce inequality, for example by imposing regulations on payday lenders and banks, so that poor individuals are protected from falling into a spiral of ever higher debt. A more radical view could be to see the financial problems faced by such individuals as being caused by more general structural injustices the solution of which does not necessarily require interventions with the financial industry, but rather more general redistributive (or predistributive) policies.

Money creation: Another alternative theoretical approach is to integrate distributive concerns into monetary policy, i.e., when it comes to the creation of money. So far, central banks have focused on the stability of currencies and, in some cases, levels of employment. This technical focus, together with the risk that politicians might abuse monetary policy to try to boost the economy before elections, have been used in arguments for putting the control of the money supply into the hands of technical experts, removing monetary policy from democratic politics. But after the financial crisis of 2008, many central banks have used unconventional measures, such as “quantitative easing”, which had strongly regressive effects, favoring the owners of stocks or of landed property (Fontan et al. 2016, Dietsch 2017); they did not take into account other societal goals, e.g., the financing of green energy, either. This raises new questions of justice: are such measures justified if their declared aim is to move the economy out of a slump, which presumably also helps disadvantaged individuals (Haldane 2014)? Would other measures, for instance “helicopter money” that is distributed to all citizens, have been a better alternative? And if such measures are used, is it still appropriate to think of central banks as institutions in which nothing but technical expertise is required, or should there be some form of accountability to society? (Fontan, Claveau, & Dietsch 2016; Dietsch 2017; Riles 2018; see also Tucker 2018; van ’t Klooster 2020; James & Hockett 2020, Downey 2021). [ 2 ]

We have already discussed the general issue of the ontological status of money ( section 1.1 above). But there are also significant questions in political philosophy regarding the question of where, and by what sorts of institutions, should the money supply be controlled. One complicating factor here is the extensive disagreement about the institutional basis of money creation, as described above. One strand of the credit theory of money emphasizes that in today’s world, money creation is a process in which commercial banks play a significant role. These banks in effect create new money when they make new loans to individual or business customers (see McLeay, Radia, & Thomas 2014; see also Palley 1996; Ryan-Collins et al. 2012; Werner 2014a,b). James Tobin refers to commercial bank-created money, in an evocative if now dated image as “fountain pen money”, that is, money created with the swish of the bank manager’s fountain pen (Tobin 1963).

However, the relationship between private commercial banks and the central bank is a complicated one, such that we might best think of money creation as a matter involving a kind of hybrid public-private partnership. Hockett and Omarova refer to this relationship as constituting a “finance franchise”, with private banks being granted on a “franchise” basis the money-creating powers of the sovereign monetary authority, while van ’t Klooster describes this relation between the public and private as constituting a “hybrid monetary constitution” (Hockett & Omarova 2017; van ’t Klooster 2017; see also Bell 2001). In this hybrid public-private monetary system, it is true that private commercial banks create money, but they nevertheless do so in a way that involves being regulated and subject to the authority of the central bank within each monetary jurisdiction, with that central bank also acting as “lender of last resort” (Bagehot 1873) when inter-bank lending dries up. [ 3 ]

When the curious public-private nature of money creation is brought into focus, it is not surprising that there should exist views advocating a shift away from this hybrid monetary constitution, either in the direction of a fully public option, or a fully private system of money creation.

Advocates of fully public banking envisage a system in which private banks are stripped of their authority to create new money, and where instead the money supply is directly controlled either by the government or by some other state agency; for example by the central bank lending directly to firms and households. Such a position can be defended on a number of normative grounds: that a public option would allow for greater financial stability, that a fully public system of money creation would allow a smoother transmission of democratic decisions regarding economic governance; or simply because of the consequences of such a system with regards to socioeconomic inequality and environmental sustainability (see Jackson & Dyson 2012; Wolf 2014a,b; Lainà 2015; Dyson, Hodgson, & van Lerven 2016a,b; Ingham, Coutts, & Konzelmann 2016; Dow 2016; Wodruff 2019; van’t Klooster 2019, Mellor 2019, Dietsch 2021; for commentary and criticism see Goodhart & Jensen 2015; Fontana & Sawyer 2016, Larue et al. 2020).

In stark contrast, a number of libertarian authors have defended the view that the central bank should have no role in money creation, with the money supply being entirely a matter for private suppliers (and with the consumers of money able to choose between different rival suppliers), under a system of “free banking” (e.g., Simons 1936; Friedman 1962; von Hayek 1978; Selgin 1988). Advocacy of private money creation has received a more recent stimulus with the rise of Bitcoin and other crypto-currencies, with some of Bitcoin’s advocates drawing on similar libertarian arguments to those offered by Hayek and Selgin (see Golumbia 2016, Robison 2022). One can also mention the “alternative currencies” movement here which defends private money creation on entirely different grounds, most often by appeal to the value of community (see Larue 2022, Larue et al. 2022).

Finally, a number of issues relate questions about finance to questions about global justice. The debate about global justice (see also global justice ) has weighed the pros and cons of “statist” and “cosmopolitan” approaches, that is, approaches to justice that would focus on the nation state (maybe with some additional duties of beneficence to the globally poor) or on the global scale. The financial system is one of the most globalized systems of social interaction that currently exist, and global entanglements are hard to deny (e.g., Valentini 2011: 195–8). The question thus is whether this creates duties of justice on the financial system, and if so, whether it fulfills these duties, i.e., whether it contributes to making the world more globally just, or whether it tends in the opposite direction (or whether it is neutral).

There are a number of institutions, especially the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that constitute a rudimentary global order of finance. Arguably, many countries, especially poorer ones, cannot reasonably opt out of the rules established by these institutions (e.g., Hassoun 2012, Krishnamurthy 2014). It might therefore appear to be required by justice that these institutions be governed in a way that represents the interests of all countries. But because of historical path-dependencies, and because a large part of their budget comes from Western countries, the governance structures are strongly biased in their favor (for example, the US can veto all important decisions in the IMF). Miller (2010: 134–41) has described this situation as “indirect financial rule” by the US (see also Herzog 2021).

An issue worth noting in this context is the fact that the US dollar, and to a lesser degree the Euro, function as de facto global currencies, with a large part of global trade being conducted in these currencies (e.g., Mehrling 2011, Eichengreen 2011). This allows the issuing countries to run a current account deficit, which amounts to a redistribution from poorer to richer countries for which compensation might be owed (Reddy 2005: 224–5). This fact also raises questions about the distribution of power in the global sphere, which has often been criticized as favoring Western countries (e.g., Gulati 1980, United Nations 2009). However, global financial markets serve not only to finance trade in goods and services; there are also questions about fluctuations in these markets that result exclusively from speculations (see also sect.1.4.3 above). Such fluctuations can disproportionately harm poorer countries, which are more vulnerable to movements of capital or rapid changes in commodity prices. Hence, an old proposal that has recently been revived and defended from a perspective of global justice is that of a “Tobin tax” (Tobin 1978), which would tax financial transactions and thereby reduce volatility in international financial markets (Reddy 2005, Wollner 2014).

A second feature of the current global order that has been criticized from a perspective of justice is the “borrowing privilege”. As Pogge describes (e.g., 2008: chap. 4), the governments of countries can borrow on international financial markets, no matter whether they have democratic legitimacy or not. This means that rogue governments can finance themselves by incurring debts that future generations of citizens will have to repay.

Sovereign debt raises a number of questions that are related to global justice. Usually, the contracts on which they are based are considered as absolutely binding (e.g., Suttle 2016), which can threaten national sovereignty (Dietsch 2011), and raises questions of the moral and political responsibilities both of citizens of debtor nations, and of creditor countries themselves (Wiedenbrüg, 2018a, 2018b). These problems obtain in particular with regard to what has been called “odious” debt (Sack 1927, Howse 2007, Dimitriu 2015, King 2016): cases in which government officials sign debt contracts in order to enrich themselves, with lenders being aware of this fact. Such cases have been at the center of calls for a jubilee for indebted nations. At the moment, there are no binding international rules for how to deal with sovereign bankruptcy, and countries in financial distress have no systematic possibility of making their claims heard, which is problematic from a perspective of justice (e.g., Palley 2003; Reddy 2005: 26–33; Herman 2007; C. Barry & Tomitova 2007; Wollner 2018). The IMF, which often supports countries in restructuring sovereign debt, has often made this support conditional upon certain requirements about rearranging the economic structures of a country (for a discussion of the permissibility of such practices see C. Barry 2011).

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the issue of financial regulation has a global dimension in the sense that capital is mobile across national boundaries, creating the threats to democracy described above. This fact makes it difficult for individual countries, especially smaller ones, to install the more rigid financial regulations that would be required from a perspective of justice. Just as with many other questions of global justice (see, e.g., Dietsch 2015 on taxation), we seem to see a failure of coordination between countries, which leads to a “race to the bottom”. Making global financial institutions more just is therefore likely to require significant levels of international cooperation.

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Monetary Economics, History of

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• Robert W. Dimand  

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As with so much else in the Western tradition, theorizing about the role of money can be traced back to Plato and Aristotle in the fourth century bce, although they may have drawn on pre-Socratic philosophers whose works survive, if at all, only in fragments. In his Republic (1974), Plato remarked that money was a symbol devised to make exchange easier. He disapproved of gold and silver as money, preferring a currency that would have value only internally, not in external commerce. The analysis in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (1996) and Politics (1984) of what constitutes just exchange led Aristotle to a more systematic discussion of a medium of exchange. His account of the functions of money, and of the properties that suit a commodity such as gold or silver to be the medium of exchange, as well as his use of the myth of Midas to distinguish between gold and wealth, influenced comparable presentations by Nicolas Oresme in about 1360 (Oresme, de Sassoferrato and Buridan, 1989), Adam Smith (1776), and, through Smith, any number of 19th-century textbooks (see Menger, 1892; Monroe, 1923). Barter might be the most basic form of exchange, but it involves accepting goods one does not wish to consume in order to make a further exchange for what is desired. Aristotle noted the convenience of a generally accepted medium of exchange in reducing the number of transactions required. He saw the convenience of stating prices in terms of the medium of exchange, and that, if a commodity is to serve as a medium of exchange, it must also be a store of value, retaining purchasing power between being received and being spent (but he did not mention the function of money as a standard of deferred payment).

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Dimand, R.W. (2010). Monetary Economics, History of. In: Durlauf, S.N., Blume, L.E. (eds) Monetary Economics. The New Palgrave Economics Collection. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230280854_24

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Essay on History Of Money

Students are often asked to write an essay on History Of Money in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on History Of Money

Barter system.

Long ago, people did not have money. They used the barter system, which means trading things directly. For example, a farmer with many apples could trade with another person who had lots of fish. This way, both got what they needed. But it was hard when one person did not want what the other had to offer.

First Forms of Money

To make trading easier, people started using objects like shells or grains as money. These were things everyone agreed had value. Later, metal coins appeared. They were better because they lasted longer and had standard values.

Paper Money

As trade grew, carrying lots of coins became difficult. China was the first to use paper money. It was lighter and could represent more value than the same weight in coins. Soon, other countries started making their own paper money.

Modern Money

Today, we have many ways to pay for things. Besides coins and paper, we also use cards and online banking. This digital money can be moved quickly over the internet, making buying and selling faster than ever before. Money keeps changing to meet our needs.

250 Words Essay on History Of Money

What is money.

Money is something people use to buy goods and services. Long ago, before money was created, people traded things directly. This was known as barter. If you had chickens and wanted a cow, you had to find someone who was willing to trade their cow for your chickens. This was not always easy!

The First Forms of Money

To make trading easier, people started using things like shells, beads, or metals as money. These items were valuable and easy to carry around. Around 5000 B.C., metal coins became popular, especially in places like China and Lydia, which is now part of Turkey. Coins were great because they had set values and were made by governments.

Around 700 A.D., China began using paper money. It was lighter than coins and could represent more value. Paper money became widely used because it was more convenient. Governments printed bills and promised to exchange them for things like gold or silver.

Today, money is not just coins and paper. We use electronic money, like the numbers in a bank account, and we can buy things with cards or online. Even though we don’t always see or touch our money, it still has value and helps us get what we need or want.

Money has changed a lot over time, from barter to coins to paper, and now digital forms. It has always been a way for people to trade and make life easier.

500 Words Essay on History Of Money

Money is something that people use to buy goods and services. Long ago, there was no money, and people would trade things they had for things they needed. For example, a person with chickens could trade eggs for wheat from a farmer. This is called barter.

As time passed, people needed a better way to trade because bartering was not always easy. They started using objects like shells, beads, and precious metals as money. These things were valuable and easy to carry. In some places, they used rare stones or even feathers from special birds.

Coins and Paper Money

Around 600 B.C., the first coins were made in what is now Turkey. These coins were easier to use than heavy metals because they had a set weight and value. Later, in China, the first paper money appeared about 1,000 years ago. Paper money was lighter than coins and could be carried in large amounts more easily.

Banks and Checks

As trade grew, people needed safe places to keep their money, so banks were created. Banks also started the idea of checks. A check is a piece of paper that tells the bank to give money from one person’s account to another. This way, people didn’t have to carry a lot of money, which could be heavy or dangerous if stolen.

Today, money is not just coins and paper. We also have electronic money, like the numbers you see in a bank account. People can use cards or their phones to pay with this electronic money. It’s fast and you don’t have to carry cash or write checks.

Looking Ahead

Money keeps changing. In recent times, some people have started using digital currencies, like Bitcoin. These are not controlled by any country but work across the whole world through the internet. It’s a new chapter in the history of money.

In conclusion, money has come a long way from bartering to coins to paper and now digital forms. It’s a tool that helps people trade and will continue to change as our world does. Money makes it easier for us to get what we need and want, and understanding its history helps us appreciate its role in our lives.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

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History of Money

Money can be said to be a commodity that is employed as a medium of exchange while carrying transactions. Categorically, money is assumed to be a store of value and unit of account in addition to being a medium of exchange for goods. A large number of writers find the first two not being very essential comparing to the third one. As a matter of fact, other goods are considered to be better in terms of intertemporal value storing, as compared to money. This is due to the fact that from time to time, money degrades in value through inflation or overthrow of a government (Rothbard 2).

On the basis by which money is measured, there are data that are published by the Federal Reserve on a weekly and monthly basis. It shows three main measures: M1, M2, and M3. It also gives data on overall sum of debt of non-financial branches of the US economy. Money measures show different degree on liquidity that different types of money usually have. The narrowest measure is usually M1, which is restricted to the liquid form of money in addition to savings account. It is the amount in travelers hands of the public among other deposits by which cheques can be written. M2 constitutes M1 and some other savings accounts, whereas M3 includes M2 and some other denominations, which are much larger (Moffat).

Forms that money has taken over the history of mankind

First, anything could have been used for trading if only the buyer and seller could agree on the value of items on trade. For example, a pig could be taken for trade with a few sacks of grain. However, the system of barter often failed in cases when where the two could not come to an agreement on the relative value of the trading items (Rothbard 45). Thus, all items that could be traded were given values according to a given number of coins that had variations. The most often used coins in the daily purchasing were copper and bronze. Silver coins were used for more expensive products. Rarely, gold coins were used, although they were made because of their great value. Additionally, gold is a very soft metal, and it could be easily damaged if not handled with great care. Thus, this resulted to reduced value of gold (Weber 3).

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In avoidance of carrying around many coins, traders began producing vouchers that represented specific quantity of coins. This was done successfully in circumstances where traders had some cash to back up the voucher that was issued. On the other side, there were those who often issued vouchers with values far greater comparing to what they were capable of paying. Another risk that was involved was the situation when people countered fake vouchers resembling a valid voucher and with no redeemable value. At a given time, the government started issuing paper money that was official and backed by silver or gold reserves, giving more stability to the system of paper money. Therefore, the government avoids a possibility to go bankrupt. Furthermore, the government is now able to take control over counterfeiting, because there was launched a standard system of money. With the help of computers, it is now possible to carry commercial transactions electronically (“A Brief History of Money Point” 5). With the given cases, money is not changed on hands but can modify accounts according to the transactions that are made. This helps people to avoid the risk of carrying cash on hand.

Fiat and commodity based money

Fiat money is money that is worthless and has no guarantee that is provided by the government, whereas commodity money is that which derives its value from the actual commodity from which the good is made. Thus, when a golden coin was to be made, its cost could be based on the coin and not the nominal value of the coin. Commodity money became a more convenient type of trade due to its superiority to that of barter. On the other hand, commodity money is normally faced with fluctuations in prices.

Supposedly that the commodity on use is gold, and some new gold mining is found, those that had much gold will lose their wealth. In today’s life, some of the prisoners use alcohol or cigarettes to be commodity money. Generally, without an official tender, people should suggest something that is common, stores value and is convenient.

On the other hand, the introduction of fiat money proved being more convenient. Rather than carrying around the silver coins, silver, or even cigarettes, one could only carry backed papers by the government. Over a given period of time, government has not been interested in making provisions of the fait currency with gold or any other commodity, and, thus, fait money became based on the government that issue it. Most of the governments demand that their national currency was accepted while paying debts (“Commodity Money vs. Fiat Money”).

The origin of expression “Bad money drives out good”

This is explained by the law of Gresham that states “Bad money drives out good”, though it is well regarded as: “Bad money drives out good if their exchange rate is set by law” (“Gresham’s Law”). The law specifically applies to a situation where two kinds of commodity money exist in circulation, and the legal tender law necessitates that it was accepted and possessed alike face values that are meant for economic deals. Artificially, money that has been overvalued attempts to drive the undervalued money out from circulation; which is done through price control.

The law of Gresham derived its name from Sir Thomas Gresham, an English financier, during the Tudor dynasty. Forty years before, Nicolause Copernicus had started the law. Aristophanes realized that bad money was used instead of good money in his fifth century century play. Good money refers to the money that shows a small disparity amid its nominal worth and the value of the commodity. Without laws governing legal tender, there can be free exchange of metal coins money in market values above bullion. The case is not theoretical and is observable presently in the bullion coins. Such coins possess certain purity and are convenient to handle. In trading, coins are more preferable than anonymous metal hunks, which are more precious thereby giving the coins more value. The demand for coins makes them profitable (“Gresham’s Law”).

Meaning of a “touchstone”

The term refers to a part of a hard stone, which is dark, for instance, a slate, jasper, or basalt, which is applied in the assaying process involving testing of the metals’ purity. There was widespread application of these stones, but in the modern society, it has reduced. Touchstones are presently kept in assaying offices, and some individuals preserve them just because of curiosity. Some of them are in museums, although they are old. To use a touchstone, a piece of metal under test would be taken and rubbed against the stone. Among the frequently tested metals, there were silver and gold because of their categorical softness and large value, which served as incentive in alloying them, using cheaper metals (Smith).

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After laying down the streak under test, the second streak was applied for comparison, using a testing pencil that is called alloy. Moreover, the impurities in the sample could be dissolved using acidic solutions in order to compare the difference amid the two streaks. The comparison could reveal some traces of cheap metal alloy. Touchstones were characteristically kept with collection of the testing pencil and acids too because of testing, whereas some firms produced and supplied them (Smith).

Where the word dollar came from

In 1516, Joachimsthal launched the silver mine, which was followed by a mint called Joachimsthal. Initially, the mint began churning coins known as Joachimsthalers, which were later shortened in their name to thalers and are currently known as the Dutch. This was corrupted to dollar by the English, and the words dollar was given to any foreign silver coin. For instance, the English men who settled in wide America named the Spanish piece of eight the Spanish dollar, which was wide in circulation.

Numerous years following the independence, the Americans could use any oddball coinage at their disposal, including the Spanish dollar. However, as time went by, they started considering having their own currency. Thomas Jefferson was not for the idea of using the English system but proposed the possession of a monetary unit with the label dollar, since this term was familiar to many. The continental congress pronounced the dollar as the US currency in 1785 up to 1794, when it was minted. Washington was already referring to the almighty dollar in 1837, and this continued later (Adams).

Why the dollars are sometimes known as bucks

The European settlers learnt of the dollar from the Indians during the eighteenth century. It meant a deerskin, which was employed in trading its rights as well as a unit of value in trading for other commodities. During the Indian Territory visit to Ohio, Conrad Weiser wrote in his periodical that he had been robbed of 300 bucks, and every whisky’s cask ought to be traded for 5 bucks. The value of deerskin had declined in the following century and could serve as an exchange medium during the time when the buck passed the dollar (Sproul 3).

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In 1856, a Californian newspaper reported the incident to the court. Notwithstanding the fact that twentieth century inflation hit the bucks, their use progressed. In nineteenth century, poker players assigned the dealer with a market which they could call the buck. The name arose, because they made use of a knife whose handle came from buckhorn. Therefore, the buck was passed when the responsibility of the transactions changed to the player.

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Essay on Money for Students and Children

500+ words essay on money.

Money is an essential need to survive in the world. In today’s world, almost everything is possible with money. Moreover, you can fulfill any of your dreams by spending money. As a result, people work hard to earn it. Our parents work hard to fulfill our dreams .

Furthermore various businessmen , entrepreneurs have startup businesses to earn profits. They have made use of their skills and intelligence in getting an upper hand in earning. Also, the employee sector works day and night to complete their tasks given to them. But still, there are many people who take shortcuts to success and get involved in corruption.

Black Money

Black money is the money that people earn with corruption . For your information corruption involves the misuse of the power of high posts. For instance, it involves taking bribes, extra money for free services, etc. Corruption is the main cause of the lack of proper growth of the country .

Moreover, money that people having authority earns misusing their powers is black money. Furthermore, these earnings do not have proper documentation. As a result, the people who earn this do not pay income tax . Which is a great offense and the person who does this can be behind bars.

Money Laundering

In simple terms, money laundering is converting black money into white money. Also, this is another illegal offense. Furthermore, money laundering also encourages various crimes. Because it is the only way criminal can use their money from illegal sources. Money laundering is a crime, and the people who practice it are liable to go to jail.

Therefore the Government is taking various preventive measures to abolish money laundering. The government is linking bank accounts to AADHAR Card. To get all the transaction detail of each bank account. As a result, the government comes to know if any transaction is from an illegal source .

Also, every bank account has its own KYC (Know your Customer) this separates different categories of income of people. Businessmen are in the high-risk category. Then comes the people who are on a high post they are in the medium-risk category. Further, the last category is of the Employee sector they are at the lowest risk.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

White Money

White money is the money that people earn through legal sources. Moreover, it is the money on which the people have already paid the tax. The employee sector of any company always has white money income.

Because the tax is already levied on their income. Therefore the safest way to earn money is in the employment sector. But your income will be limited here. As a result, many people take a different path and choose entrepreneurship. This helps them in starting their own company and make profitable incomes .

Every person in this world works hard to earn money. People try different methods and set of skills to increase their incomes. But it is always not about earning money, it’s about saving and spending it. People should spend money wisely. Moreover, things should always be bought by judging their worth. Because money is not precious but the efforts you make for it are.

Q1. What is Black Money?

A1. Black money is the money that people earn through illegal ways. It is strictly prohibited in our country. And the people who have it can go to jail.

Q2. What is the difference between Black money and White money?

A2. The difference between black money and white money is, Black money comes from illegal earnings. But white money comes from legal sources with taxation levied on it.

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Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: a Critical Analysis

This essay about the ethical implications of the John Money experiment critically examines the tragic case of David Reimer, who was raised as a girl following a failed circumcision and subsequent medical advice. It discusses issues of informed consent, the harm caused by unethical medical practices, and the misuse of authority in clinical research. The text highlights the severe psychological impact on Reimer and critiques the ethical lapses in handling his case, emphasizing the need for compassion and strict ethical standards in medical practices and research.

How it works

The story of the John Money experiment is a cautionary tale of the interplay between medical ethics and the complexities of gender identity.

This episode in the history of psychology and medical science revolves around the tragic case of David Reimer, originally born as Bruce Reimer, who was raised as a girl following catastrophic medical advice and treatment initiated by Dr. John Money. The ethical implications of this case are profound, impacting notions of consent, the responsibilities of healthcare professionals, and the psychosocial dynamics of gender identity.

In 1965, Canadian twin boys, Bruce and Brian Reimer, were born healthy. However, during a routine circumcision, Bruce’s penis was irreparably damaged. Dr. Money, a psychologist and sexologist who advocated for the theory that gender identity is primarily learned through social and environmental cues rather than biological, inherited traits, advised the distraught parents to raise Bruce as a girl. Consequently, Bruce was renamed Brenda, surgically altered, and raised as a female. This case presented Money with a unique opportunity to further his research and theories on gender identity and fluidity.

From an ethical standpoint, the first major issue was the lack of informed consent. Although the Reimers were desperate for a solution, they were arguably not fully informed of the potential risks and the experimental nature of the treatment proposed. Money’s assurance of success was based on theoretical assumptions rather than concrete evidence. The principle of informed consent is critical in medical ethics, ensuring that patients or, in the case of minors, their guardians, are fully aware of all potential risks and outcomes associated with a medical intervention. The Reimers’ decision was influenced heavily by Money’s authority and the promise of a normal life for their child, which clouds the authenticity of their consent.

Secondly, the experiment underscores the ethical responsibility of healthcare professionals to avoid harm—primum non nocere (first, do no harm). Money’s experiment, though initially seeming to show Brenda adapting well, eventually resulted in severe psychological distress and confusion for her as she grew. The dissonance between Brenda’s biological sex and imposed gender identity led to significant behavioral and emotional issues, which Money reported misleadingly to support his hypothesis. This manipulation of data for theoretical validation, rather than patient welfare, starkly contravenes medical ethics.

Moreover, the experiment raises critical questions about the ethical treatment of children in medical research. Children are a vulnerable population, and any medical intervention, especially those involving identity and psychological wellbeing, must be approached with extreme caution and ethical rigor. Money’s continuation of the experiment, despite evident adverse effects on Brenda’s mental health, highlights a grievous ethical lapse—the prioritization of research outcomes over the patient’s wellbeing.

The psychological toll on David Reimer (who reassumed his male identity in adolescence after learning the truth of his medical history) was immense. He suffered long-term consequences, including depression and identity struggles, ultimately leading to his tragic suicide at the age of 38. This outcome serves as a potent reminder of the ethical responsibility towards long-term welfare in medical decision-making, particularly in cases involving non-urgent, non-life-threatening conditions.

Analyzing this case through the lens of virtue ethics, which emphasizes the moral character of the practitioner rather than the ethicality of an act, presents an additional dimension of critique. The virtues of empathy, humility, and integrity, essential for ethical medical practice, were conspicuously lacking in Money’s handling of the Reimer case. His determination to prove a theory seemingly took precedence over the humane treatment of Brenda/David.

In conclusion, the John Money experiment with David Reimer exposes profound ethical violations, highlighting the necessity for rigorous ethical standards in medical and psychological research. This case study is a critical reminder of the potential human cost when ethical boundaries are overlooked in the pursuit of scientific advancement. It underscores the enduring need for compassion, rigorous adherence to informed consent, and the prioritization of individual welfare in all medical practices. This tragic narrative invites ongoing discourse on medical ethics, reinforcing the imperative to safeguard the most vulnerable among us from experimental practices devoid of empirical validation and ethical integrity.

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Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: A Critical Analysis. (2024, May 12). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/ethical-implications-of-the-john-money-experiment-a-critical-analysis/

"Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: A Critical Analysis." PapersOwl.com , 12 May 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/ethical-implications-of-the-john-money-experiment-a-critical-analysis/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: A Critical Analysis . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/ethical-implications-of-the-john-money-experiment-a-critical-analysis/ [Accessed: 13 May. 2024]

"Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: A Critical Analysis." PapersOwl.com, May 12, 2024. Accessed May 13, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/ethical-implications-of-the-john-money-experiment-a-critical-analysis/

"Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: A Critical Analysis," PapersOwl.com , 12-May-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/ethical-implications-of-the-john-money-experiment-a-critical-analysis/. [Accessed: 13-May-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Ethical Implications of the John Money Experiment: A Critical Analysis . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/ethical-implications-of-the-john-money-experiment-a-critical-analysis/ [Accessed: 13-May-2024]

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Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History Essay

Introduction, the role of paper money, works cited.

The history of paper money wasn’t at first so much an easy-going process. The adoption of the paper money was considered to be beneficial for both the wealth of the country and the individual businessmen. Nevertheless, the banks couldn’t think through everything right away, and the bank’s funds were often misused by the merchants and traders and other sorts of business people. These cases of illegal activities were possible mainly because of the errors and disadvantages of the banks’ policies. But to eventually find an optimum way of crediting money, the banks needed to overcome a lot of challenges.

In the midst of the 18 th century, the paper money was quite new and just appeared in the circulation. The lack of strict regulations in the bank caused numerous cases of over-trading. People were allowed to borrow credits almost without any restrictions and on the loosened terms. Thus, the fund-raising with the fictitious bills of exchange by “drawing and re-drawing” banks’ funds was popular among the businessmen (Smith 328). Unfortunately, the banks couldn’t expose these cases of fraud at once, and usually, when the bankers found out about the reality of the situation, it was too late. The fund-raisings harmed the banks’ capital a lot. But either way, they couldn’t expose the businessmen in time without harming themselves.

The abuse of the capitals had a negative impact on the economic state of Scotland. For improving the situation, there was a new bank established with a “purpose of relieving the distress of the country” (Smith 332). However, the attempt to advance the economy didn’t come to a big success. The new bank operated both bills of exchange and the cash accounts, people were lent money equally, and therefore, there was even a bigger lack of security.

Banks are closely interconnected with the government and have a great influence on the state’s economy. A lamentable situation in the bank induces great losses for the government’s finances. The government attempted to improve the state’s economy by increasing the rates of interest from the credits. In an attempt to increase the government’s capitals, the Bank of England started to offer the conversion of the dead stocks that consisted of silver and gold into an active stock of paper money. The conversion of gold and silver into cash has several good impacts not only on the economy but on the industrial development of the country as well. Since the gold was a dead and immovable stock, it didn’t produce anything for the country. The dead stock’s conversion allowed to refine industrial development.

Due to the unproductiveness of deadstock, the entrance of the paper money into circulation was a necessity. The circulation of the paper money was more profitable for the banks yet it was less secure because the paper money is more liquid and “irretrievable” (Smith 342). The lack of legal regulation of crediting money enabled banks to multiply the amount of paper money in the county’s circulation and jeopardized the economic stability.

Gold and silver were scarce in Scotland yet the money circulation greatly depended on them. The excessive multiplication of paper money was a threat to the treasury, and it was clear that the bank regulations were necessary. The suppression of the large banknotes helped to relieve the scarcity of gold and silver. At the same time, paper money became a common means in the trade relations between dealers.

The challenges that the government and the banks faced at those times demonstrate that there was a poor legal foundation for the distribution of money in public. The bankers encountered a lot of private people who tried to misuse the bank’s money; therefore they needed to be more careful in lending. When the banks began to restrict the private people crediting it was considered as “a violation of natural liberty” (Smith 344). Nevertheless, these regulations were the only way to support the security and to provide the economic stability f the country.

Throughout time, money has evolved. It became more liquid and mobile. But these changes invoked the threads to the economic safety and required the strengthening of the regulations and rules of crediting. The regulations needed to be completely legal and to meet the basic human rights, to be beneficial not only for the government but the individuals as well. Without the crediting controls, the money often was given to the untrustworthy people who abused it and therefore induced great losses for the banks. The misuse of the banks’ funds is proved to be harmful to the country’s economy as a whole, and moreover, the banks’ inability of controlling such cases only encouraged the illegal activities, and it negatively affected the society in general. Thus, it is right to assume that the further reforms in the bank policies and the increased regulatory and legal controls could help to solve the numerous issues at the variety of levels: political, financial, and social.

Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations , New York, NY: Cosimo Classics, 2011. Print.

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IvyPanda. (2020, August 17). Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History. https://ivypanda.com/essays/paper-money-and-its-role-throughout-history/

"Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History." IvyPanda , 17 Aug. 2020, ivypanda.com/essays/paper-money-and-its-role-throughout-history/.

IvyPanda . (2020) 'Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History'. 17 August.

IvyPanda . 2020. "Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History." August 17, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/paper-money-and-its-role-throughout-history/.

1. IvyPanda . "Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History." August 17, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/paper-money-and-its-role-throughout-history/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Paper Money and Its Role Throughout History." August 17, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/paper-money-and-its-role-throughout-history/.

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