vietnam essays for students

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LESSON PLAN

The vietnam war.

Pairing a Primary & Secondary Source

Read the Article

Fifty years ago, the U.S. ended direct military involvement in a war that tore the nation apart and fueled distrust in government.

Before reading.

1. Set Focus Pose these essential questions: Why do countries go to war? How do wars affect countries?

2. List Vocabulary Share some of the challenging vocabulary words in the article (see below) . Encourage students to use context to infer meanings as they read.

• protracted (p. 18)
• ideologies (p. 18)
• disillusioned (p. 19)
• conscripted (p. 20)
• stalemate (p. 20)
• reconciliation (p. 21)

3. Engage Have students examine the map on page 18. Ask: What did the demilitarized zone divide? Why do you think Vietnam divided into North and South Vietnam? Why do you think the two Vietnams reunified? Why do you think what used to be called Saigon is now called Ho Chi Minh City? Explain that the article answers these questions.

Analyze the Article

4. Read and Discuss Ask students to read the Upfront article about the Vietnam War. Review why the article is a secondary source. (It was written by someone who didn’t personally experience or witness the events.) Then pose these critical-thinking questions and ask students to cite text evidence when answering them:

• Which central ideas does the author introduce in the first section? Which of these ideas is developed in the first few paragraphs of the next section, “Fighting Communism”? (In the first section, the author introduces the ideas that the U.S. had been involved in Vietnam for nearly 20 years, that the involvement had turned into a war, that both North Vietnam and the U.S. were looking to end the war, and that the war had become very unpopular with Americans. The next section explains how U.S. involvement in Vietnam began.)
• What is the connection between the Cold War and the Vietnam War? (The Cold War was a conflict between the democracies of the West and the Communist nations led by the Soviet Union to spread their ideologies. President Dwight D. Eisenhower feared that if South Vietnam fell to Communist North Vietnam, then there would be a domino effect of Communist regimes taking control of the Asian continent. So he sent U.S. advisory troops to support South Vietnamese soldiers. Later presidents increased involvement.)
• What does the section header “The War at Home” indicate the section will be about? What caused the war at home? What effects did it have? (The section header indicates that the section will discuss some sort of conflict back in the U.S. related to the Vietnam War. The conflict was that more and more people were becoming critical of the war. Effects include protests against the war and a youth movement.)
• The last section explains that in Vietnam, the conflict is called the American War. Why do you think this is? (Responses will vary, but students should support their ideas with evidence, such as the text details about millions of U.S. soldiers being sent to fight in Vietnam, the anger Le Duc Tho expressed at the Paris Peace Accords, and North Vietnamese forces quickly overrunning the South after the cease-fire.)

5. Use the Primary Sources Use the Primary Source: Project, distribute, or assign in Google Classroom the PDF A Vietnam Veteran Remembers , which features excerpts from a personal essay published in 2017 by Phil Gioia about his experiences fighting in Vietnam. Discuss what makes the essay a primary source. (It provides firsthand evidence concerning the topic.) Have students read the excerpts and answer the questions below (which appear on the PDF without answers).

• How would you describe the tone and purpose of these excerpts from Gioia’s personal essay? (The tone can be described as reflective and straightforward as well as critical in certain parts. The purpose is to describe what it was like to fight during the Vietnam War and to provide a perspective on the effectiveness of U.S. efforts in Vietnam.)
• In the first paragraph, Gioia says “Very lofty.” What does he mean? What was the reality he encountered? (By “very lofty,” Gioia means that the goal of preventing South Vietnam from falling to Communism was noble but difficult to achieve. The reality he encountered was that most soldiers were fighting to simply survive and return home.)
• What is Gioia’s assessment of the North Vietnamese army? Which details help show why he thinks this? (Gioia saw the North Vietnamese army as the enemy because that was his job, but he also respected their skill and determination. His descriptions of them as being “good light infantry” and having an ability to “control the tempo of the war” shows that he recognized their skill. His commentary that their “ability to move troops and equipment south never seemed to slack” and that they ignored truce periods to strategic advantage shows he viewed them as determined.)
• What ideas does Gioia convey through the three questions he asks and answers at the end of his essay? (Through his three questions and responses, Gioia conveys the idea that it was very unlikely that the U.S. would have succeeded—no matter what it tried—in preventing South Vietnam from being defeated by North Vietnam and falling to Communism. He also conveys the idea that the war was so complex that even today it’s hard to recognize what lessons we should have learned from it.) 
• Based on the Upfront article and the excerpts from Gioia’s personal essay, why do you think there were so many student protests against the war in the late 1960s and early 1970s? (Students’ responses will vary but should be supported by evidence from both texts.)

Extend & Assess

6. Writing Prompt Read “Escape From Cuba” in the previous issue of Upfront . Based on that article and this one, why do you think one embargo on a Communist country was lifted but not the other one? Explain in a brief essay. 

7. Quiz Use the quiz to assess comprehension.

8. Classroom Debate Should the U.S. reinstate the military draft?

9. Speaking With Meaning Display a photo of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Ask: Why do you think the design for the memorial was originally criticized? Then have students research the memorial and Maya Lin’s vision for it. Bring the class together to discuss why today the memorial is seen as a powerful tribute to those who died in the war.

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Teaching the Vietnam War: Beyond the Headlines

Teaching Activity. By the Zinn Education Project. 100 pages. Eight lessons about the Vietnam War, Daniel Ellsberg, the Pentagon Papers, and whistleblowing.

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This 100-page teaching guide, prepared by the Zinn Education Project for middle school, high school, and college classrooms, enhances student understanding of the issues raised in the award-winning film, The Most Dangerous Man in America: Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers .

The film and teaching guide are ideal resources for students trying to understand the news about WikiLeaks today. Through the story of Daniel Ellsberg, students can explore the type of information revealed by whistleblowers, the risks and motivations of whistleblowers, and the tactics used to silence whistleblowers. Daniel Ellsberg said: “EVERY attack now made on WikiLeaks and Julian Assange was made against me and the release of the Pentagon Papers at the time.”

Not only does Teaching the Vietnam War: Beyond the Headlines offer a “people’s history” approach to learning about whistleblowing and the U.S. war in Vietnam, it also engages students in thinking deeply about their own responsibility as truth-tellers and peacemakers. In the spirit of Howard Zinn, this teaching guide explodes historical myths and focuses on the efforts of people — like Daniel Ellsberg — who worked to end war.

• Lesson One: “What Do We Know About the Vietnam War? Forming Essential Questions” helps the teacher assess what students already know or think they know and surfaces essential questions that can be referenced while viewing the film.
• Lesson Two: “Rethinking the Teaching of the Vietnam War” and Lesson Three: “Questioning the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution” introduce the history of the Vietnam War that Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo sought to make public with the Pentagon Papers and is still missing from most textbooks.
• Lesson Four: “The Most Dangerous Man in America Reception” prepares students for the people, themes, events, and issues that are in The Most Dangerous Man in America through film through a simulated reception with close to 30 characters.
• Lesson Five: “Film Writing and Discussion Questions” provides a wealth of discussion questions and writing prompts.
• Lesson Six: “The Trial of Daniel Ellsberg” is a mock trial that invites students to determine what precedent might have been set with the trial of Ellsberg and Russo if the case had not been dismissed.
• Lesson Seven: “Blowing the Whistle: Personal Writing” provides students with an opportunity to explore the ways they themselves regularly make important choices about whether or not to resist injustice or remain silent.
• Lesson Eight: “Choices, Actions and Alternatives” helps students explore how human agency shapes history. Using the choice points of the Vietnam War, students can recognize the important consequences of decisions and actions by people in history and how they can be agents who can co-shape their world today.

While it would be ideal to use all the lessons, each lesson is a stand-alone activity.

The guide was developed by the Zinn Education Project in collaboration with The Most Dangerous Man in America filmmakers Judith Ehrlich and Rick Goldsmith. Written and edited by Bill Bigelow, Sylvia McGauley, Tom McKenna, Hyung Nam, and Julie Treick O’Neill. Funding for the guide provided by the Open Society Foundations.

Related Resources

• Daniel Ellsberg Warns Risk of Nuclear War Is Rising as Tension Mounts over Ukraine & Taiwan on Democracy Now! (May 1, 2023)
• Interview with Daniel Ellsberg on Democracy Now! about WikiLeaks (October 22, 2010)
• Interview with Daniel Ellsberg and others on Democracy Now! about WikiLeaks Cablegate (November 29, 2010)
• Interview with Daniel Ellsberg on The Colbert Report , part of an 8-minute segment on WikiLeaks
• Essays About the Vietnam War by Roger Peace, John Marciano, Jeremy Kuzmarov, and other contributors from Peace History
• Beautiful Souls: The Courage and Conscience of Ordinary People in Extraordinary Times . Book exploring what compels ordinary people to defy the sway of authority and convention for the greater good
• Beautiful Souls: Eyal Press on the Whistleblowers Who Risk All to “Heed the Voice of Conscience.” (March 9, 2012) Interview on Democracy Now!

More resources are listed in the free downloadable teaching guide.

Classroom Stories

I love all of the Zinn Education Project lessons that I have used in the classroom. They are a hit every time. Students have been able to connect with the subject matter at a deeper level and make connections to their current lives.

But my favorites are the Teaching the Vietnam War: Beyond the Headlines lessons. These are rich and thought-provoking. The best part of teaching them, for me, is at the end when students are challenged to think about how they too can advocate for social justice and add their voice to a cause worth fighting.

I’ve never seen a less that upholds and promotes diversity in the classroom as much as this one, Teaching the Vietnam War , allowing students to work individually and in groups to understand the people affected by war. —Hernán Eaves Cuéllar, high school social studies teacher, Portland, OR

We showed the The Most Dangerous Man film in our American Studies class as the ending to our introductory unit on “How we know what we know.” The course is thematic, and so we start our study by reading several different case studies throughout U.S. history and discuss how facts are ascertained and used in history. Questions like “what is truth?” dominate our discussion.

We watched the film along with our reading of Plato’s “Allegory of the Cave.” As a result, we used Dan Ellsberg’s journey from Vietnam War architect to peace activist as an illustration of the prisoners in the cave watching the shadows and then being lifted up to the light. The kids found Ellsberg’s journey to be both compelling and moving in that light. We centered our discussion on the main points of the journey of an educated person as laid out by Plato. We asked them the question as to what one’s responsibility is when they see “the light” with regard to helping others see as well or to simply go about their lives.

The discussion among the class was compelling. It was clear to them why people would choose to do nothing (i.e. Senator Fulbright), but it was equally compelling to see Ellsberg’s example of risking jail to do the right thing. What an amazing discussion!

The Most Dangerous Man in America: Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers

Film. By Judith Ehrlich and Rick Goldsmith. 2009. 94 minutes. The riveting story of how a Pentagon official risks life in prison by leaking 7,000 pages of a top secret report to the New York Times to help stop the Vietnam War.

Rethinking the Teaching of the Vietnam War

Teaching Activity. By Bill Bigelow. Rethinking Schools. 8 pages. A role play on the history of the Vietnam War that is left out of traditional textbooks.

A Revolution of Values

Teaching Activity. By Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. 3 pages. Text of speech by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on the Vietnam War, followed by three teaching ideas.

Camouflaging the Vietnam War: How Textbooks Continue to Keep the Pentagon Papers a Secret

Article. By Bill Bigelow. 2013. If We Knew Our History Series. While new U.S. history textbooks mention the Pentagon Papers, none grapples with the actual import of the Pentagon Papers.

Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers

Book — Non-fiction. By Daniel Ellsberg. 2003. 512 pages. A riveting behind-the-scenes account of Ellsberg’s decade of disillusionment leading up to Nixon’s resignation.

The Vietnam Wars: 1945-1990

Book — Non-fiction. By Marilyn B. Young. 1991. 448 pages. A detailed history of the Vietnam War.

Teaching the Vietnam War: A Critical Examination of School Texts and an Interpretive Comparative History Utilizing the Pentagon Papers and Other Documents

Book — Non-fiction. By William Griffen and John Marciano. 1979. 83 pages. Critique of the frameworks of U.S. history texts and engaging alternative history of the war.

Regret to Inform

Film. By Barbara Sonneborn. 1998. 72 minutes. Teaching Guide by Bill Bigelow. Chapter from A People’s History of the United States by Howard Zinn. A profound documentary on the impact of war, with a teaching guide and the chapter of A People’s History of the United States on the Vietnam War, “Impossible Victory.”

Sir! No Sir!

Film. By David Zeiger. 2005. 84 minutes. This award-winning film demonstrates the role soldiers and veterans played in the anti-Vietnam War movement.

Jan. 3, 1966: Sammy Younge Jr. Murdered

Samuel Younge Jr., Navy vet, Tuskegee student, activist was killed in Alabama for using a “whites-only” bathroom. SNCC issued a powerful statement about his murder and in opposition to the Vietnam War.

Dec. 30, 1971: Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo Jr. Indicted for Releasing the Pentagon Papers

Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. “Tony” Russo Jr. were indicted for releasing the Pentagon Papers, detailing the secret history of U.S. involvement in Vietnam.

May 11, 1973: Pentagon Papers Charges Dismissed

Judge Byrne dismissed all charges against Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo in the Pentagon Papers trial.

9 comments on “ Teaching the Vietnam War: Beyond the Headlines ”

The lessons are so rich and though provoking. The best part for me is at the end when students are challenged to think about how they too can advocate for social justice and share their voice to a cause worth fighting. —Chris Peterson, high school social studies teacher, Minneapolis, MN

I’ve never seen a plan that upholds and promotes diversity in the classroom as much as this one, allowing students to work individually and in groups to understand the people affected by war. —Hernán Eaves Cuéllar, high school social studies teacher, Portland, OR

Thank you for your considerable contribution in helping students understand the true history of the Vietnam war!

There is no way to Peace. Peace is the way. “la lutte continue” (“the struggle continues”)

Thank you for your work.

I gave several excerpts from the Most Dangerous Man curriculum to one of my students for her National History Day project. She was interested generally in the Vietnam War, and after talking with me about this awesome topic I’d read about lately (looking at this curriculum on the Zinn Project website), she decided to research Daniel Ellsberg’s story for History Day. She found the curriculum to be an invaluable source, a great starting point for her research.

As a peace activist, since the 60s, and now a peace advocate and educator, I have witnessed much of modern history first hand. I have also hungered for the facts, which so often are not forthcoming. The Pentagon Papers was the work of one of histories foremost whistle blowers. Daniel Ellsberg helped bring about the end of the Viet Nam insurgency. His courage opened up a new reality for many, that what we are told by the government, may or may not resemble the truth.

Historically, it is never too late for the truth to come out. If we have any chance of not repeating history, it will be because of what we have learned from history!

There were no protective agencies at the time Daniel Ellsberg blew the whistle. We can learn from him not only the truth, but the courage of one man, to stand up and do the right thing.

I brought this film and teaching guide up to a class of soon to be social studies teachers and they didn’t know what the Pentagon Papers were, nor who Daniel Ellsberg is — we have our work cut out for us!

We showed the film in our American Studies class as the ending to our introductory unit on “How we know what we know.” The course is thematic, and so we start our study by reading several different case studies throughout US history and discuss how facts are ascertained and used in history. Questions like “what is truth?” dominate our discussion. We watched the film along with our reading of Plato’s “Allegory of the Cave.” As a result, we used Dan Ellsberg’s journey from Vietnam War architect to peace activist as an illustration of the prisoners in the cave watching the shadows and then being lifted up to the light. The kids found Ellsberg’s journey to be both compelling and moving in that light. We centered our discussion on the main points of the journey of an educated person as laid out by Plato. We asked them the question as to what one’s responsibility is when they see “the light” with regard to helping others see as well or to simply go about their lives. The discussion among the class was compelling. It was clear to them why people would choose to do nothing (i.e. Senator Fulbright), but it was equally compelling to see Ellsberg’s example of risking jail to do the right thing. What an amazing discussion!

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More Teaching Resources

• Vietnam War Essays

The Vietnam War Essay

The dynamics of the Vietnam War make it one of the most complex wars ever fought by the United States.   Every element of the war was saturated with complexities beyond the previous conceptions of war.   From the critical perspective, for the first half of the twentieth century, Vietnam was of little strategic importance to the United States and, even “after World War II, Vietnam was a very small blip on a very large American radar screen” (Herring, 14).   The U.S. knew very little about Vietnam outside of its rice production until the French colonized the country.   Even after France’s colonization of Vietnam, a great deal of America’s perspective and the media’s perspective of Vietnam was “devoid of expertise and based on racial prejudices and stereotypes that reflected deep-seated convictions about the superiority of Western culture. In U.S. eyes, the Vietnamese were a passive and uninformed people, totally unready for self government” (Herring, 13).   A survey of New York Times articles published during the First Indochina War revealed that the U.S. foreign policy analysis, media and public overwhelmingly concentrated on the French perspective of the conflict.   Little attention was given to the Vietminh perspective or to the perspective of the French backed government of South Vietnam.   This viewpoint continued until 1949 when China’s civil war ended and the Communist took control of China.   Shortly after taking control Mao Zedong, the Communist leader acknowledged the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) and the Soviet Union quickly followed suit.   After that, the U.S. media placed a greater emphasis on Cold War rhetoric when dealing with Vietnam.   As noted, the Cold War mindset permeated much of American culture during this time period; “it was an age of ideological consensus, and this was true above all in foreign policy” (Hallin, 50).   At the conclusion of the First Indochina War, the U.S. foreign policy, public and media considered Vietnam as a nation that could spread Communism in Southeast Asia.   The focus of the United States foreign policy from 1954 to 1957 looked mainly at the internal affairs of South Vietnam and at Ngo Dinh Diem, and to a smaller degree at the Refugee Crisis after the Geneva Accords.   From 1957-1961 the U.S. attention shifted heavily on Vietnam’s fate in relation to the turmoil in Laos and Cambodi as well as to the Soviet threat.   This perception dominated the public opinion, media and U.S. foreign policy well into President John F. Kennedy’s Administration.

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THE VIETNAM WAR (1955-1975): ANALYSIS OF EVENTS

On August 5, 1964, Congress considered the Southeast Asia Resolution, commonly called the “Gulf of Tonkin Resolution” (Johnson, 118).   After two days of debate it passed the Senate by a vote of 88-2 and the House by a resounding 416-0 (Johnson, 118).   It was a resolution to deliberately allow the United States a broad hand in protecting peace and security in Southeast Asia.   A second section asserted that “peace and security in southeast Asia” was vital to American national security and therefore the president, acting in accord with the Charter of the United Nations and as a member of the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), would “take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force,” to assist member states of SEATO “in defense of [their] freedom” (Young, 109).   Finally, the resolution would expire when the president determined “peace and security had returned to the area” (Young, 109).   It could also be terminated by a subsequent congressional resolution.

On March 8, 1965, 3,500 Marines landed at Da Nang.   In May the first United States Army units arrived (Westmoreland, 124).   With air attacks against both North and South Vietnam being launched from bases in the South, airfields were a logical target for forces from the National Liberation Front, the Communist guerrillas fighting against the South Vietnamese, and no one placed much confidence in the protection from the forces of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) (Westmoreland, 123).   The United States ambassador to the Republic of Vietnam, Maxwell Taylor, cabled the State Department on February 22, 1965, voicing his concerns about the deployment of Marines in Da Nang to protect the airfield there.   In addition Taylor indicated that

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As for the use of Marines in mobile operations rather than static defense, [The] [w]hite-faced soldier, armed, equipped, and trained as he is not suitable guerrilla fighter for Asian forests and jungles…there would be [the] ever present question of how foreign soldier[s] would distinguish between a [Viet Cong] and a friendly Vietnamese farmer. When I view this array of difficulties, I am convinced that we should adhere to our past policy of keeping ground forces out of direct counterinsurgency role (Young, 139).  

Between 1965 and 1967, the United States military strategy in Vietnam had two major facets. The first involved strategic bombing of North Vietnam, and the second involved killing more Viet Cong and North Vietnamese regulars fighting in South Vietnam than could be replaced by new communist troops (McNamara,, 237).   President Johnson used the bombings and bombing pauses to pressure the North Vietnamese to conduct peace talks and bring the war to an end as quickly as possible.

But the war failed to end, and in early 1969, a counterattack occurred.   In the opening hours of the Tet Offensive, Viet Cong troops attacked thirteen of the sixteen provincial capitals of the Mekong delta of Southern Vietnam and many of the district capitals (Oberdorfer, 113).   Part of the shock of Tet was the contrast between recent official American military optimism that the war was drawing to a close and the public’s perception of the disparity between that optimism and the reality illuminated by the Tet attacks. The Viet Cong led the brunt of the communist Vietnamese attacks. In the majority of battles of the Tet Offensive throughout South Vietnam, the Viet Cong suffered crippling casualties. South Vietnamese and American casualties were proportionately less.  

From tactical perspective, the Tet Offensive was a military failure for the communist Vietnamese.   The main goal of the Tet Offensive was to incite a general uprising of the South Vietnamese population by demonstrating a powerful show of communist force.   However, no general uprising occurred as a result of the Tet Offensive.   The casualties sustained by the Viet Cong took a tremendous toll on the Viet Cong’s ability to conduct guerrilla raids on South Vietnamese and American forces for the remainder of the Vietnam War.

From the strategic viewpoint, the Tet Offensive was one of the communist Vietnamese’s greatest victories, because it severely affected the United States government’s political will to wage war in Vietnam.   Prior to the offensive, the Commanding General of the United States Military Assist Command Vietnam (MACV), General William Westmoreland, had stated that the war was winding down and that the United States could “see light at the end of the tunnel” (Oberdorfer, 271).   Upon hearing news reports of massed communist attacks throughout Vietnam, the existing American public support for the war eroded further.   In March 1968, upon hearing of General Westmoreland’s request for 200,000 more American combat troops in Vietnam while 500,000 servicemen and women were already fighting in Vietnam, the American public not only felt deceived but believed that the situation in Vietnam was unwinable or that the cost in American lives was too high (Oberdorfer, 271).   The Tet Offensive marked one of the most significant turning points in the Vietnam War (Oberdorfer, 280).  

Between 1968 and 1972, strategic bombing and bombing halts continued to be used to induce the North Vietnamese to engage in significant peace talks. American combat patrols continued throughout the South Vietnamese countryside to find and eliminate the Viet Cong presence. The Viet Cong and North Vietnamese continued to erode the South Vietnamese government’s power and make the casualty toll on American forces higher and less bearable to Americans at home. Significant changes occurred in key positions on both sides of the conflict. Richard Nixon won the 1968 election. Along with President Nixon, his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger began American troop withdrawals in 1969 (Herring, 226).   Ho Chi Minh died in 1969, and First Secretary Le Duan succeeded as the head of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (Duiker, 561).

On January 23, 1973, the United States signed the nine-point proposal from the North Vietnamese delegates that called for a cease-fire to allow for the withdrawal of United States forces from Vietnam.   In Vietnam itself, the North Vietnamese followed some elements of the cease-fire agreement, particularly those which included the health and well-being of the American armed forces prisoners.   The release of the remaining American prisoners of war occurred simultaneously with the departure of the last combat soldier, and both sides made arrangements for search teams to continue to look for soldiers missed on the battlefields.   On the sixtieth day after the truce, the Military Assistance Command Vietnam (MACV) officially closed down, declaring its mission accomplished (Young, 219). When the last American soldiers had left Camp Alpha, the processing barracks at Tan Son Nhut air base in Saigon, it was systematically dismantled by Vietnamese soldiers and civilians (Young, 220). The last American troops in Vietnam left on March 29, 1973.   Nevertheless, from 1973 to 1975 the South Vietnamese continued to fight the war without United States combat troops, using only weapons and supplies.   On April 30, 1975, the South Vietnamese government ordered a general cease-fire to all remaining loyal troops as North Vietnamese regulars occupied the southern capital city of Saigon. The Vietnam War was over.

THE VIETNAM WAR (1955-1975) AND THE U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY

The initial United States military strategy from 1959-1964 was to provide military advisors to train the South Vietnamese military in its war against the communist forces of the North Vietnamese and insurgents in the South, the Viet Cong.   A major lesson learned from the previous conflict the United States was involved in, the Korean War, was to fight a limited war that would not provoke larger and more powerful communist countries from getting directly involved.   The United States, throughout the Vietnam War up until its withdrawal in 1973, limited its actions against the Vietnamese communists in order to not provoke neighboring China or the Soviet Union from getting more involved.   From 1959 to 1964, American military advisors and United States Army regular and special forces were deployed to South Vietnam and attached to South Vietnamese military units. Their mission was to train the fledgling South Vietnamese in effective combat techniques.

The United States wanted a South Vietnamese victory over the communists with minimal United States involvement. Presidents Harry S Truman, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson wanted to avoid another war and to focus American resources elsewhere (McNamara, 40).   The United States government and military knew that it was highly unlikely for China or the Soviet Union to get directly involved if the United States limited its role to advising and allowed the South Vietnamese to fight their own battles.   The United States understood that a military victory would be more likely were American troops deployed to Vietnam. It believed that such action would not be necessary.

The Gulf of Tonkin incident in June 1964 changed the United States’ military strategy in Vietnam.   The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution passed by Congress allowed President Johnson to commit military forces “to protect the interests of the United States.” Whereas prior to the Tonkin episode American soldiers could not directly engage in combat, after the Marines landed at Da Nang in March 1965, the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution authorized American soldiers to directly engage with enemy forces.   This marked a significant shift in American military strategy in Vietnam.   Not long after the Marines landed to defend the air base at Da Nang from local Viet Cong attacks, the commanding general of Miliatry Assistance Command Vietnam (MACV) General Westmoreland shifted American forces’ posture in Vietnam from defensive to offensive.

Throughout the Vietnam War, the United States imposed several strategic limitations on its military forces to minimize the risk of broadening the war.   The United States did not want to repeat having the Chinese directly enter the war militarily.   The most significant limitation was the refusal to send ground troops into North Vietnam or to send any American forces including air and ground forces into neighboring Laos or Cambodia (Westmoreland, 44).   The military value of sending ground troops into North Vietnam to destroy troop and supply staging areas, occupy and deny use of strategic areas, and force the communist Vietnamese to assume a defensive posture and fight on ground of the Americans choosing would have been enormous.

The United States military did not leave North Vietnam unmolested. While American ground troops were not authorized to cross the 17th parallel dividing North and South Vietnam, the United States placed relatively few restrictions on sending bombers over North Vietnam with the goal to demolish North Vietnamese military supplies and weaponry before it could be used in South Vietnam (Kissinger, 239).   The American strategy regarding the air war over North Vietnam was to inflict the maximum amount of damage and casualties on the North Vietnamese necessary to make them lose their will to fight (Kissinger, 239).   The objective was to kill enough soldiers, destroy enough rice, which was the main staple of all Vietnamese people’s diets, and demolish enough bridges, railways, factories that the North Vietnamese could no longer wage war effectively against the South Vietnamese and its American ally.   The United States’ fury that was held in check by withholding ground troops from North Vietnam spurted out in the air campaigns conducted from 1965-1973 (Kissinger, 239).

Moving supplies during any military conflict is vital. One of the biggest challenges American and South Vietnamese forces faced throughout the Vietnam War was the North Vietnamese ability to supply their communist South Vietnamese allies, the Viet Cong, through Laos and Cambodia, a supply line dubbed the Ho Chi Minh trail after the North Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh (Westmoreland, 389).   The United States’ military strategy towards the Ho Chi Minh Trail centered on two facets. First was to destroy or prevent the supplies from North Vietnam aerially while they were still located in North Vietnam. Second was to position American and South Vietnamese forces along the South Vietnamese western border and so keep supplies from reaching the South.

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Vietnam War - Free Essay Samples And Topic Ideas

The Vietnam War was a protracted and contentious conflict from 1955 to 1975 between North Vietnam, supported by communist allies, and South Vietnam, backed by the United States and other anti-communist countries. Essays could delve into the complex geopolitics of the Cold War era that framed this conflict, examining the differing ideologies and interests that fueled this long and costly war. The discourse might extend to the military strategies, the notable battles, and the human cost endured by both civilians and military personnel. Discussions could also focus on the anti-war movement within the United States, exploring how the Vietnam War significantly impacted American politics, society, and culture. Furthermore, the lasting effects of the war on Vietnam and its relations with the U.S., along with the contemporary narratives surrounding the war and its veterans, could provide a well-rounded exploration of this crucial period in 20th-century history. A vast selection of complimentary essay illustrations pertaining to Vietnam War you can find at Papersowl. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

The Civil Rights Era and the Vietnam War for the USA

The Vietnam War was a conflict between North and South Vietnam with regards to the spread of communism. The communist North was supported by other communist countries while the South was supported by anti-communist countries, among them the United States. In South Vietnam the anti-communist forces faced off against the Viet Cong, a communist front. The involvement of the United States in the Vietnam War was ironical by the civil rights movements because despite their fight for democracy abroad and […]

The Sixties Civil Rights Movement Vs. Vietnam War

The 1960s were a very turbulent time for the United States of America. This period saw the expansion of the Vietnam War, the assassination of a beloved president, the civil rights and peace movements and the uprising of many of the world’s most influential leaders; known as Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X. Over the years, scholars have discussed the correlation between the Vietnam War and the Civil Rights movement. It has been argued that violence happening overseas directly […]

The Cold War: Severe Tension between the United States and the Soviet Union

The feuding began after World War II, mostly regarding political and economic power. After the destruction that World War II caused, the United States and the Soviet Union were left standing. Gaining control of countries was sought after, even if the countries weren't benefiting them in any way. During this time, it was all about power. From the years of 1957 to 1975, the Cold War was in full effect and the United States and the Soviet Union were in […]

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The Domino Theory and the Vietnam War

This investigation will explore the question: To what extent was the Domino Theory validated by the progress and outcomes of the Vietnam War? The years 1940 to 1980 will be the focus of this investigation, Vietnam War started after World War 2 and ended in 1975. More than 1 million Vietnamese soldiers and over 50,000 Americans were killed in the war. China became a communist country in 1949 and wanted to spread communism throughout Vietnam. Ho Chi Minh ( nationalist […]

American Involvement in Vietnam War

The frustration of Nixon was clearly building with the failure despite all sorts of efforts. A futile invasion of Cambodia, continued but ineffective Vietnamization policy, no cooperation from PRC, and an attempt to cripple the North into negotiations through bombing; nothing seemed to be working. This incapability to find a solution further led the Nixon administration to continue bombing on the North, with a wrong perception that raw control on the battle will gain them advantage. After this series of […]

Modern American Imperialism

By the end of the 18th century, the British Empire was one of the biggest colonial powers in the world. It had colonies in many countries across the world such as India and Australia. There were other colonial powers such as Spain, France, and the Netherlands. One of the latest countries which entered the imperialistic way was the U.S. It saw that other countries, especially Great Britain, were gaining resources, territories and most importantly dominance over the world. The U.S. […]

The Vietnam War in U.S History

The Vietnam War has been known in U.S history as the longest and most controversial war. The United States became involved in Vietnam to avoid having the country fall to a communist form of government. There were numerous fateful battles that claimed countless lives of those on both sides of the war. This war also resulted in many conflicts for the United States on the home front of the war, when the American people no longer supported the war. North […]

Comparison between World War II and Vietnam War

A half century ago the world, and most specifically America, was an extremely different place. As the world moved out of the World War II era, changes came in droves. America and the Soviet Union would move into a Cold War with a space race, while the rest of the world would watch in awe. In 1961, John F. Kennedy was inaugurated as the 35th president of the United States. Segregation was at an all-time high, so was the fight […]

Effects of the Cold War

The Cold War was a time of hostility that went on between the Soviet Union and the US from 1945 to 1990. This rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union lasted decades and created a result in anti communist accusations and international problems that led up to the two superpowers to the brink of nuclear disaster. During World War II, the Soviet Union and United States fought together as allies against the axis powers. However, the two nations […]

The Soldiers in the Vietnam War in the Things they Carrie

In Tim O'Brien's "The Things They Carried", we are told a story about what the soldiers in the Vietnam War carried with them and in particular what First Lieutenant Jimmy Cross carried with him. The way the story is told gives a glimpse of each soldier's personality based on the items that they carried with them. First Lieutenant Jimmy Cross carries letters from a girl named Martha with whom he is infatuated. Although she did not send them as love […]

The Vietnam War in History

The Vietnam war was a conflict between the north and south vietnam governments and the time span of this war began from 1954 all the way down to the year of 1975 fighting in the locations or North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. One important fact was the south of vietnam had an ally who were the United States, but also the north had help from China and the Soviet Union. With the two enemies having their own allies […]

Cold War Effects on America

The Cold War certainly changed and shaped the American economy, society, and politics from 1945 to 1992. The contrasting beliefs between Communism (the Soviet Union) and Democracy (the United States) caused the rift between the worlds top two most prominent superpowers -- Communism had established itself to be an immediate challenge to the importance of the United States of America. To stop these two world powers from becoming an even larger global conflict, a few military interventions were established in […]

The Vietnam War in the World History

Silence is all the soldiers could hear but they knew that they weren't alone. Soldiers from a foreign country attacked them from the shadows. Thousands of young American men were killed in the forests deep in Vietnam. The national interest of America that Americans developed after the Yalta Conference encouraged us to join the Korean War which led to the Vietnam War,the most regretted war in US History, guided America when it comes to foreign policies. At the end of […]

What is Vietnam War Known For?

Vietnam, a nation that had been under French colonial rule since the 19th century. During World War II, Japanese forces invaded Vietnam. To fight off both Japanese occupiers and the French colonial administration, political leader Ho Chi Minh. In 1945 the defeat in World War II, Japan withdrew its forces from Vietnam, leaving the French-educated Emperor Bao Dai in control. This was seen as an opportunity to gain control; Ho's Viet Minh forces immediately rose up to take over the […]

Depictions of the Vietnam War in the Book Things they Carried

In order to convey ideas or meanings to readers throughout their pieces of work, authors use different literary techniques. In The Things They Carried, Tim O’Brien employs a multitude of different devices to immerse the reader in his experiences during the Vietnam War. To depict the brutality and barbarity of war, O’Brien evokes images and discloses themes not only through metaphors, repetition, and irony, but also through the use of juxtaposition. By comparing seemingly contradictory and opposite ideas or images, […]

Impact of Vietnam War

The Vietnam War began in 1955 and lasted for 20 years or so. President Truman created a foreign policy that can assist countries that have instability due to communism. Truman then came up with the policy of the Truman doctrine. The causes of the Vietnam War was believed held by America that communism was going to expand all over south-east Asia. Neither of the U.S and Soviet Union could risk a war against each other because of the nuclear military […]

Yearbook of Psychology between 1961 and 1971

Introduction Prisoners go through lots of psychological processes when they are confined within the cells. They sometimes go against the orders or follow them according to the types of prisons they occupy. However, there have been various concerns about the psychological aspects of prisoners or those that serve jail terms. This therefore created the need to conduct studies on the psychological aspects of Zimbardos and Milgram? work. This study discusses the major comparisons and contrast between Zimbardo and Milgrams research […]

The Erosion of American Support for the Vietnam War

To begin, a massive amount of Americans are considered to be nationalistic and resonate with patriot appeals. A well known U.S rhetoric quote claims that America is "the greatest nation in the world". This can be used to U.S military advantage because it encourages or motivates United States citizens to support their country politically and to remain patriotic. As a result, in the 1950s, Americans had almost unconditionally support for their countries military actions and were fully on board with […]

Music and Society in Vietnam War Era

The Vietnam War is arguably the most controversial war in American history. To this day, our role and positioning in the struggle for power remains an enigma. It can be argued that we concerned ourselves in the struggle to deny the spread of communism, but it can be equally contended that we were there to suppress nationalism and independence. The publicized aesthetic showed that the war was between North and South Vietnam, but from '55 to '65 the escalation period […]

The Vietnam War and the U.S. Government

From the 1880s until World War II, France governed Vietnam as part of French Indochina, which also included Cambodia and Laos. The country was under the formal control of an emperor, Bao Dai. From 1946 until 1954, the Vietnamese struggled for their independence from France during the first Indochina War. At the end of this war, the country was temporarily divided into North and South Vietnam. North Vietnam came under the control of the Vietnamese Communists who had opposed France […]

How the Vietnam War Changed Diversity in America

The Vietnam War was a war of great controversy. The Vietnam War has the longest U.S. combat force participation to date, 17.4 years. This is closely followed by efforts in Afghanistan. U.S. combat force participation in Afghanistan is 17 years and continuing. The Vietnam War was a fatal one for U.S. armed forces. There are 58,220 total recorded military deaths from the war as of 2008 from the Defense Casualty Analysis System (U.S. Military Fatal Casualty Statistics, n.d.). Although the […]

Forest Gump as a Source for Studying History

' Life is like a box a chocolate, you never know what you are going to get ' as said in the novel Of Forest Gump I say would be as I would like to think the statement to portray the film from start to finish. In this exposition, I will expound on Forrest's life venture as a tyke to a grown-up and how his life can be contrasted with a container of chocolates. Right off the bat, the film […]

Analysis of the Vietnam War

Last Days in Vietnam shows how powerful this media can be when talented people dig deep into the often-complex history of the Vietnam War. Most convincing in the narrative is its introduction of the ethical bind confronting numerous Americans amid their most recent 24 hours in Saigon, regardless of whether to obey White House requests to clear just U.S. subjects or hazard charges of treachery to spare the lives of the greatest number of South Vietnamese partners as they could. […]

How the Hippie Movement Shaped the Anti-Vietnam War Protests

Rootsie, a young teen hippie coming of age during in the mid-1960s, saw the evils of the Vietnam War, which included the unnecessary deaths of fellow Americans who fought a war that could have been avoided, as many may argue. Hence, she overlooked the superficialities of the Vietnam War that the government imposed upon America to gain a deeper truth about the hippies: "these people were saying that spiritual enlightenment can save the world, bring an end to war and […]

American Troops in the Vietnam War

Lyndon B. Johnson was the 36th President of the United States, coming into the office after the death of President John F. Kennedy in November 1963. At the time of World War II, Johnson earned a Silver Star in the South Pacific serving in the Navy as a lieutenant administrator. Johnson was chosen to the Senate in 1948 after six terms in the White House. Before serving as Kennedy's vice president, Johnson had represented Texas in the United States Senate. […]

Vietnam War and Crisis

In 1887, France imposed a colonial system over Vietnam, Tonkin, Annam, Cochin China and Cambodia, calling it French Indochina. Laos was added in 1893. Upon the weakening of France during WWII, Japanese troops invaded French Indochina. In 1945, Japanese troops carried out a coup against French authorities and declared Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia as independent states. When Japan was defeated, a power vacuum opened over Indochina. France began to reassert its authority, and met resistance from Ho Chi Minh and […]

Sino Vietnamese Just War

The Sino-Vietnamese War, also known as the Third Indochina War, occurred in 1979 when troops from the People's Republic of China attacked the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. This war came after the First Indochina War and the Vietnam War (or the Second Indochina War). The First Indochina War lasted from 1946 to 1954 and involved a conflict between China and the Soviet Union backed Vietnam and France to control the area called Indochina. While the communist People's Republic of China […]

Entangled Histories: Unraveling the Causes of the Vietnam War

The Vietnam War, a tumultuous chapter in history, was born from a tapestry of interconnected causes, each thread weaving a complex narrative of historical, ideological, and geopolitical tensions. Colonialism served as a catalyst. Vietnam, part of French Indochina, endured French colonization, fueling aspirations for independence. Nationalist movements burgeoned, fermenting resistance against foreign rule and planting seeds of self-determination. Post-World War II dynamics set the stage. With the collapse of colonial powers after Japan's occupation, Vietnamese nationalists, spearheaded by Ho Chi […]

The Longest War Fought in America’s History

The Vietnam War was iniated in November 1st 1955 and was finished on April 30 1975 because communism was starting to grow in Vietnam and the U.S wanted to keep it contained. At the time President Nixon was really worried that if Vietnam was to become communist other nations would soon follow and switch to communism. Ultimately at the end of the war there were a million plus casualties on both sides. The war officially ended in 1975 with the […]

The Cold War and U.S Diplomacy

My take on President Kennedy's doctrine ""Respond flexibly to communist expansion, especially to guerrilla warfare from 1961 to 1963"". The doctrine by President John F. Kennedy. During the Second World War, the Soviet Union and the United States worked together in fighting Nazi of Germany. The coalition between the two parties was dissolved after the end of the war in Europe. During the Potsdam conference, the tension broke up on July when the two parties decided to share Germany. The […]

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How To Write an Essay About Vietnam War

Writing an essay on the Vietnam War is a task that combines historical research, analysis, and personal reflection. This article will guide you through the process of writing such an essay, with each paragraph focusing on a crucial aspect of the writing journey.

Initial Research and Understanding

The first step is to gain a thorough understanding of the Vietnam War. This includes its historical context, key events, major political figures involved, and the impact it had both globally and domestically in the countries involved. Start by consulting a variety of sources, including history books, scholarly articles, documentaries, and firsthand accounts. This foundational research will give you a broad view of the war and help you narrow down your focus.

Selecting a Specific Angle

The Vietnam War is a vast topic, so it's crucial to choose a specific angle or aspect to focus your essay on. This could range from political strategies, the experiences of soldiers, the anti-war movement, the role of media, to the aftermath and legacy of the war. Selecting a particular angle will not only give your essay a clear focus but also allow you to explore and present more detailed insights.

Developing a Thesis Statement

Based on your research and chosen angle, formulate a strong thesis statement. This statement should encapsulate your main argument or perspective on the Vietnam War. For instance, your thesis might focus on the impact of media coverage on public perception of the war, or analyze the strategies used by one side and how they contributed to the outcome. Your thesis will guide the structure and argument of your entire essay.

Organizing Your Essay

Structure your essay in a clear, logical manner. Start with an introduction that sets the scene for your topic and presents your thesis statement. The body of your essay should then be divided into paragraphs, each focusing on a specific point or piece of evidence that supports your thesis. This could include analysis of key battles, political decisions, personal stories from veterans, or the war's impact on domestic policies. Ensure each paragraph transitions smoothly to the next, maintaining a cohesive argument throughout.

Writing and Revising

Write your essay with clarity, ensuring your arguments are well-supported by evidence. Use a formal academic tone and cite your sources appropriately. After completing your first draft, revise it to enhance coherence, flow, and argument strength. Check for grammatical errors and ensure all information is accurately presented.

Final Touches

In the final stage, review your essay to ensure it presents a comprehensive and insightful perspective on the Vietnam War. Ensure that your introduction effectively sets the stage for your argument, each paragraph contributes to your thesis, and your conclusion effectively summarizes your findings and restates your thesis.

By following these steps, you will be able to write a compelling and insightful essay on the Vietnam War. This process will not only deepen your understanding of a pivotal historical event but also refine your skills in research, analysis, and academic writing.

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The Vietnam War’s and Student’s Unrest Connection Essay

The involvement of U.S. combat troops in the Vietnam War led to historic incidences in the U.S. related to protest protocols. There were obviously some U.S. citizens who supported war and, on the other hand, there were some U.S. civilians who were against the war. Among the protesters of the war were college/university students. The student protests were so passionate that they eventually turned into riots that halted operations in most cities of the United States.

Efforts by guardsmen to counteract the riots led to the deaths of a number of students and protesters, and they also left a score of casualties. This had many effects on the socio-political structure of the United States with the masses losing their trust in their leaders and new anti-riot protocols being adopted (Roberts, 2005, p. 1). This paper explores the connection between the Vietnam War and student unrest and also looks into the socio-political changes that the two caused in the United States.

By the end of the 1960’s decade, American colleges and universities had become increasingly tumultuous as more American troops were killed in Vietnam. The United States government had sent troops to Vietnam at the middle of the decade to help South Vietnam in their War. South Vietnam was fighting with North Vietnam which was governed by communists.

As the decade ended, more than 38000 Americans had lost their lives in the Vietnam War. This made the war increasingly unpopular among American citizens with college students being the most vocal against the Vietnam War (Ryan, 2008, p. 1).

The reason why students were actively involved in Vietnam War protests is because the government was forcing students to go to war after completion of their college education. Male students were expected to register for military service after attaining age eighteen.

They would then wait for two years after which the probability of being drafted for the war was very high. This is because American casualties in the war were many and replacement soldiers were required (Roberts, 2005, p. 1). Young men, therefore, hid themselves in colleges and were not thrilled by the approach of their graduation dates.

The students had to find a way out. Some of them went to hide in Canada while others opted for protests aimed at making the congress end the requirement of the students to go to Vietnam after graduation. This was the main connection between the Vietnam War and Protests by students. The most remembered of the student protests against Vietnam War was the protest by Kent University students.

It all started with the announcement by President Nixon on the 30 th day of April that the United States had decided to attack Cambodia. This led to the burning down of an army training centre in the Kent State. Several stores in town were also broken into. Loaded with M-1 rifles the guards went out searching the protesters and determine to utilise the combination of their arms with tear gas. Students then called for a rally during midday to continue their protests.

This led to a teargas-versus-stones battle between the guard officers and the students. The officers were overpowered by the students and they took refuge in a nearby hill where they opened fire killing four and injuring nine. This led to a week-long protest of students all over the U.S. who were angered by the Kent state shootings, the Vietnam War and several other grievances for specific universities (Roberts, 2005, p. 2).

An example of such protests were held by the by the University of Washington during the national strikes that took an approximate one week as a reaction to the Kent University shootings and a culmination of the student unrest over the involvement of the United States government in the Vietnam war and also the sending of students to Vietnam to die in the war after the completion of their studies.

The students from the University of Washington also had their institutional needs that they wanted the government to address during the week-long protests. They particularly wanted the government to give them their status as opponents of the war in Southeast Asia. These protests had a significant change on the social and political structure of the United States government.

As mentioned earlier, the Vietnam War and the resultant student protests had a lot of socio-political effects in United States. The financial repercussions brought about by the war weighed the United States government down to the extent that President Johnson had to increase taxes to finance the additional troops that were required with increased frequency. Social programs suffered greatly as their budgetary allocations were decreased substantially to finance the war.

Prior to the Vietnam War, the American public had confidence in their leaders (Ryan, 2008, p. 2). With the involvement of the American government in the war, the public was not able to figure out why a military intervention was necessary in Vietnam. This made the public lose their trust and confidence in their leaders and thus they stopped supporting those in government. The war also impacted the polls. Most American civilians held the idea that their government ought to stop exercising control over the rest of the world.

There was therefore a change in the preference of political candidates. The masses supported politicians who promised to help in ending the war. Republicans secured more political seats in the elections that followed with their counterparts, the democrats losing most of their political seats (Bexte, 2002, p. 1). The most significant impact of the involvement of university students in war protests was an overnight change in the way protests and riots were treated in the United States.

The famous picture of a fourteen-year-old female student crying over the killing of her fellow student in the Kent state riot scene remains indelibly imprinted in the minds of the Americans who saw it at the time. Whenever protests are counteracted by the police violently in the United States, the memory of the Kent state riot and the subsequent killing of four students occupy the minds of Americans (Ryan, 2008, p. 1). It can be argued that the Vietnam War student riots revolutionized protests in the United States.

The involvement of the United States government in the Vietnam War can be viewed to have been, arguably, a good thing. The forcing of young men to be involved in the war was, indubitably a bad thing but it gave the Unites States government and the world a very important lesson: that no government can force its young citizens to go to war and escape protests.

The financial crisis and political shift that followed the war was also a lesson. It is no doubt that the United States government remembers the Vietnam War and makes several considerations based on the Vietnam War before being involved in any war. It is no doubt that if the aforementioned draft was re-introduced, the government will face a lot of protests whose effects could even be worse than the Vietnam-War student riots.

Reference List

Bexte, M. (2002). The Vietnam War protests. Web.

Roberts, K. (2005). 1970 tragedy at Kent State: with the Vietnam War escalating, Ohio National Guard Troops fired at a crowd of student protesters, killing four of them. Web.

Ryan. J. (2008). Student unrest and the Vietnam War. Web.

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Bibliography

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Vietnam War Research Paper Topics

Welcome to iResearchNet’s comprehensive guide on Vietnam War research paper topics . This page is tailored specifically for students studying history who have been tasked with writing a research paper on this pivotal period of global conflict. Here, you will find a wealth of thought-provoking and diverse research topics that will allow you to delve into the complexities and impacts of the Vietnam War.

100 Vietnam War Research Paper Topics

The Vietnam War stands as one of the most significant and contentious conflicts of the 20th century, leaving an indelible mark on global history. For students studying this era, exploring the multitude of Vietnam War research paper topics is a compelling opportunity to gain insights into the complexities of war, diplomacy, society, and culture. In this section, we present an extensive and diverse list of research paper topics, meticulously organized into ten categories. Each category offers ten thought-provoking Vietnam War research paper topics, inviting students to delve into various facets of the conflict and its far-reaching impact. Whether you are interested in the war’s origins, military strategies, social ramifications, or the aftermath, this comprehensive list will inspire and guide you in crafting a well-informed and engaging research paper.

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Causes and Background of the Vietnam War

• French Colonialism in Vietnam: The Seeds of Conflict
• Ho Chi Minh and the Rise of Vietnamese Nationalism
• The Role of the United States in the Early Stages of the Conflict
• The Domino Theory and its Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy
• Assessing the Impact of World War II on the Vietnam War
• Roots of Anti-Communist Sentiments in the U.S. Government
• Examining the Geneva Accords and their Implications for Vietnam’s Future
• The Influence of the Cold War on the Vietnam Conflict
• The Interplay of Economic Interests and Colonial Ambitions in Indochina
• Religious and Ethnic Factors in the Conflict: Buddhism, Catholicism, and Cao Dai.

Military Strategies and Tactics

• Guerrilla Warfare and Its Impact on the Vietnam War
• The Tet Offensive: A Turning Point in the Conflict
• The Role of Media in Shaping Public Perception of the War
• Air Warfare: Operation Rolling Thunder and its Effectiveness
• The Use of Chemical Agents in the War: Agent Orange and Napalm
• The Battle of Ia Drang: Analyzing U.S. Troop Deployments
• The Ho Chi Minh Trail: A Supply Line that Shaped the War
• U.S. Strategic Bombing Campaigns and Their Consequences
• The Vietnamization Policy and Its Effects on the Conflict
• Evaluating the Role of Special Forces in Vietnam: Green Berets and Navy SEALs.

Social and Cultural Aspects of the War

• The Anti-War Movement in the United States: Origins, Key Figures, and Impact
• Media Coverage and Its Influence on Public Opinion
• Music of Protest: Folk, Rock, and the Counter-Culture Movement
• The Role of Women in the Vietnam War: Nurses, Volunteers, and Activists
• The Plight of Prisoners of War (POWs) and Missing in Action (MIAs)
• Protests and Resistance in Vietnam: Voices from the Viet Cong
• The Effects of PTSD on Veterans and Their Reintegration into Society
• Ethnic Minorities in the War: African Americans, Native Americans, and Hispanics
• The Impact of the Draft on American Society and Attitudes toward the War
• Artistic Expressions of the War: Literature, Film, and Photography.

Diplomacy and Peace Negotiations

• Paris Peace Accords: Negotiating an End to the Vietnam War
• The Role of Diplomacy in Resolving the Conflict: Successes and Failures
• Challenges and Obstacles to Peace Talks: Ideological, Political, and Military
• The Influence of Public Opinion on Peace Negotiations
• The Nixon-Kissinger Approach to Diplomacy: Realpolitik and Detente
• Assessing the Role of China and the Soviet Union in the Peace Process
• The Problem of Dual Recognition: North Vietnam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government
• Economic Sanctions and their Role in Negotiations
• The Impact of the Anti-War Movement on Diplomatic Efforts
• The Continuing Legacy of the Vietnam War in U.S. Foreign Policy.

Human Rights and War Crimes

• My Lai Massacre: Uncovering the Atrocities and Accountability
• Agent Orange and its Aftermath: Environmental and Human Health Impacts
• The Ethics of Targeted Killings and Assassinations during the War
• The Role of the International Red Cross and Humanitarian Efforts
• The Treatment of POWs in North Vietnamese Camps
• War Crimes Trials and the Pursuit of Justice: The Case of Lieutenant William Calley
• The Impact of the War on Children and Civilians: Orphans and Refugees
• War Crimes and Atrocities Committed by All Sides: A Balanced Perspective
• Examining the Legal and Moral Arguments of Bombing Civilian Targets
• The Ongoing Debate on War Crimes and Historical Reconciliation.

Impact and Aftermath of the Vietnam War

• Veterans’ Experiences and Challenges After the War: Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
• The Economic Impact of the War on Vietnam and the United States
• The Reconciliation Process between Vietnam and the United States
• The Legacy of the Vietnam War in U.S. Politics and Presidential Power
• The Vietnam War and Environmental Destruction: Deforestation and Agent Orange
• The Influence of the Vietnam War on Military Strategy and Doctrine
• The Vietnam War and the Emergence of the “Military-Industrial Complex”
• The Impact of the War on Asian-American Communities in the United States
• The Effects of the Vietnam War on American Public Opinion and Trust in Government
• The Emergence of Vietnam War Literature and its Cultural Significance.

The Role of Women in the Vietnam War

• Female Combatants in the Viet Cong: Roles and Contributions
• Nursing and Medical Care during the War: Women on the Frontlines
• Women’s Activism and Participation in the Peace Movement
• The Experience of American Military Nurses in Vietnam
• Women in Intelligence Agencies: Spies and Operatives
• The Impact of the War on Vietnamese Women: Challenges and Resilience
• Women as War Correspondents and Journalists
• Female Representation in the North Vietnamese Government and Army
• The Role of Women in the Anti-War Movement: Voices for Peace
• The Evolution of Gender Roles in Vietnamese Society during the War.

Intelligence and Counterintelligence

• The Role of the CIA and Other Intelligence Agencies in Vietnam
• Codebreaking and Communication Interception: Decrypting Enemy Messages
• Espionage and Double Agents in the Conflict: Aldrich Ames and Robert Hanssen
• Assessing the Effectiveness of Military Intelligence in Vietnam
• The Tet Offensive and Intelligence Failures: Lessons Learned
• Psychological Warfare and Propaganda: Deception in the Vietnam War
• The Phoenix Program: Intelligence-Led Counterinsurgency Efforts
• The Role of Signals Intelligence (SIGINT) in Shaping the War
• Intelligence Sharing between the United States and its Allies
• Evaluating the Role of Human Intelligence (HUMINT) in Gathering Information

Regional and Global Implications of the Vietnam War

• The Domino Theory and its Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy
• The Vietnam War’s Influence on Cold War Dynamics
• Vietnam as a Case Study in Nation-Building and Intervention
• The Impact of the Vietnam War on Southeast Asia: Regional Stability and Conflicts
• Assessing the Influence of the Vietnam War on Latin American Revolutionary Movements
• The Role of Australia and New Zealand in the Vietnam War: ANZUS Treaty Obligations
• China’s Involvement in the Vietnam War: Motives and Consequences
• The Soviet Union’s Support for North Vietnam: Political and Military Aims
• The Vietnam War and Africa: The Pan-Africanist Movement’s Response
• The Vietnam War and European Allies: NATO’s Dilemmas and Responses

Comparing the Vietnam War to Other Conflicts

• Vietnam War vs. Korean War: A Comparative Analysis of Strategies and Outcomes
• The Vietnam War and the Soviet-Afghan War: Lessons Learned and Repercussions
• Assessing the Similarities and Differences between the Vietnam and Iraq Wars
• Comparing Vietnam and World War II: The Role of Technology and Total War
• The Vietnam War and the Gulf War: Asymmetrical Warfare in Modern Conflicts
• The Vietnam War and the French-Algerian War: Colonial Legacies and Revolutions
• Vietnam War vs. The American Revolutionary War: Fighting for Independence
• The Vietnam War and the Falklands War: Island Conflicts and National Identity
• Comparing the Vietnam War to the Russo-Japanese War: Imperial Ambitions and Defeats
• The Vietnam War and the Spanish Civil War: International Interventions and Ideological Battles

You have now explored a vast array of Vietnam War research paper topics, spanning from the causes and background of the conflict to its far-reaching consequences on the global stage. By delving into these categories, you have the opportunity to uncover the multi-dimensional nature of the Vietnam War, analyze its intricacies, and grasp its profound implications. Whether you are fascinated by military strategies, diplomatic efforts, social aspects, or the aftermath, these topics will serve as a stepping stone to crafting an engaging and insightful research paper. Remember to select a topic that aligns with your interests, access credible sources, and stay objective in your analysis. Embark on your research journey with zeal, and let the knowledge you gain from these Vietnam War research paper topics contribute to a deeper understanding of this transformative period in history.

Vietnam War and Its Range of Research Paper Topics

The Vietnam War, spanning from 1955 to 1975, was a momentous conflict that not only reshaped the geopolitics of Southeast Asia but also left a profound impact on global history. Its intricate tapestry of political, military, social, and cultural dimensions provides a vast array of research paper topics for students studying history. Understanding the scope and significance of this war allows researchers to explore a myriad of intriguing themes that shed light on the complexities of human conflict, diplomacy, and societal transformation.

At the core of Vietnam War research lies the examination of its causes and background. Topics in this category delve into the historical underpinnings of the conflict, including the role of French colonialism in Vietnam, the rise of Vietnamese nationalism under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh, and the interplay of major powers like the United States and the Soviet Union in shaping the conflict’s trajectory. Investigating the roots of the war not only provides insights into the events that led to the outbreak of hostilities but also highlights the significance of broader historical contexts, such as the Cold War and the post-World War II era.

Military strategies and tactics employed during the Vietnam War form another intriguing avenue for research. The war’s unique nature, characterized by guerrilla warfare and asymmetrical tactics, challenges conventional notions of military engagements. Students can explore topics such as the Tet Offensive, which marked a turning point in the conflict, the use of psychological warfare and propaganda, and the effects of chemical agents like Agent Orange and napalm. Additionally, investigating the impact of media coverage and the role of journalists during the war sheds light on how public perception can influence the outcomes of armed conflicts.

The social and cultural aspects of the Vietnam War offer yet another captivating realm of research. The anti-war movement in the United States, with its origins in the counterculture of the 1960s, transformed public opinion and challenged the government’s war policy. Vietnam War research paper topics in this category can delve into the music of protest, analyzing how folk and rock songs became anthems for peace, as well as examining the impact of war on civilians, particularly women, children, and ethnic minorities. The experiences of veterans and the challenges they faced upon returning home, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), also provide fertile ground for exploration.

Diplomacy and peace negotiations during the Vietnam War open doors to study the intricacies of international relations and the complexities of conflict resolution. Vietnam War research paper topics may include an analysis of the Paris Peace Accords and the negotiations that led to a cease-fire, the role of third-party mediators, and the impact of public opinion on diplomatic efforts. Evaluating the challenges and obstacles faced during peace talks can offer valuable lessons on the difficulties of finding common ground in highly contentious and protracted conflicts.

Addressing issues of human rights and war crimes during the Vietnam War allows students to examine the darker aspects of armed conflicts. The My Lai Massacre, in which American soldiers killed unarmed Vietnamese civilians, represents a watershed moment in the war, raising questions about accountability and justice. Research topics in this category can explore the use of chemical agents like Agent Orange and its long-term environmental and health impacts, as well as the treatment of prisoners of war (POWs) and missing in action (MIAs). Analyzing war crimes and atrocities committed by all sides underscores the complexities of moral and legal judgments in times of war.

Beyond the active conflict, exploring the impact and aftermath of the Vietnam War provides a holistic understanding of its enduring legacy. Research topics in this area may focus on the experiences of veterans and the challenges they faced upon returning to civilian life, as well as the economic repercussions on both Vietnam and the United States. Assessing the ongoing reconciliation process between the two nations highlights the significance of post-war diplomacy and healing. The war’s environmental consequences, such as deforestation and the lingering effects of chemical warfare, also demand examination to better comprehend the far-reaching ecological impact of armed conflicts.

The Vietnam War’s influence extended beyond its immediate region, influencing the course of global politics and military strategy. Students can explore topics on the regional and global implications of the war, including its impact on the Cold War dynamics and the emergence of the “domino theory” as a guiding principle for U.S. foreign policy. Investigating the roles of other nations, such as China and the Soviet Union, in the conflict also illuminates the complexity of alliances and geopolitical strategies.

Moreover, comparing the Vietnam War to other historical conflicts enriches historical analysis and provides valuable insights into the dynamics of warfare. Vietnam War research paper topics in this category may explore the similarities and differences between the Vietnam War and the Korean War, the Soviet-Afghan War, the Iraq War, and other conflicts. Such comparative studies offer opportunities to evaluate the effectiveness of different military strategies, the impacts of international involvement, and the lasting legacies of various armed struggles.

In conclusion, the Vietnam War presents an expansive and diverse range of research paper topics that encompass politics, military strategy, social change, human rights, and global implications. As students embark on their research journey, they will uncover the multifaceted nature of this transformative conflict, gaining valuable insights into the complexities of war and its far-reaching consequences. By immersing themselves in the study of these Vietnam War research paper topics, students will not only enrich their understanding of history but also contribute to an ongoing dialogue about the enduring impact of the Vietnam War on the world stage.

How to Choose Vietnam War Research Paper Topics

Selecting a compelling and well-suited research paper topic is a crucial first step in crafting an engaging and insightful academic paper. As you explore the vast landscape of Vietnam War research topics, it is essential to choose a subject that aligns with your interests, expertise, and academic goals. This section offers expert guidance and ten essential tips to assist you in navigating the process of selecting the most suitable Vietnam War research paper topic. By following these recommendations, you will not only discover a topic that captivates your curiosity but also ensures that you have ample resources and relevant materials to support your investigation. Embark on this journey of exploration and analysis, and let your passion for history guide you toward a topic that allows you to make a meaningful contribution to the understanding of this transformative period in global history.

• Understand Your Interests and Expertise : Begin the process of selecting a research paper topic by reflecting on your personal interests and expertise. Think about the aspects of the Vietnam War that fascinate you the most, whether it be its historical origins, military strategies, cultural impact, or diplomatic efforts. Consider your previous coursework, readings, and discussions in history classes to identify areas that have captivated your attention. By choosing a topic that aligns with your interests and knowledge, you are more likely to stay engaged and motivated throughout the research and writing process.
• Focus on Specific Aspects or Time Periods : The Vietnam War spans two decades and encompasses a wide range of events and themes. To narrow down your research paper topic, consider focusing on specific aspects or time periods within the war. For example, you could explore the causes and consequences of a particular battle, the experiences of soldiers during a specific year, or the impact of a particular policy or strategy. Focusing on a specific aspect allows you to delve deeper into the subject matter and provide a more nuanced analysis of the historical context.
• Consider Relevance and Contemporary Implications : As you explore different research paper topics, consider the relevance of your chosen subject matter to contemporary issues and debates. How does the Vietnam War’s history connect to present-day challenges, such as conflict resolution, foreign policy, or social justice? Understanding the contemporary implications of your research topic not only adds relevance to your paper but also allows you to contribute to ongoing discussions and debates about historical legacies.
• Evaluate the Availability of Sources and Materials : Before finalizing your research paper topic, assess the availability of credible and reliable sources. Check whether there is sufficient literature, primary documents, and scholarly articles related to your chosen topic. A well-supported research paper requires access to a diverse range of sources to strengthen your arguments and provide a comprehensive analysis. Ensure that your topic has enough resources to support your research and avoid topics with limited or outdated information.
• Seek the Guidance of Your Professor or Instructor : Consulting with your professor or instructor can provide valuable insights and suggestions for your research paper topic. They can help you identify areas that need further exploration, recommend reputable sources, and guide you in refining your research questions. Professors often appreciate students who show enthusiasm and initiative in selecting topics related to course content, as it demonstrates a genuine interest in the subject matter.
• Look for Gaps in Existing Research : Research topics that address gaps in existing literature or challenge prevailing interpretations can make a significant contribution to historical scholarship. Investigate areas that have received less attention or have not been thoroughly explored in previous research. By shedding new light on understudied aspects of the Vietnam War, you can offer fresh insights and expand the existing body of knowledge.
• Balance Well-Known and Lesser-Known Topics : Consider balancing well-known topics with lesser-known or overlooked aspects of the Vietnam War. While popular subjects, such as the Tet Offensive or the anti-war movement, offer ample resources and discussions, exploring less familiar topics can yield unique and original research. By delving into lesser-known events, individuals, or policies, you can uncover hidden stories and bring new perspectives to the forefront.
• Analyze the Significance and Impact of the Chosen Topic : Assess the historical significance and broader impact of your chosen topic within the context of the Vietnam War. How did your topic influence the course of the war, the lives of people involved, or the historical narratives that emerged afterward? Understanding the broader implications of your research topic adds depth to your paper and allows you to contextualize its relevance within the larger historical framework.
• Choose Topics that Resonate with Current Events : Exploring research paper topics that resonate with current events and contemporary issues can infuse your study with relevance and broader societal implications. Consider how historical themes related to the Vietnam War connect to modern-day conflicts, international relations, or social movements. By drawing parallels between past and present, you can demonstrate the continued relevance of historical analysis in understanding present challenges.
• Stay Passionate and Motivated Throughout the Research Process : Above all, choose a Vietnam War research paper topic that ignites your passion and curiosity. A topic that genuinely excites you will sustain your motivation and dedication during the research process, even when faced with challenges or complexities. Your enthusiasm for the subject matter will shine through in your writing, making your research paper more engaging and impactful for your readers.

The process of selecting a research paper topic on the Vietnam War demands careful consideration, critical thinking, and a genuine interest in historical exploration. By following these ten essential tips, you can identify a topic that aligns with your interests, is well-supported by resources, and contributes to the existing body of knowledge on this transformative period in global history. Whether you choose to delve into well-known events, unearth lesser-known stories, or investigate the contemporary relevance of historical themes, your research endeavor will enrich your understanding of the Vietnam War and its enduring impact on the world. Embrace the opportunity to contribute to historical scholarship, and embark on a journey of discovery that will leave a lasting legacy in the field of history.

How to Write a Vietnam War Research Paper

Once you have selected a compelling Vietnam War research paper topic, the next step is to embark on the writing process. Writing a research paper on the Vietnam War requires careful planning, thorough research, and a structured approach to effectively present your findings and analysis. This section will provide you with expert guidance and ten essential tips to help you craft a well-organized, insightful, and compelling research paper that showcases your understanding of this significant historical period.

• Develop a Clear Thesis Statement : Craft a concise and focused thesis statement that outlines the main argument or central point of your research paper. Your thesis statement should reflect the specific aspect of the Vietnam War you are exploring and the main conclusions you aim to draw from your research. It provides the backbone of your paper and guides readers on what to expect from your analysis.
• Organize Your Research : Organize your research materials and sources systematically to facilitate efficient writing. Create an outline or structure for your paper, dividing it into sections or chapters based on the main points you want to cover. This organization ensures a logical flow of ideas and helps you avoid redundancy or confusion in your writing.
• Conduct In-Depth Research : Thoroughly investigate primary and secondary sources related to your chosen topic. Use reputable academic journals, books, historical documents, interviews, and other reliable materials to support your arguments. Balance your research between different perspectives and viewpoints to provide a comprehensive and well-rounded analysis.
• Incorporate Strong Evidence : Support your arguments with strong and relevant evidence from your research. Use direct quotes, statistics, and specific examples from primary sources and scholarly literature to validate your claims. Cite your sources accurately using the appropriate citation style (e.g., APA, MLA, Chicago/Turabian) to give credit to the original authors and avoid plagiarism.
• Analyze and Interpret Findings : Analyze the evidence you have gathered and interpret its significance within the context of your research question. Explain how the evidence supports your thesis and the broader implications of your findings. Provide critical insights and thoughtful interpretations to demonstrate your understanding of the Vietnam War and its complexities.
• Develop Well-Structured Paragraphs : Organize your ideas into well-structured paragraphs that each focus on a single topic or argument. Begin each paragraph with a clear topic sentence that introduces the main point, followed by supporting evidence and analysis. Use transitions to connect your paragraphs and maintain a smooth flow of ideas.
• Use Engaging and Clear Language : Write in a clear and concise manner, avoiding jargon or unnecessary complexity. Use engaging language to captivate your readers and maintain their interest throughout your research paper. Avoid long, convoluted sentences and opt for straightforward and coherent writing.
• Provide Historical Context : Offer sufficient historical context to contextualize your research and help readers understand the significance of your findings. Explain the broader historical background, events, and developments that led to the Vietnam War. Providing context enhances the readers’ comprehension of your paper and reinforces the relevance of your research.
• Address Counterarguments : Acknowledge and address counterarguments or alternative viewpoints related to your research topic. Demonstrating an awareness of differing opinions strengthens your paper and showcases your ability to engage in scholarly discourse. Present counterarguments objectively and explain why your research supports your own thesis.
• Conclude with Impact : Craft a strong and impactful conclusion that summarizes your main findings, restates your thesis, and reflects on the broader significance of your research. Avoid introducing new information in the conclusion, and instead, leave readers with a lasting impression of your research and its contributions to the understanding of the Vietnam War.

Writing a research paper on the Vietnam War is a challenging yet rewarding endeavor that allows you to deepen your understanding of this transformative period in history. By following the ten essential tips outlined in this section, you can approach the writing process with confidence and structure, ensuring that your research paper is well-organized, insightful, and compelling. Remember to develop a clear thesis statement, conduct thorough research, and incorporate strong evidence to support your arguments. Analyze and interpret your findings, provide historical context, and address counterarguments to showcase your depth of understanding. With engaging and clear language, present your research in a coherent and impactful manner. As you conclude your paper, leave readers with a lasting impression of your research’s significance and contributions to the field of historical scholarship. Embrace this opportunity to share your knowledge and insights, and let your Vietnam War research paper be a testament to your passion for history and commitment to academic excellence.

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Students and the Anti-War Movement

Written by: Kenneth J. Heineman, Angelo State University

By the end of this section, you will:.

• Explain how mass culture has been maintained or challenged over time
• Explain how and why opposition to existing policies and values developed and changed over the course of the 20th century

Suggested Sequencing

Use this narrative with the Protests at the University of California, Berkeley Decision Point; the Free Speech and the Student Anti-War Movement Decision Point; the Students for a Democratic Society, “Port Huron Statement,” 1962 Primary Source; and the Walter Cronkite Speaks Out against Vietnam, February 27, 1968 Primary Source to discuss the public dissent of the United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War.

The baby boom generation came of age during the Cold War in an affluent economy. When they entered college in the early 1960s, some of the young people were influenced by reading the works of radical critics of postwar America. Those intellectuals questioned the Cold War foreign policy of communist containment and searched for meaning in corporate and suburban America, which they considered conformist. Three critical academics, in particular, had an enormous influence on college campuses during the 1960s: Columbia sociologist C. Wright Mills, Wisconsin historian William A. Williams, and Brandeis philosopher Herbert Marcuse. The intellectual foundation of the 1960s university protest against American foreign policy and the Vietnam War can be found in their books, articles, and lectures.

Mills believed a “power elite” ruled the United States. He contended that, behind the facade of reform during the Great Depression, federal bureaucrats, corporate executives, and union leaders had forged an undemocratic alliance. The worst members of the power elite, Mills believed, were union leaders who had betrayed their communist or “Old Left” allies. Labor leaders, however, were only part of the problem. In Mills’s view, the white working class was racist and imperialist. It was up to intellectuals, chiefly faculty and students, to become the vanguard of a “New Left.” Radicalized college graduates would become the teachers, journalists, and bureaucrats who would destroy the Power Elite from within.

Where Mills dissected post-World War II power relations, Williams transformed the historical study of American foreign policy. To Williams, the United States had always been an expansionist nation. It was irrelevant which political party executed American foreign policy, because both Republicans and Democrats promoted a “liberal capitalist State.” Williams concluded the United States could not end injustice at home until it had dismantled its empire abroad.

Unlike Williams and Mills, Marcuse was a refugee from Nazi Germany with first-hand exposure to totalitarian rule. The lessons Marcuse drew from that experience shaped his view of the United States, which he came to regard as only marginally different from Nazi Germany. Marcuse believed democracy was a disguise that hid America’s true dictatorial nature. When civil libertarians called for all points of view to be heard, they were really promoting what Marcuse called “oppressive tolerance.” Free speech allowed racism and imperialism to flourish, he asserted. The pursuit of social justice required intellectuals to shut down their ideological opponents, whether by verbally disrupting their talks or by resorting to violence.

The rise and evolution of the 1960s New Left owed much to Mills, Williams, and Marcuse. In 1962, the recently formed Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) met at Port Huron, Michigan. Fifty-nine delegates, mostly students from such elite universities as Brandeis, Harvard, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Yale, drafted a manifesto, “The Port Huron Statement.” SDS became the focus of campus anti-war protest, even though other peace groups arose, including the Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (SMC).

The SDS helped promote protests against the Vietnam War and “predatory” capitalism. This picture shows students at University of Michigan protesting against the Dow Chemical company in 1969. (credit: “March against Dow; MD_70029_002,” by Jay Cassidy, Jay Cassidy photographs, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan).

Drawing inspiration from Mills and Williams, Tom Hayden, the principle author of the “Port Huron Statement,” proclaimed that “exaggerated and conservative anticommunism seriously weaken democratic movements and spawn movements contrary to the interests of basic freedoms and peace.” Although Marcuse’s works were not explicitly cited at the 1962 SDS meeting, there were members who acted in his spirit. Al Haber, the first SDS president, had argued a year earlier that student activists should not tolerate their conservative counterparts on campus, because they were “racist, militaristic, imperialist butchers.”

Initially, SDS experienced slow growth. SDSers threw themselves into community civil rights demonstrations, picketing stores that would not serve African Americans. In 1964, a few hundred white college students, some of them SDSers, went to Mississippi to participate in a voter registration drive known as “Freedom Summer.” Southern law enforcement responded with violence, most famously assisting in the execution of three civil rights volunteers in Philadelphia, Mississippi.

Freedom Summer galvanized its participants. White students who returned from the South took part in large-scale demonstrations, most notably the 1964 Berkeley Free Speech Movement. Meanwhile, many African American students came away from their experiences convinced they must separate themselves from whites if they were to control their destinies. In 1966, SNCC, the largest black student civil rights organization, expelled its white members.

Democratic president Lyndon Johnson’s escalation of the Vietnam War in 1965 gave SDS a cause of its own, as well as a recruiting boost. SDS leaders opposed the war because they felt it was unjust and feared being drafted. As the war continued to escalate, so did the militancy of anti-war students.

College campuses became centers of anti-war protest for several reasons. First, the United States had recently welcomed the largest birth cohort in its history; 76 million people were born during the baby boom from 1946 to 1964. Subsequently, college enrollment swelled, from three million in 1960 to 10 million by 1970. The number of faculty also increased, from 196,000 in 1948 to more than 500,000 20 years later. Most of the student and faculty anti-war activists were clustered in the liberal arts.

Second, along with the enrollment growth of universities, many colleges engaged in military-related research or allowed recruiters from corporations with military contracts to come to campus in search of new employees. Recruiters from Dow Chemical and General Electric (GE), among others, became targets of student and faculty protesters. Dow aroused anti-war ire because it manufactured napalm, a chemical weapon used in Vietnam; GE made military aviation equipment. By 1967, corporate recruiters were not just being heckled; some were assaulted.

This 1969 poster from SMC denounced General Electrics as a war profiteer.

Third, given the size of the baby boom cohort, the Department of Defense could afford to give draft deferments to millions of male students. Because just 17 percent of college students came from working- and lower-middle-class families, it was no surprise that 80 percent of the youths who served in the military came from blue-collar backgrounds. Although students could avoid the Vietnam War by remaining in college until they were too old to be drafted, there was always the danger they would flunk out and then be drafted. Fear of the draft fed the ranks of anti-war protestors.

By 1968, SDS had grown to 100,000 members. Student anti-war protestors had a common demographic profile. Most came from middle- to upper-middle-class families and grew up in post-World War II suburbs, where there were few working-class whites or racial minorities. Some claimed elite backgrounds. SDS leader Rennie Davis, who helped organize the disruption of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, was the son of one of President Truman’s foreign policy architects. Craig McNamara, the son of Johnson’s secretary of defense, kept a communist North Vietnamese flag in his Stanford University dorm room and smashed shop windows during anti-war protests.

In the summer of 1968, numerous students and activists violently protested outside the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Federal troops were sent in to restore order.

Ninety-five percent of anti-war student activists had been brought up in Democratic households. Few Republicans became anti-war activists; Diana Oughton, the daughter of a wealthy Illinois business executive and politician, was a notable exception. A third of SDS members had parents who were part of the 1930s Old Left. Given their ideological upbringing, such New Left activists were given the nickname “red diaper babies.”

If anti-war student activists had working-class backgrounds, they tended to go to less elite state universities; for example, Kent State as opposed to Michigan. They were often leery of engaging in violent protests and argued that police officers and soldiers carried loaded guns, which they would use if they felt threatened. Students from more affluent backgrounds were often dismissive of such warnings because they often had less familiarity with the police or military.

By 1969, the campus anti-war movement began to collapse. Republican President Richard Nixon suspected that most students protested the Vietnam War because they feared being drafted. He ended the student deferment and established a draft lottery. Because Nixon was then withdrawing U.S. troops from South Vietnam, the higher a young man’s draft number, the less likely he would be inducted. Nearly all campus anti-war protest ended. Although Nixon’s April 1970 invasion of Cambodia triggered renewed student unrest and led to the killing of four students at Kent State by the Ohio National Guard, once it became obvious that he was not calling up more troops, the demonstrations ended.

Campus anti-war protest also faded away in 1969 after SDS splintered. One SDS faction, known as Progressive Labor (PL), followed the teachings of Chinese communist leader Mao Tse-Tung. SDS-PL recognized that a minority movement of privileged intellectuals was doomed and therefore went into factories to recruit white workers. Its efforts failed, vindicating Mills’s contention that working-class whites were too culturally conservative to become revolutionaries.

Another SDS faction became known as the Revolutionary Youth Movement (RYM). RYM took its inspiration from a 1965 Bob Dylan song, “Subterranean Homesick Blues,” which had an enigmatic line: “You don’t need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows.” The SDS-RYM faction embraced the name “Weathermen.” The Weathermen hoped to launch a guerrilla insurgency in the United States. As they chanted, “Bring the war home!”, they attempted to assassinate police officers and soldiers, rob armored cars and banks, burn campus Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) buildings, and plant bombs in corporate offices.

The Weathermen failed at nearly everything they attempted. In 1970, three members died while constructing a bomb they had planned to detonate at a military installation. Diana Oughton was among the dead, as was Terry Robbins, who had helped organize the Weathermen at Kent State. Most of the Weathermen went underground, eluding the FBI for years until they resurfaced. Few served any jail time.

Review Questions

1. Which New Left document did Columbia University sociologist C. Wright Mills inspire?

• The Power Elite Statement
• The Port Huron Statement
• The Sharon Statement
• The Kent State Statement

2. The New Left believed which group was the vanguard of radical social and economic change?

• The white working class
• The power elite
• Intellectuals
• The Republican Party

3. Most anti-war student activists of the 1960s came from

• rural Republican households
• working-class households
• urban, politically independent households
• Democratic households

4. The aftermath of the Freedom Summer led to

• Martin Luther King Jr.’s dominance of the civil rights movement
• calls for greater militancy in civil rights organizations
• rejection of the Berkeley free speech movement
• financial collapse of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

5. The New Left argued that

• labor unions had abandoned the old left’s goals by joining the power elite
• current American foreign policy goals in Southeast Asia were attainable
• the United States served as a model of racial tolerance and moderate foreign policy
• the white working class would be the central core of the New Left’s power

6. According to the New Left, the power elites were

• college professors and students
• former federal bureaucrats, union leaders, and corporate executives
• suburban voters
• the urban working class

7. College campuses became centers of anti-war protest for all the following reasons except

• increased college enrollment by members of the baby boom generation
• military and industrial recruitment on college campuses
• military deferments for college attendance
• high numbers of college graduates among enlisted soldiers’ ranks

8. Anti-war protests increased during the Vietnam War with the

• institution of the draft
• passage of Great Society legislation
• spread of Jim Crow legislation
• presidential election of Richard Nixon

Free Response Questions

• Compare the demographics of the baby boomers who protested the Vietnam War with those who fought in the war.
• Discuss the New Left’s critique of American society and foreign policy.

AP Practice Questions

A 1970 FBI Wanted poster.

1. The event that most likely shaped the situation described in the poster was the

• failure of the New Deal
• Civil Rights Act of 1964
• Vietnam War
• feminist support for the Equal Rights Amendment

2. The message of the poster most directly illustrates

• debates over civil rights strategy and tactics
• the fringes of the counterculture
• support for Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society
• advocacy for changes in sexual norms

3. Which of the following best describes a political effect of the situation alluded to in the poster?

• a resurgent conservatism movement
• an expansion of the policy of containment
• passage of voting rights acts
• an end to social justice movements

Primary Sources

Marcuse, Herbert. “Repressive Tolerance.” 1965. http://www.marcuse.org/herbert/pubs/60spubs/65repressivetolerance.htm

Mills, C. Wright. The Power Elite . New York: Oxford University Press, 1959.

Port Huron Statement draft. 1962. http://www.sds-1960s.org/PortHuronStatement-draft.htm

Williams, William A. The Tragedy of American Diplomacy . New York: Delta Publishing Co., 1962.

Suggested Resources

DeBenedetti, Charles. An American Ordeal: The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era . New York: Syracuse University Press, 1990.

Gitlin, Todd. The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage . New York: Bantam, 1993.

Heineman, Kenneth J. Campus Wars: The Peace Movement at American State Universities in the Vietnam Era . New York: New York University Press, 1993.

Heineman, Kenneth J. Put Your Bodies Upon the Wheels: Student Revolt in the 1960s . Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2001.

Isserman, Maurice, and Kazin, Michael. America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s . New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

Klatch, Rebecca E. A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s . Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999.

Lyons, Paul. The People of this Generation: The Rise and Fall of the New Left in Philadelphia . Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.

Miller, James. “Democracy is in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994.

Schneider, Gregory L. Cadres for Conservatism: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of the Contemporary Right . New York: New York University Press, 1998.

Wells, Tom. The War Within: America’s Battle Over Vietnam . Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994.

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Vietnam war essay grade 12 summary

An analysis of the Vietnam War indicates that it is one of the longest lasting wars that was fought between North Vietnam and South Vietnam, and the United States also participated actively in the war as an ally of South Vietnam. It is mainly the US anti-communist foreign policy that has driven the war and the conflict was further intensified because of the cold war between the United States and the Soviet Union. It is also known as the second Indo-China war where in the north Vietnam was positively supported by the Soviet Union, whereas South Vietnam got the support of America, Australia, Britain, France and New Zealand. The war lasted for 19 years and it ended in 1973. The United States is located 9000 miles away from Vietnam and still it participated in the war only because it felt that its national interest was threatened strongly. The US feared that there could be the spread of communism and its entry was therefore to stop the spread of communism in Asia.

As a result of the Vietnam War, there are significant outcomes being evident such as economic downturn, and political isolation of Vietnam. The war also resulted in the fall of the South Vietnamese government in 1975 and it ultimately led to the formation of a unified communist government in the country. The effect of the Vietnam War is also identified in the form of staggering death toll, as it was identified that the war has resulted into the killing of estimated 2 million Vietnamese civilians, 1.1 million North Vietnamese troops and 200000 South Vietnamese troops.  Although there were significant killings identified in the war from both sides, the US failed to comprehensively win the war. The reasons identified for its losses are that the Americans were an invading force, and Vietnamese were fighting on their own soil. There was also a lack of commitment identified on the part of Americans in terms of winning the war. The war led to lessons learnt by the US that there is a need for the right motivation to intervene in a conflict, as it drives the most effective strategy and clear goals to achieve from the conflict. However, this was completely lacking on the part of the US which led to their defeat in the Vietnam war.

How to write an essay on Vietnam war

Writing an essay on the Vietnam War requires a good understanding and knowledge about the war, and also the ability to write essays properly. Writing an essay requires proper introduction, body and conclusion, and it is important to cover relevant information in all these sections of an essay. The introduction must include a brief background about the war indicating the period from which the war lasted, the main parties involved in the war, and the major reason for which the war was fought between the involved parties. The body section must include an in-depth analysis covering the causes of war, the actual strategies and techniques utilised by the parties involved in the war, the consequences of the war and final result explaining which side has won the war. The final conclusion must include a brief discussion about the findings from the entire analysis about the war. The professional experts are well aware of the approach to be undertaken in writing a Vietnam War essay in order to provide good understanding about the topic to the readers. They can answer important Vietnam war essay questions perfectly such as:

1)      ‘ … All the military might of a superpower could not defeat a small nation of peasants.’ Critically discuss this statement in the light of the United States of America’s involvement in Vietnam between 1965 and 1975. Use relevant examples to support your answer.

2)      “America failed to stop the expansion of communism in Vietnam” Do you agree with this statement?

Why did US lose the Vietnam war essay

In terms of killings in the war, it is clear that the US along with its ally South Vietnam succeeded in killing a large number of people from North Vietnam, the overall situation indicated that the US failed to win the war against Vietnam. This is mainly because US has utilised aerial bombing and chemical weapons to destroy Vietnamese villages and has lost a great amount of support from Vietnamese people including both North and South Vietnam. Since the war was also aired on TV, there was strong opposition faced by the USA in the US itself, as a growing number of people from the USA opposed the involvement of the USA in Vietnam.  The cost and casualty of the war had a massive adverse impact on the United States to bear and it ultimately withdrew itself from the war by 1973. As a result of this, South Vietnam fell into full scale invasion by the North by 1975.

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Exploring the vietnam war: a teacher’s resource essay.

He didn’t even hear what I said; he was absorbed already in the dilemmas of Democracy and the responsibilities of the West; he was determined . . . to do good, not to any individual person but to a country, a continent, a world.” ––Graham Greene, The Quiet American (1955) 1

The purpose of this essay is to provide classroom instructors and other interested parties with a review of a range of readings, films, and documentaries about the Vietnam War. The eight areas presented explore the conflict in its complexity, from background to culture to the legacy for US foreign policy. The areas can be shaped into instructional units, with readings and films chosen with a secondary school or college audience in mind.

       Vietnam’s French Colonial Background

Before the American war came the French colonial experience, establishing Indochina as a far-flung colonial outpost, enriching the mother country while brutally suppressing resistance. From the 1870s to the 1950s, the French regime raised generations of Vietnamese civil servants, who developed cultural and intellectual ties with their occupiers. A class of Western-educated nationalists emerged in the twentieth century who denounced the foreign occupation and called for self-determination. Ho Chi Minh, the leader of the Vietnamese Communist Party, was in the forefront. Much of Ho’s popular appeal can be read and dissected in Bernard Fall’s edited volume, Ho Chi Minh on Revolution: Selected Writings, 1920–1966 (1967). These primary sources offer an idea of the hope Ho offered to so many Vietnamese who chafed and suffered under French domination. The best biography on Ho is William J. Duker’s Ho Chi Minh: A Life (2000). Graham Greene’s graceful novel, The Quiet American (1955), captures the mood of the French under siege, while foreshadowing the American experience. The French were defeated in 1954 by the communist Viet Minh.

A familiarity with the French colonial experience in Vietnam is important for Americans’ study, as the Americans ignored or misread the lessons from the French failure. The French war was also America’s initial entry, as the US funded 80 percent of the war by 1954, as a Cold War fight against communism. The first chapter of George C. Herring’s excellent work, America’s Longest War (1979), “A Dead-End Alley: The United States, France and the First Indochina War, 1950–1954,” is a fine introduction to France’s defeat and America’s entry onto the scene. Indeed, Herring’s book is well worth reading in its entirety, for both high school and college classes. In addition, for this first unit on the war I strongly recommend the 1983 PBS “American Experience” series, V ietnam: A Television History, beginning with Episode I: “Roots of a War (1945–1953).”

US Objectives in Cold War Context, the Case for the War and Reasons Lost

The rationale that led America into Vietnam must be placed firmly into the Cold War mindset. In the years after World War II, US policymakers perceived communism as a near-monolithic entity. Thus, the communist and anti-colonial struggle in Vietnam played upon US fears of communist global expansion: Russia, 1917; Eastern Europe and Poland, post-1945; China and North Korea, 1949; Tibet, 1951; North Vietnam, 1954; and Cuba, 1959. As Herring writes, although Indochina was considered by the Americans to be “important for its raw materials, rice, and naval bases . . . it was deemed far more significant for the presumed effect its loss would have on other areas,” otherwise known as “the domino theory.” 2 If South Vietnam fell, then “Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Malaya (and then, successively, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Australia) would ‘fall to the Communists’ in their proper order.” 3

The answer was the “containment doctrine,” established during the Truman administration, and pursued, with variations, on through the 1980s. Students would benefit from reading George Kennan’s 1946 “Long Telegram” sent from the US Embassy in Moscow to Washington, DC, in which Kennan argued that Soviet encroachments be contained at every opportunity, meeting force with force. Kennan’s telegram is a seminal document in Cold War history. 4 Although the threat of communist expansion was the primary concern in Vietnam for Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, additional motives included US credibility and domestic political concerns, with administrations fearful of seeming to appease totalitarian aggression.

For a counterbalance to more mainstream histories, I also find useful Howard Zinn’s chapter, “The Impossible Victory: Vietnam,” in his classic polemic, A People’s History of the United States (1980). Zinn presents a critical leftist perspective, stressing US economic motives behind the nation’s overseas ventures. Focusing on the disconnect between official democratic principles and cynical self-interest, his work can be counted on to provoke lively class discussions.

For documentaries, I strongly recommend Errol Morris’ The Fog of War , which won an Academy Award in 2003. The film presents a series of interview clips with Robert McNamara, Kennedy and Johnson’s Secretary of Defense and a key architect of the war. An eighty-five-year-old McNamara reflects on Vietnam, the danger of too much power, Cold War presumptions, and mistakes that were made, interspersed with combat footage.

While the antiwar movement opposed the basic tenets of why the US should involve itself in Vietnam, plenty of bipartisan foreign policy experts were firmly convinced that America was both morally and strategically justified in seeking to contain North Vietnam. Richard Nixon asserted in No More Vietnams (1985) that the conflict was no civil war, but rather, “the Vietnam War was the Korean war with jungles,” in which a hostile communist force “camouflaged its invasion to look like a civil war,” while undertaking a stream of ceaseless border crossings while supporting the Viet Cong. 5 The American media and antiwar movement are both singled out by Nixon, but also the failure of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations to explain “what we were fighting for,” thus failing to secure enduring public support. 6 Nixon also blamed the US Congress for allowing Saigon to fall in the two years following America’s withdrawal.

Nixon’s polemical book is useful in providing an alternate perspective to the antiwar critique, whether in explaining the US justification or in de-romanticizing Ho Chi Minh, whose 1950s agrarian policies sparked “major peasant revolts,” resulting in the deaths of 50,000 North Vietnamese. 7 Additional arguments for support of the war are to be found in Robert F. Kennedy’s oral interviews in Robert Kennedy: In His Own Words: The Unpublished Recollections of the Kennedy Years (1991), edited by Edwin O. Guthman and Jeffrey Shulman, and in Lyndon Johnson’s memoir, The Vantage Point: Perspectives on the Presidency, 1963–1969 (1971).

As arguments are studied for the war’s justification, so should debates be reviewed on why the war was lost. The issue of whether the American media helped lose the war and the theory of an “oppositional” media are discussed by Melvin Small in Johnson, Nixon, and the Doves . 8 In Nixon Reconsidered (1994), a largely positive reevaluation, Joan Hoff reviews flaws in the 1973 peace agreement, which was essentially forced upon South Vietnam’s President Thieu, with Nixon threatening an “immediate termination of U.S. economic and military assistance” if Thieu did not sign the document. 9

In We Were Soldiers Once . . . and Young , Retired Lt. Gen. Harold G. Moore in his final chapter, “Reflections and Perceptions,” singles out flaws in US military and political policy as to why America failed in Vietnam, including one-year tours of duty and frequent officer rotations. Failure also resulted from losing the hearts and minds of the populace by bombing heavily populated areas. “None of us,” Moore wrote, “had joined the Army to hurt children and frighten peaceful farm families.” 10 Nor would the American people condone the ongoing losses as the years passed, despite superior firepower. Even with a “kill ratio of 10–1 or even 20–1” against the enemy, eventually Americans would demand that the troops come home, mission accomplished or not. 11

The Face of War

As historian John Dower once wrote, “atrocities follow war as the jackal follows a wounded beast.” 12 Vietnam was no different, and, like Dower’s own area of expertise on the Pacific War, the war in Vietnam was carried out between peoples of different races, languages, and cultures; cruelty, racism, and dehumanization followed in its wake. Certainly, atrocities occurred on both sides, from the 1968 massacre by US soldiers in the village of My Lai, to the mass executions by communist forces in the city of Hue during the 1968 Tet Offensive. For students to form an accurate perception of the face of the Vietnam War, works that present the American soldier’s experience should also include a feel for the camaraderie, the stultifying dullness, the struggles against heat, loneliness, brutality, loss, and fear.

Mark Baker’s Nam: The Vietnam War in the Words of the Men and Women who Fought There (1981) is a collection of veterans’ oral histories, at times starkly graphic, and cannot fail to hold students’ attention. “You can’t tell who’s your enemy,” one veteran recalled. “You got to shoot kids, you got to shoot women. You don’t want to. You may be sorry that you did. But you might be sorrier if you didn’t.” 13 Other veteran accounts include Charlie Company: What Vietnam Did to Us (1983), with accounts gathered by reporters Peter Goldman and Tony Fuller; Philip Caputo’s A Rumor of War (1977); Dear America: Letters Home from Vietnam (1985), edited by Bernard Edelman; and Robert Mason’s Chickenhawk (1983), a fascinating account by a US helicopter pilot who flew more than one thousand combat missions in Vietnam. Of these works, Baker’s Nam is the most graphic, in terms of violence, language, and brutality, and thus should be read carefully by the teacher before the book is assigned, since the material is disturbing. For a popular fictional treatment, many fine examples exist, but perhaps the best remains Vietnam veteran Tim O’Brien’s The Things They Carried (1990).

On the other side, Bao Ninh’s The Sorrow of War (1991) is a novel by a North Vietnamese Army veteran. One of 500 soldiers who served in the North’s 27th Youth Brigade, and one of only ten who survived, Ninh was seventeen when he joined the war and twenty-three when it ended. His novel has become a literary classic. Nor did the decade following Hanoi’s victory bring the longed-for reconciliation for which many had hoped, as Truong Nhu Tang makes clear in A Viet Cong Memoir (1985), written with David Chanoff and Doan Van Toai. A former guerrilla who served as Minister of Justice after the war, Tang’s bitter disillusionment with postwar Vietnam eventually forced him into exile. For an excellent visual, the National Geographic documentary, Vietnam’s Unseen War: Pictures from the Other Side (2002), offers a series of interviews and photographs by North Vietnamese photographers, giving more of a face to “the faceless enemy” in the jungle.

For American POWs, the war included the nightmare of internment. A useful account of one American POW’s experience in Hanoi’s notorious French-built Hoa Lo Prison is Jeremiah A. Denton, Jr.’s When Hell Was in Session (1976). Lionel Chetwynd’s dramatic film, Hanoi Hilton (1987), offers stark images for viewers unused to seeing American POWs at the mercy of others. The documentary Return with Honor (2001), directed by Freida Lee Mock and Terry Sanders, depicts the POWs’ plight and their return to America.

The Antiwar Movement

Much has been written on the anti-Vietnam War movement, and abundant films and documentaries are readily available. Two comprehensive tomes are Tom Wells’s The War Within: America’s Battle over Vietnam (1994), and Terry H. Anderson’s The Movement and the Sixties (1995). Born on the Fourth of July (1976) by Ron Kovic is an excellent choice for high school audiences, presenting Kovic’s journey from an all-American high school athlete who comes home from the war in a wheelchair and becomes a spokesman for the antiwar movement. The Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade (1984), edited by Judith Clavir Albert and Stewart Edward Albert, is an excellent compendium of primary sources that cover six main areas, from the cultural to the political and from the moderate to the extreme.

Although the dominant popular perception of the sixties generation depicts a “politically and socially rebellious” youth, a 1989 Gallup poll found otherwise. Among those surveyed who came of political age during the sixties, “large majorities . . . say they did not get involved in anti-war or civil rights movements, did not smoke marijuana on a regular basis or experiment with psychedelic drugs, and did not ‘dress like a hippie.’” 14 Paul Lyons’ work, Class of ’66 , is a wonderful corrective in this area. Indeed, as Godfrey Hodgson wrote in America in Our Time (1976), the 1968 “swing of public opinion against the war did not mean that the peace movement had succeeded in achieving its dream of mass conversion.” 15 While a growing majority conceded that the war had become “a mess,” that did not mean they were ready to mount the barricades—far from it. Instead, the curious situation arose in which “most of those who disliked the war, disliked the peace movement even more.” 16

The collection Second Thoughts: Former Radicals Look Back at the Sixties is a useful resource containing reflections by three dozen former activists. A common theme in the section “Second Thoughts on Vietnam” is how, after 1975 and the ensuing communist repression in both Vietnam and Cambodia, many New Leftists who had cheered communist-driven wars of national liberation later ignored or sought to discredit reports that reflected poorly on the new communist regimes. As one writer stated, “such methods of imposing the Party’s power over a newly ‘liberated’ society have been a part of every Communist victory since 1917.” 17 Another writer spoke of the inherent danger of romanticizing “the other side,” a pitfall experienced not only by the New Leftists but also by “old leftists” who glorified Stalin in the 1930s. 18 A fine study on the evils that befell Cambodia and the danger of romanticizing guerrillas of any stripe is William Shawcross’s Sideshow: Nixon, Kissinger and the Destruction of Cambodia (1979), which indicts the Nixon administration for destabilizing fragile, neutral Cambodia, leading to the Khmer Rouge’s seizure of power and the genocidal slaughter of over a million Cambodians.

Perhaps the best documentary of the protest movement is Berkeley in the Sixties (1990), directed by Mark Kitchell. In the previously-mentioned Vietnam: A Television History series, the antiwar movement is portrayed in the episode “Homefront USA.” For a look at the most radical and violent protest group that arose from the sixties, The Weather Underground (2003), directed by Sam Green and Bill Siegel, shows the radicalization of a small band of revolutionaries who sought to bring down the US government, with their reflections thirty years later. Together these documentaries provide a fine cross-section of the protest movement, from those who advocated peace to those who sought to end the war and change society through far more violent means.

Culture Clash: America and Vietnam

The great cultural, linguistic, political, and historical differences that separated the Americans from the Vietnamese contributed to the war’s tragedy, fueled by the frustration that arose between mutually uncomprehending people. “America was involved in Vietnam for thirty years, but never understood the Vietnamese,” wrote Loren Baritz in his work Backfire (1985). 19 Vietnamese men, for example, had the custom of holding hands in public with their friends. For American youths raised on John Wayne films, this practice repelled many GIs who felt that their Asian allies were either effeminate or cowards, prompting them to wonder “why Americans had to die in defense of perverts.” 20 Baritz’s first chapter, “God’s Country and American Know-How,” is particularly informative as to the clash of cultures, though the entire book offers much insight.

Another excellent place to start for exploring cultural differences is Frances Fitzgerald’s landmark work, Fire in the Lake (1972), in which each culture’s view of the historical process differed, which affected their view of revolution. Traditional Vietnamese view history as cyclical, in keeping with their life as an agrarian-based people, while Westerners view history as a path of progression, with humanity emerging from a state of chaos to eventual order and stability. Thus, whereas Westerners tend to perceive revolution as “an abrupt reversal in the order of society, a violent break in history,” Vietnamese view it as “the cleansing fire to burn away the rot of the old order.” 21 In Vietnam, Americans were in the unenviable position of supporting the old order, a pro-Western series of anti-communist governments, which the French had left in their wake. As for documentaries, Peter Davis‘s classic work Hearts and Minds (1974) presents tragic and starkly contrasting images of cultural differences and the Americans’ involvement in Vietnam. The film should be viewed in advance by the instructor due to images of violence and, more rarely, nudity.

The War and America’s Cinematic Memory: Reality, Fantasy, and Remorse

Far from the more “patriotic” films arising from the World War II and Korean War eras, such as Back to Bataan (1945), Sands of Iwo Jima (1949), and Pork Chop Hill (1959), the Vietnam-era films, with the exception of John Wayne’s The Green Berets (1968), are marked by a suspicion of authority in general––particularly military and political. This was the generation of writers and directors who learned of official lies during the war by Presidents Johnson and Nixon. Nixon’s own conduct of the war, including prolonged secret bombings of Cambodia by US warplanes, and capped off by the Watergate scandals, resulted in many Americans en masse experiencing a deep distrust of their government.

Beyond the political perspective of many of these films, Hollywood—and US citizens—were coming to terms with the kind of damage America had wrought on Vietnam, and the kind of harm inflicted on US soldiers, their families, and survivors. Out of a rich tapestry of films, part fantasy, part reality, and much soul-searching, many are worth noting, but I shall mention only a few. Francis Ford Coppola’s fanciful Apocalpyse Now (1979) offers an image of the American war effort’s descent into chaos, though it is likely to raise more questions than it answers. A harrowing depiction is Oliver Stone’s Platoon (1986), the director himself a Vietnam vet. The scene in which an entire Vietnamese village is nearly wiped out by tense, frustrated, and angry US soldiers recalls the My Lai massacre. Hamburger Hill (1987), directed by Jon Irvin, deals with a specific battle and is brutal in its realism. Coming Home (1978), directed by Hal Ashby, focuses on the hardship experienced by returning veterans and their families. At the end of the film a paraplegic vet, played by Jon Voight, delivers a speech to a high school audience that is particularly moving, in which he expresses remorse for actions taken while “killing for one’s country.”

Lessons learned (or not): “No more Vietnams”

The anguish that the war inflicted upon the American psyche left a legacy that continues to impact US foreign policy, providing a ripe and relevant area for student research. In the thirty years since 1975, with each new military foray, cries are issued on the danger of the US finding itself once more in “another quagmire.” In his account of the Reagan presidency, as Reagan’s former Secretary of State, George Shultz bemoaned the “Vietnam syndrome.” “The Vietnam War had left one indisputable legacy,” Schultz wrote: “massive press, public, and congressional anxiety that the United States—at all costs—avoid getting mired in ‘another Vietnam.’” 22 In 1991, after America and its allies succeeded in pushing Iraq’s Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait, President George H. W. Bush publicly declared, “we’ve kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all.” 23 Yet, amid the Serbian and Croatian acts of genocide in the Balkans, Bush “was slow to act” due to “the ghosts of Vietnam” and “the great fear of being sucked into a Balkan quagmire.” 24

Former antiwar protester Bill Clinton would himself face the Vietnam legacy in determining US foreign policy. Clinton pulled out the troops after eighteen US servicemen died in civil-war-torn Somalia. He experienced the same fears of over-engagement when he ordered limited air strikes on Serbia during the Bosnian and Kosovo conflicts, though he emerged successful and limited US objectives were achieved.

His successor, George W. Bush, went deeper. By December 2005, towards the end of the third year of Bush’s war in Iraq, with roughly 2,200 US soldiers dead, many politicians began calling for an exit strategy. “We are locked into a bogged-down problem not . . . dissimilar to where we were in Vietnam,” stated Nebraska Republican Senator Chuck Hagel, himself a highly decorated Vietnam veteran. “We should start figuring out how we get out of there.” 25 Former Clinton Secretary of State Madeline Albright struck a middle ground, stating, “The American military [in Iraq] is both the problem and the solution. They are a magnet [for insurgents] but they’re also helping with security.” 26 Democratic politicians attacked each other for fear of seeming weak. 27 For his part, President Bush maintained that US forces in Iraq would emerge victorious, promising “complete victory,” in which US forces would eventually withdraw as Iraqi forces increased their level of readiness against the insurgency. 28 As with Vietnam, politicians of both parties were increasingly caught between their record of past support, public discontent, perceived US interests, political vulnerability, and a faith in America’s potential for good amidst a sea of troubles.

Disputing Vietnam comparisons, military historian Victor Davis Hanson emphasizes that the number of US war dead in Iraq after two and a half years of war in no way approximated the far higher losses in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam. Since the 1970s, American expectations as to its own capabilities have increased. In a war that seeks to defeat guerrillas and where victories are not measured by ground taken, “our growing intolerance of any battlefield losses” will only meet with frustration when US wars are fought without quick and easy victories. 29

Vietnam Today

As the communist forces neared Saigon in the spring of 1975, the US military’s Stars and Stripes predicted in a bold headline that “AT LEAST A MILLION VIETNAMESE WILL BE SLAUGHTERED.” 30 The anticipated bloodbath did not come, though severe hardship and repression did. For an excellent firsthand account of the prisons and re-education camps under post-1975 communist rule in Vietnam, see The Vietnamese Gulag (1986), by Doan Van Toai and David Chanoff. What followed was an eventual “exodus of boat people, a transformative flotilla that would carry one million South Vietnamese—about five percent of the South’s population,” to lands overseas. 31 It would take years before the country established a sense of normalcy.

I thus recommend closing the unit on the Vietnam War with a glimpse of Vietnam today, thirty years after the country’s reunification and the fall of Saigon. In addition to my own teaching and research over the years, my knowledge was greatly enhanced by a summer 2004 trip to Vietnam with Pacific Village Institute, led by John Eastman. I was most impressed by the sheer energy of the Vietnamese, their friendliness, optimism, and eagerness embracing newfound opportunities currently available through the government’s policy of increased economic liberalism and the encouragement of small private enterprise.

Whatever the instructor’s political views, whether judging Vietnam’s current economic trend as a cause for “free world” celebration or one of leftist utopian mourning, the fact remains that the Vietnamese standard of living and per capita income are both on the rise, after decades of economic mismanagement and stringent government control. 32 Although censorship of the press and restricted civil liberties are as one would expect in a one-party state, a look at Vietnam at the dawn of the twenty-first century provides a positive area for students to discuss and an upbeat note to end on, in a unit that focuses on the grim reality of war. As veteran war reporter David Lamb stated in his excellent work Vietnam Now (2002), the cautious moves by the Vietnamese government have resulted in a country that “remains closer to impoverished Laos than it does to developing Thailand. Yet,” Lamb adds, “the Vietnamese have always had staying power and been good at capitalizing on opportunity; their country brims with potential.” 33 This potential, which the country is in the process of realizing, is reason enough for an in-depth study of the Vietnam War, the Vietnamese people, and the nation they are becoming.

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1. Graham Greene, The Quiet American (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), 18.

2. George C. Herring, America’s Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950–1975 , 2nd ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), 14.

3. Frances Fitzgerald, Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1972), 33.

4. David M. Kennedy and Thomas A. Bailey, The American Spirit, Vol. II: Since 1865 , 10th ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2002), 410.

5. Richard Nixon, No More Vietnams (New York: Arbor House, 1985), 47.

6. Nixon, 15.

7. Nixon, 43.

8. See Melvin Small, Johnson, Nixon, and the Doves (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1989), 231–33.

9. Joan Hoff, Nixon Reconsidered (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 235. See the section “How Not to End a War,” 231–37.

10. Lt. Gen Harold G. Moore (Ret.) and Joseph L. Galloway, We Were Soldiers Once . . . and Young: Ia Drang: The Battle that Changed the War in Vietnam (New York: HarperPerennial, 1993), 403–04.

11. Moore and Galloway, 406.

12. John Dower, War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), 12.

13. Mark Baker, Nam: The Vietnam War in the Words of the Men and Women who Fought There (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1981), 171.

14. Paul Lyons, Class of ’66: Living in Suburban Middle America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 103.

15. Godfrey Hodgson, America in Our Time (New York: Vintage Books, 1978), 392.

16. Hodgson, 393.

17. Peter Collier and David Horowitz, eds., Second Thoughts: Former Radicals Look Back at the Sixties (Lanham, Md.: Madison, 1989), 78–79.

18 Collier and Horowitz, eds., 90.

19. Loren Baritz, Backfire: A History of How American Culture Led Us into Vietnam and Made Us Fight the Way We Did (New York: Ballantine Books, 1986), 3.

20. Baritz, 6–7.

21. Fitzgerald, 30–31.

22. George Schultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), 294.

23. George C. Herring, “America and Vietnam: The Unending War,” Foreign Affairs , Winter 1991/92, www.foreignaffairs.org/19911201faessay6116/georgec herring/america-and-vietnam-the-unending-war.html.

24. David Halberstam, War in a Time of Peace: Bush, Clinton, and the Generals (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002), 32.

25. Josh Meyer, “Republican Senator Says U.S. Needs Iraq Exit Strategy Now,” Los Angeles Times , August 22, 2005, A4.

26. Robin Wright, “Democrats Find Iraq Alternative Is Elusive,” Washington Post , December 5, 2005, A1.

27. Jim VandeHei and Shalaigh Murray, “Democrats Fear Backlash at Polls for Antiwar Remarks,” Washington Post , December 7, 2005, A1.

28. Paul Richter, “Bush Promises a U.S. Exit Linked to Iraqi Readiness,” Los Angeles Times , December 1, 2005, A1.

29. Victor Davis Hanson, “2,000 Dead, in Context,” New York Times , October 27, 2005, A31.

30. David Lamb, Vietnam Now: A Reporter Returns (New York: Public Affairs, 2002), 74.

31. Lamb, 78.

32. See, for example: Tracy Dahlby, “The New Saigon,” National Geographic , Vol. 187, No. 4, April 1995, 60–86; Mason Florence and Virginia Jealous, Vietnam (Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet, 2004); Amy Kazmin, “Vietnam Gets in the Swing,” Los Angeles Times , August 8, 2005, C4; and Lamb, 70.

33. Lamb, 268.

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How Americans felt about campus protests against the Vietnam War

Fifty-four years ago next month, members of the National Guard were called to the campus of Kent State University in Ohio in response to student protests over the Vietnam War. President Richard M. Nixon won election in 1968 in part on his pledge to end the conflict; in late April 1970, though, he announced that it was expanding with the U.S. invasion of Cambodia.

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By that point, more than 1.5 million young men had already been drafted into the military, and nearly 50,000 Americans had died in the war.

In Kent, protests in response to the Cambodia announcement led to vandalism and prompted Republican Gov. James Rhodes to deploy National Guard troops. A protest on campus on May 4 was ordered to disperse, with demonstrators refusing and some throwing rocks at the troops.

Some members of the National Guard then fired on the protesters. Four were killed — an event now known as the Kent State massacre. At the time, though, views of the situation were less sympathetic to the protesters. A poll conducted after the shootings found that about a third of Americans didn’t know who bore more blame for the students’ deaths. About 1 in 10 blamed the National Guard.

A majority of respondents blamed the students.

It’s interesting to consider that response at this moment, given the protests at Columbia University in New York — also the site of large protests during the Vietnam War — and on other college campuses . Views of the protests on campuses and elsewhere vary widely, often depending on opinions of the Israeli military operations in Gaza that triggered the demonstrations.

If we look back at the demonstrations during the Vietnam War, though — protests focused on opposition to a military engagement now broadly regarded as a mistake — we see widespread hostility to the protesters, particularly college students.

Consider polling conducted by Harris & Associates in 1968, unearthed using the database of historical poll results collected by Cornell University’s Roper Center for Public Opinion Research. That Harris Poll asked Americans about their sympathy for various protest tactics and issues, including one that has emerged in response to Gaza: blocking traffic.

In October 1968, nearly all respondents to the Harris Poll opposed blocking traffic to protest the war in Vietnam. Asked how they might respond, two-thirds of respondents said that, if nothing else worked, they might participate in a physical assault or armed action over the tactic.

That same poll found that fewer than half of respondents agreed that “the police are wrong to beat up unarmed protesters, even when these people are rude and call them names.”

A poll conducted by NORC that April evaluated how much support anti-Vietnam protests had. It determined that 7 in 10 Americans thought the country “would be better off if there were less protest and dissatisfaction coming from college campuses.” Asked if the college protests were a “healthy sign” for America, 6 in 10 said they weren’t.

In November 1969, a CBS News poll asked Americans if they approved of public protests against the war. Three-quarters said they did not. Six in 10 indicated that they believed the protests “hurt our chances of reaching a peace settlement with North Vietnam.”

In May 1970, Harris asked Americans if they were more likely to sympathize with or condemn the protests. One-third third sympathized. More than half condemned. More than a third said they thought antiwar protests should be declared illegal.

That August, Harris asked whether Americans agreed with the aim of the protests on college campuses and the tactics used to achieve those aims. About two-thirds of respondents opposed the aims of the protests. Eight in 10 opposed the tactics.

Another Harris Poll, conducted in October 1970, evaluated why Americans thought there was so much discord on college campuses. Most respondents said the war was a major reason, with three-quarters saying it was at least a minor cause of the protests. It was more common for respondents to blame student radicals, troublemakers, and college administrators and faculty than to blame the war itself.

A poll the following month from Harris found that respondents were more supportive of cracking down on student protesters (65 percent) than getting troops out of Vietnam (61 percent).

In April 1971, Gallup asked Americans whether they were more likely to agree that political protesters were not being dealt with strongly enough or that the rights of political protesters were not being respected. Respondents were twice as likely to say that protesters weren’t being dealt with strongly enough.

ORC asked Americans that same month if they supported planned antiwar demonstrations. Respondents were twice as likely to oppose the demonstrations as support them.

A poll from the Response Analysis Corporation that October found similar opposition when it asked Americans if they generally approved of young people taking part in protests and demonstrations. A Harris Poll, conducted on behalf of Virginia Slims cigarettes that month, asked American women if they thought picketing or protesting was “undignified and unwomanly.” Six in 10 said it was.

By the end of March 1973, all U.S. combat troops had been pulled out of Vietnam. That August, Harris asked Americans whether more harm or good was done by “student demonstrators who engage in protest activities” or “college presidents who are lenient with student protesters,” among other groups. Half the respondents in each case said the students or presidents did more harm than good.

There is no guarantee that history will eventually vindicate the positions of protesters. But it does seem safe to assume that the positions, not the protests, are what will be remembered.

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OPINION: Protestors are writing the history books in Dunn Meadow

I’m hunched over a phone in the Monroe County Public Library, surrounded by a handful of other IDS staffers. We’re watching a live stream of Dunn Meadow. It’s April 25.  

On the screen, students are being violently ripped away from the crowd and restrained by police. We see one student have their arms and legs ziptied and then hauled away by armored officers. “Take a screenshot,” someone in the newsroom insists. The person holding the phone obliges.  

I’m pacing the room, full of nervous energy. I frantically text a friend who is attending the protest. She tells me state troopers are surrounding the protestors. “I won’t lie when I say I’m scared,” she says.  

I can’t rip my eyes from the screen. The biggest thought running through my mind, in a maelstrom with others: this can’t be happening right now. This is something I read about in history textbooks, not something that happens two blocks away on a previously peaceful, grassy field.  

How can this be happening?  

For years, Dunn Meadow has been a bastion of free expression on IU’s campus. Take 1991’s protest against the Gulf War, which saw students camping overnight for 45 days — not unlike the current encampment installed in the meadow.  

Similarly, Dunn Meadow saw thousands of students come together in 1969 to protest sharp tuition increases while the Vietnam War raged. Antiwar activism was widespread across campus and rose to a head in 1970 when President Nixon announced the expansion of the war into Cambodia.  

Despite overwhelming unrest during the 1970 protests, police and the National Guard never clashed with protestors. Though the administration called them to the edge of town, they were never utilized.  

In 1968, as well, civil rights demonstrators occupied the (now demolished) Tenth Street Stadium for three days. Armed only with shields and sticks, the protestors demanded fraternities rescind anti-Black discriminatory clauses to race in the upcoming Little 500.  

And it worked. IU President Elvis Jacob Stahr Jr. encouraged the Greek houses to comply. Only one day delayed from the original date of the race, all but one fraternity took part in the Little 500.  

The extended protests and encampments against apartheid in South Africa throughout the 1970s, ‘80s and ‘90s were most similar to this week’s demonstrations. Students demanded divestment from companies that operated in South Africa at the time.  

Students took many protest tactics during these decades, including a “shantytown” encampment in Dunn Meadow. First built in April 1986, the shantytown lasted through the summer and into the fall semester — proving just how long these energies can truly last. Ultimately, the Board of Trustees passed new policies regarding South African companies and investments were reduced heavily.  

These various examples show that student demonstrations can and will work. It takes time and an administration that is willing to hear them out rather than silence them.  

On Thursday evening, I make it to Dunn Meadow. The sun is warm, sinking behind Franklin Hall. A circle of protestors chants and cheers. The police are nowhere to be seen.  

I see friends. We hug. We chant together, following the lead of a drummer and an ever-changing student with a megaphone in the center.  

What I saw most there was resilience. These were people who saw one of the most violent expressions of power directly in their faces, stood up to it and said “no.” They still stood in that field, even if their tents were ripped down, even if they were beaten and bruised from batons and being shoved to the ground, and chanted for freedom.  

What we see now is an unprecedented violent response to student activism at IU. Though student protests will always face backlash from those in power, almost no administrative response in IU’s history has been this overwhelming.  

But what is unique about student protests is the ability to be resolute through all of these trials by fire.  

The movements outlined above all succeeded in one way or another. They started a conversation. They caused a response. Some cases ended in a complete success.  

It’s important to remember this isn’t the end: it’s the beginning. Some organizations and movements fought for months, years or even decades before real change started to happen.  

So, as the encampments continue at Dunn Meadow, remember those who camped there so many decades ago, fighting the same fight these students are today. Because we’re not just reading the textbook anymore — we’re writing it.  

Danny William (they/them) is a sophomore studying cinematic arts.  

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Columbia University Web Page Commemorated '68 Student Protesters?

Rashid khalidi, history professor at columbia, said 2024's anti-war student protesters were also “on the right side of history.”, nur ibrahim, published may 3, 2024.

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The 2018 article commemorating the 1968 protests was still on Columbia University's website as of April 30, 2024, when New York City police were called in to arrest 112 pro-Palestine demonstrators.

In April 2024, as Columbia University called  on the New York Police Department (NYPD) to arrest protesting pro-Palestine students, an authentic piece of the university's history became an ironic talking point online. 

Student protesters demanded the university divest from corporations profiting from Israel's war on Gaza, and on April 30, 2024,  they occupied Hamilton Hall, a campus building. Later that day, the university authorized  NYPD to enter the campus and make arrests. Police arrested dozens of people at the hall and from a protest camp outside the building. 

The arrests took place exactly 56 years after police went into the same hall to clear out students protesting the Vietnam War and racism, a moment that Columbia University itself had commemorated on its website. 

A number of posts on X shared screenshots of an article titled "A New Perspective on 1968," which recognized student protesters who took over university buildings to express discontent over racism, the Vietnam War and the university's proposed expansion into a nearby park. 

One post  noted the same website had displayed a warning sign in orange above the article detailing limited campus access that day due to the ongoing 2024 protests and arrests. 

Many posts noted the irony of Columbia University recognizing past student protesters while arresting students during the 2024 protests.

Those posts were sharing a real article published in April 2018 that was still on Columbia's website, in which the university recognized the 1968 student protests 50 years earlier and described the university as a "far different place today." We thus rate this claim as "Correct Attribution." 

The article says :

Columbia is a far different place today than it was in the spring of 1968 when protesters took over University buildings amid discontent about the Vietnam War, racism and the University's proposed expansion into Morningside Park. After a weeklong standoff, New York City Police stormed the campus and arrested more than 700 people. The fallout dogged Columbia for years. It took decades for the University to recover from those turbulent times. Columbia now has one of the most socio-economically diverse student bodies among its peer institutions. It has added a new campus designed to be open to the community and pursues fields of inquiry unheard of a half-century ago. Columbia is commemorating the 50th anniversary of those long-ago events with a deep dive of scholarship and exhibits chronicling what happened then and its effects today.

The article was also archived here on April 30, 2024, and that page displays the orange warning sign about limited campus access.

The article was also referenced in a speech by Rashid Khalidi, a history professor at Columbia University, when he spoke to demonstrators the day after the arrests, as seen in this video from Middle East Eye. He said 2024 student protesters were also "on the right side of history," and one day their actions would be "commemorated the same way."

The 2024 pro-Palestinian protesters had unfurled a banner with the words "Hind's Hall" over Hamilton Hall, after Hind Rajab, a young girl killed in Gaza while under fire from Israeli forces in February 2024, according to an Al Jazeera  investigation. The protesters' occupation of the hall came just two weeks after Columbia's president authorized NYPD to make arrests at the nearby so-called "Gaza Solidarity Encampment" on campus.

To assess the accuracy of the "new perspective" commemorative post, we looked through archives of the student-run newspaper, Columbia Spectator, for coverage of the 1968 protests and subsequent arrests. An April 24, 1968 , Columbia Spectator issue details protests at the university, also describing how students crowded into Hamilton Hall for an "all night vigil." On April 30, 1968 , the newspaper reported the university called in 1,000 police officers to "end demonstrations," resulting in 700 arrests. Archival photographs from 1968 on a  webpage  belonging to the Columbia University Libraries show police chasing students and throwing them to the ground.

A 2018 Columbia Spectator report marking the 50th anniversary of the protests stated, "While no students have been arrested at a protest on campus since 1996, police presence at demonstrations has remained constant from year to year." 

The 2024 arrests, according to the Columbia Spectator , were the largest mass arrests since 1968. 

"1968: Columbia in Crisis." Columbia University Libraries Online Exhibitions. https://exhibitions.library.columbia.edu/exhibits/show/1968/bust. Accessed 3 May 2024.

"A New Perspective on 1968." Columbia News, April 2018, https://news.columbia.edu/content/new-perspective-1968. Accessed 3 May 2024.

"Arrests at Columbia University as New York City Police Clear Gaza Protest." Al Jazeera, May 1, 2024. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/5/1/new-york-city-police-enter-columbia-campus-as-gaza-protest-escalates. Accessed 3 May 2024.

"Columbia Daily Spectator 24 April 1968." Columbia Spectator. https://spectatorarchive.library.columbia.edu/?a=d&d=cs19680424-01.2.5&e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------. Accessed 3 May 2024.

Hernandez, Jorge. "'Gym Crow': Looking Back on the 1968 Morningside Gym Protests." Columbia Daily Spectator, https://www.columbiaspectator.com/sports/2022/02/15/gym-crow-looking-back-on-the-1968-morningside-gym-protests/. Accessed 3 May 2024.

"Hind Rajab: Were Israeli Troops around Where the Six-Year-Old Was Killed?" Al Jazeera, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/26/hind-rajab-were-israeli-troops-in-the-area-where-6-year-old-was-killed. Accessed 3 May 2024.

Hussain, Khadija. "1968 to Now: Fifty Years after Police Violence, University Has Little Oversight of NYPD Presence on Campus." Columbia Daily Spectator, April 25, 1968. https://www.columbiaspectator.com/news/2018/04/25/1968-to-now-fifty-years-after-police-violence-university-has-little-oversight-of-nypd-presence-on-campus/. Accessed 3 May 2024.

McKee, Amira. "Dozens Occupy Hamilton Hall as Pro-Palestinian Protests Spread across Campus." Columbia Daily Spectator, April 30, 2024. https://www.columbiaspectator.com/news/2024/04/30/dozens-occupy-hamilton-hall-as-pro-palestinian-protests-spread-across-campus/. Accessed 3 May 2024.

"Columbia Professor Rashid Khalidi Says Student Protesters Are 'on the Right Side of History.'" Middle East Eye, May 2, 2024. YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gz2VcELqF7s. Accessed 3 May 2024.

"Read the Letter Columbia University's President Sent to the NYPD Asking for Assistance." NBC New York, 1 May 2024, https://www.nbcnewyork.com/news/local/read-the-letter-columbia-universitys-president-sent-to-the-nypd-asking-for-assistance/5370439/. Accessed 3 May 2024.

By Nur Ibrahim

Nur Nasreen Ibrahim is a reporter with experience working in television, international news coverage, fact checking, and creative writing.

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Campus protests over the Gaza war

What a 1968 columbia university protester makes of today's pro-palestinian encampment.

Mansee Khurana

Eleanor Stein, law and human rights professor at State University of New York, was among hundreds of students protesting the Vietnam War in 1968 on Columbia University's campus. Eleanor Stein hide caption

Eleanor Stein, law and human rights professor at State University of New York, was among hundreds of students protesting the Vietnam War in 1968 on Columbia University's campus.

The ongoing pro-Palestinian encampment at Columbia University that sparked nationwide protests and led to hundreds of arrests is drawing comparisons to a movement that took place there nearly six decades ago.

In 1968, five of the campus' buildings were taken over by students protesting the school's links to military research during the height of the Vietnam War. Students also protested a new, mainly student-only gym that was being built in Harlem's Morningside Park, a public park in Manhattan.

Police were called in to Columbia then, as they were last week , to remove the protestors on campus. In 1968, police arrested over 700 students.

"Once the arrests happened, the university really came together and the level of support went from, you know, a matter of dispute to close to universal," Eleanor Stein, one of the protestors in 1968, told NPR's Michel Martin. "The issue then became the conduct of the police and the choice of the administration to bring the police in rather than negotiating with the students."

Stein now teaches law and human rights at State University of New York.

This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

On what was happening at Columbia in 1968:

It's hard to conjure up what that moment was for our country. It was a moment of real crisis. But the issues at Columbia, there were two really that were critical. Basically a war research body, the Institute for Defense Analysis, had a contract with Columbia, which could have meant participation in military research for the war.

The second issue was that Columbia was in the process of building a new gym, and they were building it in Morningside Park, one of the few green spaces in Harlem. And we felt that it couldn't be business as usual, that the university itself was engaging in an indefensible takeover of Harlem Lab and an indefensible participation and complicity with the Vietnam War effort. And students felt so strongly about this. We felt that whatever the risks, whatever the outcomes, we should demand that the university take action.

Middle East crisis — explained

In columbia university's protests of 1968 and 2024, what's similar — and different.

On how the university should respond to the current protests:

It seems like universities today are afraid of holding open and free discussions about issues of Palestine and Israel. I agree with what the students have done. They may have broken some vague university rules about how you congregate on campus, but they have not interfered with people going to class. I certainly haven't detained anyone or harmed anyone. They just want to have their points of view displayed and discussed and have it be on the agenda. And how could it not be on the agenda? It's one of the great issues of our day.

On the case for open and free debate

The purpose of a university is the open expression and exchange of ideas. That is our fundamental purpose, and especially ideas that are contentious and that have consequences. Those are exactly the issues that we should be looking at. We should have a semester long, campus wide seminar and teach in. They have access to the best scholars in the world on these subjects and people who represent different points of view. Why not have it all be openly discussed and debated? And I think once a university gives that up, they are really conceding the fundamental reason for their existence.

As student protesters get arrested, they risk being banned from campus too

On the legacy of the 1968 protests

First of all, Morningside Park is still intact. Second of all, it spread a movement throughout the country, which was actually a global movement at that time in opposition to the Vietnam War with profound consequences for the history of our country. And if there hadn't been a movement like that, who knows how much longer the war would have gone on? So I think it was definitely worth it. And I think today it has already proven to be worth it because it's the students' demonstrations in all the different forms they're taking now and dozens of campuses around the country.

The audio version of this story was produced by Mansee Khurana. The digital was edited by Obed Manuel.

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John McWhorter

I’m a columbia professor. the protests on my campus are not justice..

By John McWhorter

Opinion Writer

Last Thursday, in the music humanities class I teach at Columbia University, two students were giving an in-class presentation on the composer John Cage. His most famous piece is “4'33",” which directs us to listen in silence to surrounding noise for exactly that amount of time.

I had to tell the students we could not listen to that piece that afternoon because the surrounding noise would have been not birds or people walking by in the hallway but infuriated chanting from protesters outside the building. Lately that noise has been almost continuous during the day and into the evening, including lusty chanting of “From the river to the sea.” Two students in my class are Israeli; three others, to my knowledge, are American Jews. I couldn’t see making them sit and listen to this as if it were background music.

I thought about what would have happened if protesters were instead chanting anti-Black slogans or even something like “D.E.I. has got to die,” to the same “Sound Off” tune that “From the river to the sea” has been adapted to. They would have lasted roughly five minutes before masses of students shouted them down and drove them off the campus. Chants like that would have been condemned as a grave rupture of civilized exchange, heralded as threatening resegregation and branded as a form of violence. I’d wager that most of the student protesters against the Gaza war would view them that way. Why do so many people think that weekslong campus protests against not just the war in Gaza but Israel’s very existence are nevertheless permissible?

Although I know many Jewish people will disagree with me, I don’t think that Jew hatred is as much the reason for this sentiment as opposition to Zionism and the war on Gaza. I know some of the protesters, including a couple who were taken to jail last week, and I find it very hard to imagine that they are antisemitic. Yes, there can be a fine line between questioning Israel’s right to exist and questioning Jewish people’s right to exist. And yes, some of the rhetoric amid the protests crosses it.

Conversations I have had with people heatedly opposed to the war in Gaza, signage and writings on social media and elsewhere and anti-Israel and generally hard-leftist comments that I have heard for decades on campuses place these confrontations within a larger battle against power structures — here in the form of what they call colonialism and genocide — and against whiteness. The idea is that Jewish students and faculty should be able to tolerate all of this because they are white.

I understand this to a point. Pro-Palestinian rallies and events, of which there have been many here over the years, are not in and of themselves hostile to Jewish students, faculty and staff members. Disagreement will not always be a juice and cookies affair. However, the relentless assault of this current protest — daily, loud, louder, into the night and using ever-angrier rhetoric — is beyond what any people should be expected to bear up under, regardless of their whiteness, privilege or power.

Social media discussion has been claiming that the protests are peaceful. They are, some of the time . It varies by location and day; generally what goes on within the campus gates is somewhat less strident than what happens just outside them. But relatively constant are the drumbeats. People will differ on how peaceful that sound can ever be, just as they will differ on the nature of antisemitism. What I do know is that even the most peaceful of protests would be treated as outrages if they were interpreted as, say, anti-Black, even if the message were coded, as in a bunch of people quietly holding up MAGA signs or wearing T-shirts saying “All lives matter.”

And besides, calling all this peaceful stretches the use of the word rather implausibly. It’s an odd kind of peace when a local rabbi urges Jewish students to go home as soon as possible, when an Israeli Arab activist is roughed up on Broadway, when the angry chanting becomes so constant that you almost start not to hear it and it starts to feel normal to see posters and clothing portraying members of Hamas as heroes. The other night I watched a dad coming from the protest with his little girl, giving a good hard few final snaps on the drum he was carrying, nodding at her in crisp salute, percussing his perspective into her little mind. This is not peaceful.

I understand that the protesters and their fellow travelers feel that all of this is the proper response, social justice on the march. They have been told that righteousness means placing the battle against whiteness and its power front and center, contesting the abuse of power by any means necessary. And I think the war on Gaza is no longer constructive or even coherent.

However, the issues are complex, in ways that this uncompromising brand of power battling is ill suited to address. Legitimate questions remain about the definition of genocide, about the extent of a nation’s right to defend itself and about the justice of partition (which has not historically been limited to Palestine). There is a reason many consider the Israeli-Palestinian conflict the most morally challenging in the modern world.

When I was at Rutgers in the mid-1980s, the protests were against investment in South Africa’s apartheid regime. There were similarities with the Columbia protests now: A large group of students established an encampment site right in front of the Rutgers student center on College Avenue, where dozens slept every night for several weeks. Among the largely white crowd, participation was a badge of civic commitment. There was chanting, along with the street theater inevitable, and perhaps even necessary, to effective protest; one guy even lay down in the middle of College Avenue to block traffic, taking a page from the Vietnam protests.

I don’t recall South Africans on campus feeling personally targeted, but the bigger difference was that though the protesters sought to make their point at high volume, over a long period and sometimes even rudely, they did not seek to all but shut down campus life.

On Monday night, Columbia announced that classes would be hybrid until the end of the semester, in the interest of student safety. I presume that the protesters will continue throughout the two main days of graduation, besmirching one of the most special days of thousands of graduates’ lives in the name of calling down the “imperialist” war abroad.

Today’s protesters don’t hate Israel’s government any more than yesterday’s hated South Africa’s. But they have pursued their goals with a markedly different tenor — in part because of the single-mindedness of antiracist academic culture and in part because of the influence of iPhones and social media, which inherently encourage a more heightened degree of performance. It is part of the warp and woof of today’s protests that they are being recorded from many angles for the world to see. One speaks up.

But these changes in moral history and technology can hardly be expected to comfort Jewish students in the here and now. What began as intelligent protest has become, in its uncompromising fury and its ceaselessness, a form of abuse.

John McWhorter ( @JohnHMcWhorter ) is an associate professor of linguistics at Columbia University. He is the author of “ Nine Nasty Words : English in the Gutter: Then, Now and Forever” and, most recently, “ Woke Racism : How a New Religion Has Betrayed Black America.” @ JohnHMcWhorter

Columbia unrest echoes chaotic campus protest movement of 1968 

The tumult at Columbia University has seized national attention, providing for many young Americans an emotionally fraught introduction to heated student activism. But the unrest engulfing the Ivy League campus in upper Manhattan is also intensely familiar, recalling one of the most dramatic chapters of the student protest movement of the late 1960s.

Fifty-six years ago, Columbia students furious over the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War and the school’s plans to build a segregated gym in nearby Morningside Park decided to take over Hamilton Hall , an academic building on the main campus. Overnight on Tuesday, pro-Palestinian demonstrators stormed and occupied the same building , with some drawing direct parallels between their activism and the legacy of 1968.

“When I heard about the Hamilton Hall takeover in response to the student suspensions, I thought: Oh wow, this seems very much like what was happening back then. It’s very much like what I saw,” said Mark Naison, a Fordham University professor of history who participated in the 1968 demonstrations at Columbia. He was referring to the suspension of students at Columbia who defied Monday’s deadline to vacate a pro-Palestinian encampment set up to protest Israel’s war in Gaza.

The sociopolitical conflicts at the root of the two protest eras are not precisely the same, however — and in today’s campus environment, students are also sounding the alarm about a sharp uptick in both antisemitism and Islamophobia since Oct 7. But some of the students involved in the activism at Columbia have nonetheless sought to present their political agitation as a direct continuation of late ’60s change-making.

“Let’s finish what they did in 1968,” one Columbia protester could be heard saying early Tuesday. “This building is now being liberated,” another protester said, echoing how 1968 activists described their takeover of Hamilton Hall and other campus buildings, which also stemmed from student anger over the university’s ties to a think tank involved in Pentagon weapons research.

The pro-Palestinian activists at Columbia have demanded that the university administration divest from corporations that could be profiting from the war in Gaza and agree to be more transparent about where it invests funds. Israel declared war on Hamas militants in Gaza after the Oct. 7 terror attack, which killed more than 1,200 people. Israel’s military operations in Gaza have killed more than 33,000 people, according to local health authorities.

The New York Police department, at the request of Columbia, sent hundreds of officers onto the campus Tuesday night to clear Hamilton Hall and a tent encampment. Nearly 100 people were arrested in the operation.

The university has asked the NYPD to maintain a presence on campus through at least May 17, two days after its scheduled graduation ceremonies.

The specter of a law enforcement crackdown on the pro-Palestinian protests also recalls the drama of 1968. 

Two weeks ago, NYPD officers arrested some 108 people at Columbia, including the daughter of Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn. Columbia’s president, Nemat “Minouche” Shafik, defended the decision to call police, explaining that protesters had ignored written and verbal warnings to disperse and stop trespassing.

Fifty-six years ago on Tuesday, 1,000 police officers cleared five buildings at Columbia that had been occupied for a week. In the melee, according to a contemporaneous news report published by the Columbia Spectator student newspaper, nearly 700 people were arrested and 100 injured, some seriously. At least four faculty members “received severe head wounds,” according to the report, which characterized the police action as a “brutal bloody show of strength.”

“The thing people forget about the 1968 building occupations and strikes is that they weren’t all that peaceful,” Naison said. “The buildings were barricaded, deans were held captive inside Hamilton Hall.” (Columbia students prevented the acting dean, Henry S. Coleman, from leaving his office for a night. He died in 2006 .)

“There were faculty outside the buildings trying to protect the students from the violence,” said Juan Gonzalez, a former columnist for the New York Daily News who was one of the Columbia protesters involved in the 1968 demonstrations. “We fought pitched battles with the cops. It was much more violent than what we’ve seen so far at the demonstrations now.”

S. Daniel Carter, an expert in campus security and the president of the company Safety Advisors for Educational Campuses, said he hopes that any law enforcement officers who might be called to Columbia’s campus in the hours and days to come will be much more “judicious” and mindful of how the situation could spin out of control.

In a statement , one of the groups involved in the Hamilton Hall occupation invoked the killings of students at Kent State University and Jackson State College (now Jackson State University) in 1970 against a backdrop of anti-war rallies and civil rights protests. The group, Columbia University Apartheid Divest, warned Columbia’s administrators and trustees not to “incite another Kent or Jackson State by bringing soldiers and police officers with weapons onto our campus.”

There were no injuries during Tuesday night's police raid of the campus, an NYPD spokesperson said.

In the eyes of some activists, the tumult at Columbia this week hearkens to more recent protest movements. In a statement outlining the Columbia protest movement’s demands, demonstrators said the Hamilton Hall takeover represented “the next generation of the 1968, 1985 and 1992 student movements.” 

Columbia student demonstrators occupied the building in 1985 to demand that the school divest from companies doing business in apartheid-era South Africa. Seven years later, students seized the building to rally against the school’s plans to convert the ballroom where Malcolm X had been assassinated into a biomedical research center.

Today, Columbia publicly touts its legacy of student activism. (The “1968 Crisis” tops a list of “Columbia History & Traditions” on the university library’s website.) The violence that unfolded 56 years ago left lasting scars. The war in Vietnam dragged on for another seven years, culminating in the fall of Saigon in 1975. But the university did halt construction of the gym in Morningside Park and sever ties with the Pentagon-linked think tank.

Daniel Arkin is a national reporter at NBC News.