social problems poverty essay

Poverty as a Social Problem

This free essay on poverty as a social problem looks at a grave problem that exists in America and in the world. It provides reasons why people are experiencing poverty as well as some solutions.

Introduction

Literature review, poverty as a social problem: reflection, solutions to poverty as a social problem, social problems: poverty essay conclusion.

Society often perceives poverty as an individualistic issue, believing it is a consequence of bad decisions. That is, people themselves are responsible for the level of income and financial stability of households. However, the subject is much more complex as poverty also results from inadequate structuring of the country’s economy, distribution of goods, and other sectors, making it a social problem. Failure to build a system that would help citizens become financially stable results in various issues associated with crime levels, education, health care, and others. The government is the one that should work to solve them.

There are numerous studies and publications researching the reasons behind poverty. E. Royce (2019) tries to explain in his book how the existing economic system in the United States prevents citizens from reaching an adequate level of income and financial support. The main idea is that the current structure of how goods are distributed across the population does not benefit a large portion of it. Few rich individuals grow wealthier yearly, while millions struggle to find a stable job with a minimum wage.

The inequality created by the government’s failure to build a fair economic system results in a range of social problems. The idea of a poverty line as a measure of well-being has not changed much since the 1960s despite the obvious changes in consumption patterns (Royce, 2019). It is calculated as the sum required for purchasing essential items for living, which does not include modern commodities such as computers, mobile phones, and others.

As a result, low-income people become socially isolated since they do not possess things essential for the modern lifestyle, like social networks. They may be excluded from a community for not corresponding with the public image of active individuals. These mechanisms, combined with the dominant idea of the necessity to achieve success, push poor people away from social life. This factor comes together with the inability to receive proper health care and education services.

The literature also contains studies on how poverty affects the behavior of individuals. For instance, children exposed to life in a low-income household are more likely to develop adverse reactions in the future due to strain resulting from the inability to receive wished items (McFarland, 2017). When placed in a densely populated neighborhood, they may later cause legal problems, creating delinquent areas.

It is easy to predict the social issues that poor people face daily. They cannot receive proper health care services as they are usually costly. Moreover, many commercial organizations offering low-paid jobs traditionally based on customer service may prevent employees from taking sick leaves. As a result, people suffer from various illnesses without attending a hospital, fearing to lose a work placement.

Another issue is the inability of poor people to send their children to high-performing schools, which are expensive as a rule. This factor causes youth to continue living with the same income level as their parents since the absence of quality education prevents them from receiving a decent job. Moreover, children who cannot acquire goods valued by their peers are likely to adopt criminal behavior to achieve success since community norms and morals do not help this purpose.

Summarizing all the above said, it becomes evident that changing the existing economic structure on the governmental level is the most appropriate solution to the issue of poverty. There should be a strategy covering all the aspects affected by this problem. The goal is to increase the level of financial support for disadvantaged groups and give more opportunities for people to grow their income.

Firstly, the social sector should be transformed to meet the needs of all citizens. The government should increase the financing of schools so that all children will have access to quality education. Also, various programs should engage youth in activities after classes. Another step is to make health care affordable for everyone, and there should be no pressure on workers when they decide to take sick leaves.

Secondly, the structure of budget spending should be redesigned. It is evident that social support programs require much financing from taxes. One of the possible strategies is to make the government spend less on other sectors. Also, solving the issue of delinquent behavior among youth by advancing social support may cut costs on police functioning as there will be a lower need for services such as patrolling.

Poverty is a structural problem resulting from a country’s inadequate economic system. It creates various social issues associated with poor health care services, low-quality education, criminal activity, and others. Poverty is a complex subject that cannot be resolved shortly. However, one of the possible strategies is to provide better financial and social support for the population, which will create more opportunities for people to increase their income level.

McFarland, M. (2017). Poverty and problem behaviors across the early life course: The role of sensitive period exposure. Population Research & Policy Review , 36 (5), 739-760.

Royce, E. (2019). Poverty and power: The problem of structural inequality (3rd ed.). Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

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Why Poverty Persists in America

A Pulitzer Prize-winning sociologist offers a new explanation for an intractable problem.

A mother and son living in a Walmart parking lot in North Dakota in 2012. Credit... Eugene Richards

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By Matthew Desmond

• Published March 9, 2023 Updated April 3, 2023

In the past 50 years, scientists have mapped the entire human genome and eradicated smallpox. Here in the United States, infant-mortality rates and deaths from heart disease have fallen by roughly 70 percent, and the average American has gained almost a decade of life. Climate change was recognized as an existential threat. The internet was invented.

On the problem of poverty, though, there has been no real improvement — just a long stasis. As estimated by the federal government’s poverty line, 12.6 percent of the U.S. population was poor in 1970; two decades later, it was 13.5 percent; in 2010, it was 15.1 percent; and in 2019, it was 10.5 percent. To graph the share of Americans living in poverty over the past half-century amounts to drawing a line that resembles gently rolling hills. The line curves slightly up, then slightly down, then back up again over the years, staying steady through Democratic and Republican administrations, rising in recessions and falling in boom years.

What accounts for this lack of progress? It cannot be chalked up to how the poor are counted: Different measures spit out the same embarrassing result. When the government began reporting the Supplemental Poverty Measure in 2011, designed to overcome many of the flaws of the Official Poverty Measure, including not accounting for regional differences in costs of living and government benefits, the United States officially gained three million more poor people. Possible reductions in poverty from counting aid like food stamps and tax benefits were more than offset by recognizing how low-income people were burdened by rising housing and health care costs.

The American poor have access to cheap, mass-produced goods, as every American does. But that doesn’t mean they can access what matters most.

Any fair assessment of poverty must confront the breathtaking march of material progress. But the fact that standards of living have risen across the board doesn’t mean that poverty itself has fallen. Forty years ago, only the rich could afford cellphones. But cellphones have become more affordable over the past few decades, and now most Americans have one, including many poor people. This has led observers like Ron Haskins and Isabel Sawhill, senior fellows at the Brookings Institution, to assert that “access to certain consumer goods,” like TVs, microwave ovens and cellphones, shows that “the poor are not quite so poor after all.”

No, it doesn’t. You can’t eat a cellphone. A cellphone doesn’t grant you stable housing, affordable medical and dental care or adequate child care. In fact, as things like cellphones have become cheaper, the cost of the most necessary of life’s necessities, like health care and rent, has increased. From 2000 to 2022 in the average American city, the cost of fuel and utilities increased by 115 percent. The American poor, living as they do in the center of global capitalism, have access to cheap, mass-produced goods, as every American does. But that doesn’t mean they can access what matters most. As Michael Harrington put it 60 years ago: “It is much easier in the United States to be decently dressed than it is to be decently housed, fed or doctored.”

Why, then, when it comes to poverty reduction, have we had 50 years of nothing? When I first started looking into this depressing state of affairs, I assumed America’s efforts to reduce poverty had stalled because we stopped trying to solve the problem. I bought into the idea, popular among progressives, that the election of President Ronald Reagan (as well as that of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom) marked the ascendancy of market fundamentalism, or “neoliberalism,” a time when governments cut aid to the poor, lowered taxes and slashed regulations. If American poverty persisted, I thought, it was because we had reduced our spending on the poor. But I was wrong.

Reagan expanded corporate power, deeply cut taxes on the rich and rolled back spending on some antipoverty initiatives, especially in housing. But he was unable to make large-scale, long-term cuts to many of the programs that make up the American welfare state. Throughout Reagan’s eight years as president, antipoverty spending grew, and it continued to grow after he left office. Spending on the nation’s 13 largest means-tested programs — aid reserved for Americans who fall below a certain income level — went from $1,015 a person the year Reagan was elected president to $3,419 a person one year into Donald Trump’s administration, a 237 percent increase.

Most of this increase was due to health care spending, and Medicaid in particular. But even if we exclude Medicaid from the calculation, we find that federal investments in means-tested programs increased by 130 percent from 1980 to 2018, from $630 to $1,448 per person.

“Neoliberalism” is now part of the left’s lexicon, but I looked in vain to find it in the plain print of federal budgets, at least as far as aid to the poor was concerned. There is no evidence that the United States has become stingier over time. The opposite is true.

This makes the country’s stalled progress on poverty even more baffling. Decade after decade, the poverty rate has remained flat even as federal relief has surged.

If we have more than doubled government spending on poverty and achieved so little, one reason is that the American welfare state is a leaky bucket. Take welfare, for example: When it was administered through the Aid to Families With Dependent Children program, almost all of its funds were used to provide single-parent families with cash assistance. But when President Bill Clinton reformed welfare in 1996, replacing the old model with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), he transformed the program into a block grant that gives states considerable leeway in deciding how to distribute the money. As a result, states have come up with rather creative ways to spend TANF dollars. Arizona has used welfare money to pay for abstinence-only sex education. Pennsylvania diverted TANF funds to anti-abortion crisis-pregnancy centers. Maine used the money to support a Christian summer camp. Nationwide, for every dollar budgeted for TANF in 2020, poor families directly received just 22 cents.

We’ve approached the poverty question by pointing to poor people themselves, when we should have been focusing on exploitation.

A fair amount of government aid earmarked for the poor never reaches them. But this does not fully solve the puzzle of why poverty has been so stubbornly persistent, because many of the country’s largest social-welfare programs distribute funds directly to people. Roughly 85 percent of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program budget is dedicated to funding food stamps themselves, and almost 93 percent of Medicaid dollars flow directly to beneficiaries.

There are, it would seem, deeper structural forces at play, ones that have to do with the way the American poor are routinely taken advantage of. The primary reason for our stalled progress on poverty reduction has to do with the fact that we have not confronted the unrelenting exploitation of the poor in the labor, housing and financial markets.

As a theory of poverty, “exploitation” elicits a muddled response, causing us to think of course and but, no in the same instant. The word carries a moral charge, but social scientists have a fairly coolheaded way to measure exploitation: When we are underpaid relative to the value of what we produce, we experience labor exploitation; when we are overcharged relative to the value of something we purchase, we experience consumer exploitation. For example, if a family paid $1,000 a month to rent an apartment with a market value of $20,000, that family would experience a higher level of renter exploitation than a family who paid the same amount for an apartment with a market valuation of $100,000. When we don’t own property or can’t access credit, we become dependent on people who do and can, which in turn invites exploitation, because a bad deal for you is a good deal for me.

Our vulnerability to exploitation grows as our liberty shrinks. Because labor laws often fail to protect undocumented workers in practice, more than a third are paid below minimum wage, and nearly 85 percent are not paid overtime. Many of us who are U.S. citizens, or who crossed borders through official checkpoints, would not work for these wages. We don’t have to. If they migrate here as adults, those undocumented workers choose the terms of their arrangement. But just because desperate people accept and even seek out exploitative conditions doesn’t make those conditions any less exploitative. Sometimes exploitation is simply the best bad option.

Consider how many employers now get one over on American workers. The United States offers some of the lowest wages in the industrialized world. A larger share of workers in the United States make “low pay” — earning less than two-thirds of median wages — than in any other country belonging to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. According to the group, nearly 23 percent of American workers labor in low-paying jobs, compared with roughly 17 percent in Britain, 11 percent in Japan and 5 percent in Italy. Poverty wages have swollen the ranks of the American working poor, most of whom are 35 or older.

One popular theory for the loss of good jobs is deindustrialization, which caused the shuttering of factories and the hollowing out of communities that had sprung up around them. Such a passive word, “deindustrialization” — leaving the impression that it just happened somehow, as if the country got deindustrialization the way a forest gets infested by bark beetles. But economic forces framed as inexorable, like deindustrialization and the acceleration of global trade, are often helped along by policy decisions like the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement, which made it easier for companies to move their factories to Mexico and contributed to the loss of hundreds of thousands of American jobs. The world has changed, but it has changed for other economies as well. Yet Belgium and Canada and many other countries haven’t experienced the kind of wage stagnation and surge in income inequality that the United States has.

Those countries managed to keep their unions. We didn’t. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, nearly a third of all U.S. workers carried union cards. These were the days of the United Automobile Workers, led by Walter Reuther, once savagely beaten by Ford’s brass-knuckle boys, and of the mighty American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations that together represented around 15 million workers, more than the population of California at the time.

In their heyday, unions put up a fight. In 1970 alone, 2.4 million union members participated in work stoppages, wildcat strikes and tense standoffs with company heads. The labor movement fought for better pay and safer working conditions and supported antipoverty policies. Their efforts paid off for both unionized and nonunionized workers, as companies like Eastman Kodak were compelled to provide generous compensation and benefits to their workers to prevent them from organizing. By one estimate, the wages of nonunionized men without a college degree would be 8 percent higher today if union strength remained what it was in the late 1970s, a time when worker pay climbed, chief-executive compensation was reined in and the country experienced the most economically equitable period in modern history.

It is important to note that Old Labor was often a white man’s refuge. In the 1930s, many unions outwardly discriminated against Black workers or segregated them into Jim Crow local chapters. In the 1960s, unions like the Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship Clerks and the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America enforced segregation within their ranks. Unions harmed themselves through their self-defeating racism and were further weakened by a changing economy. But organized labor was also attacked by political adversaries. As unions flagged, business interests sensed an opportunity. Corporate lobbyists made deep inroads in both political parties, beginning a public-relations campaign that pressured policymakers to roll back worker protections.

A national litmus test arrived in 1981, when 13,000 unionized air traffic controllers left their posts after contract negotiations with the Federal Aviation Administration broke down. When the workers refused to return, Reagan fired all of them. The public’s response was muted, and corporate America learned that it could crush unions with minimal blowback. And so it went, in one industry after another.

Today almost all private-sector employees (94 percent) are without a union, though roughly half of nonunion workers say they would organize if given the chance. They rarely are. Employers have at their disposal an arsenal of tactics designed to prevent collective bargaining, from hiring union-busting firms to telling employees that they could lose their jobs if they vote yes. Those strategies are legal, but companies also make illegal moves to block unions, like disciplining workers for trying to organize or threatening to close facilities. In 2016 and 2017, the National Labor Relations Board charged 42 percent of employers with violating federal law during union campaigns. In nearly a third of cases, this involved illegally firing workers for organizing.

Corporate lobbyists told us that organized labor was a drag on the economy — that once the companies had cleared out all these fusty, lumbering unions, the economy would rev up, raising everyone’s fortunes. But that didn’t come to pass. The negative effects of unions have been wildly overstated, and there is now evidence that unions play a role in increasing company productivity, for example by reducing turnover. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics measures productivity as how efficiently companies turn inputs (like materials and labor) into outputs (like goods and services). Historically, productivity, wages and profits rise and fall in lock step. But the American economy is less productive today than it was in the post-World War II period, when unions were at peak strength. The economies of other rich countries have slowed as well, including those with more highly unionized work forces, but it is clear that diluting labor power in America did not unleash economic growth or deliver prosperity to more people. “We were promised economic dynamism in exchange for inequality,” Eric Posner and Glen Weyl write in their book “Radical Markets.” “We got the inequality, but dynamism is actually declining.”

As workers lost power, their jobs got worse. For several decades after World War II, ordinary workers’ inflation-adjusted wages (known as “real wages”) increased by 2 percent each year. But since 1979, real wages have grown by only 0.3 percent a year. Astonishingly, workers with a high school diploma made 2.7 percent less in 2017 than they would have in 1979, adjusting for inflation. Workers without a diploma made nearly 10 percent less.

Lousy, underpaid work is not an indispensable, if regrettable, byproduct of capitalism, as some business defenders claim today. (This notion would have scandalized capitalism’s earliest defenders. John Stuart Mill, arch advocate of free people and free markets, once said that if widespread scarcity was a hallmark of capitalism, he would become a communist.) But capitalism is inherently about owners trying to give as little, and workers trying to get as much, as possible. With unions largely out of the picture, corporations have chipped away at the conventional midcentury work arrangement, which involved steady employment, opportunities for advancement and raises and decent pay with some benefits.

As the sociologist Gerald Davis has put it: Our grandparents had careers. Our parents had jobs. We complete tasks. Or at least that has been the story of the American working class and working poor.

Poor Americans aren’t just exploited in the labor market. They face consumer exploitation in the housing and financial markets as well.

There is a long history of slum exploitation in America. Money made slums because slums made money. Rent has more than doubled over the past two decades, rising much faster than renters’ incomes. Median rent rose from $483 in 2000 to $1,216 in 2021. Why have rents shot up so fast? Experts tend to offer the same rote answers to this question. There’s not enough housing supply, they say, and too much demand. Landlords must charge more just to earn a decent rate of return. Must they? How do we know?

We need more housing; no one can deny that. But rents have jumped even in cities with plenty of apartments to go around. At the end of 2021, almost 19 percent of rental units in Birmingham, Ala., sat vacant, as did 12 percent of those in Syracuse, N.Y. Yet rent in those areas increased by roughly 14 percent and 8 percent, respectively, over the previous two years. National data also show that rental revenues have far outpaced property owners’ expenses in recent years, especially for multifamily properties in poor neighborhoods. Rising rents are not simply a reflection of rising operating costs. There’s another dynamic at work, one that has to do with the fact that poor people — and particularly poor Black families — don’t have much choice when it comes to where they can live. Because of that, landlords can overcharge them, and they do.

A study I published with Nathan Wilmers found that after accounting for all costs, landlords operating in poor neighborhoods typically take in profits that are double those of landlords operating in affluent communities. If down-market landlords make more, it’s because their regular expenses (especially their mortgages and property-tax bills) are considerably lower than those in upscale neighborhoods. But in many cities with average or below-average housing costs — think Buffalo, not Boston — rents in the poorest neighborhoods are not drastically lower than rents in the middle-class sections of town. From 2015 to 2019, median monthly rent for a two-bedroom apartment in the Indianapolis metropolitan area was $991; it was $816 in neighborhoods with poverty rates above 40 percent, just around 17 percent less. Rents are lower in extremely poor neighborhoods, but not by as much as you would think.

Yet where else can poor families live? They are shut out of homeownership because banks are disinclined to issue small-dollar mortgages, and they are also shut out of public housing, which now has waiting lists that stretch on for years and even decades. Struggling families looking for a safe, affordable place to live in America usually have but one choice: to rent from private landlords and fork over at least half their income to rent and utilities. If millions of poor renters accept this state of affairs, it’s not because they can’t afford better alternatives; it’s because they often aren’t offered any.

You can read injunctions against usury in the Vedic texts of ancient India, in the sutras of Buddhism and in the Torah. Aristotle and Aquinas both rebuked it. Dante sent moneylenders to the seventh circle of hell. None of these efforts did much to stem the practice, but they do reveal that the unprincipled act of trapping the poor in a cycle of debt has existed at least as long as the written word. It might be the oldest form of exploitation after slavery. Many writers have depicted America’s poor as unseen, shadowed and forgotten people: as “other” or “invisible.” But markets have never failed to notice the poor, and this has been particularly true of the market for money itself.

The deregulation of the banking system in the 1980s heightened competition among banks. Many responded by raising fees and requiring customers to carry minimum balances. In 1977, over a third of banks offered accounts with no service charge. By the early 1990s, only 5 percent did. Big banks grew bigger as community banks shuttered, and in 2021, the largest banks in America charged customers almost $11 billion in overdraft fees. Previous research showed that just 9 percent of account holders paid 84 percent of these fees. Who were the unlucky 9 percent? Customers who carried an average balance of less than $350. The poor were made to pay for their poverty.

In 2021, the average fee for overdrawing your account was $33.58. Because banks often issue multiple charges a day, it’s not uncommon to overdraw your account by $20 and end up paying $200 for it. Banks could (and do) deny accounts to people who have a history of overextending their money, but those customers also provide a steady revenue stream for some of the most powerful financial institutions in the world.

Every year: almost $11 billion in overdraft fees, $1.6 billion in check-cashing fees and up to $8.2 billion in payday-loan fees.

According to the F.D.I.C., one in 19 U.S. households had no bank account in 2019, amounting to more than seven million families. Compared with white families, Black and Hispanic families were nearly five times as likely to lack a bank account. Where there is exclusion, there is exploitation. Unbanked Americans have created a market, and thousands of check-cashing outlets now serve that market. Check-cashing stores generally charge from 1 to 10 percent of the total, depending on the type of check. That means that a worker who is paid $10 an hour and takes a $1,000 check to a check-cashing outlet will pay $10 to $100 just to receive the money he has earned, effectively losing one to 10 hours of work. (For many, this is preferable to the less-predictable exploitation by traditional banks, with their automatic overdraft fees. It’s the devil you know.) In 2020, Americans spent $1.6 billion just to cash checks. If the poor had a costless way to access their own money, over a billion dollars would have remained in their pockets during the pandemic-induced recession.

Poverty can mean missed payments, which can ruin your credit. But just as troublesome as bad credit is having no credit score at all, which is the case for 26 million adults in the United States. Another 19 million possess a credit history too thin or outdated to be scored. Having no credit (or bad credit) can prevent you from securing an apartment, buying insurance and even landing a job, as employers are increasingly relying on credit checks during the hiring process. And when the inevitable happens — when you lose hours at work or when the car refuses to start — the payday-loan industry steps in.

For most of American history, regulators prohibited lending institutions from charging exorbitant interest on loans. Because of these limits, banks kept interest rates between 6 and 12 percent and didn’t do much business with the poor, who in a pinch took their valuables to the pawnbroker or the loan shark. But the deregulation of the banking sector in the 1980s ushered the money changers back into the temple by removing strict usury limits. Interest rates soon reached 300 percent, then 500 percent, then 700 percent. Suddenly, some people were very interested in starting businesses that lent to the poor. In recent years, 17 states have brought back strong usury limits, capping interest rates and effectively prohibiting payday lending. But the trade thrives in most places. The annual percentage rate for a two-week $300 loan can reach 460 percent in California, 516 percent in Wisconsin and 664 percent in Texas.

Roughly a third of all payday loans are now issued online, and almost half of borrowers who have taken out online loans have had lenders overdraw their bank accounts. The average borrower stays indebted for five months, paying $520 in fees to borrow $375. Keeping people indebted is, of course, the ideal outcome for the payday lender. It’s how they turn a $15 profit into a $150 one. Payday lenders do not charge high fees because lending to the poor is risky — even after multiple extensions, most borrowers pay up. Lenders extort because they can.

Every year: almost $11 billion in overdraft fees, $1.6 billion in check-cashing fees and up to $8.2 billion in payday-loan fees. That’s more than $55 million in fees collected predominantly from low-income Americans each day — not even counting the annual revenue collected by pawnshops and title loan services and rent-to-own schemes. When James Baldwin remarked in 1961 how “extremely expensive it is to be poor,” he couldn’t have imagined these receipts.

“Predatory inclusion” is what the historian Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor calls it in her book “Race for Profit,” describing the longstanding American tradition of incorporating marginalized people into housing and financial schemes through bad deals when they are denied good ones. The exclusion of poor people from traditional banking and credit systems has forced them to find alternative ways to cash checks and secure loans, which has led to a normalization of their exploitation. This is all perfectly legal, after all, and subsidized by the nation’s richest commercial banks. The fringe banking sector would not exist without lines of credit extended by the conventional one. Wells Fargo and JPMorgan Chase bankroll payday lenders like Advance America and Cash America. Everybody gets a cut.

Poverty isn’t simply the condition of not having enough money. It’s the condition of not having enough choice and being taken advantage of because of that. When we ignore the role that exploitation plays in trapping people in poverty, we end up designing policy that is weak at best and ineffective at worst. For example, when legislation lifts incomes at the bottom without addressing the housing crisis, those gains are often realized instead by landlords, not wholly by the families the legislation was intended to help. A 2019 study conducted by the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia found that when states raised minimum wages, families initially found it easier to pay rent. But landlords quickly responded to the wage bumps by increasing rents, which diluted the effect of the policy. This happened after the pandemic rescue packages, too: When wages began to rise in 2021 after worker shortages, rents rose as well, and soon people found themselves back where they started or worse.

Antipoverty programs work. Each year, millions of families are spared the indignities and hardships of severe deprivation because of these government investments. But our current antipoverty programs cannot abolish poverty by themselves. The Johnson administration started the War on Poverty and the Great Society in 1964. These initiatives constituted a bundle of domestic programs that included the Food Stamp Act, which made food aid permanent; the Economic Opportunity Act, which created Job Corps and Head Start; and the Social Security Amendments of 1965, which founded Medicare and Medicaid and expanded Social Security benefits. Nearly 200 pieces of legislation were signed into law in President Lyndon B. Johnson’s first five years in office, a breathtaking level of activity. And the result? Ten years after the first of these programs were rolled out in 1964, the share of Americans living in poverty was half what it was in 1960.

But the War on Poverty and the Great Society were started during a time when organized labor was strong, incomes were climbing, rents were modest and the fringe banking industry as we know it today didn’t exist. Today multiple forms of exploitation have turned antipoverty programs into something like dialysis, a treatment designed to make poverty less lethal, not to make it disappear.

This means we don’t just need deeper antipoverty investments. We need different ones, policies that refuse to partner with poverty, policies that threaten its very survival. We need to ensure that aid directed at poor people stays in their pockets, instead of being captured by companies whose low wages are subsidized by government benefits, or by landlords who raise the rents as their tenants’ wages rise, or by banks and payday-loan outlets who issue exorbitant fines and fees. Unless we confront the many forms of exploitation that poor families face, we risk increasing government spending only to experience another 50 years of sclerosis in the fight against poverty.

The best way to address labor exploitation is to empower workers. A renewed contract with American workers should make organizing easy. As things currently stand, unionizing a workplace is incredibly difficult. Under current labor law, workers who want to organize must do so one Amazon warehouse or one Starbucks location at a time. We have little chance of empowering the nation’s warehouse workers and baristas this way. This is why many new labor movements are trying to organize entire sectors. The Fight for $15 campaign, led by the Service Employees International Union, doesn’t focus on a single franchise (a specific McDonald’s store) or even a single company (McDonald’s) but brings together workers from several fast-food chains. It’s a new kind of labor power, and one that could be expanded: If enough workers in a specific economic sector — retail, hotel services, nursing — voted for the measure, the secretary of labor could establish a bargaining panel made up of representatives elected by the workers. The panel could negotiate with companies to secure the best terms for workers across the industry. This is a way to organize all Amazon warehouses and all Starbucks locations in a single go.

Sectoral bargaining, as it’s called, would affect tens of millions of Americans who have never benefited from a union of their own, just as it has improved the lives of workers in Europe and Latin America. The idea has been criticized by members of the business community, like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which has raised concerns about the inflexibility and even the constitutionality of sectoral bargaining, as well as by labor advocates, who fear that industrywide policies could nullify gains that existing unions have made or could be achieved only if workers make other sacrifices. Proponents of the idea counter that sectoral bargaining could even the playing field, not only between workers and bosses, but also between companies in the same sector that would no longer be locked into a race to the bottom, with an incentive to shortchange their work force to gain a competitive edge. Instead, the companies would be forced to compete over the quality of the goods and services they offer. Maybe we would finally reap the benefits of all that economic productivity we were promised.

We must also expand the housing options for low-income families. There isn’t a single right way to do this, but there is clearly a wrong way: the way we’re doing it now. One straightforward approach is to strengthen our commitment to the housing programs we already have. Public housing provides affordable homes to millions of Americans, but it’s drastically underfunded relative to the need. When the wealthy township of Cherry Hill, N.J., opened applications for 29 affordable apartments in 2021, 9,309 people applied. The sky-high demand should tell us something, though: that affordable housing is a life changer, and families are desperate for it.

We could also pave the way for more Americans to become homeowners, an initiative that could benefit poor, working-class and middle-class families alike — as well as scores of young people. Banks generally avoid issuing small-dollar mortgages, not because they’re riskier — these mortgages have the same delinquency rates as larger mortgages — but because they’re less profitable. Over the life of a mortgage, interest on $1 million brings in a lot more money than interest on $75,000. This is where the federal government could step in, providing extra financing to build on-ramps to first-time homeownership. In fact, it already does so in rural America through the 502 Direct Loan Program, which has moved more than two million families into their own homes. These loans, fully guaranteed and serviced by the Department of Agriculture, come with low interest rates and, for very poor families, cover the entire cost of the mortgage, nullifying the need for a down payment. Last year, the average 502 Direct Loan was for $222,300 but cost the government only $10,370 per loan, chump change for such a durable intervention. Expanding a program like this into urban communities would provide even more low- and moderate-income families with homes of their own.

We should also ensure fair access to capital. Banks should stop robbing the poor and near-poor of billions of dollars each year, immediately ending exorbitant overdraft fees. As the legal scholar Mehrsa Baradaran has pointed out, when someone overdraws an account, banks could simply freeze the transaction or could clear a check with insufficient funds, providing customers a kind of short-term loan with a low interest rate of, say, 1 percent a day.

States should rein in payday-lending institutions and insist that lenders make it clear to potential borrowers what a loan is ultimately likely to cost them. Just as fast-food restaurants must now publish calorie counts next to their burgers and shakes, payday-loan stores should publish the average overall cost of different loans. When Texas adopted disclosure rules, residents took out considerably fewer bad loans. If Texas can do this, why not California or Wisconsin? Yet to stop financial exploitation, we need to expand, not limit, low-income Americans’ access to credit. Some have suggested that the government get involved by having the U.S. Postal Service or the Federal Reserve issue small-dollar loans. Others have argued that we should revise government regulations to entice commercial banks to pitch in. Whatever our approach, solutions should offer low-income Americans more choice, a way to end their reliance on predatory lending institutions that can get away with robbery because they are the only option available.

In Tommy Orange’s novel, “There There,” a man trying to describe the problem of suicides on Native American reservations says: “Kids are jumping out the windows of burning buildings, falling to their deaths. And we think the problem is that they’re jumping.” The poverty debate has suffered from a similar kind of myopia. For the past half-century, we’ve approached the poverty question by pointing to poor people themselves — posing questions about their work ethic, say, or their welfare benefits — when we should have been focusing on the fire. The question that should serve as a looping incantation, the one we should ask every time we drive past a tent encampment, those tarped American slums smelling of asphalt and bodies, or every time we see someone asleep on the bus, slumped over in work clothes, is simply: Who benefits? Not: Why don’t you find a better job? Or: Why don’t you move? Or: Why don’t you stop taking out payday loans? But: Who is feeding off this?

Those who have amassed the most power and capital bear the most responsibility for America’s vast poverty: political elites who have utterly failed low-income Americans over the past half-century; corporate bosses who have spent and schemed to prioritize profits over families; lobbyists blocking the will of the American people with their self-serving interests; property owners who have exiled the poor from entire cities and fueled the affordable-housing crisis. Acknowledging this is both crucial and deliciously absolving; it directs our attention upward and distracts us from all the ways (many unintentional) that we — we the secure, the insured, the housed, the college-educated, the protected, the lucky — also contribute to the problem.

Corporations benefit from worker exploitation, sure, but so do consumers, who buy the cheap goods and services the working poor produce, and so do those of us directly or indirectly invested in the stock market. Landlords are not the only ones who benefit from housing exploitation; many homeowners do, too, their property values propped up by the collective effort to make housing scarce and expensive. The banking and payday-lending industries profit from the financial exploitation of the poor, but so do those of us with free checking accounts, as those accounts are subsidized by billions of dollars in overdraft fees.

Living our daily lives in ways that express solidarity with the poor could mean we pay more; anti-exploitative investing could dampen our stock portfolios. By acknowledging those costs, we acknowledge our complicity. Unwinding ourselves from our neighbors’ deprivation and refusing to live as enemies of the poor will require us to pay a price. It’s the price of our restored humanity and renewed country.

Matthew Desmond is a professor of sociology at Princeton University and a contributing writer for the magazine. His latest book, “Poverty, by America,” from which this article is adapted, is being published on March 21 by Crown.

An earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to the legal protections for undocumented workers. They are afforded rights under U.S. labor laws, though in practice those laws often fail to protect them.

An earlier version of this article implied an incorrect date for a statistic about overdraft fees. The research was conducted between 2005 and 2012, not in 2021.

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Why poverty is not a personal choice, but a reflection of society

Research Investigator of Psychiatry, Public Health, and Poverty Solutions, University of Michigan

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Shervin Assari does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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As the Senate prepares to modify its version of the health care bill, now is a good time to back up and examine why we as a nation are so divided about providing health care, especially to the poor.

I believe one reason the United States is cutting spending on health insurance and safety nets that protect poor and marginalized people is because of American culture, which overemphasizes individual responsibility. Our culture does this to the point that it ignores the effect of root causes shaped by society and beyond the control of the individual. How laypeople define and attribute poverty may not be that much different from the way U.S. policymakers in the Senate see poverty.

As someone who studies poverty solutions and social and health inequalities, I am convinced by the academic literature that the biggest reason for poverty is how a society is structured. Without structural changes, it may be very difficult if not impossible to eliminate disparities and poverty.

Social structure

About 13.5 percent of Americans are living in poverty. Many of these people do not have insurance, and efforts to help them gain insurance, be it through Medicaid or private insurance, have been stymied. Medicaid provides insurance for the disabled, people in nursing homes and the poor.

Four states recently asked the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services for permission to require Medicaid recipients in their states who are not disabled or elderly to work.

This request is reflective of the fact that many Americans believe that poverty is, by and large, the result of laziness , immorality and irresponsibility.

In fact, poverty and other social miseries are in large part due to social structure , which is how society functions at a macro level. Some societal issues, such as racism, sexism and segregation, constantly cause disparities in education, employment and income for marginalized groups. The majority group naturally has a head start, relative to groups that deal with a wide range of societal barriers on a daily basis. This is what I mean by structural causes of poverty and inequality.

Poverty: Not just a state of mind

We have all heard that the poor and minorities need only make better choices – work hard, stay in school, get married, do not have children before they can afford them. If they did all this, they wouldn’t be poor.

Just a few weeks ago, Housing Secretary Ben Carson called poverty “ a state of mind .” At the same time, his budget to help low-income households could be cut by more than US$6 billion next year.

This is an example of a simplistic view toward the complex social phenomenon. It is minimizing the impact of a societal issue caused by structure – macro‐level labor market and societal conditions – on individuals’ behavior. Such claims also ignore a large body of sociological science.

American independence

Americans have one of the most independent cultures on Earth. A majority of Americans define people in terms of internal attributes such as choices , abilities, values, preferences, decisions and traits.

This is very different from interdependent cultures , such as eastern Asian countries where people are seen mainly in terms of their environment, context and relationships with others.

A direct consequence of independent mindsets and cognitive models is that one may ignore all the historical and environmental conditions, such as slavery, segregation and discrimination against women, that contribute to certain outcomes. When we ignore the historical context, it is easier to instead attribute an unfavorable outcome, such as poverty, to the person.

Views shaped by politics

Many Americans view poverty as an individual phenomenon and say that it’s primarily their own fault that people are poor. The alternative view is that poverty is a structural phenomenon. From this viewpoint, people are in poverty because they find themselves in holes in the economic system that deliver them inadequate income.

The fact is that people move in and out of poverty. Research has shown that 45 percent of poverty spells last no more than a year, 70 percent last no more than three years and only 12 percent stretch beyond a decade.

The Panel Study of Income Dynamics ( PSID ), a 50-year longitudinal study of 18,000 Americans, has shown that around four in 10 adults experience an entire year of poverty from the ages of 25 to 60. The last Survey of Income and Program Participation ( SIPP ), a longitudinal survey conducted by the U.S. Census, had about one-third of Americans in episodic poverty at some point in a three-year period, but just 3.5 percent in episodic poverty for all three years.

Why calling the poor ‘lazy’ is victim blaming

If one believes that poverty is related to historical and environmental events and not just to an individual, we should be careful about blaming the poor for their fates.

Victim blaming occurs when the victim of a crime or any wrongful act is held entirely or partially responsible for the harm that befell them. It is a common psychological and societal phenomenon. Victimology has shown that humans have a tendency to perceive victims at least partially responsible . This is true even in rape cases, where there is a considerable tendency to blame victims and is true particularly if the victim and perpetrator know each other.

I believe all our lives could be improved if we considered the structural influences as root causes of social problems such as poverty and inequality. Perhaps then, we could more easily agree on solutions.

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Poverty Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on poverty essay.

“Poverty is the worst form of violence”. – Mahatma Gandhi.

How Poverty is Measured?

For measuring poverty United nations have devised two measures of poverty – Absolute & relative poverty.  Absolute poverty is used to measure poverty in developing countries like India. Relative poverty is used to measure poverty in developed countries like the USA. In absolute poverty, a line based on the minimum level of income has been created & is called a poverty line.  If per day income of a family is below this level, then it is poor or below the poverty line. If per day income of a family is above this level, then it is non-poor or above the poverty line. In India, the new poverty line is  Rs 32 in rural areas and Rs 47 in urban areas.

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Causes of Poverty

According to the Noble prize winner South African leader, Nelson Mandela – “Poverty is not natural, it is manmade”. The above statement is true as the causes of poverty are generally man-made. There are various causes of poverty but the most important is population. Rising population is putting the burden on the resources & budget of countries. Governments are finding difficult to provide food, shelter & employment to the rising population.

The other causes are- lack of education, war, natural disaster, lack of employment, lack of infrastructure, political instability, etc. For instance- lack of employment opportunities makes a person jobless & he is not able to earn enough to fulfill the basic necessities of his family & becomes poor. Lack of education compels a person for less paying jobs & it makes him poorer. Lack of infrastructure means there are no industries, banks, etc. in a country resulting in lack of employment opportunities. Natural disasters like flood, earthquake also contribute to poverty.

In some countries, especially African countries like Somalia, a long period of civil war has made poverty widespread. This is because all the resources & money is being spent in war instead of public welfare. Countries like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, etc. are prone to natural disasters like cyclone, etc. These disasters occur every year causing poverty to rise.

Ill Effects of Poverty

Poverty affects the life of a poor family. A poor person is not able to take proper food & nutrition &his capacity to work reduces. Reduced capacity to work further reduces his income, making him poorer. Children from poor family never get proper schooling & proper nutrition. They have to work to support their family & this destroys their childhood. Some of them may also involve in crimes like theft, murder, robbery, etc. A poor person remains uneducated & is forced to live under unhygienic conditions in slums. There are no proper sanitation & drinking water facility in slums & he falls ill often &  his health deteriorates. A poor person generally dies an early death. So, all social evils are related to poverty.

Government Schemes to Remove Poverty

The government of India also took several measures to eradicate poverty from India. Some of them are – creating employment opportunities , controlling population, etc. In India, about 60% of the population is still dependent on agriculture for its livelihood. Government has taken certain measures to promote agriculture in India. The government constructed certain dams & canals in our country to provide easy availability of water for irrigation. Government has also taken steps for the cheap availability of seeds & farming equipment to promote agriculture. Government is also promoting farming of cash crops like cotton, instead of food crops. In cities, the government is promoting industrialization to create more jobs. Government has also opened  ‘Ration shops’. Other measures include providing free & compulsory education for children up to 14 years of age, scholarship to deserving students from a poor background, providing subsidized houses to poor people, etc.

Poverty is a social evil, we can also contribute to control it. For example- we can simply donate old clothes to poor people, we can also sponsor the education of a poor child or we can utilize our free time by teaching poor students. Remember before wasting food, somebody is still sleeping hungry.

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5 Essays About Poverty Everyone Should Know

Poverty is one of the driving forces of inequality in the world. Between 1990-2015, much progress was made. The number of people living on less than $1.90 went from 36% to 10%. However, according to the World Bank , the COVID-19 pandemic represents a serious problem that disproportionately impacts the poor. Research released in February of 2020 shows that by 2030, up to ⅔ of the “global extreme poor” will be living in conflict-affected and fragile economies. Poverty will remain a major human rights issue for decades to come. Here are five essays about the issue that everyone should know:

“We need an economic bill of rights” –  Martin Luther King Jr.

The Guardian published an abridged version of this essay in 2018, which was originally released in Look magazine just after Dr. King was killed. In this piece, Dr. King explains why an economic bill of rights is necessary. He points out that while mass unemployment within the black community is a “social problem,” it’s a “depression” in the white community. An economic bill of rights would give a job to everyone who wants one and who can work. It would also give an income to those who can’t work. Dr. King affirms his commitment to non-violence. He’s fully aware that tensions are high. He quotes a spiritual, writing “timing is winding up.” Even while the nation progresses, poverty is getting worse.

This essay was reprinted and abridged in The Guardian in an arrangement with The Heirs to the Estate of Martin Luther King. Jr. The most visible representative of the Civil Rights Movement beginning in 1955, Dr. King was assassinated in 1968. His essays and speeches remain timely.

“How Poverty Can Follow Children Into Adulthood” – Priyanka Boghani

This article is from 2017, but it’s more relevant than ever because it was written when 2012 was the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. That’s no longer the case. In 2012, around ¼ American children were in poverty. Five years later, children were still more likely than adults to be poor. This is especially true for children of colour. Consequences of poverty include anxiety, hunger, and homelessness. This essay also looks at the long-term consequences that come from growing up in poverty. A child can develop health problems that affect them in adulthood. Poverty can also harm a child’s brain development. Being aware of how poverty affects children and follows them into adulthood is essential as the world deals with the economic fallout from the pandemic.

Priyanka Boghani is a journalist at PBS Frontline. She focuses on U.S. foreign policy, humanitarian crises, and conflicts in the Middle East. She also assists in managing Frontline’s social accounts.

“5 Reasons COVID-19 Will Impact the Fight to End Extreme Poverty” – Leah Rodriguez

For decades, the UN has attempted to end extreme poverty. In the face of the novel coronavirus outbreak, new challenges threaten the fight against poverty. In this essay, Dr. Natalie Linos, a Harvard social epidemiologist, urges the world to have a “social conversation” about how the disease impacts poverty and inequality. If nothing is done, it’s unlikely that the UN will meet its Global Goals by 2030. Poverty and COVID-19 intersect in five key ways. For one, low-income people are more vulnerable to disease. They also don’t have equal access to healthcare or job stability. This piece provides a clear, concise summary of why this outbreak is especially concerning for the global poor.

Leah Rodriguez’s writing at Global Citizen focuses on women, girls, water, and sanitation. She’s also worked as a web producer and homepage editor for New York Magazine’s The Cut.

“Climate apartheid”: World’s poor to suffer most from disasters” – Al Jazeera and news Agencies

The consequences of climate change are well-known to experts like Philip Alston, the special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights. In 2019, he submitted a report to the UN Human Rights Council sounding the alarm on how climate change will devastate the poor. While the wealthy will be able to pay their way out of devastation, the poor will not. This will end up creating a “climate apartheid.” Alston states that if climate change isn’t addressed, it will undo the last five decades of progress in poverty education, as well as global health and development .

“Nickel and Dimed: On (not) getting by in America” – Barbara Ehrenreich

In this excerpt from her book Nickel and Dimed, Ehrenreich describes her experience choosing to live undercover as an “unskilled worker” in the US. She wanted to investigate the impact the 1996 welfare reform act had on the working poor. Released in 2001, the events take place between the spring of 1998 and the summer of 2000. Ehrenreich decided to live in a town close to her “real life” and finds a place to live and a job. She has her eyes opened to the challenges and “special costs” of being poor. In 2019, The Guardian ranked the book 13th on their list of 100 best books of the 21st century.

Barbara Ehrenreich is the author of 21 books and an activist. She’s worked as an award-winning columnist and essayist.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

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The Social Consequences of Poverty: An Empirical Test on Longitudinal Data

Carina mood.

Institute for Futures Studies, Box 591, 101 31 Stockholm, Sweden

Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden

Jan O. Jonsson

Nuffield College, OX1 1NF Oxford, England, UK

Poverty is commonly defined as a lack of economic resources that has negative social consequences, but surprisingly little is known about the importance of economic hardship for social outcomes. This article offers an empirical investigation into this issue. We apply panel data methods on longitudinal data from the Swedish Level-of-Living Survey 2000 and 2010 (n = 3089) to study whether poverty affects four social outcomes—close social relations (social support), other social relations (friends and relatives), political participation, and activity in organizations. We also compare these effects across five different poverty indicators. Our main conclusion is that poverty in general has negative effects on social life. It has more harmful effects for relations with friends and relatives than for social support; and more for political participation than organizational activity. The poverty indicator that shows the greatest impact is material deprivation (lack of cash margin), while the most prevalent poverty indicators—absolute income poverty, and especially relative income poverty—appear to have the least effect on social outcomes.

Introduction

According to the most influential definitions, poverty is seen as a lack of economic resources that have negative social consequences—this is in fact a view that dominates current theories of poverty (Townsend 1979 ; Sen 1983 ; UN 1995 ), and also has a long heritage (Smith 1776 /1976). The idea is that even when people have food, clothes, and shelter, economic problems lead to a deterioration of social relations and participation. Being poor is about not being able to partake in society on equal terms with others, and therefore in the long run being excluded by fellow citizens or withdrawing from social and civic life because of a lack of economic resources, typically in combination with the concomitant shame of not being able to live a life like them (e.g., Sen 1983 ). Economic hardship affects the standard of life, consumption patterns, and leisure time activities, and this is directly or indirectly related to the possibility of making or maintaining friends or acquaintances: poverty is revealed by not having appropriate clothes, or a car; by not being able to afford vacation trips, visits to the restaurant, or hosting dinner parties (e.g., Mack and Lansley 1985 ; Callan et al. 1993 )—in short, low incomes prevent the poor from living a life in “decency” (Galbraith 1958 ).

The relational nature of poverty is also central to the social exclusion literature, which puts poverty in a larger perspective of multiple disadvantages and their interrelationships (Hills et al. 2002 , Rodgers et al. 1995 ; Room 1995 ). While there are different definitions of the social exclusion concept, the literature is characterized by a move from distributional to relational concerns (Gore 1995 ) and by an emphasis on the importance of social integration and active participation in public life. The inability of living a decent or “ordinary” social life may in this perspective erode social networks, social relations, and social participation, potentially setting off a downward spiral of misfortune (Paugam 1995 ) reinforcing disadvantages in several domains of life. This perspective on poverty and social exclusion is essentially sociological: the playing field of the private economy is social. It is ultimately about individuals’ relations with other people—not only primary social relations, with kin and friends, but extending to secondary relations reflected by participation in the wider community, such as in organizations and in political life (UN 1995 ).

Despite the fact that the social consequences of limited economic resources are central to modern perspectives on poverty and marginalization, this relation is surprisingly seldom studied empirically. Qualitative research on the poor give interesting examples on how the negative effects of poverty works, and portray the way that economic problems are transformed into social ones (Ridge and Millar 2011 ; Attree 2006 ). Such studies, however, have too small sample sizes to generalize to the population, and they cannot tell us much about the range of the problem. The (relatively few) studies that have addressed the association between poverty and social outcomes on larger scale tend to verify that the poor have worse social relations (Böhnke 2008 ; Jonsson and Östberg 2004 ; Levitas 2006 ), but Barnes et al. ( 2002 ) did not find any noteworthy association between poverty (measured as relative income poverty, using the 60 %-limit) and social relations or social isolation. Dahl et al. ( 2008 ) found no relation between poverty and friendships, but report less participation in civic organizations among the poor. All these studies have however been limited to cross-sectional data or hampered by methodological shortcomings, and therefore have not been able to address the separation of selection effects from potentially causal ones.

Our aim in this study is to make good these omissions. We use longitudinal data from the Swedish Level of Living Surveys (LNU) 2000 and 2010 to study how falling into poverty, or rising from it, is associated with outcomes in terms of primary and secondary social relations, including participation in civil society. These panel data make it possible to generalize the results to the Swedish adult population (19–65 in 2000; 29–75 in 2010), to address the issue of causality, and to estimate how strong the relation between economic vulnerability and social outcomes is. Because the data provide us with the possibility of measuring poverty in several ways, we are also able to address the question using different—alternative or complementary—indicators. Poverty is measured as economic deprivation (lack of cash margin, self-reported economic problems), income poverty (absolute and relative), and long-term poverty, respectively. The primary, or core, social outcomes are indicated by having social support if needed, and by social relations with friends and relatives. We expand our analysis to secondary, or fringe, social outcomes in terms of participation in social life at large, such as in civil society: our indicators here include the participation in organizations and in political life.

Different Dimensions/Definitions of Poverty

In modern welfare states, the normal take on the issue of poverty is to regard it as the relative lack of economic resources, that is, to define the poor in relation to their fellow citizens in the same country at the same time. Three approaches dominate the scholarly literature today. The first takes as a point of departure the income deemed necessary for living a life on par with others, or that makes possible an “acceptable” living standard—defined as the goods and services judged necessary, often on the basis of consumer or household budget studies. This usage of a poverty threshold is often (somewhat confusingly) called absolute income poverty , and is most common in North America (cf. Corak 2006 for a review), although most countries have poverty lines defined for different kinds of social benefits. In Europe and in the OECD, the convention is instead to use versions of relative income poverty , defining as poor those whose incomes fall well behind the median income in the country in question (European Union using 60 % and OECD 50 % of the median as the threshold). As an alternative to using purchasing power (as in the “absolute” measure), this relative measure defines poverty by income inequality in the bottom half of the income distribution (Atkinson et al. 2002 ; OECD 2008 ).

The third approach argues that income measures are too indirect; poverty should instead be indicated directly by the lack of consumer products and services that are necessary for an acceptable living standard (Mack and Lansley 1985 ; Ringen 1988 ; Townsend 1979 ). This approach often involves listing a number of possessions and conditions, such as having a car, washing machine, modern kitchen; and being able to dine out sometimes, to have the home adequately heated and mended, to have sufficient insurances, and so on. An elaborate version includes information on what people in general see as necessities, what is often termed “consensual” poverty (e.g., Mack and Lansley 1985 ; Gordon et al. 2000 ; Halleröd 1995 ; van den Bosch 2001 ). Other direct indicators include the ability to cover unforeseen costs (cash margin) and subjective definitions of poverty (e.g., van den Bosch 2001 ). The direct approach to poverty has gained in popularity and measures of economic/material deprivation and consensual poverty are used in several recent and contemporary comparative surveys such as ECHP (Whelan et al. 2003 ) and EU-SILC (e.g., UNICEF 2012 ; Nolan and Whelan 2011 ).

It is often pointed out that, due to the often quite volatile income careers of households, the majority of poverty episodes are short term and the group that is identified as poor in the cross-section therefore tends to be rather diluted (Bane and Ellwood 1986 ; Duncan et al. 1993 ). Those who suffer most from the downsides of poverty are, it could be argued, instead the long-term, persistent, or chronically poor, and there is empirical evidence that those who experience more years in poverty also are more deprived of a “common lifestyle” (Whelan et al. 2003 ). Poverty persistence has been defined in several ways, such as having spent a given number of years below a poverty threshold, or having an average income over a number of years that falls under the poverty line (e.g., Duncan and Rodgers 1991 ; Rodgers and Rodgers 1993 ). The persistently poor can only be detected with any precision in longitudinal studies, and typically on the basis of low incomes, as data covering repeated measures of material deprivation are uncommon.

For the purposes of this study, it is not essential to nominate the best or most appropriate poverty measure. The measures outlined above, while each having some disadvantage, all provide plausible theoretical grounds for predicting negative social outcomes. Low incomes, either in “absolute” or relative terms, may inhibit social activities and participation because these are costly (e.g., having decent housing, needing a car, paying membership fees, entrance tickets, or new clothes). Economic deprivation, often indicated by items or habits that are directly relevant to social life, is also a valid representation of a lack of resources. Lastly, to be in long-term poverty is no doubt a worse condition than being in shorter-term poverty.

It is worth underlining that we see different measures of poverty as relevant indicators despite the fact that the overlap between them often is surprisingly small (Bradshaw and Finch 2003 ). The lack of overlap is not necessarily a problem, as different people may have different configurations of economic problems but share in common many of the experiences of poverty—experiences, we argue, that are (in theory at least) all likely to lead to adverse social outcomes. Whether this is the case or not is one of the questions that we address, but if previous studies on child poverty are of any guidance, different definitions of poverty may show surprisingly similar associations with a number of outcomes (Jonsson and Östberg 2004 ).

What are the Likely Social Consequences of Poverty?

We have concluded that poverty is, according to most influential poverty definitions, manifested in the social sphere. This connects with the idea of Veblen ( 1899 ) of the relation between consumption and social status. What you buy and consume—clothes, furniture, vacation trips—in part define who you are, which group you aspire to belong to, and what view others will have of you. Inclusion into and exclusion from status groups and social circles are, in this view, dependent on economic resources as reflected in consumption patterns. While Veblen was mostly concerned about the rich and their conspicuous consumption, it is not difficult to transfer these ideas to the less fortunate: the poor are under risk of exclusion, of losing their social status and identity, and perhaps also, therefore, their friends. It is however likely that this is a process that differs according to outcome, with an unknown time-lag.

If, as outlined above, we can speak of primary and secondary social consequences, the former should include socializing with friends, but also more intimate relations. Our conjecture is that the closer the relation, the less affected is it by poverty, simply because intimate social bonds are characterized by more unconditional personal relations, typically not requiring costs to uphold.

When it comes to the secondary social consequences, we move outside the realm of closer interpersonal relations to acquaintances and the wider social network, and to the (sometimes relatively anonymous) participation in civil or political life. This dimension of poverty lies at the heart of the social exclusion perspective, which strongly emphasizes the broader issues of societal participation and civic engagement, vital to democratic societies. It is also reflected in the United Nation’s definition, following the Copenhagen summit in 1995, where “overall poverty” in addition to lack of economic resources is said to be “…characterized by lack of participation in decision-making and in civil, social, and cultural life” (UN 1995 , p. 57). Poverty may bring about secondary social consequences because such participation is costly—as in the examples of travel, need for special equipment, or membership fees—but also because of psychological mechanisms, such as lowered self-esteem triggering disbelief in civic and political activities, and a general passivity leading to decreased organizational and social activities overall. If processes like these exist there is a risk of a “downward spiral of social exclusion” where unemployment leads to poverty and social isolation, which in turn reduce the chances of re-gaining a footing in the labour market (Paugam 1995 ).

What theories of poverty and social exclusion postulate is, in conclusion, that both what we have called primary and secondary social relations will be negatively affected by economic hardship—the latter supposedly more than the former. Our strategy in the following is to test this basic hypothesis by applying multivariate panel-data analyses on longitudinal data. In this way, we believe that we can come further than previous studies towards estimating causal effects, although, as is the case in social sciences, the causal relation must remain preliminary due to the nature of observational data.

Data and Definitions

We use the two most recent waves of the Swedish Level-of-living Survey, conducted in 2000 and 2010 on random (1/1000) samples of adult Swedes, aged 18–75. 1 The attrition rate is low, with 84 % of panel respondents remaining from 2000 to 2010. This is one of the few data sets from which we can get over-time measures of both poverty and social outcomes for a panel that is representative of the adult population (at the first time point, t 0 )—in addition, there is annual income information from register data between the waves. The panel feature obviously restricts the age-groups slightly (ages 19–65 in 2000; 29–75 in 2010), the final number of analyzed cases being between 2995 and 3144, depending on the number of missing cases on the respective poverty measure and social outcome variable. For ease of interpretation and comparison of effect sizes, we have constructed all social outcome variables and poverty variables to be dichotomous (0/1). 2

In constructing poverty variables, we must balance theoretical validity with the need to have group sizes large enough for statistical analysis. For example, we expand the absolute poverty measure to include those who received social assistance any time during the year. As social assistance recipients receive this benefit based on having an income below a poverty line that is similar to the one we use, this seems justifiable. In other cases, however, group sizes are small but we find no theoretically reasonable way of making the variables more inclusive, meaning that some analyses cannot be carried out in full detail.

Our income poverty measures are based on register data and are thus free from recall error or misreporting, but—as the proponents of deprivation measures point out—income poverty measures are indirect measures of hardship. The deprivation measure is more direct, but self-reporting always carries a risk of subjectivity in the assessment. To the extent that changes in one’s judgment of the economic situation depend on changes in non-economic factors that are also related to social relations, the deprivation measure will give upwardly biased estimates. 3 As there is no general agreement about whether income or deprivation definitions are superior, our use of several definitions is a strength because the results will give an overall picture that is not sensitive to potential limitations in any one measure. In addition, we are able to see whether results vary systematically across commonly used definitions.

Poverty Measures

• Cash margin whether the respondent can raise a given sum of money in a week, if necessary (in 2000, the sum was 12,000 SEK; in 2010, 14,000 SEK, the latter sum corresponding to approximately 1600 Euro, 2200 USD, or 1400 GBP in 2013 currency rates). For those who answer in the affirmative, there is a follow-up question of how this can be done: by (a) own/household resources, (b) borrowing.
• Economic crisis Those who claim that they have had problems meeting costs for rent, food, bills, etc. during the last 12 months (responded “yes” to a yes/no alternative).
• Absolute poverty is defined as either (a) having a disposable family income below a poverty threshold or (b) receiving social assistance, both assessed in 1999 (for the survey 2000) or 2009 (for the survey 2010). The poverty line varies by family type/composition according to a commonly used calculation of household necessities (Jansson 2000 ). This “basket” of goods and services is intended to define an acceptable living standard, and was originally constructed for calculating an income threshold for social assistance, with addition of estimated costs for housing and transport. The threshold is adjusted for changes in the Consumer Price Index, using 2010 as the base year. In order to get analyzable group sizes, we classify anyone with an income below 1.25 times this threshold as poor. Self-employed are excluded because their nominal incomes are often a poor indicator of their economic standard.
• Deprived and income poor A combination of the indicator of economic deprivation and the indicator of absolute poverty. The poor are defined as those who are economically deprived and in addition are either absolute income-poor or have had social assistance some time during the last calendar year.
• Long - term poor are defined as those interviewed in 2010 (2000) who had an equivalized disposable income that fell below the 1.25 absolute poverty threshold (excluding self-employed) or who received social assistance in 2009 (1999), and who were in this situation for at least two of the years 2000–2008 (1990–1998). The long-term poor (coded 1) are contrasted to the non-poor (coded 0), excluding the short-term poor (coded missing) in order to distinguish whether long-term poverty is particularly detrimental (as compared to absolute poverty in general).
• Relative poverty is defined, according to the EU standard, as having a disposable equivalized income that is lower than 60 % of the median income in Sweden the year in question (EU 2005). 4 As for absolute poverty, this variable is based on incomes the year prior to the survey year. Self-employed are excluded.

Social and Participation Outcomes

Primary (core) social relations.

• Social support The value 1 (has support) is given to those who have answered in the positive to three questions about whether one has a close friend who can help if one (a) gets sick, (b) needs someone to talk to about troubles, or (c) needs company. Those who lack support in at least one of these respects are coded 0 (lack of support).
• Frequent social relations This variable is based on four questions about how often one meets (a) relatives and (b) friends, either (i) at ones’ home or (ii) at the home of those one meets, with the response set being “yes, often”, “sometimes”, and “no, never”. Respondents are defined as having frequent relations (1) if they have at least one “often” of the four possible and no “never”, 5 and 0 otherwise.

Secondary (fringe) Social Relations/Participation

• Political participation : Coded 1 (yes) if one during the last 12 months actively participated (held an elected position or was at a meeting) in a trade union or a political party, and 0 (no) otherwise. 6
• Organizational activity : Coded 1 (yes) if one is a member of an organization and actively participate in its activities at least once in a year, and 0 (no) otherwise.

Control Variables

• Age (in years)
• Educational qualifications in 2010 (five levels according to a standard schema used by Statistics Sweden (1985), entered as dummy variables)
• Civil status distinguishes between single and cohabiting/married persons, and is used as a time-varying covariate (TVC) where we register any changes from couple to single and vice versa.
• Immigrant origin is coded 1 if both parents were born in any country outside Sweden, 0 otherwise.
• Labour market status is also used as a TVC, with four values indicating labour market participation (yes/no) in 2000 and 2010, respectively.
• Global self - rated health in 2000, with three response alternatives: Good, bad, or in between. 7

Table  1 shows descriptive statistics for the 2 years we study, 2000 and 2010 (percentages in the upper panel; averages, standard deviations, max and min values in the lower panel). Recall that the sample is longitudinal with the same respondents appearing in both years. This means, naturally, that the sample ages 10 years between the waves, the upper age limit being pushed up from 65 to 75. Both the change over years and the ageing of the sample have repercussions for their conditions: somewhat more have poor health, for example, fewer lack social support but more lack frequent social relations, and more are single in 2010 (where widows are a growing category). The group has however improved their economic conditions, with a sizeable reduction in poverty rates. Most of the changes are in fact period effects, and it is particularly obvious for the change in poverty—in 2000 people still suffered from the deep recession in Sweden that begun in 1991 and started to turn in 1996/97 (Jonsson et al. 2010 ), while the most recent international recession (starting in 2008/09) did not affect Sweden that much.

Table 1

Descriptive statistics of dependent and independent variables in the LNU panel

N for variables used as change variables pertains to non-missing observations in both 2000 and 2010

The overall decrease in poverty masks changes that our respondents experienced between 2000 and 2010: Table  2 reveals these for the measure of economic deprivation, showing the outflow (row) percentages and the total percentages (and the number of respondents in parentheses). It is evident that there was quite a lot of mobility out of poverty between the years (61 % left), but also a very strong relative risk of being found in poverty in 2010 among those who were poor in 2000 (39 vs. 5 % of those who were non-poor in 2000). Of all our respondents, the most common situation was to be non-poor both years (81 %), while few were poor on both occasions (6 %). Table  2 also demonstrates some small cell numbers: 13.3 % of the panel (9.4 % + 3.9 %), or a good 400 cases, changed poverty status, and these cases are crucial for identifying our models. As in many panel studies based on survey data, this will inevitably lead to some problems with large standard errors and difficulties in arriving at statistically significant and precise estimates; but to preview the findings, our results are surprisingly consistent all the same.

Table 2

Mobility in poverty (measured as economic deprivation) in Sweden between 2000 and 2010

Outflow percentage (row %), total percentage, and number of cases (in parentheses). LNU panel 2000–2010

We begin with showing descriptive results of how poverty is associated with our outcome variables, using the economic deprivation measure of poverty. 8 Figure  1 confirms that those who are poor have worse social relationships and participate less in political life and in organizations. Poverty is thus connected with both primary and secondary social relations.

The relation between poverty (measured as economic deprivation) and social relations/participation in Sweden, LNU 2010. N = 5271

The descriptive picture in Fig.  1 does not tell us anything about the causal nature of the relation between poverty and social outcomes, only that such a relation exists, and that it is in the predicted direction: poor people have weaker social relations, less support, and lower levels of political and civic participation. Our task now is to apply more stringent statistical models to test whether the relation we have uncovered is likely to be of a causal nature. This means that we must try to rid the association of both the risk for reverse causality—that, for example, a weaker social network leads to poverty—and the risk that there is a common underlying cause of both poverty and social outcomes, such as poor health or singlehood.

The Change Model

First, as we have panel data, we can study the difference in change across two time-points T (called t 0 and t 1 , respectively) in an outcome variable (e.g., social relations), between groups (i.e. those who changed poverty status versus those who did not). The respondents are assigned to either of these groups on the grounds of entering or leaving poverty; in the first case, one group is non-poor at t 0 but experiences poverty at t 1 , and the change in this group is compared to the group consisting of those who are non-poor both at t 0 and t 1 . The question in focus then is: Do social relations in the group entering poverty worsen in relation to the corresponding change in social relations in the group who remains non-poor? Because we have symmetric hypotheses of the effect of poverty on social outcomes—assuming leaving poverty has positive consequences similar to the negative consequences of entering poverty—we also study whether those who exit poverty improve their social outcomes as compared to those remaining poor. We ask, that is, not only what damage falling into poverty might have for social outcomes, but also what “social gains” could be expected for someone who climbs out of poverty.

Thus, in our analyses we use two different “change groups”, poverty leavers and poverty entrants , and two “comparison groups”, constantly poor and never poor , respectively. 9 The setup comparing the change in social outcomes for those who change poverty status and those who do not is analogous to a so-called difference-in-difference design, but as the allocation of respondents to comparison groups and change groups in our data cannot be assumed to be random (as with control groups and treatment groups in experimental designs), we take further measures to approach causal interpretations.

Accounting for the Starting Value of the Dependent Variable

An important indication of the non-randomness of the allocation to the change and comparison groups is that their average values of the social outcomes (i.e. the dependent variable) at t 0 differ systematically: Those who become poor between 2000 and 2010 have on average worse social outcomes already in 2000 than those who stay out of poverty. Similarly, those who stay in poverty both years have on average worse social outcomes than those who have exited poverty in 2010. In order to further reduce the impact of unobserved variables, we therefore make all comparisons of changes in social outcomes between t 0 and t 1 for fixed t 0 values of both social outcome and poverty status.

As we use dichotomous outcome variables, we get eight combinations of poverty and outcome states (2 × 2 × 2 = 8), and four direct strategic comparisons:

• Poverty leavers versus constantly poor, positive social outcome in 2000 , showing if those who exit poverty have a higher chance of maintaining the positive social outcome than those who stay in poverty
• Poverty leavers versus constantly poor, negative social outcome in 2000 , showing if those who exit poverty have a higher chance of improvement in the social outcome than those who stay in poverty
• Poverty entrants versus never poor, positive social outcome in 2000 , showing if those who enter poverty have a higher risk of deterioration in the social outcome than those who stay out of poverty, and
• Poverty entrants versus never poor, negative social outcome in 2000 , showing if those who enter poverty have a lower chance of improvement in the social outcome.

Thus, we hold the initial social situation and poverty status fixed, letting only the poverty in 2010 vary. 10 The analytical strategy is set out in Table  3 , showing estimates of the probability to have frequent social relations in 2010, for poverty defined (as in Table  2 and Fig.  1 above) as economic deprivation.

Table 3

Per cent with frequent social relations in “comparison” and “change” groups in 2000 and 2010, according to initial value on social relations in 2000 and poverty (measured as economic deprivation) in 2000 and 2010

LNU panel 2000–2010. N = 3083

The figures in Table  3 should be read like this: 0.59 in the upper left cell means that among those who were poor neither in 2000 nor in 2010 (“never poor”, or 0–0), and who had non-frequent social relations to begin with, 59 % had frequent social relations in 2010. Among those never poor who instead started out with more frequent social relations, 90 per cent had frequent social relations in 2010. This difference (59 vs. 90) tells us either that the initial conditions were important (weak social relations can be inherently difficult to improve) or that there is heterogeneity within the group of never poor people, such as some having (to us perhaps unobserved) characteristics that support relation building while others have not.

Because our strategy is to condition on the initial situation in order to minimize the impact of initial conditions and unobserved heterogeneity, we focus on the comparisons across columns. If we follow each column downwards, that is, for a given initial social outcome (weak or not weak social relations, respectively) it is apparent that the outcome is worse for the “poverty entrants” in comparison with the “never poor” (upper three lines). Comparing the change group [those who became poor (0–1)] with the comparison group [never poor (0–0)] for those who started out with weak social relations (left column), the estimated probability of frequent social relations in 2010 is 7 % points lower for those who became poor. Among those who started out with frequent relations, those who became poor have a 17 % points lower probability of frequent relations in 2010 than those who stayed out of poverty.

If we move down Table  3 , to the three bottom lines, the change and comparison groups are now different. The comparison group is the “constantly poor” (1–1), and the change group are “poverty leavers” (1–0). Again following the columns downwards, we can see that the change group improved their social relations in comparison with the constantly poor; and this is true whether they started out with weak social relations or not. In fact, the chance of improvement for those who started off with non-frequent social relations is the most noteworthy, being 33 % units higher for those who escaped poverty than for those who did not. In sum, Table  3 suggests that becoming poor appears to be bad for social relations whereas escaping poverty is beneficial.

Expanding the Model

The model exemplified in Table  3 is a panel model that studies change across time within the same individuals, conditioning on their initial state. It does away with time-constant effects of observed and unobserved respondent characteristics, and although this is far superior to a cross-sectional model (such as the one underlying Fig.  1 ) there are still threats to causal interpretations. It is possible (if probably unusual) that permanent characteristics may trigger a change over time in both the dependent and independent variables; or, put in another way, whether a person stays in or exits poverty may be partly caused by a variable that also predicts change in the outcome (what is sometimes referred to as a violation of the “common trend assumption”). In our case, we can for example imagine that health problems in 2000 can affect who becomes poor in 2010, at t 1 , and that the same health problems can lead to a deterioration of social relations between 2000 and 2010, so even conditioning on the social relations at t 0 will not be enough. This we handle by adding control variables, attempting to condition the comparison of poor and non-poor also on sex, age, highest level of education (in 2010), immigrant status, and health (in 2000). 11

Given the set-up of our data—with 10 years between the two data-points and with no information on the precise time ordering of poverty and social outcomes at t 1 , the model can be further improved by including change in some of the control variables. It is possible, for example, that a non-poor and married respondent in 2000 divorced before 2010, triggering both poverty and reduced social relations at the time of the interview in 2010. 12 There are two major events that in this way may bias our results, divorce/separation and unemployment (because each can lead to poverty, and possibly also affect social outcomes). We handle this by controlling for variables combining civil status and unemployment in 2000 as well as in 2010. To the extent that these factors are a consequence of becoming poor, there is a risk of biasing our estimates downwards (e.g., if becoming poor increases the risk of divorce). However, as there is no way to distinguish empirically whether control variables (divorce, unemployment) or poverty changed first we prefer to report conservative estimates. 13

Throughout, we use logistic regression to estimate our models (one model for each social outcome and poverty definition). We create a dummy variable for each of the combinations of poverty in 2000, poverty in 2010 and the social outcome in 2000, and alternate the reference category in order to get the four strategic comparisons described above. Coefficients do thus express the distance between the relevant change and comparison groups. The coefficients reported are average marginal effects (AME) for a one-unit change in the respective poverty variable (i.e. going from non-poor to poor and vice versa), which are straightforwardly interpretable as percentage unit differences and (unlike odds ratios or log odds ratios) comparable across models and outcomes (Mood 2010 ).

Regression Results

As detailed above, we use changes over time in poverty and social outcomes to estimate the effects of interest. The effect of poverty is allowed to be heterogeneous, and is assessed through four comparisons of the social outcome in 2010 (Y 1 ):

• Those entering poverty relative to those in constant non-poverty (P 01  = 0,1 vs. P 01  = 0,0) when both have favourable social outcomes at t 0 (Y 0  = 1)
• Those exiting poverty relative to those in constant poverty (P 01  = 1,0 vs. P 01  = 1,1) when both have favourable social outcomes at t 0 (Y 0  = 1)
• Those entering poverty relative to those in constant non-poverty (P 01  = 0,1 vs. P 01  = 0,0) when both have non-favourable social outcomes at t 0 (Y 0  = 0)
• Those exiting poverty relative to those in constant poverty (P 01  = 1,0 vs. P 01  = 1,1) when both have non-favourable social outcomes at t 0 (Y 0  = 0)

Poverty is a rare outcome, and as noted above it is particularly uncommon to enter poverty between 2000 and 2010 because of the improving macro-economic situation. Some of the social outcomes were also rare in 2000. This unfortunately means that in some comparisons we have cell frequencies that are prohibitively small, and we have chosen to exclude all comparisons involving cells where N < 20.

The regression results are displayed in Table  4 . To understand how the estimates come to be, consider the four in the upper left part of the Table (0.330, 0.138, −0.175 and −0.065), reflecting the effect of poverty, measured as economic deprivation, on the probability of having frequent social relations. Because these estimates are all derived from a regression without any controls, they are identical (apart from using three decimal places) to the percentage comparisons in Table  3 (0.33, 0.14, −0.17, −0.07), and can be straightforwardly interpreted as average differences in the probability of the outcome in question. From Table  4 it is clear that the three first differences are all statistically significant, whereas the estimate −0.07 is not (primarily because those who entered poverty in 2010 and had infrequent social relations in 2000 is a small group, N = 25).

Table 4

Average marginal effects (from logistic regression) of five types of poverty (1–5) on four social outcomes (A-D) comparing those with different poverty statuses in 2000 and 2010 and conditioning on the starting value of the social outcome (in 2000)

Right columns control for sex, education, age, immigrant status, health in 2000, civil status change between 2000 and 2010, and unemployment change between 2000 and 2010. P values in parentheses. Excluded estimates involve variable categories with N < 20. Shaded cells are in hypothesized direction, bold estimates are statistically significant ( P  < 0.05). N in regressions: 1A: 3075; 1B: 3073; 1C: 3075; 1D: 3069; 2A: 3144; 2B: 3137; 2C: 3144; 2D: 3130; 3A: 3074, 3B: 3072; 3C: 3074; 3D: 3068; 4A: 2995; 4B: 2988; 4C: 2995; 4D: 2981; 5A: 3128; 5B: 3121; 5C: 3128; 5D: 3114

In the column to the right, we can see what difference the controls make: the estimates are reduced, but not substantially so, and the three first differences are still statistically significant.

The estimates for each social outcome, reflecting the four comparisons described above, support the hypothesis of poverty affecting social relations negatively (note that the signs of the estimates should differ in order to do so, the upper two being positive as they reflect an effect of the exit from poverty, and the lower two being negative as they reflect an effect of entering poverty). We have indicated support for the hypothesis in Table  4 by shading the estimates and standard errors for estimates that go in the predicted direction.

Following the first two columns down, we can see that there is mostly support for the hypothesis of a negative effect of poverty, but when controlling for other variables, the effects on social support are not impressive. In fact, if we concentrate on each social outcome (i.e., row-wise), one conclusion is that, when controlling for confounders, there are rather small effects of poverty on the probability of having access to social support. The opposite is true for political participation, where the consistency in the estimated effects of poverty is striking.

If we instead follow the columns, we ask whether any of the definitions of poverty is a better predictor of social outcomes than the others. The measure of economic deprivation appears to be the most stable one, followed by absolute poverty and the combined deprivation/absolute poverty variable. 14 The relative poverty measure is less able to predict social outcomes: in many instances it even has the non-expected sign. Interestingly, long-term poverty (as measured here) does not appear to have more severe negative consequences than absolute poverty in general.

Because some of our comparison groups are small, it is difficult to get high precision in the estimates, efficiency being a concern particularly in view of the set of control variables in Table  4 . Only 14 out of 62 estimates in models with controls are significant and in the right direction. Nonetheless, with 52 out of 62 estimates in these models having the expected sign, we believe that the hypothesis of a negative effect of poverty on social outcomes receives quite strong support.

Although control variables are not shown in the table, one thing should be noted about them: The reduction of coefficients when including control variables is almost exclusively driven by changes in civil status. 15 The time constant characteristics that are included are cross-sectionally related to both poverty and social outcomes, but they have only minor impacts on the estimated effects of poverty. This suggests that the conditioning on prior values of the dependent and independent variables eliminates much time invariant heterogeneity, which increases the credibility of estimates.

Conclusions

We set out to test a fundamental, but rarely questioned assumption in dominating definitions of poverty: whether shortage of economic resources has negative consequences for social relations and participation. By using longitudinal data from the Swedish Level-of-living Surveys 2000 and 2010, including repeated measures of poverty (according to several commonly used definitions) and four social outcome variables, we are able to come further than previous studies in estimating the relation between poverty and social outcomes: Our main conclusion is that there appears to be a causal relation between them.

Panel models suggest that falling into poverty increases the risk of weakening social relations and decreasing (civic and political) participation. Climbing out of poverty tends to have the opposite effects, a result that strengthens the interpretation of causality. The sample is too small to estimate the effect sizes with any precision, yet they appear to be substantial, with statistically significant estimates ranging between 5 and 21 % units.

While these findings are disquieting insofar as poverty goes, our results also suggest two more positive results. First, the negative effects of poverty appear to be reversible: once the private economy recovers, social outcomes improve. Secondly, the negative consequences are less for the closest social relations, whether there is someone there in cases of need (sickness, personal problems, etc.). This is in line with an interpretation of such close relations being unconditional: our nearest and dearest tend to hang on to us also in times of financial troubles, which may bolster risks for social isolation and psychological ill-being,

Our finding of negative effects of poverty on civic and political participation relates to the fears of a “downward spiral of social exclusion”, as there is a risk that the loss of less intimate social relations shrinks social networks and decreases the available social capital in terms of contacts that can be important for outcomes such as finding a job (e.g., Lin 2001 ; Granovetter 1974 ). However, Gallie et al. ( 2003 ) found no evidence for any strong impact of social isolation on unemployment, suggesting that the negative effects on social outcomes that we observe are unlikely to lead to self-reinforcement of poverty. Nevertheless, social relations are of course important outcomes in their own right, so if they are negatively affected by poverty it matters regardless of whether social relations in turn are important for other outcomes. Effects on political and civic participation are also relevant in themselves beyond individuals’ wellbeing, as they suggest a potentially democratic problem where poor have less of a voice and less influence on society than others.

Our results show the merits of our approach, to study the relation between poverty and social outcomes longitudinally. The fact that the poor have worse social relations and lower participation is partly because of selection. This may be because the socially isolated, or those with a weaker social network, more easily fall into poverty; or it can be because of a common denominator, such as poor health or social problems. But once we have stripped the analysis of such selection effects, we also find what is likely to be a causal relation between poverty and social relations. However, this effect of poverty on social outcomes, in turn, varies between different definitions of poverty. Here it appears that economic deprivation, primarily indicated by the ability of raising money with short notice, is the strongest predictor of social outcomes. Income poverty, whether in absolute or (particularly) relative terms, are weaker predictors of social outcomes, which is interesting as they are the two most common indicators of poverty in existing research.

Even if we are fortunate to have panel data at our disposal, there are limitations in our analyses that render our conclusions tentative. One is that we do not have a random allocation to the comparison groups at t 0 ; another that there is a 10-year span between the waves that we analyze, and both poverty and social outcomes may vary across this time-span. We have been able to address these problems by conditioning on the outcome at t 0 and by controlling for confounders, but in order to perform more rigorous tests future research would benefit from data with a more detailed temporal structure, and preferably with an experimental or at least quasi-experimental design.

Finally, our analyses concern Sweden, and given the position as an active welfare state with a low degree of inequality and low poverty rates, one can ask whether the results are valid also for other comparable countries. While both the level of poverty and the pattern of social relations differ between countries (for policy or cultural reasons), we believe that the mechanisms linking poverty and social outcomes are of a quite general kind, especially as the “costs for social participation” can be expected to be relative to the general wealth of a country—however, until comparative longitudinal data become available, this must remain a hypothesis for future research.

1 http://www.sofi.su.se/english/2.17851/research/three-research-departments/lnu-level-of-living .

2 We have tested various alternative codings and the overall pattern of results in terms of e.g., direction of effects and differences across poverty definitions are similar, but more difficult to present in an accessible way.

3 Our deprivation questions are however designed to reduce the impact of subjectivity by asking, e.g., about getting a specified sum within a specified time (see below).

4 In the equivalence scale, the first adult gets a weight of one, the second of 0.6, and each child gets a weight of 0.5.

5 We have also tried using single indicators (either a/b or i/ii) without detecting any meaningful difference between them. One would perhaps have assumed that poverty would be more consequential for having others over to one’s own place, but the absence of support for this can perhaps be understood in light of the strong social norm of reciprocity in social relations.

6 We have refrained from using information on voting and membership in trade unions and political parties, because these indicators do not capture the active, social nature of civic engagement to the same extent as participation in meetings and the holding of positions.

7 We have also estimated models with a more extensive health variable, a s ymptom index , which sums responses to 47 questions about self-reported health symptoms. However, this variable has virtually zero effects once global self-rated health is controlled, and does not lead to any substantive differences in other estimates. Adding the global health measure and the symptom index as TVC had no effect either.

8 Using the other indicators of poverty yields very similar results, although for some of those the difference between poor and non-poor is smaller.

9 We call these comparison groups ”never poor” and ”constantly poor” for expository purposes, although their poverty status pertains only to the years 2000 and 2010, i.e., without information on the years in between.

10 With this design we allow different effects of poverty on improvement versus deterioration of the social outcome. We have also estimated models with a lagged dependent variable, which constrains the effects of poverty changes to be of the same size for deterioration as for improvement of the social outcome. Conclusions from that analysis are roughly a weighted average of the estimates for deterioration and improvement that we report. As our analyses suggest that effects of poverty differ in size depending on the value of the lagged dependent variable (the social outcome) our current specification gives a more adequate representation of the process.

11 We have also tested models with a wider range of controls for, e.g., economic and social background (i.e. characteristics of the respondent’s parents), geography, detailed family type and a more detailed health variable, but none of these had any impact on the estimated poverty effects.

12 It is also possible that we register reverse causality, namely if worsening social outcomes that occur after t 0 lead to poverty at t 1 . This situation is almost inevitable when using panel data with no clear temporal ordering of events occurring between waves. However, reverse causality strikes us, in this case, as theoretically implausible.

13 We have also estimated models controlling for changes in health, which did not change the results.

14 If respondents’ judgments of the deprivation questions (access to cash margin and ability to pay rent, food, bills etc.) change due to non-economic factors that are related to changes in social relations, the better predictive capacity of the deprivation measure may be caused by a larger bias in this measure than in the (register-based) income measures.

15 As mentioned above, this variable may to some extent be endogenous (i.e., a mediator of the poverty effect rather than a confounder), in which case we get a downward bias of estimates.

Contributor Information

Carina Mood, Phone: +44-8-402 12 22, Email: [email protected] .

Jan O. Jonsson, Phone: +44 1865 278513, Email: [email protected] .

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2.3 Explaining Poverty

Learning objectives.

• Describe the assumptions of the functionalist and conflict views of stratification and of poverty.
• Explain the focus of symbolic interactionist work on poverty.
• Understand the difference between the individualist and structural explanations of poverty.

Why does poverty exist, and why and how do poor people end up being poor? The sociological perspectives introduced in Chapter 1 “Understanding Social Problems” provide some possible answers to these questions through their attempt to explain why American society is stratified —that is, why it has a range of wealth ranging from the extremely wealthy to the extremely poor. We review what these perspectives say generally about social stratification (rankings of people based on wealth and other resources a society values) before turning to explanations focusing specifically on poverty.

In general, the functionalist perspective and conflict perspective both try to explain why social stratification exists and endures, while the symbolic interactionist perspective discusses the differences that stratification produces for everyday interaction. Table 2.2 “Theory Snapshot” summarizes these three approaches.

Table 2.2 Theory Snapshot

The Functionalist View

As discussed in Chapter 1 “Understanding Social Problems” , functionalist theory assumes that society’s structures and processes exist because they serve important functions for society’s stability and continuity. In line with this view, functionalist theorists in sociology assume that stratification exists because it also serves important functions for society. This explanation was developed more than sixty years ago by Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore (Davis & Moore, 1945) in the form of several logical assumptions that imply stratification is both necessary and inevitable. When applied to American society, their assumptions would be as follows:

• Some jobs are more important than other jobs. For example, the job of a brain surgeon is more important than the job of shoe shining.
• Some jobs require more skills and knowledge than other jobs. To stay with our example, it takes more skills and knowledge to perform brain surgery than to shine shoes.
• Relatively few people have the ability to acquire the skills and knowledge that are needed to do these important, highly skilled jobs. Most of us would be able to do a decent job of shining shoes, but very few of us would be able to become brain surgeons.
• To encourage the people with the skills and knowledge to do the important, highly skilled jobs, society must promise them higher incomes or other rewards. If this is true, some people automatically end up higher in society’s ranking system than others, and stratification is thus necessary and inevitable.

To illustrate their assumptions, say we have a society where shining shoes and doing brain surgery both give us incomes of $150,000 per year. (This example is very hypothetical, but please keep reading.) If you decide to shine shoes, you can begin making this money at age 16, but if you decide to become a brain surgeon, you will not start making this same amount until about age 35, as you must first go to college and medical school and then acquire several more years of medical training. While you have spent nineteen additional years beyond age 16 getting this education and training and taking out tens of thousands of dollars in student loans, you could have spent those years shining shoes and making $150,000 a year, or $2.85 million overall. Which job would you choose?

Functional theory argues that the promise of very high incomes is necessary to encourage talented people to pursue important careers such as surgery. If physicians and shoe shiners made the same high income, would enough people decide to become physicians?

Public Domain Images – CC0 public domain.

As this example suggests, many people might not choose to become brain surgeons unless considerable financial and other rewards awaited them. By extension, we might not have enough people filling society’s important jobs unless they know they will be similarly rewarded. If this is true, we must have stratification. And if we must have stratification, then that means some people will have much less money than other people. If stratification is inevitable, then, poverty is also inevitable. The functionalist view further implies that if people are poor, it is because they do not have the ability to acquire the skills and knowledge necessary for the important, high-paying jobs.

The functionalist view sounds very logical, but a few years after Davis and Moore published their theory, other sociologists pointed out some serious problems in their argument (Tumin, 1953; Wrong, 1959).

First, it is difficult to compare the importance of many types of jobs. For example, which is more important, doing brain surgery or mining coal? Although you might be tempted to answer with brain surgery, if no coal were mined then much of our society could not function. In another example, which job is more important, attorney or professor? (Be careful how you answer this one!)

Second, the functionalist explanation implies that the most important jobs have the highest incomes and the least important jobs the lowest incomes, but many examples, including the ones just mentioned, counter this view. Coal miners make much less money than physicians, and professors, for better or worse, earn much less on the average than lawyers. A professional athlete making millions of dollars a year earns many times the income of the president of the United States, but who is more important to the nation? Elementary school teachers do a very important job in our society, but their salaries are much lower than those of sports agents, advertising executives, and many other people whose jobs are far less essential.

Third, the functionalist view assumes that people move up the economic ladder based on their abilities, skills, knowledge, and, more generally, their merit. This implies that if they do not move up the ladder, they lack the necessary merit. However, this view ignores the fact that much of our stratification stems from lack of equal opportunity. As later chapters in this book discuss, because of their race, ethnicity, gender, and class standing at birth, some people have less opportunity than others to acquire the skills and training they need to fill the types of jobs addressed by the functionalist approach.

Finally, the functionalist explanation might make sense up to a point, but it does not justify the extremes of wealth and poverty found in the United States and other nations. Even if we do have to promise higher incomes to get enough people to become physicians, does that mean we also need the amount of poverty we have? Do CEOs of corporations really need to make millions of dollars per year to get enough qualified people to become CEOs? Do people take on a position as CEO or other high-paying job at least partly because of the challenge, working conditions, and other positive aspects they offer? The functionalist view does not answer these questions adequately.

One other line of functionalist thinking focuses more directly on poverty than generally on stratification. This particular functionalist view provocatively argues that poverty exists because it serves certain positive functions for our society. These functions include the following: (1) poor people do the work that other people do not want to do; (2) the programs that help poor people provide a lot of jobs for the people employed by the programs; (3) the poor purchase goods, such as day-old bread and used clothing, that other people do not wish to purchase, and thus extend the economic value of these goods; and (4) the poor provide jobs for doctors, lawyers, teachers, and other professionals who may not be competent enough to be employed in positions catering to wealthier patients, clients, students, and so forth (Gans, 1972). Because poverty serves all these functions and more, according to this argument, the middle and upper classes have a vested interested in neglecting poverty to help ensure its continued existence.

The Conflict View

Because he was born in a log cabin and later became president, Abraham Lincoln’s life epitomizes the American Dream, which is the belief that people born into poverty can become successful through hard work. The popularity of this belief leads many Americans to blame poor people for their poverty.

US Library of Congress – public domain.

Conflict theory’s explanation of stratification draws on Karl Marx’s view of class societies and incorporates the critique of the functionalist view just discussed. Many different explanations grounded in conflict theory exist, but they all assume that stratification stems from a fundamental conflict between the needs and interests of the powerful, or “haves,” in society and those of the weak, or “have-nots” (Kerbo, 2012). The former take advantage of their position at the top of society to stay at the top, even if it means oppressing those at the bottom. At a minimum, they can heavily influence the law, the media, and other institutions in a way that maintains society’s class structure.

In general, conflict theory attributes stratification and thus poverty to lack of opportunity from discrimination and prejudice against the poor, women, and people of color. In this regard, it reflects one of the early critiques of the functionalist view that the previous section outlined. To reiterate an earlier point, several of the remaining chapters of this book discuss the various obstacles that make it difficult for the poor, women, and people of color in the United States to move up the socioeconomic ladder and to otherwise enjoy healthy and productive lives.

Symbolic Interactionism

Consistent with its micro orientation, symbolic interactionism tries to understand stratification and thus poverty by looking at people’s interaction and understandings in their daily lives. Unlike the functionalist and conflict views, it does not try to explain why we have stratification in the first place. Rather, it examines the differences that stratification makes for people’s lifestyles and their interaction with other people.

Many detailed, insightful sociological books on the lives of the urban and rural poor reflect the symbolic interactionist perspective (Anderson, 1999; C. M. Duncan, 2000; Liebow, 1993; Rank, 1994). These books focus on different people in different places, but they all make very clear that the poor often lead lives of quiet desperation and must find ways of coping with the fact of being poor. In these books, the consequences of poverty discussed later in this chapter acquire a human face, and readers learn in great detail what it is like to live in poverty on a daily basis.

Some classic journalistic accounts by authors not trained in the social sciences also present eloquent descriptions of poor people’s lives (Bagdikian, 1964; Harrington, 1962). Writing in this tradition, a newspaper columnist who grew up in poverty recently recalled, “I know the feel of thick calluses on the bottom of shoeless feet. I know the bite of the cold breeze that slithers through a drafty house. I know the weight of constant worry over not having enough to fill a belly or fight an illness…Poverty is brutal, consuming and unforgiving. It strikes at the soul” (Blow, 2011).

Sociological accounts of the poor provide a vivid portrait of what it is like to live in poverty on a daily basis.

Pixabay – CC0 public domain.

On a more lighthearted note, examples of the symbolic interactionist framework are also seen in the many literary works and films that portray the difficulties that the rich and poor have in interacting on the relatively few occasions when they do interact. For example, in the film Pretty Woman , Richard Gere plays a rich businessman who hires a prostitute, played by Julia Roberts, to accompany him to swank parties and other affairs. Roberts has to buy a new wardrobe and learn how to dine and behave in these social settings, and much of the film’s humor and poignancy come from her awkwardness in learning the lifestyle of the rich.

Specific Explanations of Poverty

The functionalist and conflict views focus broadly on social stratification but only indirectly on poverty. When poverty finally attracted national attention during the 1960s, scholars began to try specifically to understand why poor people become poor and remain poor. Two competing explanations developed, with the basic debate turning on whether poverty arises from problems either within the poor themselves or in the society in which they live (Rank, 2011). The first type of explanation follows logically from the functional theory of stratification and may be considered an individualistic explanation. The second type of explanation follows from conflict theory and is a structural explanation that focuses on problems in American society that produce poverty. Table 2.3 “Explanations of Poverty” summarizes these explanations.

Table 2.3 Explanations of Poverty

It is critical to determine which explanation makes more sense because, as sociologist Theresa C. Davidson (Davidson, 2009) observes, “beliefs about the causes of poverty shape attitudes toward the poor.” To be more precise, the particular explanation that people favor affects their view of government efforts to help the poor. Those who attribute poverty to problems in the larger society are much more likely than those who attribute it to deficiencies among the poor to believe that the government should do more to help the poor (Bradley & Cole, 2002). The explanation for poverty we favor presumably affects the amount of sympathy we have for the poor, and our sympathy, or lack of sympathy, in turn affects our views about the government’s role in helping the poor. With this backdrop in mind, what do the individualistic and structural explanations of poverty say?

Individualistic Explanation

According to the individualistic explanation , the poor have personal problems and deficiencies that are responsible for their poverty. In the past, the poor were thought to be biologically inferior, a view that has not entirely faded, but today the much more common belief is that they lack the ambition and motivation to work hard and to achieve success. According to survey evidence, the majority of Americans share this belief (Davidson, 2009). A more sophisticated version of this type of explanation is called the culture of poverty theory (Banfield, 1974; Lewis, 1966; Murray, 2012). According to this theory, the poor generally have beliefs and values that differ from those of the nonpoor and that doom them to continued poverty. For example, they are said to be impulsive and to live for the present rather than the future.

Regardless of which version one might hold, the individualistic explanation is a blaming-the-victim approach (see Chapter 1 “Understanding Social Problems” ). Critics say this explanation ignores discrimination and other problems in American society and exaggerates the degree to which the poor and nonpoor do in fact hold different values (Ehrenreich, 2012; Holland, 2011; Schmidt, 2012). Regarding the latter point, they note that poor employed adults work more hours per week than wealthier adults and that poor parents interviewed in surveys value education for their children at least as much as wealthier parents. These and other similarities in values and beliefs lead critics of the individualistic explanation to conclude that poor people’s poverty cannot reasonably be said to result from a culture of poverty.

Structural Explanation

According to the second, structural explanation , which is a blaming-the-system approach, US poverty stems from problems in American society that lead to a lack of equal opportunity and a lack of jobs. These problems include (a) racial, ethnic, gender, and age discrimination; (b) lack of good schooling and adequate health care; and (c) structural changes in the American economic system, such as the departure of manufacturing companies from American cities in the 1980s and 1990s that led to the loss of thousands of jobs. These problems help create a vicious cycle of poverty in which children of the poor are often fated to end up in poverty or near poverty themselves as adults.

As Rank (Rank, 2011) summarizes this view, “American poverty is largely the result of failings at the economic and political levels, rather than at the individual level…In contrast to [the individualistic] perspective, the basic problem lies in a shortage of viable opportunities for all Americans.” Rank points out that the US economy during the past few decades has created more low-paying and part-time jobs and jobs without benefits, meaning that Americans increasingly find themselves in jobs that barely lift them out of poverty, if at all. Sociologist Fred Block and colleagues share this critique of the individualistic perspective: “Most of our policies incorrectly assume that people can avoid or overcome poverty through hard work alone. Yet this assumption ignores the realities of our failing urban schools, increasing employment insecurities, and the lack of affordable housing, health care, and child care. It ignores the fact that the American Dream is rapidly becoming unattainable for an increasing number of Americans, whether employed or not” (Block, et. al., 2006).

Most sociologists favor the structural explanation. As later chapters in this book document, racial and ethnic discrimination, lack of adequate schooling and health care, and other problems make it difficult to rise out of poverty. On the other hand, some ethnographic research supports the individualistic explanation by showing that the poor do have certain values and follow certain practices that augment their plight (Small, et. al., 2010). For example, the poor have higher rates of cigarette smoking (34 percent of people with annual incomes between $6,000 and $11,999 smoke, compared to only 13 percent of those with incomes $90,000 or greater [Goszkowski, 2008]), which helps cause them to have more serious health problems.

Adopting an integrated perspective, some researchers say these values and practices are ultimately the result of poverty itself (Small et, al., 2010). These scholars concede a culture of poverty does exist, but they also say it exists because it helps the poor cope daily with the structural effects of being poor. If these effects lead to a culture of poverty, they add, poverty then becomes self-perpetuating. If poverty is both cultural and structural in origin, these scholars say, efforts to improve the lives of people in the “other America” must involve increased structural opportunities for the poor and changes in some of their values and practices.

Key Takeaways

• According to the functionalist view, stratification is a necessary and inevitable consequence of the need to use the promise of financial reward to encourage talented people to pursue important jobs and careers.
• According to conflict theory, stratification results from lack of opportunity and discrimination against the poor and people of color.
• According to symbolic interactionism, social class affects how people interact in everyday life and how they view certain aspects of the social world .
• The individualistic view attributes poverty to individual failings of poor people themselves, while the structural view attributes poverty to problems in the larger society.

For Your Review

• In explaining poverty in the United States, which view, individualist or structural, makes more sense to you? Why?
• Suppose you could wave a magic wand and invent a society where everyone had about the same income no matter which job he or she performed. Do you think it would be difficult to persuade enough people to become physicians or to pursue other important careers? Explain your answer.

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Bagdikian, B. H. (1964). In the midst of plenty: The poor in America . Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

Banfield, E. C. (1974). The unheavenly city revisited . Boston, MA: Little, Brown.

Block, F., Korteweg, A. C., & Woodward, K. (2006). The compassion gap in American poverty policy. Contexts, 5 (2), 14–20.

Blow, C. M. (2011, June 25). Them that’s not shall lose. New York Times , p. A19.

Bradley, C., & Cole, D. J. (2002). Causal attributions and the significance of self-efficacy in predicting solutions to poverty. Sociological Focus, 35 , 381–396.

Davidson, T. C. (2009). Attributions for poverty among college students: The impact of service-learning and religiosity. College Student Journal, 43 , 136–144.

Davis, K., & Moore, W. (1945). Some principles of stratification. American Sociological Review, 10 , 242–249.

Duncan, C. M. (2000). Worlds apart: Why poverty persists in rural America . New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Ehrenreich, B. (2012, March 15). What “other America”? Salon.com . Retrieved from http://www.salon.com/2012/03/15/the_truth_about_the_poor/ .

Gans, H. J. (1972). The positive functions of poverty. American Journal of Sociology, 78 , 275–289.

Goszkowski, R. (2008). Among Americans, smoking decreases as income increases. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/105550/among-americans-smoking-decreases-income-increases.aspx .

Harrington, M. (1962). The other America: Poverty in the United States . New York, NY: Macmillan.

Holland, J. (2011, July 29). Debunking the big lie right-wingers use to justify black poverty and unemployment. AlterNet . Retrieved from http://www.alternet.org/story/151830/debunking_the_big_lie_right-wingers_use_to_justify_black_poverty _and_unemployment_?page=entire .

Kerbo, H. R. (2012). Social stratification and inequality . New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.

Lewis, O. (1966). The culture of poverty. Scientific American, 113 , 19–25.

Liebow, E. (1993). Tell them who I am: The lives of homeless women . New York, NY: Free Press.

Murray, C. (2012). Coming apart: The state of white America, 1960–2010 . New York, NY: Crown Forum.

Rank, M. R. (1994). Living on the edge: The realities of welfare in America . New York, NY: Columbia University Press.

Rank, M. R. (2011). Rethinking American poverty. Contexts, 10 (Spring), 16–21.

Schmidt, P. (2012, February 12). Charles Murray, author of the “Bell Curve,” steps back into the ring. The Chronicle of Higher Education . Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/Charles-Murray-Author-of-The/130722/?sid=at&utm_source=at&utm_medium=en .

Small, M. L., Harding, D. J., & Lamont, M. (2010). Reconsidering culture and poverty. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 629 (May), 6–27.

Tumin, M. M. (1953). Some principles of stratification: A critical analysis. American Sociological Review, 18 , 387–393.

Wrong, D. H. (1959). The functional theory of stratification: Some neglected considerations. American Sociological Review, 24 , 772–782.

Social Problems Copyright © 2015 by University of Minnesota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

Social Problems: Continuity and Change

(44 reviews)

Copyright Year: 2016

ISBN 13: 9781946135230

Publisher: Saylor Foundation

Language: English

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Reviewed by Youngki Woo, Assistant professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley on 5/14/24

This textbook comprises 16 chapters, delving into various aspects of social problems within sociology, criminology, and social work. Each chapter identifies the learning objectives and shows them in the beginning. At the end of each chapter, there... read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 4 see less

This textbook comprises 16 chapters, delving into various aspects of social problems within sociology, criminology, and social work. Each chapter identifies the learning objectives and shows them in the beginning. At the end of each chapter, there are several sub-sections along with review questions for learners. Each chapter is comfortable to follow and addresses most of the learning objectives to provide a straightforward response to the discussion questions. In addition, each chapter covers ideas of the subject appropriately and provides an effective index and glossary.

Content Accuracy rating: 5

The content is both accurate and presented in a manner that is easy to read and follow.

Relevance/Longevity rating: 4

Despite being published in 2016, the sources and information in this textbook remain relevant for explaining various social problems. Each chapter addresses fundamental concepts crucial for students to understand issues prevalent in our society. I believe the text could be enhanced by updating the statistics, tables, and incorporating more visually appealing graphics.

Clarity rating: 5

The text is concise, simple, and clear, and content is informative and straight-forward.

Consistency rating: 4

The text maintains consistency in its terminology and framework. The author adeptly provides chapter summaries that align with the learning objectives outlined at the beginning of each chapter, enhancing comprehension and cohesion.

Modularity rating: 5

The well-structured chapters feature clearly demarcated subsections, which are conveniently hyperlinked for easy access. Dividing the topics into relevant sections aids students in understanding the broader scope of social concerns. Clear subheadings within the text enhance readability and direct the reader's attention to key topics. Additionally, special information that illustrates or expands on the issues is effectively differentiated from the main text, further enriching the learning experience.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 4

The chapters follow a typical order found in textbooks on social problems, commencing with an introductory chapter covering research methods and sociological perspectives. This structure makes the text well-suited for introductory sociology or criminology courses as a prerequisite, which is ideal for exploring social problems. Subsequent chapters delve into poverty and various other forms of social inequality before addressing specific controversial areas of public life. This sequencing is optimal as it recognizes that issues of poverty and economic inequality underpin many other societal challenges, while emphasizing the central theme of social equality inherent in any course on social problems.

Interface rating: 4

The online text features intuitive navigation, with clear images and charts. Chapter or section summaries are thoughtfully highlighted in boxes with color backgrounds, enhancing visual accessibility and aiding in content navigation.

Grammatical Errors rating: 5

There are no typos or technical/grammatical errors that I am aware of in the textbook.

Cultural Relevance rating: 5

I find the textbook's exploration and description of social problems regarding cultural distinctions, crime, terror, and drug issues, family and child abuse, and race/ethnicity to be comfortable and comprehensive. I appreciate the author's sensitivity and fairness in handling topics that often involve prejudicial beliefs held by students. The text consistently challenges oppressive assumptions and beliefs about minority groups by presenting factual information, and prompting reflection in a more informed, objective manner. The integration of information about the association between social problems and various demographic categories enriches the discussion, fostering a deeper understanding of their prevalence and nature. However, I believe there is room for improvement in the coverage of concerns relevant to the LGBTQI population. Given that many students have personal experiences and sensitivities regarding these issues, it's essential for the textbook to use appropriate terms and provide current information.

Overall, this book provides valuable insights into current social issues, making it suitable for undergraduate intro sociology or criminology courses (or as a prerequisite). I believe the text could be enhanced by updating the statistics and incorporating more visually appealing graphics. This would not only improve the aesthetic appeal but also contribute to a more engaging learning experience for students.

Reviewed by Bodenhamer Aysha, Assistant Professor, Radford University on 1/13/23

This book offers a wide array of topics covered in great detail. The textbook has a table of contents that is easily navigable by clicking on each section; however, there is not a section for a glossary of terms. At the end of each chapter there... read more

This book offers a wide array of topics covered in great detail. The textbook has a table of contents that is easily navigable by clicking on each section; however, there is not a section for a glossary of terms. At the end of each chapter there is, however, a summary of the major concepts, application discussion prompts, and suggestions for ways to get involved.

The book offers a variety of sources cited throughout the material to support the arguments made throughout the textbook. I have not noticed any errors and the book does not appear to be biased.

Based on what I have read, the textbook is relevant and for the most part up-to-date, but I have not seen many citations beyond 2010, which means it likely hasn't been updated since then. The same can be said for most of the figures throughout the book with rely on data from 2010. There is room, especially now that we have completed the 2020 Census, to update many of the figures and add new and more relevant literature given that we have experienced a wide variety of social problems in the last decade. The text is written in a way that would make it easy to update the material and add newer examples.

Clarity rating: 4

I appreciate that the major concepts are in bold, followed by a clear pop-up definition. The book appears to be approachable and accessible without containing a lot of unnecessary jargon. One thing that I find distracting, however, is how the book cites references within the text. It distracts from the overall text and would be better noted as footnotes or endnotes so as not to distract the reader from the main purpose of the text.

Consistency rating: 5

Yes. Every chapter is well-written and researched. Some chapters, however, have more material than others, but that is to be expected, generally. The framework, definitions, summaries, and application are the same for each chapter.

Each chapter is divided into subsections that are easily demarcated and are hyperlinked for easy access. Within the text, there are clear subsections with with subheadings which help guide the reader and make it easier to focus on the major topics being discussed.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 5

Yes. One thing that I like about the book is that it often offers a historical look at the problem first, which I think helps the reader realize that many social problems are not new, but perhaps have a longer history than many may realize. The chapters also contain a section on how the three major theoretical viewpoints (functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism) would approach each of the topics.

Interface rating: 5

The interface is simple and easy to navigate; however, the charts/images are a bit small and could be enlarged. I am also unsure if a screenreader will be able to read all of the materials. I actually have a blind student this semester, so to be determined how user-friendly this textbook really is. I worry about some of the charts and tables, but again, I am unsure at this time as I do not have the software to test it. I wish it had a glossary section at the end of each chapter in addition to the summaries.

I have not noticed any grammatical mistakes.

I think cultural sensitivity is one area where this textbook excels. It does a good job of not being ethnocentric and focusing only on issues in the United States, instead in brings in global examples in multiple chapters. I appreciate the attention to Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) issues throughout the text.

There are a number of aspects that I really appreciate about this textbook. For one, it does not shy away from difficult topics, but tackles them head-on. Two, I like how well organized and easily navigable the text is. Three, I appreciate that the text offers an applied focus, ways to get involved, and ways to help alleviate some of these problems. I feel this is super important so as not to leave students feeling dismayed and hopeless, but to empower them to take action. While I like this textbook and I plan to use it this semester, I think it could be improved by updating the figures and adding more visually appealing graphics. Most of the text is plain text, which is fine, but it may leave students feeling bored and restless with the readings. I would also like for the in-text citations to be more clearly demarcated or removed from the main body of the text, and revised as endnotes or footnotes. Doing so would help make the text easier to read and less distracting. Overall, I think the material is well-constructed, and I am excited to see how students respond to it this semester.

Reviewed by Rogerson Christine, Assistant Professor, Radford University on 1/5/23

Loved the comprehensiveness of this book including the variety of topic areas! read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 5 see less

Loved the comprehensiveness of this book including the variety of topic areas!

Accurate up to date information

Relevance/Longevity rating: 5

Relevant to today's changing world

Easy to read and can be used with any level within higher education

Loved the consistency within the chapters. The way they were formatted made them easy to follow and find information.

Especially the online version, it was easy to click on modules or specific sections. This makes it easy to look back for specific information.

Clear organizational structure.

None noticed

None Noticed

Cultural Relevance rating: 4

Had an entire chapter on race and ethnic differences that covered historical views to today.

Reviewed by Christine Wilkey, Associate Professor of Human Services, Saint Mary-of-the-Woods College on 9/30/22

This text covers topics, and issues within these topics, that are typical of texts for college-level sociology courses in social problems. Its sixteen chapters can easily be fit into a typical 8- or 16-week semester format. A glossary or... read more

This text covers topics, and issues within these topics, that are typical of texts for college-level sociology courses in social problems. Its sixteen chapters can easily be fit into a typical 8- or 16-week semester format. A glossary or subject index would be a useful addition.

I found the information provided on social problems factually correct, with no significant errors. This text has good balance between historical information about social concerns and current data on attitudes, behaviors, and issues. It is consistent with the continuity-and-change model, focusing more on the enduring issues of controversy in society than the current details about those issues.

Aside from very recent events (e.g., the Dobbs decision, the COVID pandemic), this text is up-to-date with it publication date of 2016. It uses current sources to support factual information about social problems. Almost all sources used were published prior to 2010 except for standard or historical documents.

The writing is concise, clear, and objective throughout the text. Undergraduate students will find it easy to read and comprehend.

This text has a very consistent format among the chapters. It presents the three sociological theories/perspectives in the same manner in each chapter, and with equal attention across all the chapters (as well as equal attention to each theory in each chapter). Terminology is consistent throughout. The text is quite comfortable to use because of this predictable structure.

Within the chapters, content is clearly set off into very manageable sections in a way that could easily be re-ordered or selected. Special information that illustrates or expands on the issues is clearly differentiated from the main text.

Unlike some social problems textbooks, this one is not organized using larger, general sections that set off one general type of social issue (e.g., matters of inequality, problems in social institutions) from others. Dividing the topics into relevant sections is helpful to students in their grasp of he larger picture of social concerns. It can be useful in pacing and mentally organizing a course across the semester. However, instructors who are familiar with the subject could easily frame the topics in this way in the syllabus.

Chapters are presented in a typical order for texts on social problems, beginning with an introductory chapter that describes research methods, sociological perspectives, etc. This makes the text suitable for use with an introductory sociology course as a prerequisite, which I think is ideal for a course in social problems. This is followed by a chapter on poverty, then a series of chapters on other issues of social inequality and then several chapters on specific controversial areas of public life. I feel strongly that this is the optimal sequencing for a textbook on social problems, since issues of poverty and economic inequality run through all other issues, and the struggle of social equality is a central theme that must be explored in any course on social problems.

The online text is very easy to navigate. Images and charts are clear. Chapter or section summaries are set off in boxes with color backgrounds, so it is easy to visually find one's way in the content.

I found no grammatical errors.

I am comfortable with the way this textbook explores and describes social problems in regard to cultural distinctions and designations based on women's issues and race/ethnicity. Information about the association between social problems and various demographic categories is woven throughout the discussion, inviting the reader to gain a more complete understanding of the prevalence and nature of social problems. I appreciate the sensitivity and fairness with which the author handles topics about which students often hold prejudicial beliefs; the text consistently challenges oppressive assumptions and beliefs about minority groups by identifying myths, presenting facts that contradict these beliefs, and raising questions that allow students to reflect in a more informed, objective manner. Myth-busting is an essential component of any social problems course, in my view, and this text supports this aim very well. I would prefer to see appropriate terms and a more complete discussion in regard to the concerns of the LGBTQ+ population. Most students have a great deal of sensitivity to these issues, many because of personal experience. When a textbook does not use acceptable terms or fails to provide current information about these topics, it loses credibility with students.

Instructors who choose this text will find an objective, factual approach to learning about social problems through a sociological perspective. It offers a balanced approach to learning about a broad array of social concerns and would be suitable for many learning contexts. Throughout, the text identifies common misconceptions about who experiences social problems and raises thought-provoking questions about possible reasons for disparities among social groups. This gives multiple opportunities to challenge commonly held assumptions that are inconsistent with the facts about social problems, including beliefs that contribute to prejudicial views and oppressive responses. This is done with objectivity and an emphasis on having a clear and comprehensive understanding of the issue, and without taking any obvious political or ideological point of view. With a moderate tone and only a few illustrations (most of which illustrate the concerns in a neutral way), readers may find this text a bit "flat" compared to some textbooks on this subject that present social issues in a more evocative manner. However, this makes this text a neutral canvas in which students and instructors can discover their own views and voice. For instructors who wish to supplement with additional visual materials, or have students use factual material as a basis for further individual study, this text provides an ideal introduction to these topics. The text focuses on social problems in the United States with some comparative information from around the world. It discusses opposing views on the issues, although it could more fully emphasize the social and political processes through which solutions to social concerns are sought. However, it is an entirely adequate text that students will find easy to use as they gain understanding of social problems.

Reviewed by Chelsea Starr, Associate Professor, Eastern New Mexico University on 1/10/22

It covers all the areas a sociology of social problems text should cover. read more

It covers all the areas a sociology of social problems text should cover.

Content Accuracy rating: 4

It's not an accuracy problem, it's that most of the charts and graphs/data date from 2012, making it a bit dated.

Data like poverty rates etc need to be updated

It is clearly written, though full in-text citations are distracting.

It is internally consistent.

Each chapter is divided into sub-chapters.

Chapters are organized topically.

Navigation is easy.

Text is free of errors.

I didn't notice any insensitivities.

Reviewed by Mortenson Robert, Instructor, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville on 1/6/22

very thorough! read more

very thorough!

Content Accuracy rating: 2

Research citations are very dated

good job of bringing in contemporary perspectives

Wel written and organized

Covers a wide range of social issues with lots of inforation regarding each issue.

Modularity rating: 4

Lay out is very clear - big vs little points are easy to assess.

Chapter ordering is ideal for social problems, as many problems are framed in the context of class, race and gender

Interface rating: 3

The "using what you know" portions help students learn proactive strategies.

Grammatical Errors rating: 4

Have not found any instances where editing is necessary

Discusses issues from various perspectives

Reviewed by Lisnic Rodica, Lecturer, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville on 12/31/21

The textbook discusses in great detail the various aspects of social problems. The textbook doesn't have an index and glossary. read more

The textbook discusses in great detail the various aspects of social problems. The textbook doesn't have an index and glossary.

The content is presented in an objective/scientific manner and uses relevant citations for all the information.

The textbook contains relevant data that shows general trends over the past few decades, as well as some historical data. While some data is dated and needs to be updated, the overall meaning presented is relevant to the content. Some information about recent changes in social policies and government leadership that can be crucial to contemporary understanding of social problems also needs to be included.

All the sociological terms are clearly explained and highlighted in the textbook which helps the reader pay attention to the content that is most important. The sociological concepts are also explained using existing research.

The textbook uses the main sociological theoretical frameworks to help the reader understand social problems more in-depth. These frameworks are applied consistently throughout the textbook.

The textbook chapters are easy to read because they are divided into sections that have their own learning objectives. Each section is a stand alone sub-chapter that has its own references list. This makes it easy to rearrange the sections without changing the logical flow of the content.

The chapters are organized in easy to read sub-chapters/sections that have learning objectives. These objectives help the reader focus on the most important aspects of the reading. The end of section summary and reflection/discussion questions are helpful for the reader to remember the main points of the chapter.

The textbook is relatively easy to navigate. The images and charts are clear and easy to understand. It would be helpful if the table of contents was in the same file as the textbook.

I noticed no grammatical errors in the textbook.

The textbook is culturally sensitive and inclusive of a variety of social identities.

I enjoyed reading this textbook because it contains interesting discussions about ongoing social debates regarding the many social problems that exist both within the U.S. and globally. I like the examples of research and theory that help frame these ongoing debates and can be used by students to understand the complexity and meanings of social problems.

Reviewed by Robertson Valerie, Lecturer, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville on 12/17/21

This textbook covers much the same material that my expensive textbook does. I especially appreciate how each chapter follows a consistent format, much the same as I use to write my online classes. I also like how the Learning Objectives... read more

This textbook covers much the same material that my expensive textbook does. I especially appreciate how each chapter follows a consistent format, much the same as I use to write my online classes. I also like how the Learning Objectives highlight key topics at the beginning of major sections of the text. The summaries at the end of each chapter also are very helpful to students.

Would benefit from some updating, but I believe important key topics are well addressed.

The instructor should pay attention to outdated statistics. Updating should be easily implemented.

The organization of this textbook flows well. I really like the way each chapter can be free-standing. The writing is clear and I believe easy for students to understand.

As I stated before, the organization of this text is well done. It is easy to use. Topics are clearly stated and the summaries at the end of the chapter pull everything together.

Teaching online, I like the way the text can be broken up into smaller sub-sections. It looks to be very easy to teach in whatever order the instructor would like to cover and leave out chapters that they do not want to cover.

The textbook is organized in a logical way and is easy to follow. What I particularly like is how each chapter is framed with sociological theory. This keeps the class firmly grounded in sociology.

The text utilizes a simple layout. Charts and graphs are easy to understand.

I did not find any grammatical errors

I didn't come across anything that would be culturally insensitive. I believe this book can be read and understood by a diverse audience.

One of my favorite things about this textbook is that it can be broken up easily and put into modules. I will, of course, include updated research and statistics. One of my favorite features in this textbook is the “Using What You know” feature in each chapter. This feature helps the students think critically and connects them with the chapter’s theoretical discussion and real-life problems. I would like an up-loadable test bank. I do like the chapter powerpoints provided. They are rich in content and can be easily modified to what information the instructor would like to highlight. I believe in affordable education; this is a great alternative to expensive textbooks I have used in the past. The flexibility of this text allows for the instructor to update and teach what they think is relevant. I highly recommend this text.

Reviewed by Kelli Johnson, Professor/Librarian IV, Marshall University on 10/6/21

This textbook is very comprehensive and covers topics that I traditionally cover in my class and more. Each topic is addressed in detail and the boxes in each chapter (Applying Social Research, Lessons from Other Nations etc...) make the coverage... read more

This textbook is very comprehensive and covers topics that I traditionally cover in my class and more. Each topic is addressed in detail and the boxes in each chapter (Applying Social Research, Lessons from Other Nations etc...) make the coverage even more detailed. The book also addresses intersectionality in a way I have not seen before but that is very helpful for students.

The book is unbiased and accurate with attention to detail, statistics and examples. I hope the authors update the stats with info from the 2020 census at some point for more relevant numbers.

I hope that the authors update the statistics from the Census with 2020 data when it is available and add information from what has been a tumultuous few years. That being said, this book is very relevant as it puts events in history in context.

I am very impressed with the organization of this book which makes it very accessible and clear. As a whole, the book works well however each chapter can also be free standing.

The chapters in the book all follow the same structure making it very consistent and therefore easy to use.

As stated above, the book is organized in such a way as to lend itself to reading as a whole or picking and choosing relevant chapters.

The topics in this book are organized clearly and logically. The chapters, which can be freestanding, can also be used as needed because they are broken down into smaller, easily navigated pieces.

I was very impressed with the ease of accessing the book as well as the option for viewing online or downloading a pdf. However, a hyperlinked table of contents would make the text even more accessible.

I did not find any spelling or grammatical errors.

The text is well modulated and addresses the topics, which could be viewed as triggering or otherwise difficult, well evenly and sensitively.

I was overjoyed to find this textbook. I had been searching for a book to support a course on social movements. With only a few days to cover a lot of background related to social issues, this text which is very comprehensive yet allows for instructors to easily pick and choose chapters, or even parts of chapters, that will serve the course best. The review questions are especially helpful.

Reviewed by cheryl sclar, Adjunct Professor, Roxbury Community College on 5/31/21

The topics are easy to follow in the sequence they are in. I feel the all the relevant topics to today's world are covered. The glossary definitions are in bold face and used in context making it easy for comprehension. Each unit and chapter is... read more

The topics are easy to follow in the sequence they are in. I feel the all the relevant topics to today's world are covered. The glossary definitions are in bold face and used in context making it easy for comprehension. Each unit and chapter is able to stand on its own and the flow of the books reads well whether or not you choose to use it in the order the chapters.

The book is indeed accurate with a non-biased approach to very sensitive subject matter. Historical facts are presented void of emotion. I wish there were more current events for relatability. I do take issue in that in Chapter 12 the Great Depression was discussed and reference was made to food pantries while there is no mention of The Free Breakfast Program for School Children was started by the Black Panther Party in 1969 which "underscored the inadequacies of the federal government's then-flagging and under-resourced lunch programs in public schools across the country". Failure to include that could be seen as bias.

The content is all relevant. Up to date issues should be included from 2020 21 e: COVID, George Floyd, BLM. I do feel the statistics call for revisions. In 3.3 many issues are addressed but I do not see the words anti-racist or Anti-Semitism. I would like to see content added from the past year and even updated statistics. I am happy to see Margaret Meade (3.7) and Matthew Shephard (5.3) as part of the discussion, however, we need current information such as Betsy DeVos and The Florida Nightclub Shooting of 2016 to be part of the conversation as well.

I feel the Learning Objectives are not only easy to comprehend but they are also malleable. They can easily be adjusted and because the content is so relevant to today I can see how easy it would be to adjust statistics and add content.

The book read as if someone is speaking. This makes it easier to follow and enjoy as if it were a novel rather than a collegiate text book. The author is engaging, does not over state and invites the reader to participate. The author even states (quotes) in the beginning that the subject matter may be doom and gloom in order to identify with the reader.

The text is certainly consistent and does not deviate from providing clear objectives, key takeaways and review items. The format is clean making it easy to navigate, The statistic charts vary but this works for each chapter.

The arrangement of the book makes sense.

The book makes sense. Each chapter can stand on its own and each unit in the chapters flow well.

The wording under the charts and images can be a little larger. There are a few photos that could be swapped for more engaging relevant ones, even memes that speak to todays learner. Example: 12.3 the image of the IRS with the lamp post out front.

Image in 12.3 and 3.3 states "Latinos" should actually be Latinx to be correct by 2021 standards. Other than that I see no issues.

The book is culturally sensitive. Image in 12.3 states "Latinos" should actually be Latinx to be fair.

I think the book reads well and serves well. The Review Questions are good and easy for the Instructor to apply and even edit for their individual classroom. If I were a student who is not easily engaged in reading texts (which I was), this book would work well for me. I would like to see an updated edition of the book,

Reviewed by Alexandra Olsen, Assistant Professor, Umpqua Community College on 5/27/21

This textbook does a great job of covering a wide range of topics that are appropriate for a social problems. It gives the instructor the ability to pick and choose the topics that they'd like to cover - especially in 10 week courses. Each of the... read more

This textbook does a great job of covering a wide range of topics that are appropriate for a social problems. It gives the instructor the ability to pick and choose the topics that they'd like to cover - especially in 10 week courses. Each of the chapters does a good job presenting the topic from a sociological perspective, different theoretical perspectives from which to understand the topic, and ways of addressing social problems that are ground in empirical research. While the content covered in each of the chapters provides plenty for the instructor to discuss, this textbook also still has room for the instructor to bring in more contemporary issues or aspects of social problems not covered in the textbook.

This textbook is accurate, draws from empirical research, and is great at encouraging critical thinking. It addresses a lot of controversial social issues in a way that encourages students to think deeper about how society should approach problems rather than having bias towards a certain perspective.

The content is relevant, but a lot of the statistics and examples are outdated. Similarly, there's been more recent legal developments (like the legalization of gay marriage or the legalization of marijuana) that need to be updated. Particularly, I've found that in the chapter on sexual orientation that I have to supplement with a lot of outside material to compensate for this. All of this being said, I believe that these updates would be very easy to make!

The textbook is very easily accessible. It provides clear definitions of terms that may be unfamiliar to students. It does a great job of introducing students to sociological thinking, while still challenging them to learn new vocabulary.

The chapters are all set up similarly. All chapters discuss the social problem, discuss theoretical perspectives on the problem, highlight debates on addressing social problems, and provide suggestions from empirical research for addressing that social problem.

This book is very modular. Each chapter is broken up into smaller sub sections with clear headings. Chapters, for the most part, can be assigned in whatever order the instructor prefers. It's also easy for the instructor to cover what they think is most relevant and leave out topics or sections of a chapter that they don't want to cover.

One of the best parts of this textbook is how well it's organized. Organization is consistent and every social problem is unpacked in a similar manner.

I have not noticed any issues with the interface. It is an easy textbook to navigate and I have gotten good feedback on it from my students.

I have not noticed any grammatical errors in the textbook.

This textbook does a great job of incorporating different examples from a variety of different cultures. They often provide comparisons not only between groups in the US, but also between the US and other countries. I also appreciate that even when they aren't discussing race/class/gender/etc. explicitly, they'll still discuss how groups view and are affected differently by social problems.

Reviewed by Deidre Tyler, Professor of Sociology, Salt Lake Community College on 2/22/21

This textbook covers every social problem that is covered in a standard intro-level social problems course. read more

This textbook covers every social problem that is covered in a standard intro-level social problems course.

The citations that are used in the textbook are accurate and they are balanced with various theoretical slants.

This textbook is arranged in a way in which updates are easily made. The knowledge is general and to the point.

Students will not have any problem reading the text because it is free of jargon.

The three major perspectives are covered adequately in this textbook.

The summaries at the end of each chapter provide the student with a quick glance of what they need to know.

The topics are organized in a manner in which they add knowledge to the students.

The text has easy navigational management that does not confuse the reader.

There are no grammatical errors in the textbook.

This book does not offend any person who reads it or makes anyone feel uncomfortable.

I would highly recommend this textbook because it is written in a way that does not confuse the student and it gives the basic information.

Reviewed by Laura Trull, Assistant Professor, James Madison University on 11/30/20

This is a very comprehensive text. It begins with defining social problems and even how we define social problems. Following this definition chapter are 15 chapters each focused on a major social problem. Major US issues are discussed, though... read more

This is a very comprehensive text. It begins with defining social problems and even how we define social problems. Following this definition chapter are 15 chapters each focused on a major social problem. Major US issues are discussed, though there is not often an international perspective on these issues. Each chapter follows a consistent format of introducing the topic, providing theoretical grounding, detailing more specific aspects of the problem and closing with a summary. Each subsection of the chapter has learning objectives and key takeaways. The index is perfect and many key terms are highlighted throughout.

The content included is accurate and up to date with fairly recent examples and relevant, professional, recent images. It is free of bias and causes the reader to pause and consider rather than agree or disagree.

There are fairly recent examples and unfortunately, none of these social problems is going to be solved immediately so it will be relevant for some time.

While there are some advanced concepts discussed, the reader is brought along logically to the more advanced concepts and all concepts are explained thoroughly. Review questions are often included and very useful for reflection and/or incorporating into assignments. References are recent or seminal and provided in a list at the end of each subsection. A glossary of key terms would make a wonderful addition!

The format and writing style are completely consistent throughout making this a very easy text to navigate. It is a clear and concise flow without being too brief or lacking in depth. There are no interface issues and very few grammatical or typing boo boos.

. It is easy to opt out of some sections or subsections. For example, I have used this in a sophomore level social work class and skipped many of the theoretical sections that were too in depth for this level and too sociological for our course. I could easily arrange the reading to incorporate only the sections I wanted to include, and in the order I wanted to include them.

Very well organized and logical. One knows what to expect as they navigate each chapter.

No issues whatsoever on a variety of devices.

Clear and error free. Tables and graphics really add to the content.

The text is very inclusive of a variety of culture and subculture influences.

This is really a great text. Comprehensive and clear, even to be used in a non-sociology course. While the lack of an international perspective was one weakness, the other weakness was more discipline specific. The text is about social problems, so obviously there was a negative focus to the problems – after all, they are problems. However, in social work we at least consider the strengths perspective and empowerment model – which was lacking here. I did supplement this text with some change-focused, asset-based materials to shift the focus from strictly defining problems to taking on advocacy.

Reviewed by Marc Wagoner, Associate Professor, Worcester State University on 6/30/20

The book appears to to do a great job on covering material that can distress both individuals and the communities they are a part of. It appears to be comprehensive in it's definition and application of sociological theory and research. The... read more

The book appears to to do a great job on covering material that can distress both individuals and the communities they are a part of. It appears to be comprehensive in it's definition and application of sociological theory and research. The content is well organized, with each chapter divided into sub-sections that make it easy for a reader to seek out specific information. As the year of publication is 2016, some of the example content is slightly out of date.

The content of the book appears to be solid and unbiased in terms of presentation of theory and its application. In addition, the explanations and examples are well-written and easy to understand.

The content from a theory and methodology standpoint is well-reviewed and organized. I think that much of that specific content will stand the test of time. However, given that it is a book that necessarily speaks so much to current events, it is challenging to have examples of application of such theory and methodology that do not have the potential to quickly shift. As such, some of the examples and references points in the book are a bit dated. This is not entirely bad from a teaching standpoint in that comparisons between present day and four years ago can be made in terms of examples of reasons for the research and applications of the theory. I do think that updates would not be too challenging to implement.

The text is well-written in a way that is easy to understand for a student. Jargon is sometimes necessary in an academic context, but the textbook does well in ensuring that any jargon written is also well-defined prior to being frequently used. I did not see any occasion in which terms were used improperly. I think the text is written in a way that invites more reading for the student.

The textbook is internally consistent. I observed no occasion where terms were defined one way and then used another in a different part of the text. Any visual aides or additional material, such as examples or reference points, seemed to be consistent with the point or argument the text was making.

The textbook is very well done in terms of modularity. There are a number of sub-sections throughout each chapter that can be read separately in order to learn something very specific. In addition, there are boxes of additional pertinent information spread throughout the book that add to what the reader can learn without actually filling up the space that is dedicated to necessary learning.

The chapters do have a topical logic to them in terms of organization, where it does make sense that the following chapter be there. While the book is dedicated to social problems and change, however, I do think it would be valuable to dedicate a chapter to strategies for researching/studying those topics before entering into the topics themselves.

In my perusal, I saw no issues with visual aides; everything looked clear and sharp. The display at large made it feel very much like a textbook on the screen. Additionally, it was a very good idea to include hotlinks to other parts of the textbook. As the content is compelling, this decision can teach the reader the important lesson of how linked and interwoven all of the content is. The final chapter also did a good job of making this clear.

I saw no grammatical errors in the text. Any use of quotes or phrases directly from or representing a source were presented properly.

I saw no culturally insensitive content in any way, and saw a clear attempt at maximal diversity. Given the purpose of the text, this becomes especially important.

Even though I am a social psychologist and not a sociologist, this is the kind of text that I have looked for to use in a psychology course on social change. Obviously, such a course on my part would feature different theoretical and methodological approach, but the content as well as the organization of the present text really does fit the bill, including the intention to speak to the interdisciplinary of quality research that does contribute to social change. This is an excellent alternative to expensive hardcopies that is now on my list for consideration.

Reviewed by Kimberly Fox, Associate Professor, Bridgewater State University on 6/29/20

The book covers all of the topics that I would like to have in a Social Problems text and is clearly and comprehensively organized. The subtopics within each chapter also cover most of what I would expect in a textbook for social problems. That... read more

The book covers all of the topics that I would like to have in a Social Problems text and is clearly and comprehensively organized. The subtopics within each chapter also cover most of what I would expect in a textbook for social problems. That being said, the material is quite out of date and more up-to-date information along with new directions in these areas would be helpful.

Content Accuracy rating: 3

While I did not see glaring errors in the textbook, many of the sections include overgeneralizations without a critical examination of the topic. For example, in the chapter on Families, the author cites research by Bradford Wilcox without including a critical lens on this political biases. Similarly, it does not include other research that challenges some of those claims. The general writing style will make it easy for students to digest but the overgeneralizations will leave students without an understanding of the debates within the field.

Relevance/Longevity rating: 3

While the general topics and coverage are clear and cover topics that have been - and will continue to be - relevant, the research within those chapters needs to be updated. The research is at least 8 years old and so can provide a good grounding in the overview of the topic but does not keep up with the newest research. Since social problems emphasize current events and concerns, it would be helpful to have up-to-date examples in addition to more recent research to show the "continuity and change" in societal problems.

Clarity rating: 3

The book is accessibly written and clear for undergraduate students but as mentioned earlier, it is often overly general. Also, the generalizations lead to lack of context for some of the jargon. For example, the first chapter starts with a discussion of the objective and subjective aspects of social problems without providing a clear understanding of the underlying differences between them. Since this class is usually geared toward early stage undergraduates, I think it needs more specificity in the writing.

The book is mostly consistent in its organization with the chapters using the same framework and terminology. The majority of the chapters discuss the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionist theories but it is not included in the chapters that discuss race, gender, and sexual orientation without any indication of why. I generally like the chapter organization but find that odd.

The modularity of the text is good. Not only are the chapters small enough to consume but within each chapter there are subsections that can be used or skipped without loss of major points. That being said, I think it would be helpful to have the ability to reorganize it even more clearly.

The overall text is well organized with major overview topics first, followed by important identity concerns, and then necessary investigations into social institutions. The chapters flow well from one to another but could also be organized by individual faculty members without upsetting the flow.

The overall interface worked well but there were some issues with images or charts distorting or leaving too much white space before and/or after the pictures that made it somewhat awkward. Overall, it was not too disruptive.

There were no major grammatical errors.

The book includes examples from multiple racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. It covers topics sensitively and comprehensively.

I like the general sense of the book and would hope to have something similar in a Social Problems text. However, the overgeneralizations and out-dated material make it unlikely that I will adopt this book for classes at this time. I do think that a social problems book is an important one to have as an open text and hope that it will be updated in the future.

Reviewed by Ashley Palmer, Assistant Professor, University of Texas at Arlington on 1/2/20

The textbook covers foundational information on a multitude of social issues– particularly the characteristics, causes, and consequences of these issues – and could be used for both sociology and social work courses. Both historic and current... read more

The textbook covers foundational information on a multitude of social issues– particularly the characteristics, causes, and consequences of these issues – and could be used for both sociology and social work courses. Both historic and current examples were provided. Additionally, I appreciated that national and global perspectives were included within each chapter.

While much of the content appeared to be based in research and accurate, this was uneven across chapters. At times, statements or positions seemed a stretch from the research that had been discussed and other times, seemed like personal or professional opinion.

Some of the statistics should be updated, but the overall picture of what is being described remains relevant. The author has organized text in a manner that will require straightforward updates. As noted above, some chapters would benefit from a stronger (or more explicit) connection to social science research.

One of the major strengths of this text is the straightforward and clear way that content is presented and explained. I believe that students will appreciate the ease of read while also gaining important foundational information.

The text consistently uses the same frameworks and terminology throughout chapters.

The organization of this textbook will make it easy to utilize in blocks. That is a major strength because chapters and sections can be reorganized and complemented with other material within a course, as needed.

This textbook is organized well. Chapter 3, 6, 9, and 13 have sections that are out-of-order. This is confusing when trying to read the book straight through rather than clicking on sections.

There were no major interface issues. Minor issues included that images, charts, and tables were disjointed and made it difficult to follow. When viewing the PDF on a laptop, all images, charts, and tables were displayed well. Some of the photo images were unnecessary and did not enhance understanding or learning. Rather, the captions below them repeated what had been shared within the text.

There were no major grammatical errors. Most errors consisted of leaving a word or two out of a sentence. Though not necessarily “grammatical errors” jargon was used throughout.

While overall I believe the textbook was inclusive of diverse cultural backgrounds, there were some issues that could be enhanced. For instance, in Chapter the use of a photo of someone who was lynched seemed insensitive and abrupt ,with no trigger warning and did not add anything to the discussion. In Chapter 4 on gender inequality, gender was discussed as a social construct. Yet, non-binary or gender fluidity was not addressed, or were inequality and issues related to non-dominant gender identity. Given that the author is stating that gender is a social construct, it seems necessary to go into other identities. (This was touched on briefly in Chapter 5 on Sexual Orientation, referenced as androgynous). In Chapter 5, the references to “gays” and “straights” is vague and does not seem to be culturally appropriate terminology.

I think this textbook provides a good foundation and plenty of content to mix and complement courses related to social problem and social welfare policy analysis.

Reviewed by Kelley (Katherine) Blanck, Instructor, Michigan State University on 11/15/19

The book appears to be comprehensive, as it is 796 pages, thoroughly indexed and outlined for ease in following the progression of the content. read more

The book appears to be comprehensive, as it is 796 pages, thoroughly indexed and outlined for ease in following the progression of the content.

There is some research-basis for the text - but there seems to be significant personal opinion as well. At times, there are many areas that appear to be personal reflection and inference rather than statement of fact.

It would seem to be relevant and easy to update as needed. There is a mix of historical theory as well as present-day examples.

Clarity rating: 2

The book seems to read more like a graduate-school paper than a text book. This could be helpful for early graduate students in understanding and ingesting the content; however, professionally, there is some jargon and amateur language used throughout.

Consistency rating: 3

The book is consistent in organization, terminology, and framework.

There are clear, smaller sections that are easy to navigate and read.

The topics are organized well and presented in a clear, logical progression of content. Each chapter has take-aways and key points for reflection and class discussion.

The interface has some formatting issues - there is a lot of empty, white space, especially after pictures or charts.

Grammatical Errors rating: 3

There are minor grammatical errors, mostly pertaining to use of jargon or non-professional terminology.

Cultural Relevance rating: 3

The book does appear to incorporate cultural significance within many of the topic areas.

There are sections of this book that could be useful on their own for classroom assignments and discussion. The overall book is very long and could not reasonably be used for a single term; however, the smaller sections with the key takeaways are interesting and useful.

Reviewed by Cathy Beighey, Sociology Profressor, Aims Community College on 7/26/19

Yes, each chapter covered relevant concepts, related issues, and a sociological framework to 'digest' the content. Each chapter also included ways to address or improve the social problem highlighted within the chapter, which I found to be better... read more

Comprehensiveness rating: 3 see less

Yes, each chapter covered relevant concepts, related issues, and a sociological framework to 'digest' the content. Each chapter also included ways to address or improve the social problem highlighted within the chapter, which I found to be better format than a separate, overarching 'Solutions' chapter. To further develop students’ understanding of the importance and the inherent relationship between historic, economic, cultural, and social factors in the develop and persistence of social problems, it should be more intentional as far as developing a framework from which to analyze causal factors that breed structured inequality and hence social problems. Furthermore, such connections become the building block for higher-level learning and learning retention. These components were missing: - Although capitalism, corporate power, particularly via multinational corporations, and the great wealth disparity was included in the Work & Economy chapter, there isn’t a chapter, or subunit, that directly addresses different political systems and ensuing social issues, inequitable access to political power, voter apathy, etc. - I didn’t find Immigration Patterns and Issues addressed in any chapter. It may fit nicely as a subunit in the Racial/Ethnic Inequality. - No glossary; however, key terms and concepts are highlighted within the text. (A glossary is important for easy reference). - The end of the chapter summary is helpful, but I suggest it is expanded into more targeted end-of -the chapter review questions in order to highlight and reinforce learning as a student-driven formative assessment. - The subunits within each chapter begin with three-four Learning Objectives, which are helpful; however, in some instances, I found them to be too general to truly introduce pertinent points and guide learning. To that end, I suggest the subunits’ learning objectives are: 1) reviewed for any missing pertinent learning objectives, 2) designed to capture higher-level using Bloom’s taxonomy learning such as 'synthesize', 'analyze', etc. 3) revised and created for more targeted, measurable chapter-level learning outcomes (versus objectives), and 4) directly or indirectly address the CCNS Learning Outcomes at: https://erpdnssb.cccs.edu/PRODCCCS/ccns_pub_controller.p_command_processor?pi_search_type=SB_COURSE&pi_subj_code=SOC&pi_crse_numb=215&pi_archive_date=&pi_course_status=A&pi_term_code=202020.

Yes, the pertinent trends and general patterns were thematically correct sociologically speaking; however, it would benefit from some updating.

Yes, and appropriate updates will be easily implemented. To that end, some of the poverty and demographic data (i.e., from the 2010 Census) and statistics should be updated; however, with new research generating data quickly this can be time intensive so the author has to be intentional when selecting data.

Yes, the text is clearly written in an manner that is easily understood. There were points that students would benefit from elaboration regarding the socio-economic and/or historic context of some sociological concepts and social issues in order to foster deeper thematic connections and learning retention.

Yes, very much so from beginning each chapter with “Social Problems in the News’, with subunits (i.e., 1.2, 1.3, etc.) each with a concise list of Learning Objectives, and ending each chapter with “End of the Chapter Material”.

Yes, it is broken into small subunits that can be moved and incorporated at other points in the course if the instructor finds a different arraignment more intuitive and student friendly.

Yes, I broadly ‘see’ it organized as Understanding Social Problems, Social Problems of Inequality, and then Institutional Social Problems .

No visible issues, and the graphs and charts are well done.

No significant issues.

The textbook addresses a variety of racial/ethnic backgrounds, nationalities, and offers a cross-cultural lens in the 'Lessons from Other Societies'.

Instructor Supplemental Material: There are power point slides available to the instructor, but I didn’t find them easily utilized because how to access them by chapter wasn’t very intuitive (i.e., I found myself clicking on lots of random files). For example, the Chapter #2 Poverty slides are missing, or I couldn’t find them.

Learning Tools for Students: Expand learning tools to reinforce reading comprehension, basic understanding of the concepts, and to provide formative student-driven assessment.

Reviewed by Miriam Kero, Instructor, Hibbing Community College on 5/24/19

Social Problems: Continuity and Change provides complete coverage of the main categories of problems in society today: poverty, gender, race/ethnicity, etc. The table of contents lays these out for easy access. Within each chapter, key terms are... read more

Social Problems: Continuity and Change provides complete coverage of the main categories of problems in society today: poverty, gender, race/ethnicity, etc. The table of contents lays these out for easy access. Within each chapter, key terms are in boldface and defined; sections of each chapter are summarized with key takeaways, and discussion questions are provided. The text lacks an index and glossary at the end, however. This makes it challenging to look up key concepts without knowing in which chapter that concept was discussed.

The book is factual and well rounded in representation. Most chapters review each social problem using the three major theoretical families (functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism). This allows discussion of the social problem from multiple vantage points. Students have commented that the text seems "balanced" in its representation.

The chapter material is up to date, although statistics often reference 2010 (sometimes even earlier); now in 2019 I have found myself looking up new data to see how trends have evolved over the last decade. Have correlates continued to hold? Particularly in discussing wealth distribution, new graphics depicting the rise of the super rich are helpful to supplement the material. The text is written in a way that allows the instructor to easily supplement and update data like this while teaching; ultimately it appears that updates to text would also be easy to implement.

In review of Social Problem's writing, the text is straightforward. Any relevant terms are in bold faced and defined. Each chapter's sections begin with a learning objectives box. And as noted prior, each section has a summary. This provides the classic "tell them what you are going to tell them, tell them, tell them what you told them" format that helps clarify what is important. Finally, the end of each chapter contains a summary of the whole chapter's main points.

The framework of the text has some nice consistent elements. For example, sections termed, "Perspectives on ____ (e.g. aging)" typically list the three theoretical viewpoints on the problem. Sometimes, however, these same areas are called "Explaining ______." It would be helpful for directing students if these were consistent. Also, it would be preferred if each chapter followed a similar order. For example, section one would be an introduction, section two the theoretical perspectives, section three correlates, etc. The terminology, however, is consistent.

The text is nicely segmented; sections are labeled clearly, and within each section the main concepts are identified with headings. The order of the chapters can be easily reordered; each is self-contained, and when other chapters are referenced they are hyperlinked. Following those links is not necessary, though, because key terms are redefined and concepts restated as needed.

I like the order in which the chapters are presented in Social Problems, although I do contemplate covering race and ethnicity before poverty simply because the correlates of poverty to race and ethnicity are so powerful. Within each chapter, I would prefer greater consistency in the structure of sections (e.g. section two always containing the theoretical perspectives).

The interface works very well in Chrome; not so much in Explorer. In Explorer the page navigation is just text at the bottom of the screen (rather than a box with fill and text from which the course material appears behind). This makes it difficult to read. In both browsers, though, the table of content menu is very easy to use (drop down).

I have not found grammatical errors in the text.

The text (to my "white" eyes) is not culturally insensitive, however, one of my critical-thinking Hispanic students felt that it had a tone of "looking down" upon folks for color. This could be a product of the scientific tone of sociology, but his comment is worth noting. In perusing the photo depictions within the text, it appears many are of white folks. I look for photos that match my students; I do not see much representation of Asian, Muslim, or Hispanic people. The text does make the correlates of inequality to social problems clear, however. And it notes past biological views were racist.

For a free textbook, this is a wonderful resource. It provides a solid foundation from which to grow course curriculum. Supplementing with TED talks, additional data, and ideas on what individuals can do to improve social issues makes for a well rounded introduction to social problems.

Reviewed by Carlos Lopez, FT Sociology Faculty, Chemeketa Community College on 5/22/19

The textbook is organized in the typical fashion as other social problems textbooks (with a notable exception being Joel Best's Social Problems). The expected social problems are covered, but chapters on the media, technology, and/or science would... read more

The textbook is organized in the typical fashion as other social problems textbooks (with a notable exception being Joel Best's Social Problems). The expected social problems are covered, but chapters on the media, technology, and/or science would have been welcomed. The topic of guns and gun control is absent. A substantive discussion on globalization is also missing. While there is a Table of Contents (with some unfortunate numbering errors), there is no index or glossary. While not the most purely sociological approach, the increasing prominence of rational choice theory may warrant its inclusion (and critique) in the textbook. The introductory chapter serves as a clear road map to future chapters.

The content is mainly accurate (although some of the statistics are outdated), and the text is generally error-free and unbiased. While most of the URLs (detected by the .pdf reader used) worked, some links were broken. More up-to-date and sociologically relevant links could be made to student-friendly sites like The Society Pages, Contexts, and even asanet.org.

While some of the statistics are out-of-date, with sufficient time, it would not be too difficult in updating much of this data. Since each chapter is divided into 5-7 sections, it would not be too onerous to update some of the discussions, particularly the ones on policy. A more in-depth discussion on the social construction of social problems and an expanded discussion on how social policies come to be would make the textbook more relevant. A discussion on political ideologies and their relationship to the understanding of social problems and policy would also be helpful.

Since the text stays away from a lot of the technical language of sociology, students should find the text approachable. I did not run across a passage in which I thought students would not be able to understand the arguments or explanations being made.

The typical three theoretical perspectives are introduced in Chapter 1 and are consistently present in later chapters. Useful end of chapter study aids are present in all chapters. There seems to be an attempt to reduce jargon which does improve the readability of the textbook. At the same time, I think making it slightly more technical would be acceptable. Students should be reminded that sociology is a science which is distinct from other ways of knowing and distinct from other social sciences. It has its own set of vocabulary that students should be exposed to.

A clear strength of the textbook is in its modularity. Each chapter is divided into several sections that can be easily be assigned at varying points throughout the term. A select number of modules could easily serve as supplemental or background information if other texts are being used. Excessive use of subheadings is avoided.

Each chapter had a similar structure with the same end of chapter materials. Students should be able to predict the flow and structure of each of the chapters. While not explicitly indicated, chapters are grouped more or less by theme: inequalities, deviance and behavior, institutions, and social change.

The textbook was reviewed on a laptop and on an iPad in .pdf format. I found the formatting acceptable, and there was no display, formatting, or text issues that served as barriers to enjoying the textbook. Images, graphics, figures, and charts were not awkwardly embedded in the text.

There were no glaring grammatical errors or problems with usage, sentence structure, or punctuation that got in the way of the readability of the textbook.

Since this is a text on social problems from a sociological perspective, race, ethnicity, sexual identity, and other ascriptions are covered from a scientific approach. Nothing struck the reviewer as culturally insensitive, and the textbook very much read as many introductory and social problems textbooks do.

Reviewed by Nicholas Recker, Professor, Metropolitan State University of Denver on 5/22/19

This text-book offers a comprehensive look at social problems. I believe all of the important topics are addressed. read more

This text-book offers a comprehensive look at social problems. I believe all of the important topics are addressed.

The book is accurate. However, some of the statistics are getting dated.

This textbook is relevant for a social problems/social issues course. Key topics are addressed, though some statistics are getting dated.

The book clearly lays out information. Key terms are bolded and chapter summaries are offered to help ensure information does not get missed.

Organization and writing is consistent throughout the book.

The book is broken down into chapters and each chapter has manageable sub-sections. I found this easy to follow. I think it will help students by making the readings more manageable.

The book is logically organized. Important course topics are covered in a clear and logical structure. The chapters are framed with sociological theory.

Each chapter has learning objectives and bolded course terminology. This book is also available in a variety of formats (e.g. PDF, online, etc.)

Good Grammar

Appropriate for students from diverse cultural backgrounds.

This is a great book!

Reviewed by Katie Cali, Instructor of Sociology and Criminal Justice , NTCC on 4/3/19

The information presented in this textbook is comparable to a traditional, publisher distributed textbook. The presentation structure of the text is written in a comprehensive manner. Beginning with an introduction to the concept of social... read more

The information presented in this textbook is comparable to a traditional, publisher distributed textbook. The presentation structure of the text is written in a comprehensive manner. Beginning with an introduction to the concept of social problems, the book presents various social problems experienced by society throughout the chapters. The chapters dissect the content through the lens of the major sociological theories.

Throughout my analysis of the chapters, I found the content to be accurately presented with well-developed explanations through the lens of the theories.

Relevancy is not an issue for this text. The examples are up-to-date and current; nonetheless, updating the textbook should be simple. The textbook presents classic examples and ideas that are just as relevant as the examples of recent, current events. The combination of historical examples and current events can assist the student as they understand the social problems in society. This text will easily be relevant for several years.

The writing is clear and easy to understand. I do not feel the author used academic jargon to the point that students will struggle to comprehend the material. As with all disciplines, some academic jargon is necessary and the author provides the necessary amount of technical terminology to expose the students to the discipline without excessive use.

Terminology use is consistent throughout the text, making the book comprehensive for students. The structure of the book is highly consistent, making textbook navigation straightforward and simple to use. I found the logic and the additional learning material, such as figures and graphs, to be consistent throughout the text.

I really like the design of this text. The reader can easily spot the title page, content and learning objectives for each chapter. Within the chapters, the author successfully uses proper headings and subheadings to guide the reader through the material. Since the modules are so well-organized, this textbook could potentially be a great resource for other OER courses.

The text is well organized. The topics are clearly stated so you know what chapter to look at when looking for specific information. ; topics are not hidden behind fancy chapter titles. Each chapter is broken down and structured appropriately. Content is written in a logical and chronological manner.

I did not find any issues with the textbooks overall interface. The text is easy to navigate, and the images are clear and consistent. When I am reading a textbook, I like additional figures and little important snippets of information that I should remember or learn. Images can enhance the learning experience and this book does exactly that.

As far as I can tell, the book appears free of grammatical errors.

Cultural sensitivity is extremely important for a Sociology textbook. Considering how controversial many of these chapters are, the author did an exceptional job presenting the information in a non-biased manner, making the textbook inclusive for students of all backgrounds, races, genders, and ethnicities.

Reviewed by Ajay Panicker, Associate Professor, St Cloud State University on 5/21/18

The textbook follows the standard practice of providing an initial understanding of Social Problems in general, and the theoretical perspectives employed to explain them, and goes on to examine in some detail a variety of social processes within... read more

The textbook follows the standard practice of providing an initial understanding of Social Problems in general, and the theoretical perspectives employed to explain them, and goes on to examine in some detail a variety of social processes within which problems are identified and discussed. The text follows a method of providing a general understanding, historical background, identifies the concepts relevant to each area, and provides a range of data, particularly through visual presentation (graphs, charts, maps etc.). Additionally, the chapters in the textbook provides a comparative international perspective. In all these ways, the textbook is quite comprehensive.

The content in this textbook is accurate. It provides mostly recent data, backed by historical information. The information presented is drawn from credible sources, and the analysis presented is based on social scientifically produced knowledge. In fact, aside from being unbiased, the textbook employs sociological perspectives to identify biases prevalent in society and demonstrates how sociologically produced knowledge can dispel them.

The content is up-to-date. The data presented is mostly uptodate, and because social data doesn’t vary vastly in short to medium time scale, new data can easily replace the old data. Therefore, in my opinion, the book will remain relevant for at least 10 years. Most importantly, the historical context, theoretical perspectives, typologies, and international comparative approach employed in the text contribute to its relevance and longevity.

The text is very well written. The clarity of writing makes it accessible to lower division undergraduate students for whom the book is written. It steers clear of jargons, and when terms are used as concepts, they are clearly elaborated for students to understand their utility.

As a sociology textbook, it is remarkably consistent internally in terms of terminology employed and the framework used. Theoretical frameworks are identified and elaborated at the start, and throughout the textbook, these frameworks are employed to present varied explanations of why the social problems exist, and what can be done about them.

The textbook is divided into chapters that deal with topical areas in Social Problem studies. Each chapter, then, is divided into sections and subsections that provide certain types of information/analysis. These sections and subsections are clearly identified and, while they connect with each other in contributing to the whole of the chapter, they are also useful as stand alone pieces that provide information. Learning objectives are identified at the start of each section, and that makes it easier for students to grasp the purpose of the section.

This is a very well structured textbook. At the start, the textbook provides a clear introduction to what social problems and the various approaches to addressing them. From thereon, the text goes on to follow a consistent structure in all the chapters that deal with various topical areas in Social Problems studies. Consistency in structure of chapters make it very student friendly.

Aside from some pages having a bit too much of blank space, the pagination and interface follow the standard format. Visual information, through images, graphs, charts, maps etc., are presented clearly and consistently. I did not experience any navigation problems or notice any distortion of the visual presentation of information.

I did not see any grammatical errors. Largely well written book.

The textbook is written in a culturally sensitive manner. In fact, it addresses many of the cultural insensitivities prevalent in society and attempts to address them.

A thoughtfully developed, well written textbook that is accessible to undergraduate students of social problems.

Reviewed by D. Chanele Moore, Assistant Professor, University of Delaware on 5/21/18

The book covers all the traditional content chapters of a traditional textbook. In each chapter, theories traditionally taught in an introductory level course are discussed. read more

The book covers all the traditional content chapters of a traditional textbook. In each chapter, theories traditionally taught in an introductory level course are discussed.

The textbook presents current, "state of the art" content. I read information is presented in a balanced way so that points and counterpoints are represented.

The book is up-to-date in terms of content and ideas. The data and references do seem dated so, in time, the statistical data would need to be updated. I do not think those updates would require an overhaul of the text.

The textbook is clear and accessible. Discipline specific jargon is explained clearly and examples provide useful support in understanding the theories and concepts.

The book follows the same format for each chapter. Each chapter includes a chapter containing the following: a short introduction, context for the topic, discussion about how concept is measured, discussion of theories, recommendations for problem solving and a conclusion. I appreciate the conclusions at they provide a nice summary of the whole chapter.

The text is divided into reasonable chunks so that assigning a whole chapter or sections of a chapter are easy. The sections each have a title and there are appropriate subtitles dividing the reading. It was easy to read through each section and maintain a sense of where I am in the book.

There is no real logic to presenting topics in a social problems book. That said, the order of topics in this book is very similar to the order of topics in several other social problems text books.

I read the book using the online platform and had no problems. There is a table of contents and a home button that provide an appropriate amount of navigation. I also downloaded the book into a pdf file and was able to use the bookmark feature to navigate in the book. The bookmark feature was helpful for navigating to a certain place in the book but did not indicate when you have scrolled to different area.

I saw no grammatical issues.

I do not think the text is insensitive. However it couldn't hurt to have more images of people of color, namely Asians, Native Peoples, and Latinos.

There is a strong discussion of the sociological imagination in chapter one (which I love). That is a good feature. The book does a good job of discussing the three classical theories throughout, but I especially like that there is background content, historical context and contemporary application when the classical theories are introduced in chapter 1. The presentation of global comparisons is especially helpful. I do wish there were a stronger or fuller discussion of the constructed nature of social problems, but the discussion that exists in this book parallels other books I have used. Overall this is a solid book that is a good foundational text for teaching Social Problems.

Reviewed by Kate Noveau, Adjunct Professor, Rhode Island College on 2/1/18

This book does a nice job at giving a broad overview of some of the core societal problems that have plagued our country, and continue to do so. The material is presented at a pretty basic level - I think it would be great for introductory,... read more

This book does a nice job at giving a broad overview of some of the core societal problems that have plagued our country, and continue to do so. The material is presented at a pretty basic level - I think it would be great for introductory, undergraduate courses in a variety of fields ranging from sociology to medicine, social work to law, and so on. Frankly, it would be good for much of the general public to just read given our current social/political climate. While there is no glossary in this book, the language is pretty digestible. The table of contents is well organized and user friendly.

The content in the book was accurate and did not appear to have any errors. It is relatively unbiased; however, without knowing anything about the author, I would venture to say that he is an upper-middle class white male.

This book is HIGHLY relevant today despite being in need of an update. Areas most in need of updating are Chapter 5: Sexual Orientation and Inequality, Chapter 7: Alcohol and Other Drugs, and Chapter 13: Health and Health Care. These three areas have had rapid changes particularly in the last 5-10 years. For example, LGBT now would more commonly be LGBTQ or even LGBTQIA. In regards to substance abuse, an update regarding decriminalization and the state vs federal debates on legalization of marijuana should be included. The advances of Medical Marijuana should also be addressed in a future edition. In terms of healthcare, an update regarding Affordable Care Act would be welcomed. The author mentioned adopting "Integrated Care" as a strategy to improve healthcare and there as been a tremendous shift in this direction since this book was written. Integrated Care, Accountable Care entities etc. have rapidly developed in the last 5-10 years and I feel the author could provide a nice synopsis of these changes. The book is written in such a way that these could easily be implemented.

This book could be read by many different audiences of varying educational levels. It offers surprisingly comprehensive context in a succinct and accessible manner, and is free from a lot of technical terms/jargon.

The book uses consistent terminology and framework throughout. The "Theory Snapshot" provides a nice uniformity throughout the chapters.

The book is written in such a way that you could easily select a single chapter, or a section of a chapter, individually as a reading assignment. It could be used for a variety of different courses, selecting just the chapters that are relevant.

The book is well organized and consistent throughout. Each chapter offers the Theoretical Perspective as well as a nice summary in the End of Chapter material.

I am a person that likes BOOKS. I like turning the pages, highlighting sections, and writing notes in the margin. That being said, I do not always have the time to go to a bookstore, nor the space on the shelves to house more books, nor the patience to flip through all of the pages to find the note scrawled down a page. I am pleased to say that this text has made be a 'believer' of the Open Textbook. The interface of this book was flawless. I did not notice any errors, navigation issues, or other problems. It was available in several formats and all worked without issue.

I did not come across any issues here.

I did not come across any insensitive or offensive references in this book.

This book provides a brief, but good, overview of some of the biggest "hot topic" issues of our time. Making books like this available on Open Textbooks allows access to valuable educational resources that people might not be able to access otherwise.

Reviewed by Lori Geiselman, Adjunct, Rhode Island College on 2/1/18

Each chapter is well described. Chosen social problems are relevant and can be applied to a variety of fields. read more

Each chapter is well described. Chosen social problems are relevant and can be applied to a variety of fields.

Well balanced coverage of views. Each chapter includes several references.

Social problems addressed in this book include a brief history, present situation, and suggestions for future resolution. As written, appears one can easily update and maintain relevance over time.

Easily understood and holds interest. Great for introductory level students.

Each chapter is consistent in layout and writing style.

These chapters are extremely modular/portable. Topics may stand alone without compromise. True building blocks that may be configured to build a specific form.

Consistently well-organized throughout. Encourages critical thinking through assignment opportunities and self-reflective review.

Very clear, easy to navigate. Appreciate the low number of charts/graphs, that when overused, unnecessarily bog down a basic overview.

No problems were identified. Well written.

Some concern that over simplification (albeit in an effort to provide basic overview) may perpetuate generalizations that limit application where more intense scrutiny is appropriate. Chapter 3: Racial and Ethnic Inequality does a nice job in regard to cultural relevance. Other chapters were less intentional in regard to culture connections embedded in the topic, and its handling of the same.

Especially enjoy the interactive component! Each chapter provides an opportunity for deeper reflection and engaging activities.

Reviewed by Naliyah Kaya, Lecturer, University of Maryland on 2/1/18

The book addresses a wide array of social issues, defines and discusses subjective and objective definitions of social problems and covers major sociological perspectives and theorists. Basically, it has what you'd generally expect to be covered... read more

The book addresses a wide array of social issues, defines and discusses subjective and objective definitions of social problems and covers major sociological perspectives and theorists. Basically, it has what you'd generally expect to be covered in an introductory social problems book. It does not have a glossary, likely because it has a search option at the top of the screen that seems to work well.

Based on what I reviewed, I did not see any errors.

The book does a good job of discussing the persistence of many social issues over time giving past and present examples. I personally would supplement the book with specific examples that are current (they also ask for you to submit how you supplement the book) as the majority of "newer" sources seem to be from 2010-2011.

There was one link in chapter 2 for a poverty figure that no longer works, but it still takes you to the correct website.

The text does a good job of defining terms, explaining concepts and providing easy to understand examples. I don't think a student would find it difficult to understand even with no prior sociological knowledge. They break down some of the main theoretical perspectives and how they apply to sociology in a very digestible way.

I did not find any issues with the consistency of the book.

The book does an excellent job with regard to modularity. Each chapter has a box with learning objectives. The modules in each chapter are concise with good examples. There are boxes at the end that list key takeaways, provide review activities and references for the individual section/chapter. There is a good " at a glance" chart on theoretical perspectives in the beginning that explains the major assumptions of each and how each perspective views social problems. I also love the drop-down index that makes it incredibly easy to jump to chapters and sections of chapters as well as the term search box.

The information is presented in a clear logical manner. The first chapter does a good job of laying the foundational groundwork needed to discuss the social problems in the following chapters. Each chapter does a good job of explaining how issues have been framed in the past as well as present and how different frameworks have been used over time.

I did not find any issues with the interface.

I did come across any grammatical errors.

While the book is likely going by past racial categories on the census I would add in Middle Eastern and Multiracial experiences in the chapter on race &amp; ethnicity, especially as the census explores the MENA category as well as how people perceived to be of Middle Eastern descent have faced increased discrimination and stereotyping post 9/11. The section on types of racism I would supplement with current material as we've seen a rise in old-fashioned racism (hate crimes) over the past year. While I like the idea of the "What You Can Do" sections at the end of the modules/chapters I think this can also be problematic if possible pitfalls of social change are not also discussed (paternalism/savior mentality, assimilation, ignoring cultural differences...). Often well-intended people get involved with issues that they are out-group members of and sometimes the impact is more harmful than helpful. This box of suggestions can unintentionally promote a helper vs. helped framework rather than teaching students how to be in community with others to solve social issues.

Reviewed by Lorena Fulton, Assistant Professor of Social Work, Ohio University-Zanesville on 2/1/18

This textbook is a thorough description of what social problems are, with detailed illustration of specific social problems. It provides a comprehensive summary for holistic education and the content is substantial enough for individuals chapters... read more

This textbook is a thorough description of what social problems are, with detailed illustration of specific social problems. It provides a comprehensive summary for holistic education and the content is substantial enough for individuals chapters to be used as supplementary material in the fields of political science, history, social work, and sociology.

I find no discrepancy with respect to objective information.

The book is certainly relevant to the needs of higher education today. It is a good blend of history and social policy with both a micro and a macro viewpoint. The content will remain relevant for the near future.

Clarity is important in higher education because so much content is cluttered with jargon and field-specific verbose. This book does a very nice job of speaking to readers from diverse background and interests.

Each chapter follows a predictable outline that brings the content together.

My favorite feature of this book is the separation of ideas by chapter. This makes the book useful in a variety of courses, as a supplement to other material.

I found no problems with interface.

I found no problems with grammar.

The content is timely and needed for students' general education requirements.

I am more likely to use this book as individual chapters for course-relevant supplementary material than to create a course around it.

Reviewed by Aimee Krouskop, Instructor of Sociology, Portland Community College on 6/20/17

Barkan offers a solid overview of the sociological approach to social problems, and a review of established US problems leading with the context of the social constructionist view, and weaving other perspectives, historical matters, and policy... read more

Barkan offers a solid overview of the sociological approach to social problems, and a review of established US problems leading with the context of the social constructionist view, and weaving other perspectives, historical matters, and policy approaches into the content in an accessible way. Key Takeaway sections that follow the sections provide very positive notes for relevancy. In later editions I would like to see certain social issues included, due to their potency and continued emerging urgency (specifically: human and civil rights, development and migration, cultural property, and sustainable consumption). More comparative treatments and discussion of the role of globalization plays within key social problems would add to this comprehensiveness.

I find the content of this text to be accurate, with few errors, and offers an objective approach to US society analysis.

The selection of social problems are relevant and widespread, and discussion of those carries demonstrates current treatment. However, as mentioned in "comprehensiveness" above its relevance could be improved by replacing some theoretical sections with pressing and fast-emerging social problems listed there.

This is an exceptionally clear and accessible text; very appropriate for an introduction to social problems course.

There is a reliable framework and very consistent terminology-set to this work. This adds dramatically to its accessibility.

I can see readily dividing this text into smaller reading sections and / or reorganizing or skipping sections to accommodate a specific course schedule.

The organization, structure, and flow of this text makes for a very readable and usable offering.

I find no significant interface issues.

I find no grammatical errors.

I do not find this text culturally insensitive nor offensive. Including cultural property, and comparative approaches throughout would add to its cultural relevance.

Reviewed by Carol Ann MacGregor, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Loyola University New Orleans on 6/20/17

I chose to review this book as a possible adoption for a summer online Social Problems course. I was pleased to see that all of the topics that I currently cover in the course. While there is no glossary it is easy to navigate the table of contents. read more

I chose to review this book as a possible adoption for a summer online Social Problems course. I was pleased to see that all of the topics that I currently cover in the course. While there is no glossary it is easy to navigate the table of contents.

Although I am not a subject matter expert on each of the topics covered, the ones that focused on my areas of specialty, Schools and Education and Race and Ethnicity, were accurate and without problem.

This text has a nice balance of timeless social theory and relevant contemporary examples. The examples should not need yearly updating but may need a refresh from time to time.

The book is accessible and engaging. I think most undergraduate students would find it clear and easy to read.

In spite of the wide range of material covered, the book reads like one written by an expert in everything.

The chapter structure of the book makes sense. When I need to adapt it for an 8 week course it would be easy to just choose the 8 most relevant topics.

The book is clearly organized and the end of chapter material brings it all together.

I appreciated the streamlined/simple layout and the pops of color.

There are no issues here.

I did not find any offensive references and the book attempts to enhance our appreciate of race, gender, and sexual diversity

A really wonderful alternative to an expensive social problems text. Covers all the material in an accessible way and leaves room for instructors to supplement as needed.

Reviewed by Jolene Sundlie, Sociology Instructor, Saint Paul College on 4/11/17

This text covers all the chapters/topics you would expect in a Social Problems text. The chapters are concise at about twenty pages per chapters. The Table of Contents is comprehensive, but the is so glossary of terms or subject/name index at the... read more

This text covers all the chapters/topics you would expect in a Social Problems text. The chapters are concise at about twenty pages per chapters. The Table of Contents is comprehensive, but the is so glossary of terms or subject/name index at the end of the book.

I found the text to be mostly accurate. There are many statistics included in each chapter and I didn't check out each and every number provided. In the family chapter, in the section on divorce, I question the accuracy of the information provided that divorce rates rose sharply during the Great Depression and WWII. I don't believe that statement is true.

I give this section a 5 because it is very difficult to stay up-to-date in a Sociology text. Considering this book was published in 2010, there is some outdated material in it, specifically about same sex marriage. It was accurate in 2010, but is no longer relevant. If this book could be updated, it would be helpful.

I found this book to be clear and easy to follow. Most of the technical terms are explained or defined in the context of their usage.

I found each chapter to be consistent with the chapters before. The same prose is used throughout and the same major theories are consistently covered.

Each chapter is broken into sections and each section is appropriately numbered, e.g. in Chapter 10, section 1 is 10.1, section 2 is 10.2, etc...

I would reorder a couple of the chapters and combine a couple of chapters. Chapter 4 is gender inequality, Chapter 5 is sexual orientation and inequality, Chapter 6 is aging and ageism, Ch 7 is alcohol/drugs, Ch 8 crime and CJ and then Ch 9 is sexual behavior. I would either put Sexual behavior as Chapter 6 or I would simply combine Chapters 5 and 6 into one chapter. Sixteen chapters can be a bit too much to cover in a semester.

The navigation is smooth from the TOC to each chapter. One thing that I found to be a little confusing is that within the chapter, there a links to charts, photos, other chapters and they are highlighted in red. You click on it and it takes you somewhere. Key terms in each chapter are also highlighted in the exact same shade of red, so it seems like you should be able to click on the term and be taken to a glossary, but they're not links.

I found no obvious grammatical errors in the text.

I would like to see more inclusion of Native Americans and Asian Americans in the race/ ethnicity chapter and in all the charts/graphs/statistics that discuss race. Also in the race/ethnicity chapter (3.1), I think it is possible to discuss lynching without including a photograph of a lynched man. It is insensitive. Transgender is covered in Chapter 5, the chapter on sexual orientation. It should be included in the chapter on GENDER as it has nothing to do with one's sexual orientation. The term transvestite is outdated. The section on public attitudes about sexual orientation is all about the Bible - not a very diverse perspective.

Instructor resources would be a great and helpful addition to any open source book. There are none provided for this particular text. A few more end of section/chapter review or discussion questions would be great too

Reviewed by Cindy Hager, Instructor, Sociology, Alexandria Technical and Community College on 4/11/17

The text covers a comprehensive look at social problems and provides an examination of discipline specific material as well as statistical information on how each social problem is currently experienced throughout the world. The Key Takeways and... read more

The text covers a comprehensive look at social problems and provides an examination of discipline specific material as well as statistical information on how each social problem is currently experienced throughout the world. The Key Takeways and For Your Review sections does a good job at summarizing material and engaging students.

The overall content is accurate although statistical information needs to be updated (see relevance/longetivity).

Relevance/Longevity rating: 2

In regards to discipline specific material the text is highly relevant. However, sociology is a discipline that benefits from having recent statistics. Having more recent statistical information is important to understanding the current state of various social problems and providing an accurate understanding of social problems. In order to effectively use the text, the statistical information needs to be updated.

The text is easy to understand and the language effectively reaches students.

The text is consistent in its layout and approach. It continuously examines issues in a discipline specific manner while being culturally relevant. This is important in effectively engaging students.

This text is especially effective in it's modularity and can easily be broken into different sections. This is highly effective for student learning.

The text's flow and structure is consistent throughout. I think this is important to students specifically in an online environment who seek a rhythm to what they are learning and that a text has similar presentation from one chapter to the next.

Did not find any issues with the text's interface.

The text appears to be free of grammatical errors.

I found that the lessons section offer students the opportunity to understand the cultural impact more effectively. Information presented does not appear offensive and offers opportunities for critical analysis.

Providing quality open educational resources is important to meeting the needs of a dynamic student body. This text would be a great benefit to a Social Problems course with the addition of more recent statistical data.

Reviewed by Michelle Crossley, Assistant Professor, Rhode Island College on 4/11/17

The text does a wonderful job of bringing in a vast array of social problems and related them to real world events. I am aware that it can be challenging to address every social problem, as the text indicates there may be a need for society to... read more

The text does a wonderful job of bringing in a vast array of social problems and related them to real world events. I am aware that it can be challenging to address every social problem, as the text indicates there may be a need for society to acknowledge these problems and then they are viewed as social problems, I found there to be many missing components that can be addressed in future editions. I would have hoped to find, at least, some information regarding the Transgender population in the Gender chapter-there was no mention of this population outside of the Sexual Orientation chapter and this was just to include the "T" in GLBT. This population is marginalized and oppressed daily and there are many real-world examples out there to consider. Also, there is little on those living with a Disability, including Mental Illness. In the future it would be great for these populations to be included as well as others that I've missed. Overall, the book was comprehensive in what it noted it would address in the index/glossary.

I appreciate how the text worked to incorporate the historical perspectives of the issues it did address. They were seemingly on-point and individuals reading could direct themselves to more recent information through the citations and website that were used. This is helpful. Content was biased by nature of the topic-the point of social justice is to make the point that there is a problem and inequality-there was little counter-point to this represented in the text.

As mentioned previously, the text does an excellent job of bringing into awareness the historical context of real-world problems. Through this information can become outdated rapidly, the issues being addressed are constant and continue to be weaved into current times. I would say that it will be relatively easy for chapters or addenda to be added as more problems emerge (i.e., Transgender rights, Disability and Mental Illness, Opiod Epidemic, etc.).

The text is clear in the purpose-to educate about Social Problems and capacity for change. Any jargon that is unfamiliar to those reading outside the field is nicely and clearly defined. Each chapter builds off another and I appreciate the consistency in language and how examples are analyzed.

The text consistently uses real-life examples and graphics throughout to help the reader better understand the severity of the Social Problems represented. I find that the reader can expect what's next in terms of analysis of the social problem using consistent theories throughout, directions for what's next, and reflection and direction of furthering the dialogue. It's a great component to add, especially when using this with Undergraduate students.

One thing that I really enjoyed about the text is how it is easily broken up into readings. Each chapter was not so long that it would overwhelm a student and topics could be broken up over multiple class periods. This can be helpful in teaching that material as it may be necessary to ensure comprehension of components before moving on to how to create change.

I found the text to flow nicely and appreciated the consistent nature of what was covered within the sub-chapters.

While navigating I did not notice any problems/distortions.

I did not notice any problems with grammar.

I would be mindful of noting certain terminology and changing as our standards of inclusive language changes (one is not Transgendered as this is not a choice). Overall, I found the text to be open about cultural differences and real-life examples of the problems of inequality that has plagued our society over many years. There may be a need for a foreward note that some of the pictures may be distressing and inclusion of a way to have a conversation about why the reader reacted in a certain manner to the graphics or content.

I appreciate this book for what it is--an introduction into learning about Social Problems throughout history. I would find this text to be helpful in teaching both Undergraduate and Graduate students focused on advocacy and social change work. These conversations are not easy ones to have, and I would suggest anyone using the book to take the time to develop skills to handle some of the interpersonal challenges of dialogue and strong values/beliefs that may emerge from these conversations. There are some components that are missing from the problems identified, though these can be supplemented through literature and examples in society. The structure that is provided in the text is easily replicated to create a "lesson" on those factors missed.

Reviewed by Cheryl Wright, Associate Professor, University of Utah on 2/15/17

The book is very comprehensive and covers the contemporary and important social problems in our society. It is up-to-date. It is high quality production from an established publisher. read more

The book is very comprehensive and covers the contemporary and important social problems in our society. It is up-to-date. It is high quality production from an established publisher.

The information is very up-to-date.

Up-to-date but there will be a need for periodic updates of national trends in these topical areas.

The text is easy to read and visually appealing. It has sections - key takeaways, review, what you can do that will be engaging for undergraduate students.

The book is very consistent in framework and organization.

This is the strength of the book - text is broken up in an organized way that will be appeal to visual learners.

Organization is very clear and consistent and easy to follow.

I did not see any interface problems.

No grammar issues.

This book is very culturally relevant and many of the topics focus on cultural and diversity issues.

Reviewed by Victoria Blanchard, Instructional Faculty, Virginia Tech on 2/8/17

The range of topics covered by the text is appropriate, and the concepts covered within the subjects are, overall, appropriate for an introduction to social problems. From what I can tell, sex trafficking gets one brief mention in chapter 4... read more

The range of topics covered by the text is appropriate, and the concepts covered within the subjects are, overall, appropriate for an introduction to social problems.

From what I can tell, sex trafficking gets one brief mention in chapter 4 (Gender) but no mention in chapter 9 on sexual behavior. The mention it does get, also represents it as the problem of a few countries globally. In reality, sex trafficking is a huge problem worldwide, including the United States. Even if the topic is not addressed in depth in this text, the failure to acknowledge and represent it accurately is a big problem. It is particularly an issue because the connection between sex trafficking and prostitution is not made. Many prostitutes have been or are victims of sex trafficking. This further complicates discussion of the topic of prostitution, but it is important to represent this complexity.

In chapter 10 when family violence is discussed, I was surprised to not see reference Johnson's typology of types of intimate partner violence (IPV). This typology helps address the conflict between various perspectives on what causes IPV and the form it takes. There is a huge difference between intimate terrorism and situational couple violence, and I think this should at least be alluded to. This was acknowledged a bit in the discussion of gendered violence, but not as clearly as it could, and I think should, be.

Page 598: author reports that TFR is misunderstood more often than other fertility measures but does not explain why/how. Without explanation, this seems to me to be an unnecessary detail.

The section on Mortality and Death rates on page 600 is woefully inadequate. At a minimum, there should be some brief discussion of how and whey mortality rates have changed over time in the United States, and why and how similar changes are or are not occurring in other countries. It would also be relevant to mention that our infant mortality rate is not comparable to that of many nations that we are peers with in other areas.

I see no index or glossary, which could make the text harder to use, particularly when students are trying to review concepts they have read earlier.

In chapter 5 on sexual orientation, I am concerned that the terms "transgendered" and "homosexuality" are used. Most major news sources have follow GLAAD's request to not use these terms (https://www.glaad.org/reference). This terminology should be updated to reflect more sensitivity to this population.

I love how in each chapter, the sections are separated and have their own reference lists. This is so practical, in terms of implementing changes in the future, and I think it will be helpful to students in organizing the information they take in from reading it. This text also does a nice job integrating historical perspectives on issues with related current events and concerns. I think overall the book hits the mark on overall relevance and longevity.

The text clearly defines key terms and jargon as they are used (although an index and/or glossary would be an important addition). The prose is very accessible---exactly what I would expect a college student to be able to read without struggling and comprehend without confusion.

I do not see any problems with internal consistency. The author did a nice job of representing functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interaction perspectives within the various topics.

YES. This is one of my favorite things about this text. I love how each chapter has such distinct sections. It's like all these complicated topics have been cut into bite-size pieces for the reader, which is so important in terms of accessibility and facilitating comprehension. Well done!

I like the overall organization of topics in the book. In the class I teach that correlates best with this text, I cover the various topics in a quite similar order. I also find the organization within chapters logical.

(PDF version of text) Pages 140, 180: Image at the bottom of page, caption is on the top of the following page Some of the images in the text are quite good, some are just ok, and some look staged or somewhat irrelevant to the topic at hand. However, I have a MAJOR problem with the divorce cake picture on page 408. I think it is not only in poor taste, but it also reinforces a host of (often gender-related) stereotypes and assumptions associated with divorce. I'll admit to being particularly sensitive to this issue as I am a divorced woman. But I'd like to hope that others would see the problems with this image that I see. There are some really great divorce cakes out there, and I'm all for you using an image of one in the text. But not this one.

Page 224: heading for title, blank below, table that follows goes for over a page, but is very narrow. I would suggest reformatting this. Pages 251, 434: Marijuana heading should just begin on the next page Pages 254, 261, 397: heading for table should be on same page as table Pages 261: source info for table should appear on the same page as the table Pages 320, 472, 559: caption for photo should be on same page as photo Pages 346, 358, 364, 499, 501, 560, 654: image is so large that a big gap is left on previous page. Pages 571: text here is smaller than everywhere else Pages 575, 663: keep bulleted lists on the same page

I'm sure there are some (there always are), but in my review, I did not find any.

Overall, it's pretty good. Like I mentioned before, I don't like listing only a few countries as having sex trafficking as a major problem. But this is the only specific example I can think of where I felt like certain countries were called out inappropriately. The issues with gender and sexuality terminology that I mentioned in item 2 are a big concern for me, however.

I definitely will refer to this text for general reviews of certain issues I'm not as familiar with and for using the discussion questions. I may use parts of it with my students, as well. If the issues I brought up were addressed, I would most definitely integrate at least parts of it in the readings I use in certain courses.

Reviewed by Komal Dhillon, Adjunct Professor, Virginia Tech on 2/8/17

Social Problems: Continuity and Change reads as an introductory text that exposes readers to a wide array of social issues. As such, the breadth of the text is impressive as many significant areas relating to social problems are discussed. ... read more

Social Problems: Continuity and Change reads as an introductory text that exposes readers to a wide array of social issues. As such, the breadth of the text is impressive as many significant areas relating to social problems are discussed. However, due to the wide range of of topics, the depth in which each area is covered is relatively less, and is therefore more appropriate for an introductory class. That being said, the ideas that are considered in the text are done so in a critical and insightful manner and encourage further discussion (such as in a classroom setting) and thought. The table of contents that is provided is extremely useful and easy to navigate. A glossary of terms is not included, but would be helpful to readers for easy reference.

One of the most important features of Social Problems is the author's approach to providing information in the most objective way possible. Many of the issues discussed include various theoretical frameworks for understanding the why and how aspects. These often include the most prominent responses to social problems, including a brief genealogy of the problem presented in an informative way. Absent from this discussion is the author's viewpoints, thus allowing the reader to form their own conclusions.

The content is accurate and up-to-date with current sociological perspectives and includes contemporary examples, which help make it more relevant to undergraduates. Historical examples are also included in order to better conceptualize the origins and development of the issues. The text will have staying power for years to come, but occasionally adding recent examples will also be beneficial as it will help students relate to the material more easily and demonstrate the continuity of the problem.

This is one of the more accessible social problems text I have read. One does not need to have completed a prerequisite course in order to understand the concepts and ideas in Social Problems: Continuity and Change. Terms and ideas specific to the field of sociology are sufficiently elaborated upon in a clear and concise style. Yet, the information is also not too basic as to be deemed common-sense or intuitive. The language used is appropriate for the undergraduate level as it is easy to follow, yet at the same contributes to language development through the use of new terms (and terms used in new, non-conventional ways). The author has struck the important balance between accessibility and using the appropriate amount of jargon (while providing more than adequate context).

I found the book to be very consistent, particularly with terminology. For example, in the initial discussion of the connotative differences between the terms sex and gender, the author clarifies that the two are not interchangeable. When referencing either of these terms in other areas of the book, the author uses them in a manner consistent with the distinction provided. The same can also be said of the terms race and ethnicity as well.

There are numerous sections within each chapter that are organized similarly across all chapters. None of the individual sections are lengthy, yet they provide the reader with an appropriate amount of information, including historical perspectives, theoretical frameworks, examples, and solutions. Each chapter can be assigned out of order as the text is not overly self-referential, but the sections within the chapter are best read together and chronologically for maximum comprehension.

The reader is able to anticipate the organization of each chapter. This is particularly helpful with a book that discussed such a large variety of topics as it lends clarity and cohesiveness to the text. Moreover, the preface does a good job of outlining the structure of each chapter, while the table of contents also provides a useful quick reference.

I did not experience any interface issues. The links within the table of contents perfectly redirected the reader to the respective section. The images, photos, charts, graphs, and other displays were also clear and appropriate in size and relevance.

I noticed a few minor grammatical issues (missing period (one or two), absent commas, improper apostrophes, etc). I did not see any misspellings or major issues in sentence structure.

By and large, the author does an exceptional job of being inclusive (which is extremely important for a text that discusses cultural sensitive topics such as race, sex, feminism, age, ethnicity, class, etc.). The examples provided in the book draw from diverse groups, though the main focus is often on issues within the Unites States (and the Western world), with less attention given to global matters. Some of the images used to reference other cultures (for example, in section 4.3, under the heading, "The Global Inequality of Women) seem ahistorical and overly simplistic. In the example cited, the captions states that brides in Pakistan and India are killed every year due to inadequate dowries. This problem of violence against women in these states is much more complicated than the caption allows. Furthermore, the image used could also be viewed as essentializing of Indian women as traditional, rural, stuck in time, and even backwards and is not representative of most Indian women (who wear Western style clothing, do not do farm work, etc.).

I thoroughly enjoyed reading Social Problems: Continuity and Change and believe that it is an important text that is relevant to students of every discipline.

Reviewed by Megan Kuykendoll, Instructor, Miami University on 8/21/16

This text provides a VERY comprehensive look at overall social problems within the United States and provides a well-defined section on a variety of specific issues. This open text would be an excellent supplement to a large variety of course... read more

This text provides a VERY comprehensive look at overall social problems within the United States and provides a well-defined section on a variety of specific issues. This open text would be an excellent supplement to a large variety of course subjects when used in parts, but it would also be very useful in its entirety for a sociology or other related course. The comprehensiveness of topics lends itself to a wider use across disciplines than a more sociology- or psychology-specific focused text. For example, one could use the chapters on gender inequality and the changing family of this text in a women's studies course, while a criminal justice course might use the chapters covering crime and substance abuse instead. While the text does not appear to provide a specific index or glossary, it does provide appropriate links and citations where applicable. I might suggest including these features in the next revision of this text.

Content appears to be accurate and uses current sources where applicable. Images were also notably very current in several sections. No errors were noticed and the text is reasonably unbiased in its review of US/American society.

Given that this is a text written about societal problems and current issues, it generally lends itself to needing more updating than other subject matter. With that being said, this book would have relatively good longevity (several years) before significant additions would need to be made. Again, this would depend on any significant changes to cultural perceptions or legislative measures (for example, recent legalization of same-sex marriage).

This is a particular strength of this book. It starts each chapter with clear learning objectives and ends with a recap and key take-aways. I think this significantly adds to the student experience and helps to provide important scaffolding for the knowledge they are building. Excessively technical terms are avoided or explained where needed.

This text presents topics in a consistent manner and helps students to contextualize each topic within the broader society. Another helpful aspect is the continual redirection to ways students can get involved (volunteering, activism, etc). I find this particularly noteworthy because students may often feel dismayed at the breadth and depth of societal problems, but this part of each chapter helps them begin to move from discomfort and despair to action and positive contributions to their communities.

This book seems to have excellent modularity. I could see this text being used in parts very easily with little to no adjustment needed. Chapters can be presented in a different order than shown in the book without incident.

The consistency of structure in each chapter provides a great framework for students to become comfortable with what to expect for each topic. The flow created by the various sub-sections helps to understand the material in a larger context.

Overall the online interface has worked well. As mentioned previously, I would suggest adding an index and/or glossary with links to the appropriate sections. The table of contents is effective for navigation between chapters and sub-sections.

I have not noticed any grammatical errors in my review of this book.

Since this book addresses many cultural "hot topics", it's particularly important that those topics be discussed in a sensitive manner. This text takes a very matter-of-fact tone with the reader and uses research and historical context to help understand issues like race, gender, and sexuality. Where applicable, examples of cultures or communities outside of the United States are given to further examine the specific topic.

Reviewed by Rosalie Schofield, Associate Professor, Temple University on 8/21/16

The text offers a broad overview of key social problem areas that will be of interest to students. It offers a table of contents that details the approach to each problem. Each topic includes an historical perspective as well as an explanation... read more

The text offers a broad overview of key social problem areas that will be of interest to students. It offers a table of contents that details the approach to each problem. Each topic includes an historical perspective as well as an explanation of what key terms mean. The author follows a standardized approach in each chapter of defining the problem, presenting a range of data disaggregated by numerous characteristics including age, race, and sex. He provides statistics on the problem including easy to comprehend graphic presentations. offers competing theories that offer different explanations for why the problems exist, identifies individuals and approaches that have helped ameliorate the problems. The author also engages students in thinking about how they could contribute to alleviating or eliminating the problem.

I found the text to be accurate overall although the latest research and statistics are primarily from 2010 and 2011. One would want to supplement with updated research findings and data but other than that the content was correct. It appeared to be to be error-free and offered a balanced perspective. The ranking below is a 3 only because of the currency of the research and statistics.

The content of the book is still pertinent. The framing of the various problems, presentation of their key components and discussion of their different impact on specific demographic groups works well. The current event spotlighting the problem at the beginning of each chapter can easily be updated.

The text is clearly written and organized. It will be easy for students to understand. Any complex terms or theories are adequately explained. Each chapter lists takeaways at the end which will help students to retain the major points.

As discussed above, the text is organized so that the chapters follows the same schema throughout.

The text could easily be broken into blocks that corresponded to the syllabus topic for a given week. With some work, one could also easily update the content in those areas that needed more current information.

The topics are presented in an impressively clear and accessible manner. The challenge is the length of the book and the challenges of scrolling to easily locate or review previously read content. That is the nature of e-reading. For some students this is a challenge.

I didn't notice any interface problems that would distract the reader from understanding the text content other than the challenge of scrolling such lengthy material as discussed above.

I saw no grammatical errors.

Effectively presents and discusses race, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation. Could be supplemented with content on transgender issues.

I could see segments of this text being used in a variety of courses that address social issues including, social policy, social work, and public health as well as intro sociology. The preface to this text on your website described it as an Introduction to Psychology but it is instead an Introduction to Sociology,

Reviewed by Hannah Liebreich, Lecturer, University of Hawaii at Manoa on 8/21/16

The overall layout of the textbook is logical and comprehensive. Additionally, the layout of each chapter is well organized and provides a wide range of topics and examples. The textbook covers an inclusive list of key terms, and the definitions... read more

The overall layout of the textbook is logical and comprehensive. Additionally, the layout of each chapter is well organized and provides a wide range of topics and examples. The textbook covers an inclusive list of key terms, and the definitions are concise and to the point. However, I think that the presentation of major sociological theory could be more thorough. If I used this textbook for a course, I would likely accompany it with additional theoretical readings.

The author accurately and effectively covers material, and for the most part a variety of perspectives are presented for each topic.

Although the timeliness and relevance of material covered in a social problems class is constantly in flux, the textbook does a nice job of incorporating material from a wide range of contemporary issues. Plus, one of the perks of using a textbook from the Open Textbook Library is that you can more easily tweak the material being covered.

The language as well as the organizational structure of the writing is clear and concise. Additionally, the examples are easy to understand and complement and clarify key points.

Each chapter follows a similar and consistent layout, which makes the material easier for students to retain.

Modularity rating: 2

I can see how the overall structure as well as the organization of each chapter is well designed for class modules. For example, the “Social Problems in the News” section that starts each chapter is great for generating class dialogue and so are the “For Your Review” questions.

The organization of the chapters has a logical flow. Additionally, I like how the preface explains the layout of the chapters (i.e. the bullet points), I’m sure this is especially useful when students are studying for midterms.

Charts, graphs, visualizations, etc. are easy to understand and complement the text.

There does not appear to be grammatical or mechanical errors, and the textbook is accessible to readers.

The author presents a variety of examples and perspectives. However, I think the textbook could benefit from a more intersectional approach.

I’m a firm believer that higher education should be more affordable for students so I am pleased that this textbook, as well as others in the Open Textbook Library, offer quality sociological reading material.

Reviewed by Heidi Esbensen, Adjunct/Part-time Faculty, Portland Community College/Portland State University on 1/7/16

This text covers a broad spectrum of social problems coherently and thoroughly. One of the strengths of this text is the manner in which it provides examples that can connect the reader, students, to the issues in a way that matters to them. There... read more

This text covers a broad spectrum of social problems coherently and thoroughly. One of the strengths of this text is the manner in which it provides examples that can connect the reader, students, to the issues in a way that matters to them. There are relevant examples throughout that are intermingled with theoretical lenses that connect the reality to academia, or vice versa. Each chapter focuses on one area of social problems and ties them to broader areas of oppression and intersections such as race, class, gender, etc. This is not easily accomplished across such a broad range of topics, but is nicely done here and is central in the first few chapters, setting a stage of perspective for the rest of the book.

Concepts and theories are accurate and clearly described, as well as current and relevant. The text is also up to date and in many cases seems to present more than one angle to social problems. This is taking into consideration a natural bias in social sciences when looking at social problems, but this text seems to, in most cases, lessen this to a great extent.

Prefacing the book with ‘classic theory’ and incorporating current events will maintain that the text is relevant for a long time. The ability to update the current events and areas of the chapters should be simple and will keep it current and lively!

Easy to read and comprehend, and the chapters were clear in their intent and purpose. The language used and writing style is very well managed in a way that presents the material clearly and concisely, while keeping readers attention.

Seemed consistent throughout, in both terminology and framework.

While reading this it was clear that there was a structure to create modules of learning to accompany. This would be easy to organize into discussions and lectures from the text layout. Also within chapters there was clear sub sections that were also laid out in modular organization. This text could easily be divided into subunits and sets of chapters for multiple subjects. This is a very strong point of this text.

The layout and structure seemed well thought out and the sections and sub sections were clear and followed each other well. There is no way to judge what social problem should come before another in presentation, and if it were desired to change the flow, one could easily assign different topic chapters in a different order.

Easily accessible, downloadable and all text, images and graphs were clear. As someone who is typically not drawn to online reading and would prefer in hand reading, this was easy and simple to navigate.

No grammatical errors were found.

Given the inclusion of current events and obvious attempt at intersectionality, this seems culturally relevant and easily graces the reader with the ability to see this. The text is appropriate and respectful of diverse backgrounds and lives.

I am not one to subscribe to online texts per se, but will definitely consider this after taking the time to read Social Problems: Continuity and Change, I was impressed by how comprehensive and well-presented it was. I think that given the vast amount of information, that this text could be very useful in full or in part for teaching, and given the format, a more socially conscious choice. There were chapters that would not only be good as part of the whole text, but used as an introductory to a more specific subject course. I think one of the strengths of the text is the language and the manner in which it really does provide opportunity for students to connect closely through pictures and examples presented.

Reviewed by Gordon Walker, Instructor, Portland Community College on 1/7/16

The book is extremely comprehensive, covering major challenges society is facing in the 21st Century, and would serve well as a reference book and as a place to go to begin research on today’s social problems. Extensive references are helpful... read more

The book is extremely comprehensive, covering major challenges society is facing in the 21st Century, and would serve well as a reference book and as a place to go to begin research on today’s social problems. Extensive references are helpful resources.

The book is generally well researched, with many references in each chapter, although some of the references are ten years old or more. More recent research would add legitimacy to the accuracy of the book. For example, the section on marijuana (pp 322-324) is inaccurate and needs updating due to recent legalization, medicinal usage, rising potency of the drug, and also due to new research on cannabis and its effects. Both assertions in the statement “marijuana is generally not physiologically addictive, (and) it does not reduce ambition and motivation” (p. 323) have been shown through research to be untrue. The DSM 5 now recognizes that there are both physical and mental symptoms associated with marijuana withdrawal, and studies have shown that “amotivational” behavior occurs in those who chronically use marijuana. Actually, I found this section on marijuana and its effects to be somewhat irresponsible—the text takes a tone that is seemingly condoning marijuana use, which in my opinion is ill-advised considering the general demographic of those who will most likely be reading this text. Check out The National Institute on Drug Abuse’s Research Report Series on marijuana for an overview of newer research: https://d14rmgtrwzf5a.cloudfront.net/sites/default/files/mjrrs_9_15.pdf

The social problems discussed in the book, such as racism, poverty, drug and alcohol use, crime, and war and terrorism are both relevant to current societal concerns plaguing both the United States and the world and are also are challenges the world will be facing long into the future. The text should remain relevant with updates and inclusion of more current reseacrh and case examples.

The book is very clear in presenting its ideas in a linear and logical fashion. It presents a social problem, examines the causes and current impact of the problem, and offers suggestions for how the problems could begin to be ameliorated. The book is written in understandable language.

The chapters are very consistent in their presentations. The social problems herein are examined in the same manner in each chapter, which allows the book to flow well. The reader knows what to expect and what learning objectives are meant to occur.

The book is very well organized and the individual chapters can stand alone. If an instructor wanted to only teach portions of the book, this could be easily achieved. The chapters are also broken up into smaller sections, which make it easy to read small chunks at a time while also gaining increased knowledge of the subject matter.

The book flows well. I found the structure and the presentation helpful, as my interest in the topics grew the more I read.

I noted no problems with the book’s interface. Graphics were simply presented and understandable.

No grammar problems were noted. The writing was easy to follow and understand.

The text is very culturally conscience and relevant. Many (if not all) of the social problems in the world involve racism, discrimination, and conflicts between cultures, and the text does a good job of pointed out how culture affects and is affected by the social maladies covered. I did not perceive the text to be culturally insensitive in any way, although I am a privileged white male and have my own blind spots, so it’s possible I missed something an individual of another culture or demographic might see differently.

Overall, I found this text to be an excellent overview of problems with which modern society is confronted and which college students will continue to face as they grow older. Although I am familiar with many of the subjects discussed in the book, I enjoyed reading the text and found my interest growing in the subjects due to the manner in which topics were presented and the examples used to demonstrate them. I also appreciated that the book encouraged students to strive for social justice and not lose hope that they can contribute to the amelioration or resolution of these social problems.

Reviewed by Vanessa Jones, Lecturer, Cleveland State University on 6/10/15

Through the text, Barkan provides a comprehensive definition of social problems and policy processes, overview of critical current issues and theoretical perspectives, and history of problems affecting the social context of the United States and... read more

Through the text, Barkan provides a comprehensive definition of social problems and policy processes, overview of critical current issues and theoretical perspectives, and history of problems affecting the social context of the United States and how such have been and can be addressed. There are also helpful sections that provide a global look at some social issues. While there is no index, glossary, or table of contents, the text is formatted effectively to highlight key terms, definitions, and concepts. Having nearly 900 pages of comprehensive coverage of social problems limits opportunities for instructors to assign additional readings and expose students to a variety of authors and research.

The content provided is not only comprehensive, but is also accurate and current. Barkan provides multiple perspectives on social problems, which effectively limits bias. Readers are exposed to opposing public and political views within a socio-historical context, allowing for readers to form their own educated assessments on the various social issues.

The content is current, and the text makes use of relevant news stories. It is arranged in such a way that and has a digital format whereby these news stories, supporting resources, and text can be easily replaced and/or updated.

Barkan’s writing style falls between informal and formal registers, utilizing clear, accessible language and avoiding the use of jargon (including academic, scholarly, and technical terminology) without providing an adequate explanation. The information is presented in a manner appropriate for some high school classes in addition to the post secondary level.

The terminology and framework of the text are internally consistent, incorporating the theoretical perspective of social constructivism throughout. It has a user-friendly and engaging chapter/section format that includes several types of pedagogical features and text blocks for application of social problems in the news, in relation to youth, with respect to change, various activities and scenarios, as well as succinctly summarized objectives, takeaways, and review.

The text is successfully divided into modules whereby each chapter contains smaller reading sections, complete with the aforementioned pedagogical features and text blocks. This arrangement is particularly useful when structuring reading assignments for courses in which the entire text may not be used or may be supplemented with additional journal articles. The included subheadings are also useful to guide readers and instructors through the content. Sections of text can be easily reorganized and assigned without disrupting the meaning and delivery of the content.

The chapters and topics within each chapter are presented in a clear and logical manner. The modularity of the text is structured in such a way that flows consistently with the subject matter while leaving flexibility for re-organization to fit the needs of individual instructors.

Interface rating: 2

While the text appears to be free of significant interface issues, navigation through the text is challenging. The comprehensive nature of the text makes it lengthy, and the addition of interactive table of contents, index, and glossary as well as a list of the charts and figures would be helpful to allow readers to navigate through the text. Currently, navigation through the text is a bit cumbersome, limited to scrolling through nearly 900 pages to locate information. The images are appropriate and engaging. While they contain helpful information, the charts used could be more visually sophisticated. None of the display features appear to be distracting or confusing.

Barkan does an excellent job of addressing social problems, which by nature can be controversial, in a manner that is neither culturally insensitive nor offensive. Barkan uses examples that are diverse, multicultural, and inclusive.

Social Problems: Continuity and Change is a well written, organized, and comprehensive textbook presentation of social issues and transformation. The author skillfully provides multiple perspectives on a wide range of issues, typically controversial in nature, thus promoting cultural sensitivity and relevance while avoiding bias. Though lengthy, the modular format of the text is ideal for modification for use in post-secondary as well as some secondary settings. Because the author so thoroughly covers the landscape of social problems, this text is an excellent resource even if not adopted in entirety.

Reviewed by David McLeod, Assistant Professor, University of Oklahoma on 1/12/15

Attempting to comprehensively cover all aspects of social problems, with the extensiveness of marginalization, diversity, and oppression that exists in modern American society, is a daunting task. While I think the aim of this book is not for... read more

Attempting to comprehensively cover all aspects of social problems, with the extensiveness of marginalization, diversity, and oppression that exists in modern American society, is a daunting task. While I think the aim of this book is not for complete comprehensiveness, it’s almost 900 pages provide an extensive overview and set the stage well for opening students eyes to the differences that exist between the version(s) of the world they have experienced first hand, and the versions of the world that others experience. One of the key strengths of the text is in how it not only provides an overview of social problems in American society, but it also how it grounds the interpretations of these social problems through theoretical and paradigmatic lenses. Discussions of Structural Functionalism or Critical theories are highly useful in setting the stage for the investigation of social problems, and this text handles that well. Additionally the text provides examples throughout the chapters for how these types of problems may be viewed or dealt with in different cultures around the world. These pieces, along with discussions of opportunity for change and action, add to the comprehensiveness of the text by fostering conversations that could bring the students full circle to where they are not only enlightened about problems they may not have known existed prior to engagement in the course, but are also equipped to take steps toward addressing those problems.

The content of the text appears to be relatively error free. However, all positions concerning social problems are by their nature inherently biased. By simply deciding what constitutes a problem we have identified a position in which we stand. This is not bench science where generalizable truth is easier to quantify. Thankfully the author acknowledges this early in the text by explaining the differential nature by which people ascribe meaning to the world around them, and the theme is carried throughout, thus giving the reader the ability to interpret the identified problems from multiple viewpoints.

The contents of this text appear to be very up to date. I would expect this (digital) format to be an incredible asset to helping to keep the discussion of these social problems a contemporary one. Due to the structure and compartmentalization of the text I would expect updates to be easily added to the text.

The author has done a wonderful job at making the text easy to read and accessible. There is a minimum use of highly scientific or jargon terms, and students should find it easily digestible.

The text is consistent. For example throughout the text various social problems are examined using the same theoretical perspectives. Also there are social research sections throughout the text and key takeaways and discussion topics are at the end of every section. The structure and organization of the book, as well as concepts, terminology, and theories used, are consistent.

The modularity of the text would lend it to be easily taken apart and reassembled to suit particular classes. Further, the text with almost 900 pages total, appears to have been constructed with this in mind. Each chapter is self contained and could be used standing alone, and the sections within chapters are relatively self sustaining as well. The text has a good use of headings and is well organized.

Organization/Structure/Flow rating: 3

The topics are presented in a fairly logical progression. Inside the chapters, content layout is highly logical and clear.

The text has an excellent interface. Charts, illustrations and figures are vibrant and helpful. One thing that may be helpful would be quick links (in a condensed table of contents) in the pdf file that could take you straight to a chapter rather than having to scroll through to find it.

The text contains no grammatical errors.

The author appears to have worked to make the text as culturally sensitive as possible considering the subject matter.

Reviewed by Katherine MacTavish, Associate Professor, Oregon State University on 9/29/14

The book takes a comprehensive approach to social problems addressing major social institutions (family, school, work and health care) and including an emphasis on race/ethnicity, age, rural/urban, and global concerns such as war and terrorism. I... read more

The book takes a comprehensive approach to social problems addressing major social institutions (family, school, work and health care) and including an emphasis on race/ethnicity, age, rural/urban, and global concerns such as war and terrorism. I was also delighted to see a chapter on the environment. In particular I appreciate the first chapters that clearly lay out the definition and evolution of a social problem along with theoretical perspectives on social problems. This setup provides a very useful framework for understanding what is to come in individual issues focused chapters. The books is filled with examples and illustrations along with application- the why does it matter bit that students so appreciate.

The book's content appears accurate. Theories and concepts are well explained.

The book connects relevant and up-to-date sources with classics. Each chapter starts off with "social problems in the news" section highlighting a timely connection to the issue.. I should imagine the book will remain useful for some years to come!

I found the writing to be very clear and approachable. Appropriate terminology was used but always with a clear explanation illustrated with examples.

The books format and content appear consistent. Chapters are laid out to include similar elements (my favorite of which is the applying social research). Colorful graphs, illustrations and photos support the text. the theoretical perspectives introduced in the front matter are pulled throughout.

The book was clearly developed with an eye for modularity. Combined with the front matter chapters and even subsections of chapters easily stand alone. I could imagine using sections of this book in several courses in our undergraduate program (including families in poverty, family, school and community collaboration, critical thinking, and health disparities). I could also see using sections of the book as supplements to workshops and training.

The flow seemed logical. I appreciate the development of clear subsections within each chapter.

I found no issues interfacing with the pdf. Graphs, images and and text were clear.

Seemed fine.

The book seems to strive to be inclusive of perspectives outside of majority culture. The privilege of social class and geographic location that bring about opportunity gaps were well acknowledged in explanations of inequality.

I came in to this review a skeptic. I was sure that a free online textbook would somehow be an inferior product. My mind has been changed!

Table of Contents

• Chapter 1: Understanding Social Problems
• Chapter 2: Poverty
• Chapter 3: Racial and Ethnic Inequality
• Chapter 4: Gender Inequality
• Chapter 5: Sexual Orientation and Inequality
• Chapter 6: Aging and Ageism
• Chapter 7: Alcohol and Other Drugs
• Chapter 8: Crime and Criminal Justice
• Chapter 9: Sexual Behavior
• Chapter 10: The Changing Family
• Chapter 11: Schools and Education
• Chapter 12: Work and the Economy
• Chapter 13: Health and Health Care
• Chapter 14: Urban and Rural Problems
• Chapter 15: Population and the Environment
• Chapter 16: War and Terrorism

Ancillary Material

• Independent

About the Book

Social Problems: Continuity and Change is a realistic but motivating look at the many issues that are facing our society today. As this book's subtitle, Continuity and Change, implies, social problems are persistent, but they have also improved in the past and can be improved in the present and future, provided that our nation has the wisdom and will to address them.

It is easy for students to read a social problems textbook and come away feeling frustrated by the enormity of the many social problems facing us today. Social Problems: Continuity and Change certainly does not minimize the persistence of social problems, but neither does it overlook the possibilities for change offered by social research and by the activities of everyday citizens working to make a difference. Readers the book will find many examples of how social problems have been improved and of strategies that hold great potential for solving them today and in the future.

You will find several pedagogical features help to convey the “continuity and change” theme of this text and the service sociology vision in which it is grounded: Each chapter begins with a “Social Problems in the News” story related to the social problem discussed in that chapter. These stories provide an interesting starting point for the chapter's discussion and show its relevance for real-life issues. Three types of boxes in each chapter provide examples of how social problems have been changed and can be changed. In no particular order,

A first box, “Applying Social Research,” discusses how the findings from sociological and other social science research have either contributed to public policy related to the chapter's social problem or have the potential of doing so.

A second box, “Lessons from Other Nations,” discusses how another nation or nations have successfully addressed the social problem of that chapter.

A third box, “People Making a Difference,” discusses efforts by individuals, non-profit organizations or social change groups, or social movements relating to the chapter's social problem. Students will see many examples in this box of how ordinary people can indeed make a difference.

A fourth box in each chapter, “Children and Our Future,” examines how the social problem discussed in that chapter particularly affects children, and it outlines the problem's repercussions for their lives as adolescents and adults. This box reinforces for students the impact of social problems on children and the importance of addressing these problems for their well-being as well as for the nation's well-being. Each chapter ends with a “Using What You Know” feature that presents students with a scenario involving the social problem from the chapter and that puts them in a decision-making role. This feature helps connect the chapter's theoretical discussion with potential real-life situations.

Each chapter also ends with a “What You Can Do” feature that suggests several activities, strategies, or other efforts that students might undertake to learn more about and/or to address the social problem examined in the chapter. Like other aspects of the book, this feature helps counter “doom and gloom” feelings that little can be done about social problems.

Other pedagogical features in each chapter include Learning Objectives at the beginning of a major section that highlight key topics to be learned; Key Takeaways at the end of a major section that highlight important points that were discussed in the section; For Your Review questions, also at the end of a major section, that have students think critically about that section's discussion; and a Summary that reviews the major points made in the chapter.

The founders of American sociology a century or more ago in cities like Atlanta and Chicago wanted to reduce social inequality, to improve the lives of people of color, and more generally to find solutions to the most vexing social problems of their times. A former president of the Society for the Study of Social Problems, A. Javier Treviño, has used the term service sociology to characterize their vision of their new discipline. Social Problems: Continuity and Change is grounded in this vision by offering a sociological understanding of today's social problems and of possible solutions to these problems.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Poverty in America — Argumentative Paper: Poverty in The United States

Argumentative Paper: Poverty in The United States

• Categories: Poverty in America

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Words: 510 |

Published: Mar 16, 2024

Words: 510 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Table of contents

Root causes of poverty, impact on individuals and society, potential solutions.

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Home / Essay Samples / Social Issues / Poverty Problem

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