essay on democracy in mauritius

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Mauritius: A picture perfect democracy’s fall from grace

Mauritius has been listed as one of the world’s top ten autocratising nations. Can the people save it?

Mauritians protesting on the streets in August 2020. Credit: Matt Savi.

Over the past few decades, Mauritius has built a glowing international reputation. It is regarded as one of the best managed democracies in Africa, as a place to do business, and as a country where the rule of law is upheld. However, recent reports have begun to challenge this “picture perfect” image.

Most notably, Mauritius was put on the European Union’s blacklist for money laundering and terrorist financing last year, jeopardising trust in the country and potentially undermining its financial services sector . Then, earlier this year, Mauritius was listed alongside the likes of Brazil, India and Turkey as one of the world’s “ top ten autocratising countries ” between 2010 and 2020 in a report by the V-Dem Institute.

What’s behind this fall from grace of a country recently considered a textbook for success?

Autocratising

A key moment in Mauritius’ democratic decline were the 2019 general elections. The island’s previous eleven elections had typically been well-managed, but this poll was fraught with allegations of irregularities and unfair practices.

These ranged from inconsistencies in the electoral register, to marked ballots being found outside counting centres, to widespread allegations of fraud and bribery. One of the respondents interviewed for the Westminster Foundation for Democracy described how “for the first time in my political career, I have witnessed so much money in circulation. Big means were used. Millions of Mauritian rupees were laundered. In each constituency, vast amounts of money were used.”

The ruling Militant Socialist Movement (MSM) and Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth were officially returned to power, but opposition parties filed ten petitions in the Supreme Court contesting the validity and credibility of the results. 18 months later, the court is still yet to make its ruling.

In some ways, the disputed elections were a sign of things to come. After winning the elections, the MSM-led government quickly signalled its unwillingness to tolerate dissent. To begin with, the party ran roughshod over the long-standing tradition that the Speaker of Parliament is selected in consultation with the opposition. Instead, the party used its majority to install MSM loyalist Sooroojdev Phokeer, who has acted with little impartiality since.

In 2020, the speaker expelled or suspended opposition MPs 14 times for asking questions about corruption allegations linked to Jugnauth or the then deputy prime minister . Then, this March, Phokeer went even further by indefinitely suspending three MPs who protested his decision to withdraw from the Hansard and delete footage of a question an opposition member had asked the previous week. These elected officials will be barred from participating in parliament or voting until 2024 unless they tender “unreserved apologies”. This situation is unprecedented and has shocked many.

Other supposedly independent institutions have also been accused of bias. The Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) and Police have avoided investigating those close to power. Meanwhile, the National Audit Office (NAO) has complained of restrictions in its attempts to conduct its 2019-2020 audit, saying it “had to deal with situations where NAO officers either could not have access to records or such access was simply denied”.

The auditors did, however, have enough information to raise serious concerns about government spending. Corruption, nepotism and cronyism have always existed in Mauritius, but the COVID-19 pandemic has taken them to another level. According to the NAO, “medical disposables to the tune of Rs 850 million [$21 million] were purchased from private companies which had no previous dealings with the Ministry of Health and Wellness (MOHW) in such goods. The average prices paid for some medical disposables were up to 67 times higher than the last price paid for.”

Many in Mauritius are also concerned by what they see as a creeping surveillance state. Financed by a $350 million loan from the China EXIM bank, the government launched the Mauritius Safe City Project (MSCP) in December 2019, installing 4,000 CCTV cameras across the island. These are accessible by the Police, which falls under the purview of the Prime Minister’s Office.

The ruling party also recently published proposed amendments to the ICT Act “to effectively address any inappropriate use of social media platforms”. If approved, all internet communications in Mauritius would pass through a centralised proxy server managed by Information & Communication Technologies Authority (ICTA) that could access, decrypt, analyse and block traffic. This method of filtering data bears a chilling resemblance to “The Great Firewall of China”, which severely restricts freedom of expression and information.

Sprigs of hope

In the island’s history, Mauritians have rarely taken to the streets to protest. This can be partly explained by the fact that independence was peaceful and that governments since then have tended to emphasise national unity while investing in a generous welfare state.

Following the MV Wakashio oil spill in July 2020, however, this changed. Two massive street protests saw tens of thousands of protesters expressing their anger at government inaction and opacity in dealing with the environmental catastrophe. Many openly demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Jugnauth.

These demonstrations were momentous in terms of their turnout, diversity and explicit demands for change. They also led to the emergence of new citizen-led groups such as Linion Sitwayin (Citizens’ Union), Ideal Democrate (Democracy Ideal) and En Avant Moris (Let’s Go Mauritius). At the same time, the Mauritian diaspora – believed to number about 200,000 people, compared to the country’s 1.3 million population – has become more vocal. A group called the Mauritius Global Diaspora recently organised “ Virtual General Elections ” on their right to vote.

It is too soon to say if these new political formations can sustain popular support and provide a credible alternative to the mainstream political parties that have dominated Mauritius’ political landscape since independence. But what is clear is that many Mauritians are deeply dissatisfied. In a 2020 Afrobarometer survey, 36.4% said they considered Mauritius either “not a democracy” or “a democracy with major problems”, while 53.6% of respondents said the country is “going in the wrong direction”.

“Plus Ça Change, Plus C’est la Même ...

Development partnerships or transactional politics an insight ....

Roukaya Kasenally

Roukaya Kasenally is a democracy scholar and an Associate Professor in media and political systems. She is currently the Chair of the Electoral Institute of Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) and part of the International Advisory Board of the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP).

She misses the forest: the corruption nexus between plantocrats and politicians. Conveniently so?

This is what happens when a thief, who also happens to be the island’s biggest druglord, is elected to the highest office.

Something is dishonest about this article. Despite the irregularities, the MSM was going to win in any case. The only honest opposition party in Mauritius, LALIT, just wrote it down and it has no reason to favour the MSM over the others.

A lot of unfounded nonsense has been propagated, that “thousands of Bangladeshi workers voted” when only 45 were registered as commonwealth voters.

The government should be kept in check and it is being contested but many of the criticism is just petty politics by parties who thought they were going for a landslide victory and ended up losing sorely.

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Mauritius is a mid-range performing democracy and island state in the Indian Ocean. Over the past five years, Mauritius has experienced significant declines in aspects of Fundamental Rights (Access to Justice, Social Group Equality and Freedom of Expression), Effective Parliament, and Predictable Enforcement. Although it continues to perform in the high range for Representative Government, declines there have also been notable in the past five years. One of the poorest states in Africa at independence in 1968, Mauritius is now an upper-middle income country . Its economy is principally based on tourism, textiles manufacturing, financial and business services and information and communication technology.  

Historically, the islands were uninhabited; in 1721, the French East India Company occupied the islands, brought slaves from the African continent, and established sugar plantations. In the 19th century, Mauritius came under the control of the British , from whom the country received its independence in 1968. However, it has been embroiled in a 60-year dispute with the United Kingdom over who has sovereignty of the Chagos archipelago , claimed by the UK to be part of the British Indian Ocean Territory . Mauritius (and Chagossians) have challenged Britain’s claim to Chagos as unlawful and incomplete decolonisation.  

Identity shapes politics in Mauritius, although there was no indigenous population before colonial settlement. Mauritians are diverse, and there are Indian, Creole, Chinese, and French communities . Hindus make up the largest group (about 48.5 per cent of the population ), and the remainder of the population includes Catholics (26.3 per cent), Muslims (17.3 per cent), and others (7.9 per cent). The caste system defines the social structures of most Hindu Mauritians, although less rigidly than in India. Religion and casteism are reflected in, for example, political rhetoric, campaigning, and party organisation ; most prime ministers have been Vaishya Hindu . Mauritians of Indian origin are dominant in politics and business, and many wealthy Indians continue to move to Mauritius each year. Mauritian Creoles , who reflect mixtures of African, French and Indian origins, are regularly subject to discrimination and often live in segregated housing. Although progress has occurred on women’s rights issues , women still only hold 20 per cent of parliamentary seats and regularly face gender-based violence and poor access to family planning. The LGBTQIA+ community in Mauritius continues to be subjected to a sodomy ban . 

Mauritius has long been lauded for its strong democratic institutions, respect for the rule of law and positive business environment. Since 2019 , critics have pointed to electoral irregularities , dissatisfaction with dynastic governance, and corruption as priorities for the government to address. Corruption in government and among police is a significant concern among citizens . Although protest is uncommon in Mauritius, there have been recent (2021 and 2022) protests against corruption and fraud as well as the government’s response to an oil-spill . The forceful police response to such peaceful protests in 2021 caused concern among both international and local experts. Furthermore, there were protests in 2022 against rising costs of living in a Creole-dominant area , Camp-Levieux, that has been hard-hit by inflation and price increases. 

Moving forward, it will be important to watch the government’s responses to the areas that have come under scrutiny, especially proposed election reforms. It will also be important to watch Freedom of Assembly, which has been impacted by reports of police brutality over the last few years. Other important issues that will play a role in Mauritian politics going forward include social group inequality and gender inequality .  

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October 2023 | mauritius’s supreme court decriminalises gay sex.

On 4 October, Mauritius’ Supreme Court delivered a judgement de-criminalising same-sex relations in the country. In its decision, the Court found that the colonial-era law prohibiting ‘sodomy’ breached a constitutional protection against discrimination and ruled that it should be interpreted to exclude consensual sexual intercourse between male adults. While the court noted that the law is ‘rarely, if ever’ enforced against gay men, it found that the threat of arrest, prosecution and conviction had a very significant impact on them, entrenching stigma and encouraging discrimination. The ruling was welcomed by the UN and rights organisations.

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Good governance: Democracy matters

12 août 2021

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Section 1 of our Constitution, which is the Supreme law of the land, states that Mauritius shall be a sovereign democratic State which shall be known as the Republic of Mauritius. Democracy is government by explanation said Arthur Balfour, the former British Prime Minister. And the late Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary General, summarized good governance in the following terms: “Good governance comprises the rule of law, effective state institutions, transparency and account- ability in the management of public affairs, respect for human rights and the participation of all citizens in the decisions that affect their lives.’’

Today can we say that the government and our public institutions, including Parliament, are functioning within the framework of democracy and good governance? Any reasonable person will obviously answer in the negative. Since 2019, the government, Parliament and all our public institutions have fallen short of all the criteria which should be guiding them in a democratic State. Public trust in a democratic system of government can only be sustained if it is open and an open government cannot flourish if it is captured by the personal and financial interests of the cronies of the ruling party.

The lack of transparency and accountability in government affairs, the opacity in our public institutions, the treatment of the members of the opposition and the way parliamentary questions are being answered, remind us that all the norms of good governance and democracy are being flouted with impunity. The encroachment of the government upon our public institutions, the non-observance of the rules, orders and practices of Parliament have simply paralysed their functioning.

There is a feeling of disgust in the population which is bad for our democracy and for the government itself. Why are they desperate to bend our democratic system to their will? Why is the Prime Minister and his Ministers using all kinds of subterfuge and tactics to avoid answering as many questions as possible or answering them by indulging in empty rhetoric to lose time in defiance of all the well establish principles of parliamentary practices? What are they afraid of? What is happening today, the least to say, is outrageous in a democracy.

The importance of parliamentary questions in our system of government

James Jerome, one of the Speakers of the House of Commons of Canada, had this to say on question time: “If the essence of Parliament is government accountability, then surely the essence of accountability is the Question Period.” The right to seek information from the government and the right to hold the government accountable are recognized as two of the fundamental principles of parliamentary government. Members of Parliament exercise these rights principally by asking questions in the House. The importance of questions in a parliamentary democracy like ours cannot be over-emphasized. And the search for clarification of information through questioning is a vital aspect of the duties of a member of Parliament.

Question Time constitutes a unique period on the agenda of Parliament. More than any other segment of the sitting of Parliament, Question Time is a snapshot of national political life and is closely followed by members of the public and the press, now that the debates in our Parliament are transmitted live. The public has an opportunity to observe the behaviour and demeanour of our elected members and ministers, as well as the Speaker and carve out their own impression. Question Time is where the government is held accountable to Parliament and through it to the public for its administrative policy and the conduct of its Ministers. Any Member can ask a question, but, normally, priority should be given to the opposition parties in the House to confront the government and hold it accountable for its actions. The Speaker must understand that asking questions is a right and not a privilege granted to members.

For Question Time to be effective and achieve its purpose, it is imperative that a maximum number of questions are reached and answered. For this to happen, Parliaments have either prescribed guidelines in their standing orders on the manner in which oral questions should be asked and replies given or adopted as part of its practice the several rulings given by Speakers on the issue. The time taken in putting and answering questions is so important, especially when question time is time-bound, that in some Parliaments the time taken to put a question and the time taken by the Minister to answer is regulated by the standing orders. For example, in one of the Commonwealth Parliaments the time for a member to ask a question is one minute and three minutes are granted to the Minister to give his reply. This is the reason Speakers have repeatedly stressed that answers to questions have to be as brief as possible. It is a well-established practice that answers should relate to the points raised in the question and not matters that are irrelevant or superfluous. And if the reply is too long it should be circulated instead of Ministers reading it orally.

Being given that Question Time is so precious, Speakers have even ruled that they will not entertain points of orders during question period, but they will do so at the end of question period so as not to impinge on its time, unless their interventions were to be sufficiently serious to require immediate consideration. Why are these well-established practices in the British House of Commons, in the Canadian House of Commons and the rulings and precedents of our own Parliament being deliberately ignored by the Speaker and the government?

Today it is unfortunate to see how our political system is being subverted and the democratic way of life to which we are used to, is being frustrated. In the interest of Parliamentary democracy and to ensure its proper functioning, it is opportune that a motion be introduced in Parliament for a debate to take place on the amendment of our standing orders and rules, and incorporate in it all the details that are necessary for the proper functioning of a democratic Parliament, especially in the light of the deplorable experience we have gone through since 2019.

It may also include orders for the answering of questions which relate to a matter of policy or raises a matter of public interest in Companies where the government has full or partial financial interest as is the case in India. In India, even frauds in nationalised Banks or unsound advances involving huge amounts, provided these have basis, can be subject to parliamentary questions. In other Parliaments standing orders are made to be under regular revision to include orders which have stemmed from rulings of Speakers and precedents. In Canada the rules provide for an annual parliamentary debate of its standing orders in order to decide whether they require any amendment. This is a pro- vision which ought to be inserted in our standing orders and rules.

In the meantime, may I humbly suggest that it is not too late for our Speaker to come to his senses. As presiding officer, he should realise that what is happening in our Parliament does not augur well for the government itself. Parliament is not only one of the pillars of our democracy but is also at the centre of our constitutional architecture and by far our most representative institution. It is not just a body to frame laws but a vibrant forum for the expression of different ideas and ideologies which is the very essence of democracy. He should also be conscious of the tremendous responsibility resting on his shoulders, to ensure that Parliament is allowed to function at its fullest in order to up- hold our democratic values.

It is appropriate that I quote what Mr G.V. Mavalankar, the first Speaker of Independent India, said about the institution of Parliament. He said: “For real democracy, one has not to look merely in the provisions of the Constitution or the rules and regulations made for the conduct of business in the Legislatures, but one has to foster a real democratic spirit in those who form the Legislature. If this fundamental is borne in mind, it will be clear that though questions would be decided by majorities, parliamentary government will not be possible if it is reduced to a mere counting of heads or hands. If we are to go merely by majority, we shall be fostering the seeds of facism, violence and revolt. If on the other hand, we could help foster a spirit of tolerance, a spirit of freedom of discussion and a spirit of understanding, we shall be fostering the spirit of democracy.”

Our Speaker should be guided by these lofty ideals and adopt the cardinal principle of Total Impartiality as has been practised by Speakers throughout the centuries. He should know, as Philip Laundy puts it in his book – The Office of the Speaker, 1964, – “Excepting only the Sovereign herself (referring to the Queen of England), no personage throughout the structure of British parliamentary government occupies a higher pinnacle of prestige than the Speaker of the House of Parliament”. This is the importance attached to the post and the status given to a Speaker in the hierarchy of personalities in our system of government. He should be aware that our system of government and Parliament is based on the British model. He has been given security of tenure in our Constitution to do his work, as Speaker, without any fear or favour. He should not make an abuse of his position and confuse his role with that of the executive. He should abide by the rules and orders of Parliament rather than by the rules and orders of the Ruler. As Speaker, he should act in a way that he leaves a legacy that the coming generation will be proud of as we are proud of the legacy left to us by our late Speaker Sir Harilall Vaghjee.

To conclude, in 1973, Georges Pompidou, the legendary President of the Republic of France, said, “A statesman is a politician who places himself at the service of his nation. A politician is a statesman who places the nation at his service.” Do we have more politicians than statesmen in our country today? Are we living in the era of Louis XIV who claimed “L’État c’est moi”?

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Digitalization and Democracy in Mauritius: A Conversation with Roukaya Kasenally

Posted on February 2, 2023

In 2016, Mauritius announced the launch of a “safe city” project—a public-security initiative deploying cameras and other advanced digital technologies from the controversial PRC-based vendor Huawei. Shrouded in opacity and set up outside standard oversight mechanisms, the project raises the specter of surveillance and digital control in the country.

In this episode of the Power 3.0 podcast, featured guest Roukaya Kasenally discusses how the Mauritius Safe City Project could worsen backsliding in one of Africa’s most stable democracies. Drawing on her essay for the International Forum for Democratic Studies’ recent report Smart Cities and Democratic Vulnerabilities , Kasenally will explain what the Mauritian experience tells us about responding to China’s smart city exports, and the broader dangers of digital development in the absence of democratic guardrails.

Roukaya Kasenally is an associate professor at the University of Mauritius and an alumna of the National Endowment for Democracy’s Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program. Christopher Walker , vice president for studies and analysis at the National Endowment for Democracy, and Beth Kerley, a program officer at the International Forum for Democratic Studies, cohost the conversation.

For further insights on emerging technologies and democracy, check out the International Forum’s companion blog, “ Power 3.0 Understanding Modern Authoritarian Influence ,” and tune into our upcoming virtual discussion on Tuesday, February 7, from 12:00 pm-1:00 pm EST to learn more about the digital risks of smart cities in an era of democratic backsliding. You can find additional resources on the NED website and join the conversation with us on Facebook and Twitter .

The views expressed in this podcast represent the opinions and analysis of the participants and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff. Photo Credit: Agilard/Shutterstock.com.

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Why Mauritius is the most democratic country in Africa

Africa is home to a lot of modern-day dictators who are arguably practising democracy yet rig elections, manipulate the constitution to stay in power, stifle the media and use the security services to suppress dissent through violent reprisals.

Some of these countries include the Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Cameroon, Sudan, Chad and Uganda etc.

A new wave of democracy swept through Zimbabwe, Gambia, Tunisia and Angola after the ousting of their leaders to make way for a new dispensation.

According to the latest edition of The Economist Intelligence Unit’s annual Democracy Index which provides a view of the state of democracy worldwide, there are only 19 fully democratic countries in the world and only one is from Africa.

Mauritius is the only African country that is practicing a full democracy as at 2017 and the other 18 are mainly from Europe excluding the United States which is in a democratic crisis spearheaded by Donald Trump.

The research conducted in 2017 covered 167 countries and took into account electoral procedures, civil liberties, political participation and threat to free speech. 7 African countries were classified under flawed democracies, 13 under hybrid and 23 under authoritarian regimes.

The report noted that improvements in political participation and frequency of elections were affected by crackdowns on civil liberties, media suppression and corruption perception.

Mauritius has had regular elections since it achieved its Republic status in 1992, 24 years after its independence in 1968. They observe a parliamentary democracy and the president and vice president are elected by the National Assembly for five-year terms. The Prime Minister is appointed by the president and is responsible to the National Assembly. He enjoys significant power whereas the President has a mostly ceremonial role.

The president of Mauritius is Ameenah Gurib, one of the few female presidents in Africa. The prime minister is Pravind Jugnauth.

Below are the African countries cited in the report and their regime type.

• Mauritius – Full democracy
• Cape Verde – Flawed democracy
• Botswana – Flawed democracy
• South Africa – Flawed democracy
• Ghana – Flawed democracy
• Lesotho – Flawed democracy
• Namibia – Flawed democracy
• Senegal – Flawed democracy
• Zambia – Hybrid regime
• Tanzania – Hybrid regime
• Mali – Hybrid regime
• Benin – Hybrid regime
• Malawi – Hybrid regime
• Kenya – Hybrid regime
• Liberia – Hybrid regime

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Role of Human Rights Provisions in Upholding Democracy in Mauritius

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Opinion Leaders of Jordan, France and Egypt: Cease fire now in Gaza

Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein is king of Jordan. Emmanuel Macron is president of France. Abdel Fatah El-Sisi is president of Egypt.

The war in Gaza and the catastrophic humanitarian suffering it is causing must end now. Violence, terror and war cannot bring peace to the Middle East. The two-state solution will. It is the only credible path to guaranteeing peace and security for all, and ensuring that neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis ever have to relive the horrors that have befallen them since the Oct. 7 attack.

On March 25, the U.N. Security Council finally assumed its responsibility by demanding an immediate cease-fire in Gaza. This is a critical step that must be fully implemented without further delay.

In light of the intolerable human toll of the war, we, the leaders of Egypt, France and Jordan, call for the immediate and unconditional implementation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2728. We underline the urgent need to bring about a permanent cease-fire in Gaza.

We emphasize the urgency of implementing the Security Council’s demand for the immediate release of all hostages and reaffirm our support for the negotiations brokered by Egypt, Qatar and the United States that address a cease-fire, as well as the hostages and detainees.

As we urge all parties to abide by all relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions, we warn against the dangerous consequences of an Israeli offensive on Rafah, where about 1.5 million Palestinian civilians have sought refuge. Such an offensive would only bring more death and suffering, heighten the risks and consequences of mass displacement of the people of Gaza and threaten regional escalation. We reiterate our equal respect for all lives. We condemn all violations and abuses of international humanitarian law, including all acts of violence, terrorism and indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Protecting civilians is a fundamental legal obligation for all parties and the cornerstone of international humanitarian law. Violating this obligation is absolutely prohibited.

Palestinians in Gaza are no longer facing only a risk of famine, but famine is already setting in. There is an urgent need for a massive increase in the provision and distribution of humanitarian assistance. This is a core demand of U.N. Security Council Resolutions 2720 and 2728, which emphasize the urgent need to expand aid supplies.

U.N. agencies, including the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, and humanitarian actors play a critical role in relief operations in Gaza. They must be protected and granted full access, including in the northern part of the Gaza Strip . We condemn the killing of humanitarian aid workers, most recently the attack against World Central Kitchen’s aid convoy .

Consistent with international law, Israel is under an obligation to ensure the flow of humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population, a responsibility it has not fulfilled. We reiterate the Security Council’s demand to lift barriers to humanitarian assistance and for Israel to immediately facilitate humanitarian assistance through all crossing points, including in the North of the Gaza Strip and through a direct land corridor from Jordan, as well as by sea.

We, the leaders of Egypt, France and Jordan, are determined to continue stepping up our efforts to meet the humanitarian, medical and health needs of the civilian population of Gaza, in close coordination with the U.N. system and regional partners.

Lastly, we underline the urgency of restoring hope for peace and security for all in the region, primarily the Palestinian and Israeli people. We emphasize our determination to continue working together to avoid further regional spillover, and we call on all actors to refrain from any escalatory action. We urge an end to all unilateral measures, including settlement activity and land confiscation. We also urge Israel to prevent settler violence.

We emphasize the necessity of respecting the historical and legal status quo at Jerusalem’s Muslim and Christian holy sites, and the role of the Jordanian Waqf under the Hashemite custodianship.

We stress our determination to step up our joint efforts to effectively bring about the two-state solution. The establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state on the basis of the two-state solution, in accordance with international law and relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions, to live side by side in peace and security with Israel, is the only way to achieve true peace. The Security Council must play a role in decisively reopening this horizon for peace.

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