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Revisiting Marketing Strategies by Savanna Tobacco for Brand Image and Identity

Abstract: The article seeks to examine various marketing strategies used by Savanna Tobacco and how they help in the creation of the company’s brand image and identity. Savanna Tobacco being the second fastest growing cigarette manufacturing company after BAT, it is of pivotal importance that it make use of marketing strategies that helps it preserve a competitive edge. The main concepts to be assessed are; to understand whether Savanna Tobacco use Marketing strategies to gain a competitive edge and to explore how these strategies help the organization in creating brand image as well as identity. The study was informed by different theories such as two-way symmetrical model, open system theory, and social cognitive theory. These were subjected to qualitative method of data analysis. Interviews, participant observation as well as questionnaires were used by the researcher in a bid to establish the desired information. Keywords: Brand, Identity, Public Relations, Marketing Strategy, Image and Communication.

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Resumen: Al analizar cualquier trabajo de marca tendemos a simplificar un proceso que, por su naturaleza, es enormemente complejo y multidisciplinar. Existe una corriente de opinión mayoritaria que se empeña en reducir el proceso de creación de una marca a su logotipo, o al grupo de elementos que articularán la identidad visual en una especie de imagen cosmética, puramente estética. Se reduce la concepción del branding a un gasto superficial, no a una inversión estratégica. Este aspecto evidencia por regla general una relevante falta de medios, profesionales y planificación de objetivos puestos en el largo plazo lo que acaba por devaluar, en muchos casos, la propia promesa de la marca. Estas cuestiones quedan en evidencia cuando no se pone en marcha un proceso profesional de construcción de marca de una forma estudiada, seria y coherente. Palabras clave: Marcas, gestión, estrategia, gestión de marcas, branding. Abstract: When analyzing any branding work we tend to simplify a process that by its nature is enormously complex and multidisciplinary. There is an important current of opinion that tends to reduce the creation of a brand to its logo or to the group of elements that will articulate the visual identity in a sort of cosmetic image, or purely aesthetic. Either by understanding branding as a superficial expense and not as a strategic investment, due to ignorance of the discipline, short-sightedness, lack of means and / or professionals or, by a mixture of all these factors, the brands themselves devalue in many cases from the moment they make the decision not to face their construction in a studied way, serious and coherent.

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SOURADIP MONDAL

Purpose – The purpose of this conceptual paper is to identify important elements of brand building based on a literature review and case studies of successful brands in India. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is based on a review of the literature and takes a case study approach. The paper suggests the framework for building brand identity in sequential order, namely, positioning the brand, communicating the brand message, delivering the brand performance, and leveraging the brand equity. Findings – Brand-building effort has to be aligned with organizational processes that help deliver the promises to customers through all company departments, intermediaries, suppliers, etc., as all these play an important role in the experience customers have with the brand. Originality/value – The paper uses case studies of leading Indian brands to illustrate the importance of action elements in building brands in competitive markets.

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Since Brand Image positions a product in the mind of consumers, it is important that the firm takes this into consideration. Physical and tangible differentiation is not sustainable as the competitors come up with the same or better tangible features with the passage of time. Comparatively, brand image being intangible cannot be copied. In view of its significance, the companies are now focusing on building and maintaining brand image. The aim of this study is to measure the effect of brand association, brand loyalty, perceived quality, brand awareness and brand satisfaction on the brand image. The sample size for this study was 180 with a respondent rate of 98%. The questionnaire adopted for this study has six constructs i.e. brand association, brand loyalty, perceived quality, brand awareness and brand satisfaction of the brand image. Each of the constructs has four items and is based on seven-point likert scale. After establishing the validity and reliability of the constructs, t...

boaboa edan

Strategic role of brand image has been proven in extensive literature as it is considered as distinct component in designing the marketing mix to building sustainable competitive edge. So, this paper presents divergent perspectives defining the brand image concept and concluding the debate about its multidimensionality. Five major clusters of definitions of brand image construct are observed such as generic definitions, meanings/messages, symbolic definitions, personality based definitions and cognitive/psychological definitions. Another important milestone in the evolution of brand image is the theory behind the concept of brand positioning. Brand Image is a multi dimensional construct that is triggered by cognitions, emotions, symbols, values and attitudes of consumers. However, many researchers measured it as uni-dimensional construct. Initially benefits based dimensionality was used to measure brand image (Park, 1986). Later, associative network model was used to measure brand image. Researchers advanced functional, symbolic, experiential, affective, economic, social, personality, self-esteem, corporate and utilitarian dimensions which could be summarized as dual model of brand image comprising of cognitive or affective domains. Prior research mostly showed confirmation with the established models of brand gurus such as Park, 1986; Aaker, 1992; Keller, 1993. Measurement of brand image has been remained a concern by researchers whether measured on attitudinal scales or using projective techniques. But the use of numerous qualitative techniques failed to capturing consumer thoughts and feelings at non verbal and unconscious level due to lacking in vocabulary or awareness. So the focus qualitative research for measuring the brand image is now a latest trend in brand image research. The suggestions for future research are presented, too.

Jagdish Bhagwat

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Bambang Sukma Wijaya

Currently almost all products have the brand, and all companies strive to develop and maintain their brand reputation. Brand is a mark left on the minds and hearts of consumers, which creates a specific sense of meaning and feeling. Thus, brand is more than just a logo, name, symbol, trademark, or label attached to a product. Using theoretical review and self-reflectivity method, this conceptual paper aims to review the dimensions of brand image as one stage in the hierarchy of branding or brand communications, so it can be a guide for future studies related to the brand image. Brand image plays an important role in the development of a brand because the brand image associated with the reputation and credibility of the brand which later become the 'guideline' for the consumer audience to try and use a product or service then creating a particular experience that will determine whether the consumer will be into brand loyalist, or simply an opportunist (easy to switch to another brand). The dimensions of brand image in this study include brand identity, brand personality, brand association, brand behavior & attitude, and brand competence & benefit.

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Impact of tobacco industry pricing and marketing strategy on brand choice, loyalty and cessation in global south countries: a systematic review

• Published: 25 July 2020
• Volume 65 , pages 1057–1066, ( 2020 )

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• Yuvaraj Krishnamoorthy 1 ,
• Marie Gilbert Majella 1 &
• Sharan Murali 1  

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We undertook this review to assess the impact of pricing strategies on brand choice, loyalty and quitting behaviour in Global South countries.

We systematically retrieved articles from Medline, CENTRAL, ScienceDirect, Google Scholar from inception up to January 2020. Studies which reported tobacco industry’s pricing strategies were eligible. We summarized the data as themes and codes using the principles of inductive qualitative thematic analysis within structured rational constructivist framework.

In total, 13 studies met inclusion criteria were included. Major strategies adopted by tobacco industries to tackle the pricing and taxation changes were increased tax absorption, differential taxation based on price, cigarette length/size which ensures modest increase in the net price of cigarettes. This in turn influences the tobacco users in terms of brand loyalty and switching as they prefer to stay with factory-made cigarettes or shift to a cheaper alternative or illegal product rather than decreasing/quitting tobacco use.

Conclusions

Absorption of excise tax and differential taxation are the common pricing strategies adopted by tobacco industries in Global South. These strategies together with external determinants impact the price-related tobacco control interventions.

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Krishnamoorthy, Y., Majella, M.G. & Murali, S. Impact of tobacco industry pricing and marketing strategy on brand choice, loyalty and cessation in global south countries: a systematic review. Int J Public Health 65 , 1057–1066 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00038-020-01422-2

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Issue Date : September 2020

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s00038-020-01422-2

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ITC Limited: One of India's Foremost Private Sector Companies

Devashish Shrivastava

ITC Limited is an Indian global aggregate organization headquartered in Kolkata, West Bengal. Established in 1910 as the 'Magnificent Tobacco Company of India Limited' , the organization was renamed as the 'India Tobacco Company Limited' in 1970 and then to 'I.T.C. Constrained' in 1974. The specks in the name were expelled in September 2001 and the organization was renamed as 'ITC Limited'.

The organization completed 100 years in 2010 and during 2012-13, it had a yearly turnover of $8.31 billion and a market capitalization of $52 billion. It employs more than 30,000 individuals in over 60 areas in India and is part of the Forbes 2000 rundown.

History & How ITC Was Started Products & Brands Under ITC Business Model & Marketing Strategy of ITC Growth Of Business Conclusion FAQs

History & How ITC Was Started

Tobacco Business

Since the organization was to a great extent dependent on horticultural assets, it wandered into associations in 1911 with the ranchers of southern India for sourcing leaf tobacco. Under the organization's umbrella, the 'Indian Leaf Tobacco Development Company Limited' was framed in the Guntur area of Andhra Pradesh in 1912. The principal cigarette processing plant of the organization was set up in 1913 in Bangalore .

In 1918, leaf-purchasing focuses were made in southern India. ITC's cigarette manufacturing plant at Munger was outfitted with a printing office in 1925, clearing the path for its first non-tobacco business. Even though the initial six years of the company's presence were essentially committed to the development and union of cigarettes and leaf tobacco organizations, ITC's bundling and printing business were set up in 1925 as a key in the reverse mix for ITC's cigarettes business. It is today India's most complex bundling house. More industrial facilities were set up in the next years for cigarette producing capacity all over India.

In 1928, development started for the organization's central command, the 'Virginia House', at Calcutta. ITC procured Carreras Tobacco Company's plant at Kidderpore in 1935 to further fortify its essence. ITC set up an indigenous cigarette tissue-paper-production plant in 1946 to essentially lessen import costs and an industrial facility for printing and bundling was set up at Madras in 1949. The company obtained the assembling business of Tobacco Manufacturers (India) Limited and the integral lithographic printing business of Printers (India) Limited in 1953.

Also read: Mukesh Ambani Is All Set To Revolutionize The E-Commerce

Indianization Of Business

The organization was changed into a Public Limited Company on 27 October 1954. The initial move towards Indianization was taken around the same time with 6% of the Indian shareholding of the organization. During the 1960s, innovation was given more concentration with the setting up of cigarette hardware and channel pole fabricating offices planned for accomplishing independence in cigarette production.

Ajit Narain Haskar became ITC's first Indian director in 1969, and this was important for encouraging Indian administration within the organization. As the organization's proprietorship was logically Indianized, under Haskar's authority, the name of the organization was changed from 'Magnificent Tobacco Company of India Limited' to 'India Tobacco Company Limited' in 1970.

ITC likewise turned into the first organization in quite a while to begin staged-Indianization of capital; the Indian shareholding component of ITC developed from 6% to 25%. ITC went into brand sponsorship for different games, beginning from the Scissor's Cup in 1971. Creative market crusades and electronic information handling began during the 1970s.

In 1973, ITC set up its incorporated research focus in Bangalore, went for expansion, and wandering into innovative work. With the unfurling enhancement designs, the name of the organization was changed to 'I.T.C. Limited' in 1974. The Indian shareholding aspect increased to 40% during this time. ITC went into the cordiality part with inn business in 1975 with the ITC Welcomgroup Hotel Chola in Madras.

ITC picked the cordiality segment for its capability to procure elevated amounts of outside trade, create the travel industry framework, and foster a huge scale of immediate and aberrant business. The shareholding went over 60% in 1976 and more lodgings were started by the organization in the next years. In 1979, ITC entered the paperboards business by advancing ITC Bhadrachalam Paperboards Limited. J N Sapru took over as the organization's director in 1983 and universal development began with the obtaining of Surya Nepal Private Limited in 1985.

The year 1986 saw overwhelming moves from the organization with the opening of an Indian eatery in the city of New York , the securing and renaming of Vishvarama Hotels to ITC Hotels Limited, and the setting up of two new pursuits - the ITC Classic Finance Limited and ITC Agro Tech Limited. ITC likewise went into the eatable oils industry with the dispatch of the 'Sundrop' brand of cooking oils in 1988. Tribeni Tissues Limited was gained in 1990. K L Chugh accepted the job of administrator in 1991, and ITC Global Holding Private constrained was launched as a universal exchanging organization ( Singapore ) in 1992.

In 1994, every one of the inns under the organization was moved into the recorded backup organization ITC Hotels Limited. ITC, through the brand 'Wills', supported the 1996 Cricket World Cup.

Y C Deveshwar took over as the organization's administrator in 1996, and the corporate administration structure was re-framed to help the successful administration of various organizations. ITC left the eatable oils business and monetary administrations, sold the ITC Classic Finance Limited to ICICI Limited, and handed the 'Sundrop' business to ConAgra Foods Limited in 1998.

In the year 2000, creative activity for ranchers called 'e-Choupal' began in Madhya Pradesh 2000. That year saw the dispatch of ITC's 'Wills Sport' scope of easygoing wear with the first retail outlet in New Delhi and ITC's entrance into stationery items and gifting business through the 'Articulations' scope of welcome cards and 'Cohort' note pads.

An entirely claimed data innovation auxiliary, ITC Infotech India Limited was launched in 2000 and ITC Bhadrachalam Paperboards Limited was converted into ITC Limited. The name of the organization was changed to 'ITC Limited' precluding the spots and adjusting the system 'No stops for ITC' in 2001. A representative investment opportunity plan was presented, and a web-based interface for the organization was propelled. Backups for ITC Infotech were set up in the United Kingdom and the USA.

Also read: India's Beloved Airline [A Case Study]

Products & Brands Under ITC

• Cigarettes: Insignia, India Kings, Classic, Gold Flake, Silk Cut, Navy Cut, Scissors, Capstan, Berkeley, Bristol, and Flake.
• Prepared Foods: Kitchens of India, Aashirvaad, Sunfeast, Mint - O, Candyman, and Bingo.
• Way Of Life Retailing: Wills Lifestyle, John Players, and Miss Players.
• Individual Care: Essenza Di Wills, Fiama Di Wills, Vivel Di Wills, Vivel, and Superia.
• Welcome, Gifting, And Stationary: Brands incorporate Classmate, PaperKraft, and Color Crew. Propelled in 2003, Classmate proceeded to turn into India's biggest scratchpad brand in 2007.
• Security Matches: IKno, Mangaldeep, VaxLit, Delite, and Aim.

• Incense Sticks: Ship, I Kno, and Aim brands of security matches and the Mangaldeep brand of agarbattis (incense sticks).
• Nourishments: ITC's real sustenance brands incorporate Kitchens of India; Aashirvaad, B common, Sunfeast, Candyman, Bingo! what's more, and Yippee! ITC is India's biggest vendor of marked nourishment with over Rs. 4,600 crores in 2012-13. It is available crosswise over 6 classifications in the nourishment business that include nibble sustenances, prepared to-eat suppers, organic product juices, dairy items, and dessert shops.
• Individual consideration items incorporate aromas, haircare, and skincare classifications. Significant brands are Fiama Di Wills, Vivel, Savlon Soap, and Handwash, Essenza Di Wills, Superia, and Engage.
• Lodgings: ITC's Hotels division (under brands including WelcomHotel) is India's second-biggest in-network with more than 90 inns throughout India. Brands in the friendliness area possessed and worked by its auxiliaries incorporate Fortune Park Hotels and WelcomHeritage Hotels.
• Paperboard: Products, for example, claim to fame paper, realistic and other paper are sold under the ITC brand by the ITC Paperboards and Specialty Papers Division. Classmate stationery products that are popular for their quality are manufactured by ITC.
• Bundling And Printing: ITC's Packaging and Printing division work producing offices at Haridwar and Chennai.
• Data Technology: ITC works through its completely possessed backup ITC Infotech India Limited.

Also read: A Case Study of Thomas Cook

Business Model & Marketing Strategy of ITC

Established in 1910 as Imperial Tobacco Company of India, the organization at first managed tobacco items for a considerable length of time before broadening into non-tobacco items during the 1970s. ITC from that point forward has developed as a multi-business combination having business in different enterprises: Hotels, Lifestyle retail stores , prepared to eat division, confectionary segment, Paperboards portion, body care items and so forth.

ITC is one of India's prominent multi-business ventures with a market capitalization of $52 billion and a gross sales value of $10 billion. ITC is crowned among the world's best big Companies, Asia's FAB 50, the World's Most renowned Companies by Forbes magazine, and as 'India's Most Admired Company' in an overview directed by Fortune India magazine and Hay Group. ITC was also included as one of the world's biggest practical worth makers in the buyer merchandise industry in an examination by the Boston Consulting Group. ITC has been recorded among India's Most Valuable Companies by Business Today magazine. The company is among India's '10 Most Valuable (Company) Brands' as indicated by an investigation led by Brand Finance and distributed by the Economic Times. ITC likewise positions itself among Asia's 50 best-performing organizations arranged by Business Week.

ITC's business model and marketing strategies are as follows:

Advantage Of Competition

• Big Conglomerate: Throughout the years, ITC has turned into a huge combination offering a huge scope of items and administrations running from agri-products and nourishment items in the FMCG segment to IT solutions. Involvement in such a differing cluster of items and administrations has helped the organization raise as an unmistakable player in the market: cigarettes, hotels and paperboards, and packaging divisions.
• Vast Experience: With 108 years of involvement in the Indian market, ITC has built a hearty conveyance structure that is parallel to none of its rivals present. This has helped the organization to comprehend the needs of the customers, making it monetarily solid and aggressive.
• The X-Factor: ITC's E-Chaupal activity planned for making the web accessible to Indian ranchers has contacted the lives of a large number of ranchers and their families in the provincial piece of the nation. ITC has expanded brand nearness through this social activity and has brought some brand quintessence focus to the firm.

Use Of BCG Matrix

ITC's business sections are FMCG-Cigarettes, FMCG-Foods, ITC Infotech, Agri-Business, Hotels, Paperboards and Packaging, Branded Apparels, and Packaged Foods. Out of these, FMCG-Cigarettes is its money cow while Agri-Business, Hotels, Paperboards, and Packaging come in the "star" section for ITC. FMCG-Foods still gives off an impression of being a question mark for the firm while Branded attire and Packaged substances are ordered as canines for the firm.

Distribution

The organization works with its business channel; items are made accessible to the discount vendors through Carried and Forward Agents (CFA's) which is then sent to the retailers in towns directly or through Small Wholesale Dealers to reach the customers in the remotest of Indian areas.

Brand Value

ITC has been positioned 772 on Forbes magazine rundown of top 2000 organizations all around. The brand has been esteemed at $51.5 billion as of June 2018. ITC also found a place at 239th position in the universe's best bosses rundown of Forbes Magazine and Asia's 50 greatest performing organizations rundown assembled by Business Week.

Investigation Of Market

Under the GST system , extra cess being charged over the GST of 28% on cigarettes and tobacco-related items, ITC has assessed a steady taxation rate of over 20%. Investigators have assessed that the organization's deals volumes of cigarettes have endured a shot and has declined by over 5% in the last quarter. Remote trade profit over the most recent 10 years remained at $7.1 Billion of which agri fares comprised 56% of the offer. In the social division with direct work to more than 32,000 individuals and through drives like e-chaupal, social and homestead ranger service activity, and 'Mission SunehraKal', ITC has contacted the lives of a huge number of ranchers and their families in provincial India.

On the earth front, ITC has been a Water Positive Enterprise (16 years straight), Carbon Positive Enterprise (13 years straight), and solid waste reusing Positive (11 years straight). This is the main undertaking in the realm of practically identical measurements to have accomplished and supported the 3 key worldwide lists of natural maintainability.

Analysis Of Clients

With its different scope of items and administrations, ITC caters to a diverse scope of clients going from the age group of 5-60 years and even more with its items running from Candyman and Mint-o to Aashirvaad and so on.

Also read: FoodPanda (Ola) - Are you Listening to Your Customers?

Growth Of Business

Cigarette-to-cleanser producer ITC has revealed 10.69% year-on-year development merged net benefit at Rs 13,162.30 crores for the money related year 2018-19, driven by paperboards, paper and bundling, lodgings and FMCG business.

"The organization had posted a united net benefit of Rs 11,890.78 crore in the budgetary year 2017-18," ITC said in a recording to the Bombay Stock Exchange. United income from tasks expanded possibly by 4.55% to Rs 49,862.11 crore in FY19 when contrasted with Rs 47,688.5 crore in FY18. On the quarterly premise, the FMCG major posted an 18.72% development in net benefit at Rs 3,482 crore in the Jan-Mar period when contrasted with Rs 2,932 crore in a similar quarter of the most recent year. Income expanded to Rs 12,206 crore in Q4FY19 when contrasted with Rs 10,586.80 crore in Q4FY18, helped by exchanging openings oilseeds, wheat, and espresso in agribusiness, higher volumes and improved acknowledgement in paperboards and improvement in RevPar in lodgings. The working benefit (EBITDA) of the organization expanded to Rs 4,572 crore against Rs 4,144 crore in the year-prior period.

"The organization conveyed one more year of strong execution despite a difficult working condition. The Cigarettes Business, affected by soak increment in assessments under the GST system, honed centre around conveying world-class items through nonstop advancement alongside top tier execution consequently solidifying its market standing," ITC said in the trade documenting. A week ago, rival Hindustan Unilever Limited (HUL) revealed a 15.98% y-o-y development in united net benefit at Rs 6,060 crore for the money related the year 2018-19, against income of Rs 39,860 crore. ITC's board has prescribed a profit of Rs 5.75 per customary portion of Re 1 each for the monetary year finished 31st March 2019, subject to the imperative endorsement, which will be paid on July 16, 2019.

In a different advancement, the organization delegated Sanjiv Puri, Managing Director, as the Chairman of the Company with impact from May 13, 2019. Puri's advancement comes after YC Deveshwar, ITC's longest-serving Chairman, passed away on Saturday. Thus, Puri's new assignment is Chairman and Managing Director of the organization. Following profit declaration, portions of ITC declined in negative territory to exchange at Rs 288.50 each, down 3.09% on the BSE.

ITC ltd. is a leading FMCG Company in India and for the last three consecutive years, it has shown accelerated growth in the FMCG portfolio. ITC has placed itself successfully as a market leader in various verticals and will continue to dominate through several brands.

What is ITC Limited?

ITC Limited is an Indian global aggregate organization headquartered in Kolkata, West Bengal. It has a diversified presence across industries such as cigarettes, FMCG, hotels, packaging, paperboards and speciality papers and agribusiness.

What is the main business of ITC?

ITC Limited is an Indian conglomerate with diversified businesses in Fast Moving Consumer Goods comprising foods, personal care, cigarettes, apparel, stationery products, incense sticks, safety matches, hotels, packaging and others.

Which brands are under ITC?

• Foods - Aashirvaad, Sunfeast, Candyman, Bingo, Yippee.
• Personal Care - Essenza Di Wills, Fiama Di Wills, Vivel Di Wills, Vivel, and Superia.
• Lifestyle - Wills Lifestyle, John Players, and Miss Players.
• Stationery - Classmate, Paperkraft.
• Matches & Agarbatti - AIM, Mangaldeep, Homelites.

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• Volume 31, Issue 2
• Understanding the long-term policy influence strategies of the tobacco industry: two contemporary case studies
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• http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3423-4617 Thomas R Hird 1 ,
• http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3669-0360 Allen William Andrew Gallagher 1 ,
• Karen Evans-Reeves 1 ,
• Mateusz Zatoński 1 ,
• Sarah Dance 1 ,
• Pascal A Diethelm 2 ,
• http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2264-9823 Richard Edwards 3 ,
• http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0281-1248 Anna B Gilmore 1
• 1 Department for Health , University of Bath , Bath , UK
• 2 OxySuisse , Geneva , Switzerland
• 3 Department of Public Health , University of Otago , Wellington , New Zealand
• Correspondence to Dr Thomas R Hird, Department for Health, University of Bath, Bath BA2 7AY, UK; trh45{at}bath.ac.uk

Objective This paper explores transnational tobacco companies’ (TTCs) long-term policy influence strategies using two case studies, harm reduction and illicit tobacco, to identify lessons for the tobacco control movement and wider efforts to address the commercial determinants of health.

Methods Evidence from a broad combination of sources including leaked documents and findings from over two decades of TTC monitoring were reviewed for each case study and categorised using the Policy Dystopia Model, focusing on the primary discursive strategy and key instrumental (action-based) strategies used.

Results In both case studies, TTCs seek to advance their interests by engaging primarily in reputation management, coalition management and information management strategies over the long-term to propagate their over-riding discursive strategy—‘we’ve changed, we are part of the solution’—despite clear evidence from both case studies that this is not the case. These strategies are globally coordinated and attempt primarily to reshape norms towards TTC involvement in tobacco control policy and delivery. Findings also suggest that industry denormalisation and the advent of Article 5.3 have led to the TTCs growing use of increasingly complex and opaque ‘webs of influence’.

Conclusions The tobacco control community must develop its own proactive long-term strategies which should include industry denormalisation, new ways to fund research that reduce industry control, and improved transparency measures for research and policy. These findings, including TTC adaptations to Article 5.3, also indicate the need for more structural solutions, addressing corporate power and the underlying political and economic system. These lessons can be applied to other unhealthy commodity industries.

• harm reduction
• public policy
• tobacco industry
• tobacco industry documents

https://doi.org/10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2021-057030

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Introduction

Thirty years of research and analysis in Tobacco Control provide the opportunity to step back and critically appraise the advances made in understanding and addressing the tobacco industry as the primary vector of the global tobacco epidemic. 1 2 This is particularly timely given that, responding to the success of tobacco control activities, transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) are redoubling their aggression and remain a crucial barrier to further progress ( box 1 ). 3–6 Perhaps as a result, declines in smoking prevalence appear to be stalling and most countries have not had sufficient decreases to offset population growth, 7 resulting in all-time high of 1.1 billion smokers in 2019, over three-quarters of whom live in low-income and middle-income countries. 5 7

Background: the existential threat driving TTCs strategies

TTCs’ business models involve manufacturing tobacco products at a very low cost and maintaining their sale at relatively high prices, resulting in massive profit margins. In 2020, PMI’s profit margin was 40.8%, BAT’s was 38.6%, JTI’s was 22.4% and Imperial Brands’ was 41.2%, with combined profits of just under US$33 bn. 50 109 These margins enable both huge reinvestment, for example, in marketing or lobbying budgets, and the promise of ever increasing shareholder dividends. However, as a result of advances in tobacco control, cigarette sales have been falling since 2013. 5 6 TTCs were initially able to maintain and even increase profits by exploiting their market power and overshifting taxes such that their price increases more than offset the decline in cigarette sales volumes. 6 However, more recently, continued tax increases and implementation of tobacco control measures appear to have precipitated a tipping point where declining sales are no longer offset by overshifting, and profitability is falling. 16 110 111

This fundamental, existential threat for TTCs has driven: aggressive responses to prevent rises in tobacco taxes around the world; involvement in tobacco smuggling as a means of tax avoidance (discussed in Case Study 2); undermining the impact of tax increases on consumption and prevalence 111 112 and heavy investment in ‘product innovation’ in HTPs and e-cigarettes. This investment arguably provides the best opportunity to replicate the oligopoly control they benefit from in the cigarette market and, if they remain untaxed or taxed at low level, provides a new route to profits while also allowing them to attempt a hostile takeover of the harm reduction narrative (discussed in Case Study 1). 16 17 113

BAT, British American Tobacco; HTP, heated tobacco product; JTI, Japan Tobacco International; PMI, Philip Morris International; TTC, transnational tobacco companies.

Great advances have been made in understanding the TTCs’ short-term reactive corporate political activity to prevent, delay or divert tobacco control policies, 8 with the accumulation of thousands of case studies enabling a sophisticated understanding of these tactics. 9–11 These insights have been operationalised to good effect in protecting and advancing diverse policies across multiple jurisdictional levels. 9 10 12 13 There has, however, been comparatively little work on the proactive long-term policy influence strategies, despite leaked documents showing TTCs plan for the long term. 14–16 There is, therefore, an urgent need address this gap.

This paper aims to explore the TTCs’ long-term influence strategies using two case studies: harm reduction and the illicit tobacco trade, two key policy areas in which TTCs have a long history of engagement and have in recent years redoubled their influence efforts. In this way, we aim to identify lessons for the tobacco control movement and the commercial determinants of health more broadly.

We selected harm reduction and illicit tobacco as our two case studies. We drew on multiple sources of evidence including previous research, recently leaked TTC documents and material obtained through established routine monitoring of TTC activities. The latter involves established Google alerts on all TTCs and on key areas of their activity and brands, regular searches of tobacco industry and retail journals and information provided from a wide network of informants.

We analysed these sources to identify industry strategies which we categorised using the Policy Dystopia Model (PDM) as our conceptual framework. The PDM is an evidence-based taxonomy of tobacco industry political activity derived from systematic reviews of industry influence on policy. 10 The PDM has been shown to capture key elements of TTC influence strategies in a range of settings, dividing these into discursive (argument-based) and instrumental (action-based) strategies (see online supplemental tables 1 and 2 ). While the PDM defines illicit trade as an instrumental strategy, here we focus on the TTC’s narrative around illicit trade. 17–19 We sought to identify the primary discursive and key instrumental strategies that best captured the long-term influence strategies in both case studies. Triangulation, prolonged engagement, persistent observation and discussion among authors were used to test the validity of our findings. 20 21

Supplemental material

Case study 1: ttcs use of harm reduction as a long-term ‘pathway to profit’ strategy (1950s–2021).

Since the 1950s when the links between smoking and lung cancer became known, 22 TTCs have attempted to ward off the denormalisation of the industry and threats to their cigarette sales by professing a commitment to harm reduction, and actions such as introducing cigarette filters (1950s), ‘light’ cigarettes (1970s) and investing in smokeless tobacco options such as snus and nicotine pouches (2000s). These actions were supported by broader communication strategies and activities ( table 1 ). 23–27 Now, TTCs have once again returned to harm reduction. Seen with the context of previous actions, this is most likely the latest manifestation of the long-term strategy of seeking to rebuild credibility to secure policy influence and boost declining sales and profits. 28

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Timeline of key political activity in harm reduction involving the company currently known as Philip Morris International (including when working alongside other TTCs)

While recognising that other TTCs have developed similar ‘transformational’ narratives, 29–32 in this case study we focus on Philip Morris International (PMI). 28 PMI has led the latest iteration of this historic tactic and recently leaked documents give a unique insight into its long term strategies around harm reduction. 16 28 Our analysis identified PMI’s utilisation of three main and inter-linked instrumental strategies—reputation management, information management and coalition management—to convince the world of its commitment to harm reduction both historically ( table 1 ) and currently. Below, we consider each in turn.

Reputation management

In 2018, PMI announced it was ‘giving up cigarettes’ as part of a slew of transformation rhetoric around its supposed reincarnation into a disruptive technology company. 33 PMI pledged to ‘unsmoke’ the world by promoting a ‘switch’ to its heated tobacco product, iqos, 34 35 despite simultaneously claiming that heated tobacco products (HTPs) are not intended to help quitting, 36 and a lack of independent evidence that they reduce health harms compared with cigarettes. 37 Furthermore, the true motivation appears to be maximise sales and profits rather than to improve population health. Evidence for this includes the high price (and even greater profitability relative to cigarettes) of iqosand PMI’s targeting of iqosmostly at high-income countries with relatively strong tobacco control policies (ie, where smoking was already declining) while continuing to invest in and market cigarettes elsewhere. 16 38

Leaked documents from 2014 reveal PMI’s long-term strategy to appropriate harm reduction to renormalise its image as a ‘ trusted and indispensable partner, leading its sector and bringing solutions to the table’ . 28 39 Using the guise of transformation, PMI has harnessed the media and piggybacked on global platforms such as the World Economic Forum, G20 summit and UN General Assembly, to give the impression that it is a trusted partner of the global political and public health communities. 16 40–43 At a national level, PMI is attempting to operationalise its newly constructed reputation as a public health partner and vast resource to leverage political influence. For example, it offered the NHS (National Health Service) one billion pounds to help smokers switch to alternatives if the UK relaxed European Union (EU) regulations on e-cigarettes and heated tobacco products post-Brexit, a proposal known as the Tobacco Transition Fund (which the UK government rejected). 44

Most recently, PMI capitalised on the COVID-19 pandemic to propagate its transformation narrative. 45 Efforts ranged from a global rollout of corporate social responsibility activities, focused on donations to hospitals and crisis centres, to investing in COVID-19 vaccine development through PMI’s part-ownership of biopharmaceutical company Medicago. 46 47 PMI’s chairman described the investment as ‘part of our new course, based on science, technology and innovation’. 48 Medicago went on to secure a partnership with the Government of Canada, 47 contravening Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). PMI also used messaging around the pandemic to boost sales, through offers of free HTPs, free contactless home delivery with waived ID validation and matched COVID-19 donations based on points accumulated iqos purchases. 49

Information management

As part of its 2014 10-year corporate affairs plan, 28 PMI set out to ‘establish the concept of harm reduction as legitimate public policy in tobacco regulation’ and ‘establish the legitimacy of tobacco companies to be a part of the regulatory debate [‘part of the solution’]’ ( figure 1 ).

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Philip Morris International (2014) corporate affairs objectives and strategies: reduced risk products (p4) 28

This plan has been operationalised in a multifaceted information management campaign, part of over $50 million spent over the past 6 years in marketing and research costs. 50 Three key strategies have emerged in which PMI attempts to control everything from the science on HTPs, to the media discourse about harm reduction.

First, building on the industry’s earlier tactical co-option of harm reduction terminology, 27 PMI is now attempting to redefine the concepts ‘smokefree’ (away from the complete absence of tobacco products) and ‘quitting’ (away from ending the use of tobacco and nicotine products). Its presentation of iqosas ‘smokefree’ may not be entirely accurate, due to the pyrolysis that occurs when the tobacco is heated. 51 52 Similarly, PMI publishes estimates of ‘quitting’ based on the number of people who have ‘switched’ to iqos, even for a brief period, including dual users alongside cigarettes. 16 PMI’s ‘harm reduction equation’ suggests a broader attempt to redefine harm reduction ( figure 2 ). Although there is no single definition of harm reduction, definitions generally acknowledge the need to reduce harm not only for the individual user but within the community and society in which they live. 53–57 PMI’s equation instead focuses just on individual smokers using new products to ‘switch’ (notably not ‘quit’), positioned as equivalent to proven population-based tobacco control measures. While moving smokers from a higher to a lower risk product will achieve significant health benefit, this equation overlooks concerns and evidence that, in some jurisdictions, wide availability and promotion of new products will lead to uptake among never smokers. 58–60

Philip Morris International harm reduction equation. 124

Second, PMI is increasingly controlling the science through its internally conducted and directly funded science (promoted through the ‘PMI Science’ website) and that funded by the Foundation for a Smokefree World (FSFW), created by PMI with a billion-dollar pledge in 2017. 61 62 Reminiscent of the disbanded TIRC (Tobacco Industry Research Committee) and CIAR (Center for Indoor Air Research), FSFW has been accused of operating as little more than a PR arm of the tobacco company. 63 PMI and FSFW, operating together, are propagating rhetoric that lies in stark contrast to reality ( table 2 ).

Transformation claims made by PMI on harm reduction (the rhetoric vs the reality)

Third, the company is attempting to further control discourse on harm reduction and ensure favourable representation of its transformation and products by influencing the media. It has invited journalists on all-expenses paid trips to attend science tours at its labs, placed large advertorials in broadsheets 64 and is funding PR and media companies to promote both the company and switching to alternative products. 16 While it promotes this sympathetic media coverage, it opposes research findings and media coverage that critiques or contradicts its messages. 61

Coalition management

In addition to FSFW and other established industry allies, 61 PMI, with other controversial industries (oil/gas/unhealthy food), has recently formed the Industry Transformation Coalition, a corporate public relations organisation positioning industry as a ‘catalyst for good’ and lobbying for technological solutions for the world’s problems. 65 FSFW has also funded International Network of Nicotine Consumer Organisations (INNCO), an umbrella organisation with 40 listed members and affiliates (industry-linked and independent) which publicise many of the same harm reduction messages promoted by TTCs. 66 67 Such networks represent a mobilisation of the company’s corporate affairs plan, leveraging ‘third party coalition building’ to create an ‘alliance of credible messengers’. 28

PMI has attempted to exploit divisions in the public health community over harm reduction and, along with front groups and allies, is attempting to tarnish the reputation of the global tobacco control community. 14 16 68 69 PMI’s targeting of individuals and organisations within tobacco control has roots in project sunrise, initiated in 1995 ( table 1 ), where PMI questioned the credibility and integrity of some in tobacco control, while working with others to promote favourable policy options. 70 This strategy was re-emphasised in their 2014 corporate affairs plan which described their aim to ‘amplify and leverage the debate on harm reduction’. 28 PMI have since claimed that tobacco control research and advocacy is biased by charitable or philanthropic funding, 43 71 that they are the victim of misinformation and ‘sham science’, 72 73 and used social media to criticise people and organisations perceived as opposing its products and harm reduction claims. 69 These challenges to the tobacco control community aim to fragment the usually unified voice of the tobacco control movement, muddying the waters in policy debates and distracting attention from effective tobacco control measures. 27 74 75

Case study 2: TTCs long-term ‘victim and solution’ strategy to define the narrative on illicit tobacco trade (1990s–2021)

In the late 1990s, internal industry documents demonstrated that facilitating the smuggling of their own products had been a core part of TTCs’ global business strategies for decades. 76–80 This led to a series of investigations and legal action and within a relatively short-time TTCs had been exposed as suppliers of illicit tobacco. 15 81–84 In response, the Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products was developed, coming into force in September 2018, aiming to eliminate illicit tobacco trade through a package of measures taken by countries acting cooperatively.

Recognising the threat to profitability from loss of this avenue for sales and profits, tobacco companies began to publicly position themselves as both victims of, and solutions to, the illicit tobacco trade. This despite evidence that tobacco companies continue to facilitate the illicit trade of their own products. 15 85 TTC promotion of the inadequate and inefficient industry-developed tracking and tracing system Codentify further serves to ensure that illicit trade continues. 15 86 87 TTCs have come to dominate the debate around illicit tobacco trade effectively setting the agenda on the topic. 15 This poses a substantial risk to accurate understandings of the illicit tobacco trade and, more broadly, of tobacco industry regulatory capture and neutralisation of effective measures to address tobacco smuggling. Our analysis shows how TTCs have used their vast resources to reach key stakeholders at global level with subsequent policy impacts at regional and national levels, using three main and inter-linked instrumental strategies over two decades ( table 3 ). Below, we consider each in turn.

Timeline of key tobacco industry activities relating to the illicit tobacco trade

TTCs have engaged in a global PR campaign to promote their primary discursive strategy—that the industry has changed and is a necessary part of the solution for illicit trade ( table 4 ). Despite data indicating that approximately two thirds of the global illicit tobacco market between 2007 and 2016 consisted of product smuggled from the supply chains of tobacco companies, tobacco companies now emphasise the presence of other products (counterfeits and illicit white cigarettes) on the illicit market to portray the illicit tobacco trade as detrimental to their profits. 15 88 Tobacco companies appear to have been successful in presenting themselves as victims, largely through extensive efforts to ingratiate themselves with authorities tasked with addressing illicit trade, including through large donations and providing anti-illicit trade training events for law enforcement officials in various countries ( table 4 ). 15 89

Claims made by TTCs on illicit trade (the rhetoric vs the reality)

Such efforts are supported by a well-funded information management strategy where TTCs have positioned themselves as a major provider of data on illicit trade. Over the past two decades, TTC-commissioned reports have become the primary source of data on illicit tobacco throughout most of the world. 90–92 These reports have often criticised been for lacking transparency and inadequate methodologies, producing inflated estimates of illicit tobacco trade and downplaying or concealing the presence of tobacco companies’ product on the illicit market. 91 These reports—often regional and well-publicised—allow TTCs to define the problem of illicit tobacco trade (eg, its nature, scale and drivers) and to garner media interest, ensuring the industry’s ‘victim and solution’ messaging dominates media coverage of illicit from global to local levels ( table 4 ). Similarly, by funding international conferences and reports on track and trace technology, TTCs have promoted their own track and trace system, Codentify, seeking to have this implemented over other systems without industry links. 15 93 94 These efforts ultimately increase TTCs access to regulators and policy makers.

Tobacco companies use of front groups to perpetuate arguments that tobacco control policies drive illicit trade is well documented. 95 However, over the past decade, we have seen increasingly covert and deceptive strategies to try and undermine measures to address illicit trade. 15 96 This includes TTCs collaborative, long-term strategy to promote their industry-controlled and ineffective Codentify system to governments 15 ( table 3 ). While coordinated efforts to influence tracking and tracing implementation at national level used global TTC messaging around illicit trade, often through a complex system of third parties, front groups and media spokespeople (including ex-law enforcement). 15 96–98 Such groups also present TTCs positions in policy consultations and elsewhere, often without disclosing their links to these companies. 15 98

This paper set out to examine TTCs’ long-term policy influence strategies which the literature hitherto has rarely examined in detail. It shows that in addition to their reactive efforts to oppose almost every effective tobacco control policy country by country, TTCs engage in long-term, proactive strategies to promote their corporate interests and goals. Using two case studies, we show that three mutually reinforcing instrumental strategies dominate in the longer-term—reputation management, coalition management and information management. These instrumental strategies work synergistically to propagate one over-riding discursive strategy—‘we’ve changed, we are part of the solution’—despite clear evidence in both case studies that this is not the case. In this way, tobacco companies attempt to redefine the dominant narrative away from a ‘pariah’ industry which should be systematically excluded from decision making (as per FCTC Article 5.3) towards one central to solving the tobacco epidemic.

We also note that in redefining the dominant narrative, TTCs are also attempting to redefine key concepts and shape the language of the debate and responsibilities for action. This includes redefining harm reduction, ‘smokefree’ and ‘quitting’. Similarly, the illicit case study suggests that TTCs have attempted to redefine illicit tobacco as largely a problem created by other actors—counterfeit or illicit whites produced by criminal enterprises, rather than the TTCs own product. 15 In both cases, the TTCs’ resource advantage enables themto do this—to monopolise data, to publish extensive advertorials and ‘white papers’ and host events—all of which secure extensive media coverage, enabling TTCs to dominate debates and reach key audiences. In short, these longer-term strategies exert covert power by framing the parameters of debate, reshaping norms and beliefs around the tobacco industry and tobacco control, legitimising TTC positions and ultimately seeking to make TTCs’ agendas appear desirable to policymakers and the tobacco control community seem misguided.

It is notable that the dominant long-term instrumental strategies identified are indirect (and covert) rather than direct (and overt). This likely reflects the success of tobacco control and of Article 5.3 in ‘demonising’ the industry and explains TTCs’ significant focus on reputation management and coalition management in both case studies. Coalition management strategies have always been a means to exert hidden power, but these webs of influence have become increasingly complex and opaque. For example, through the umbrella organisation INNCO, TTC-funded third parties and independents are enmeshed, serving both to camouflage TTC influence where it occurs and increase exposure to their messaging. Similarly, Codentify, initially being promoted through one front group, has now been sold to another company (with multiple ex-PMI employees) which licenses software to other companies, which in turn apply for national track-and-trace tenders, making it hard to trace industry links. 96 99 Our findings also suggest that these long-term strategies primarily operate at global level and are then leveraged at the national level, with the TTCs’ global efforts setting the stage on which national policies are negotiated. This may prove particularly problematic in countries where the tobacco industry is not yet delegitimised, and civil society is less well-resourced and hence less able to counter the TTCs and their narrative. Overall, our findings demonstrate the need to critically review TTCs’ current actions and claims in the context of evidence for extensive engagement in strategies aimed to build credibility, secure policy influence and reboost declining sales and profits, generally at the expense of population health.

Limitations

This paper has several limitations. First, TTCs activities are multiple and are often hidden. Extensive searches were conducted, but we were restricted to publicly available data and, while this includes detailed leaked industry documents, it likely provides a limited view of activities in each case study, particularly at national level, in countries without English as an official language, and across all TTCs. Further case studies are needed to see if the strategies identified in harm reduction and illicit trade are generalisable across the spectrum of industry activity.

Challenges and recommendations

Our findings have implications for tobacco control. First, they demonstrate the importance of identifying and addressing the TTCs’ long-term influence strategies which are carefully coordinated at the global level yet which, by reshaping norms and beliefs, can have wider reaching impacts. The FCTC amply demonstrates the global ambition and reach of tobacco control. Yet, the FCTC, and tobacco control more generally, are largely operationalised at the national level where, in part due to resource constraints, advocacy efforts to address tobacco industry interference often focus on short-term policy opportunities. While national and regional work remain an essential entry point to understand and counter TTC strategies, a global focus could allow tracking and identification of new patterns of TTC activity or ‘norms’ that need countering and provide a means of bringing public health messages to, and countering TTC messages in, specific global settings. Such efforts would be closely coordinated with and support regional and national work, enabling efficiencies to be realised. Second, and closely linked to this, TTCs’ overwhelming focus on renormalisation through reputation management shows that tobacco industry denormalisation, for which there is substantial evidence, should be considered an essential tobacco control measure. 100 The implementation of a global denormalisation campaign could be one such effort, which could then be leveraged at regional and national levels. Third, the dominant use of coalition management strategies and the increasing use of third parties and what can be described as ‘dark influence webs’ suggests we must become more adept at exposing TTC third parties. This requires new research methods, including novel digital methods to identify likely front groups. This is, however, complex and time consuming and we therefore need to shift the onus to others: participation in policy events and consultations should require full disclosure of funding for participants and submitted evidence—simply declaring ‘no COI’ or no funding is insufficient. The importance of Article 5.3 cannot be overstated, and effective transparency and lobbying registers remain essential. Finally, growing TTC control of data and evidence, which enables it to shape norms, will hinder progress in all areas unless addressed. For example, the potential for novel products to contribute to tobacco control is hindered by the fact that research on such products is dominated by TTCs with an appalling history of research misconduct which emerging evidence suggests may be being repeated, and a vested interest in showing its products are safe. 101–103 Ways to address this include through a database of authors’ and editors’ conflicts of interest which can help overcome the documented failure to declare interests within specific papers and alternative means of raising research funds from corporations while protecting that research from vested interests, issues explored elsewhere. 101 104 Open discussion and trust among the public health community will enable information on TTC conduct to be considered alongside emerging science on new products and their potential benefits and harms—only with this combination of evidence can the most effective policy decisions be made.

More broadly, there are lessons for efforts to address the commercial determinants of health, given the clear commonalities in underlying drivers and strategies already demonstrated across unhealthy commodity industries. 105–107 Those working in alcohol and food policy should seek from the outset to address these global long-term influence strategies and not just focus on the immediate national level challenges. More broadly, we need to recognise that until we address underlying system drivers, progress will remain limited. 107 108 The TTCs’ growing use of increasingly opaque ‘webs of influence’ indicates this problem—TTCs have used their resource advantage to adapt to and counter attempts to increase transparency in policymaking. The public health community must therefore work collectively to push for more radical structural and systems change to address the commercial determinants of health. This might include accountability mechanisms such as ensuring corporations pay for the costs of the harm caused by the sale of harmful products, amending corporate regulation to reduce the dominant focus on profit and/or change the rules on limited liability, and wider changes to the global political and economic system that have increased corporate power and influence.

What this paper adds

To date most literature on tobacco industry policy influence focuses on the TTC’s reactive efforts to oppose tobacco control policy, but TTCs also engage in long-term, proactive policy influence strategies to promote their corporate interests and goals. This paper sought to examine TTCs long-term influence strategies using two case studies.

In both case studies we found the industry draws on its immense material and ideational power to commission and publish misleading evidence, reports, advertorials and other outputs that serve its interests (information management), to establish and fund organisations that promote the industry’s messaging while often purporting to be independent or are meant to hold industry to account (coalition management), and to host events and secure media coverage that promote its messaging to key audiences (reputation management).

These long-term strategies serve to redefine key concepts and dominant narratives, reframe the parameters of debate and reshape norms to the TI. Collectively they serve to position the tobacco industry as part of the solution to tobacco control and tobacco smuggling, to create confusion and division, and to undermine Article 5.3.

These actions are globally coordinated and set the stage on which national policies are negotiated, thereby widely stymying progress.

The tobacco control community needs to pay greater attention to these efforts. Countering them will require a global focus which must include awareness raising and tobacco industry denormalisation, new ways to fund research, better requirements for transparency in research and policy, and innovative research to identify industry third parties. Above all, these ongoing problems despite decades of progress in tobacco control should serve as a lesson for efforts to address the commercial determinants of health and indicate the need for structural solutions to address corporate power.

Ethics statements

Patient consent for publication.

Not applicable.

Ethics approval

This study does not involve human participants.

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Twitter @ThomasRHird, @AllenGallagher_, @pdiethelm, @BathTR

Contributors ABG and TRH conceived the idea for the paper. RE provided critical feedback on the idea. TRH, AWAG, KE-R, MZ, SD and PAD collected data for, analysed and drafted the case studies. TRH and AG drafted the overall paper. All authors contributed to editing of the paper.

Funding TRH, AWAG, KE-R, MZ, SD and ABG acknowledge the support of Bloomberg Philanthropies’ Stopping Tobacco Organizations and Products funding ( http://www.bloomberg.org/ ).

Competing interests None declared.

Provenance and peer review Commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

Author note This paper is dedicated to the memory of Dr Mateusz Zatoński.

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