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Gender Confirmation Surgery (GCS)

What is Gender Confirmation Surgery?

• Transfeminine Tr

Transmasculine Transition

• Traveling Abroad

Choosing a Surgeon

Gender confirmation surgery (GCS), known clinically as genitoplasty, are procedures that surgically confirm a person's gender by altering the genitalia and other physical features to align with their desired physical characteristics. Gender confirmation surgeries are also called gender affirmation procedures. These are both respectful terms.

Gender dysphoria , an experience of misalignment between gender and sex, is becoming more widely diagnosed.  People diagnosed with gender dysphoria are often referred to as "transgender," though one does not necessarily need to experience gender dysphoria to be a member of the transgender community. It is important to note there is controversy around the gender dysphoria diagnosis. Many disapprove of it, noting that the diagnosis suggests that being transgender is an illness.

Ellen Lindner / Verywell

Transfeminine Transition

Transfeminine is a term inclusive of trans women and non-binary trans people assigned male at birth.

Gender confirmation procedures that a transfeminine person may undergo include:

• Penectomy is the surgical removal of external male genitalia.
• Orchiectomy is the surgical removal of the testes.
• Vaginoplasty is the surgical creation of a vagina.
• Feminizing genitoplasty creates internal female genitalia.
• Breast implants create breasts.
• Gluteoplasty increases buttock volume.
• Chondrolaryngoplasty is a procedure on the throat that can minimize the appearance of Adam's apple .

Feminizing hormones are commonly used for at least 12 months prior to breast augmentation to maximize breast growth and achieve a better surgical outcome. They are also often used for approximately 12 months prior to feminizing genital surgeries.

Facial feminization surgery (FFS) is often done to soften the lines of the face. FFS can include softening the brow line, rhinoplasty (nose job), smoothing the jaw and forehead, and altering the cheekbones. Each person is unique and the procedures that are done are based on the individual's need and budget,

Transmasculine is a term inclusive of trans men and non-binary trans people assigned female at birth.

Gender confirmation procedures that a transmasculine person may undergo include:

• Masculinizing genitoplasty is the surgical creation of external genitalia. This procedure uses the tissue of the labia to create a penis.
• Phalloplasty is the surgical construction of a penis using a skin graft from the forearm, thigh, or upper back.
• Metoidioplasty is the creation of a penis from the hormonally enlarged clitoris.
• Scrotoplasty is the creation of a scrotum.

Procedures that change the genitalia are performed with other procedures, which may be extensive.

The change to a masculine appearance may also include hormone therapy with testosterone, a mastectomy (surgical removal of the breasts), hysterectomy (surgical removal of the uterus), and perhaps additional cosmetic procedures intended to masculinize the appearance.

Paying For Gender Confirmation Surgery

Medicare and some health insurance providers in the United States may cover a portion of the cost of gender confirmation surgery.

It is unlawful to discriminate or withhold healthcare based on sex or gender. However, many plans do have exclusions.

For most transgender individuals, the burden of financing the procedure(s) is the main difficulty in obtaining treatment. The cost of transitioning can often exceed $100,000 in the United States, depending upon the procedures needed.

A typical genitoplasty alone averages about $18,000. Rhinoplasty, or a nose job, averaged $5,409 in 2019.  

Traveling Abroad for GCS

Some patients seek gender confirmation surgery overseas, as the procedures can be less expensive in some other countries. It is important to remember that traveling to a foreign country for surgery, also known as surgery tourism, can be very risky.

Regardless of where the surgery will be performed, it is essential that your surgeon is skilled in the procedure being performed and that your surgery will be performed in a reputable facility that offers high-quality care.

When choosing a surgeon , it is important to do your research, whether the surgery is performed in the U.S. or elsewhere. Talk to people who have already had the procedure and ask about their experience and their surgeon.

Before and after photos don't tell the whole story, and can easily be altered, so consider asking for a patient reference with whom you can speak.

It is important to remember that surgeons have specialties and to stick with your surgeon's specialty. For example, you may choose to have one surgeon perform a genitoplasty, but another to perform facial surgeries. This may result in more expenses, but it can result in a better outcome.

A Word From Verywell

Gender confirmation surgery is very complex, and the procedures that one person needs to achieve their desired result can be very different from what another person wants.

Each individual's goals for their appearance will be different. For example, one individual may feel strongly that breast implants are essential to having a desirable and feminine appearance, while a different person may not feel that breast size is a concern. A personalized approach is essential to satisfaction because personal appearance is so highly individualized.

Davy Z, Toze M. What is gender dysphoria? A critical systematic narrative review . Transgend Health . 2018;3(1):159-169. doi:10.1089/trgh.2018.0014

Morrison SD, Vyas KS, Motakef S, et al. Facial Feminization: Systematic Review of the Literature . Plast Reconstr Surg. 2016;137(6):1759-70. doi:10.1097/PRS.0000000000002171

Hadj-moussa M, Agarwal S, Ohl DA, Kuzon WM. Masculinizing Genital Gender Confirmation Surgery . Sex Med Rev . 2019;7(1):141-155. doi:10.1016/j.sxmr.2018.06.004

Dowshen NL, Christensen J, Gruschow SM. Health Insurance Coverage of Recommended Gender-Affirming Health Care Services for Transgender Youth: Shopping Online for Coverage Information . Transgend Health . 2019;4(1):131-135. doi:10.1089/trgh.2018.0055

American Society of Plastic Surgeons. Rhinoplasty nose surgery .

Rights Group: More U.S. Companies Covering Cost of Gender Reassignment Surgery. CNS News. http://cnsnews.com/news/article/rights-group-more-us-companies-covering-cost-gender-reassignment-surgery

The Sex Change Capital of the US. CBS News. http://www.cbsnews.com/2100-3445_162-4423154.html

By Jennifer Whitlock, RN, MSN, FN Jennifer Whitlock, RN, MSN, FNP-C, is a board-certified family nurse practitioner. She has experience in primary care and hospital medicine.

Gender-Affirming Treatment and Transition Care

Duke Health offers a comprehensive array of health services to transgender, gender-diverse, nonbinary, and gender-nonconforming people. Our team of experts is trained to provide high-quality, compassionate care to individuals who are considering transitioning, going through the process, or have already completed their transition and require ongoing care. Many of our providers are members of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) , a non-profit, professional organization devoted to transgender health.

Call us at 919-660-LGBT (660-5428) to make an appointment or click on the icon below to chat to a live agent from 8:00 am-12:00 pm and 1:00 pm-5:00 pm, Monday through Friday.

Gender Care Services

• Dermatology
• Family Medicine
• Gender Care for Children and Adolescents
• Gender-Affirming Hormone Therapy
• Gender-Affirming Surgery (Top Surgery)
• Gender-Affirming Voice Care
• Gynecological Care
• LGBTQ+ Fertility Options
• Lifestyle and Weight Management
• Physical Therapy for Gender-Affirming Care
• Skin Care Treatments

Comprehensive Transgender Care

Trained providers offer a range of culturally sensitive, knowledgeable, medical services to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning community. We can help you if you are considering, going through, or have completed your transition. We provide wellness care that is specific to your individual needs right in our office. We also partner with specialists throughout Duke. Services you may receive at our family medicine clinic include:

• Gender-affirming hormone therapy
• Gynecological care, including birth control, menstrual suppression, and STD testing
• Ongoing cancer screenings including pap smears, cervical exams, and referrals for regular mammograms and colonoscopies.

PrEP for People at High Risk for HIV Infection If you have a primary care doctor and are at high risk for HIV, infectious disease providers in our specialized PrEP clinic prescribe therapy to prevent infection if you are exposed to the virus.

Transgender Care for Children and Adolescents Our team of specialists provides quality, comprehensive, and compassionate family-centered care to transgender youth, gender-expansive youth, and children with differences of sex development . Our team includes a pediatric endocrinologist, pediatric urologist, adolescent medicine specialist, pediatric psychologist, and social worker. We work with specialists in gynecology, fertility, and family and community medicine to provide holistic, individualized care that considers all aspects of your child’s life.

Reproductive Health Duke ob-gyn specialists offer comprehensive care and resources and support for all ages. Our care includes:

• Family planning, including contraception and IUD placement
• Pregnancy care, including high-risk obstetric care
• Bleeding management
• Hysterectomy surgery

Infertility Treatment and Fertility Preservation We support LGBTQ+ people who want to start a family. The first step is a consultation to fully understand your health and priorities for family planning so our fertility specialists can tailor a care plan to meet your needs. It is important to understand your reproductive potential and plan ahead if you are currently transitioning or planning to in the future. Your planning process may include freezing eggs or sperm. Research has shown that both can be frozen and safely preserved, so you’ll have them available when you’re ready.

Medical Weight Management Our lifestyle and weight management specialists can help you learn to manage your weight if it has been affected by hormone therapy or if you need to reach a weight loss goal to be eligible for surgery.

Gender Affirming Treatments and Procedures

Gender-Affirming Hormone Therapy Our specially trained endocrinologists and family care providers provide gender-affirming hormone therapy to help transgender adults (ages 18 and older) achieve the changes they seek and live healthy, fulfilling lives. ​

Gender-Affirming Surgery We offer several top surgery options to transgender, gender-diverse, nonbinary, and gender-nonconforming people who want their appearance to align with their internal identity. If, after a consultation with our doctors, you decide to pursue top surgery, we work toward a positive outcome that improves your physical, emotional, and psychological well-being. This may include other cosmetic surgical and nonsurgical procedures.

Orchiectomy (Testicle Removal) Orchiectomy may be performed to remove one or both testicles in transgender individuals. The procedure reduces the need for feminizing hormone therapy as your body will produce less testosterone.

Physical Therapy Physical therapists offer personalized exercise plans to help you manage your weight when on hormone therapy, increase muscle strength and mobility, and help with body shaping. Physical therapy can also help you rehabilitate after surgery. It may be recommended to manage lymphedema after top surgery and to help with pelvic pain or discomfort.

Learn how Duke Health supports the LGBTQ community.

Additional Services

Mental Health Counseling Transgender-specific counseling can help you manage depression, anxiety, and other conditions that affect your emotional health. It may be needed to confirm a diagnosis of gender dysphoria, which can be an insurance prerequisite for some gender-affirming surgical procedures. We also offer support groups for transgender people ages 40 and older who are in the process of transitioning.

Gender-Affirming Voice Services Our voice therapists and laryngologists offer gender-affirming voice services, including trans-competent voice evaluations and behavioral voice intervention, to transgender and gender-diverse adults and children. In-person and virtual appointments are available. We can help you alter your vocal pitch, intonation, timbre, nonverbal communication style, and more. Our Gender-Affirming Vocal Skills Virtual Group is open to transgender and gender non-conforming adults who want to practice their modified voices in a group setting.

Dermatology Treatments Our dermatologists offer a variety of services designed to help you look and feel your best. These services may not be covered by health insurance. Check with your plan to determine what your out-of-pocket expenses may be.

• Acne treatment: Hormones and other medications used during the gender transition process can cause skin changes, including acne. We offer a variety of medications and procedures to minimize acne. 
• Hair loss treatment: Hair loss on the scalp (balding) may accompany hormone therapy or result from naturally occurring testosterone -- for example, in transgender women. We treat hair loss as early as possible with oral and/or topical medications.
• Permanent hair reduction: Laser hair removal can reduce unwanted hair on the face and body. This service requires multiple sessions.
• Nonsurgical cosmetic procedures: Nonsurgical procedures like Botox injections and dermatologic fillers can be performed in our offices. 

Duke University Hospital, Duke Regional Hospital, and Duke Raleigh Hospital are recognized as LGBTQ+ Healthcare Equality Leaders by the Human Rights Campaign Foundation and received perfect scores for providing patient-centered care, support services, and inclusive health insurance policies to LGBTQ+ people.

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What Is Gender Affirmation Surgery?

A gender affirmation surgery allows individuals, such as those who identify as transgender or nonbinary, to change one or more of their sex characteristics. This type of procedure offers a person the opportunity to have features that align with their gender identity.

For example, this type of surgery may be a transgender surgery like a male-to-female or female-to-male surgery. Read on to learn more about what masculinizing, feminizing, and gender-nullification surgeries may involve, including potential risks and complications.

Why Is Gender Affirmation Surgery Performed?

A person may have gender affirmation surgery for different reasons. They may choose to have the surgery so their physical features and functional ability align more closely with their gender identity.

For example, one study found that 48,019 people underwent gender affirmation surgeries between 2016 and 2020. Most procedures were breast- and chest-related, while the remaining procedures concerned genital reconstruction or facial and cosmetic procedures.

In some cases, surgery may be medically necessary to treat dysphoria. Dysphoria refers to the distress that transgender people may experience when their gender identity doesn't match their sex assigned at birth. One study found that people with gender dysphoria who had gender affirmation surgeries experienced:

• Decreased antidepressant use
• Decreased anxiety, depression, and suicidal ideation
• Decreased alcohol and drug abuse

However, these surgeries are only performed if appropriate for a person's case. The appropriateness comes about as a result of consultations with mental health professionals and healthcare providers.

Transgender vs Nonbinary

Transgender and nonbinary people can get gender affirmation surgeries. However, there are some key ways that these gender identities differ.

Transgender is a term that refers to people who have gender identities that aren't the same as their assigned sex at birth. Identifying as nonbinary means that a person doesn't identify only as a man or a woman. A nonbinary individual may consider themselves to be:

• Both a man and a woman
• Neither a man nor a woman
• An identity between or beyond a man or a woman

Hormone Therapy

Gender-affirming hormone therapy uses sex hormones and hormone blockers to help align the person's physical appearance with their gender identity. For example, some people may take masculinizing hormones.

"They start growing hair, their voice deepens, they get more muscle mass," Heidi Wittenberg, MD , medical director of the Gender Institute at Saint Francis Memorial Hospital in San Francisco and director of MoZaic Care Inc., which specializes in gender-related genital, urinary, and pelvic surgeries, told Health .

Types of hormone therapy include:

• Masculinizing hormone therapy uses testosterone. This helps to suppress the menstrual cycle, grow facial and body hair, increase muscle mass, and promote other male secondary sex characteristics.
• Feminizing hormone therapy includes estrogens and testosterone blockers. These medications promote breast growth, slow the growth of body and facial hair, increase body fat, shrink the testicles, and decrease erectile function.
• Non-binary hormone therapy is typically tailored to the individual and may include female or male sex hormones and/or hormone blockers.

It can include oral or topical medications, injections, a patch you wear on your skin, or a drug implant. The therapy is also typically recommended before gender affirmation surgery unless hormone therapy is medically contraindicated or not desired by the individual.

Masculinizing Surgeries

Masculinizing surgeries can include top surgery, bottom surgery, or both. Common trans male surgeries include:

• Chest masculinization (breast tissue removal and areola and nipple repositioning/reshaping)
• Hysterectomy (uterus removal)
• Metoidioplasty (lengthening the clitoris and possibly extending the urethra)
• Oophorectomy (ovary removal)
• Phalloplasty (surgery to create a penis)
• Scrotoplasty (surgery to create a scrotum)

Top Surgery

Chest masculinization surgery, or top surgery, often involves removing breast tissue and reshaping the areola and nipple. There are two main types of chest masculinization surgeries:

• Double-incision approach : Used to remove moderate to large amounts of breast tissue, this surgery involves two horizontal incisions below the breast to remove breast tissue and accentuate the contours of pectoral muscles. The nipples and areolas are removed and, in many cases, resized, reshaped, and replaced.
• Short scar top surgery : For people with smaller breasts and firm skin, the procedure involves a small incision along the lower half of the areola to remove breast tissue. The nipple and areola may be resized before closing the incision.

Metoidioplasty

Some trans men elect to do metoidioplasty, also called a meta, which involves lengthening the clitoris to create a small penis. Both a penis and a clitoris are made of the same type of tissue and experience similar sensations.

Before metoidioplasty, testosterone therapy may be used to enlarge the clitoris. The procedure can be completed in one surgery, which may also include:

• Constructing a glans (head) to look more like a penis
• Extending the urethra (the tube urine passes through), which allows the person to urinate while standing
• Creating a scrotum (scrotoplasty) from labia majora tissue

Phalloplasty

Other trans men opt for phalloplasty to give them a phallic structure (penis) with sensation. Phalloplasty typically requires several procedures but results in a larger penis than metoidioplasty.

The first and most challenging step is to harvest tissue from another part of the body, often the forearm or back, along with an artery and vein or two, to create the phallus, Nicholas Kim, MD, assistant professor in the division of plastic and reconstructive surgery in the department of surgery at the University of Minnesota Medical School in Minneapolis, told Health .

Those structures are reconnected under an operative microscope using very fine sutures—"thinner than our hair," said Dr. Kim. That surgery alone can take six to eight hours, he added.

In a separate operation, called urethral reconstruction, the surgeons connect the urinary system to the new structure so that urine can pass through it, said Dr. Kim. Urethral reconstruction, however, has a high rate of complications, which include fistulas or strictures.

According to Dr. Kim, some trans men prefer to skip that step, especially if standing to urinate is not a priority. People who want to have penetrative sex will also need prosthesis implant surgery.

Hysterectomy and Oophorectomy

Masculinizing surgery often includes the removal of the uterus (hysterectomy) and ovaries (oophorectomy). People may want a hysterectomy to address their dysphoria, said Dr. Wittenberg, and it may be necessary if their gender-affirming surgery involves removing the vagina.

Many also opt for an oophorectomy to remove the ovaries, almond-shaped organs on either side of the uterus that contain eggs and produce female sex hormones. In this case, oocytes (eggs) can be extracted and stored for a future surrogate pregnancy, if desired. However, this is a highly personal decision, and some trans men choose to keep their uterus to preserve fertility.

Feminizing Surgeries

Surgeries are often used to feminize facial features, enhance breast size and shape, reduce the size of an Adam’s apple , and reconstruct genitals.  Feminizing surgeries can include: 

• Breast augmentation
• Facial feminization surgery
• Penis removal (penectomy)
• Scrotum removal (scrotectomy)
• Testicle removal (orchiectomy)
• Tracheal shave (chondrolaryngoplasty) to reduce an Adam's apple
• Vaginoplasty
• Voice feminization

Breast Augmentation

Top surgery, also known as breast augmentation or breast mammoplasty, is often used to increase breast size for a more feminine appearance. The procedure can involve placing breast implants, tissue expanders, or fat from other parts of the body under the chest tissue.

Breast augmentation can significantly improve gender dysphoria. Studies show most people who undergo top surgery are happier, more satisfied with their chest, and would undergo the surgery again.

Most surgeons recommend 12 months of feminizing hormone therapy before breast augmentation. Since hormone therapy itself can lead to breast tissue development, transgender women may or may not decide to have surgical breast augmentation.

Facial Feminization and Adam's Apple Removal

Facial feminization surgery (FFS) is a series of plastic surgery procedures that reshape the forehead, hairline, eyebrows, nose, cheeks, and jawline. Nonsurgical treatments like cosmetic fillers, botox, fat grafting, and liposuction may also be used to create a more feminine appearance.  

Some trans women opt for chondrolaryngoplasty, also known as a tracheal shave. The procedure reduces the size of the Adam's apple, an area of cartilage around the larynx (voice box) that tends to be larger in people assigned male at birth.

Vulvoplasty and Vaginoplasty

As for bottom surgery, there are various feminizing procedures from which to choose. Vulvoplasty (to create external genitalia without a vagina) or vaginoplasty (to create a vulva and vaginal canal) are two of the most common procedures.

Dr. Wittenberg noted that people might undergo six to 12 months of electrolysis or laser hair removal before surgery to remove pubic hair from the skin that will be used for the vaginal lining.

Surgeons have different techniques for creating a vaginal canal. A common one is a penile inversion, where the masculine structures are emptied and inverted into a created cavity, explained Dr. Kim. Vaginoplasty may be done in one or two stages, said Dr. Wittenberg, and the initial recovery is three months—but it will be a full year until people see results.

Surgical removal of the penis or penectomy is sometimes used in feminization treatment. This can be performed along with an orchiectomy and scrotectomy.

However, a total penectomy is not commonly used in feminizing surgeries . Instead, many people opt for penile-inversion surgery, a technique that hollows out the penis and repurposes the tissue to create a vagina during vaginoplasty.

Orchiectomy and Scrotectomy

An orchiectomy is a surgery to remove the testicles —male reproductive organs that produce sperm. Scrotectomy is surgery to remove the scrotum, that sac just below the penis that holds the testicles.

However, some people opt to retain the scrotum. Scrotum skin can be used in vulvoplasty or vaginoplasty, surgeries to construct a vulva or vagina.

Other Surgical Options

Some gender non-conforming people opt for other types of surgeries. This can include:

• Gender nullification procedures
• Penile preservation vaginoplasty
• Vaginal preservation phalloplasty

Gender Nullification

People who are agender or asexual may opt for gender nullification, sometimes called nullo. This involves the removal of all sex organs. The external genitalia is removed, leaving an opening for urine to pass and creating a smooth transition from the abdomen to the groin.

Depending on the person's sex assigned at birth, nullification surgeries can include:

• Breast tissue removal
• Nipple and areola augmentation or removal

Penile Preservation Vaginoplasty

Some gender non-conforming people assigned male at birth want a vagina but also want to preserve their penis, said Dr. Wittenberg. Often, that involves taking skin from the lining of the abdomen to create a vagina with full depth.

Vaginal Preservation Phalloplasty

Alternatively, a patient assigned female at birth can undergo phalloplasty (surgery to create a penis) and retain the vaginal opening. Known as vaginal preservation phalloplasty, it is often used as a way to resolve gender dysphoria while retaining fertility.

The recovery time for a gender affirmation surgery will depend on the type of surgery performed. For example, healing for facial surgeries may last for weeks, while transmasculine bottom surgery healing may take months.

Your recovery process may also include additional treatments or therapies. Mental health support and pelvic floor physiotherapy are a few options that may be needed or desired during recovery.

Risks and Complications

The risk and complications of gender affirmation surgeries will vary depending on which surgeries you have. Common risks across procedures could include:

• Anesthesia risks
• Hematoma, which is bad bruising
• Poor incision healing

Complications from these procedures may be:

• Acute kidney injury
• Blood transfusion
• Deep vein thrombosis, which is blood clot formation
• Pulmonary embolism, blood vessel blockage for vessels going to the lung
• Rectovaginal fistula, which is a connection between two body parts—in this case, the rectum and vagina
• Surgical site infection
• Urethral stricture or stenosis, which is when the urethra narrows
• Urinary tract infection (UTI)
• Wound disruption

What To Consider

It's important to note that an individual does not need surgery to transition. If the person has surgery, it is usually only one part of the transition process.

There's also psychotherapy . People may find it helpful to work through the negative mental health effects of dysphoria. Typically, people seeking gender affirmation surgery must be evaluated by a qualified mental health professional to obtain a referral.

Some people may find that living in their preferred gender is all that's needed to ease their dysphoria. Doing so for one full year prior is a prerequisite for many surgeries.

All in all, the entire transition process—living as your identified gender, obtaining mental health referrals, getting insurance approvals, taking hormones, going through hair removal, and having various surgeries—can take years, healthcare providers explained.

A Quick Review

Whether you're in the process of transitioning or supporting someone who is, it's important to be informed about gender affirmation surgeries. Gender affirmation procedures often involve multiple surgeries, which can be masculinizing, feminizing, or gender-nullifying in nature.

It is a highly personalized process that looks different for each person and can often take several months or years. The procedures also vary regarding risks and complications, so consultations with healthcare providers and mental health professionals are essential before having these procedures.

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American Society of Plastic Surgeons. What should I expect during my recovery after facial feminization surgery?

American Society of Plastic Surgeons. What should I expect during my recovery after transmasculine bottom surgery?

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• Gender dysphoria

Your health care provider might make a diagnosis of gender dysphoria based on:

• Behavioral health evaluation. Your provider will evaluate you to confirm the presence of gender dysphoria and document how prejudice and discrimination due to your gender identity (minority stress factors) impact your mental health. Your provider will also ask about the degree of support you have from family, chosen family and peers.
• DSM-5. Your mental health professional may use the criteria for gender dysphoria listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), published by the American Psychiatric Association.

Gender dysphoria is different from simply not conforming to stereotypical gender role behavior. It involves feelings of distress due to a strong, pervasive desire to be another gender.

Some adolescents might express their feelings of gender dysphoria to their parents or a health care provider. Others might instead show symptoms of a mood disorder, anxiety or depression. Or they might experience social or academic problems.

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Treatment can help people who have gender dysphoria explore their gender identity and find the gender role that feels comfortable for them, easing distress. However, treatment should be individualized. What might help one person might not help another.

Treatment options might include changes in gender expression and role, hormone therapy, surgery, and behavioral therapy.

If you have gender dysphoria, seek help from a doctor who has expertise in the care of gender-diverse people.

When coming up with a treatment plan, your provider will screen you for mental health concerns that might need to be addressed, such as depression or anxiety. Failing to treat these concerns can make it more difficult to explore your gender identity and ease gender dysphoria.

Changes in gender expression and role

This might involve living part time or full time in another gender role that is consistent with your gender identity.

Medical treatment

Medical treatment of gender dysphoria might include:

• Hormone therapy, such as feminizing hormone therapy or masculinizing hormone therapy
• Surgery, such as feminizing surgery or masculinizing surgery to change the chest, external genitalia, internal genitalia, facial features and body contour

Some people use hormone therapy to seek maximum feminization or masculinization. Others might find relief from gender dysphoria by using hormones to minimize secondary sex characteristics, such as breasts and facial hair.

Treatments are based on your goals and an evaluation of the risks and benefits of medication use. Treatments may also be based on the presence of any other conditions and consideration of your social and economic issues. Many people also find that surgery is necessary to relieve their gender dysphoria.

The World Professional Association for Transgender Health provides the following criteria for hormonal and surgical treatment of gender dysphoria:

• Persistent, well-documented gender dysphoria.
• Capacity to make a fully informed decision and consent to treatment.
• Legal age in a person's country or, if younger, following the standard of care for children and adolescents.
• If significant medical or mental concerns are present, they must be reasonably well controlled.

Additional criteria apply to some surgical procedures.

A pre-treatment medical evaluation is done by a doctor with experience and expertise in transgender care before hormonal and surgical treatment of gender dysphoria. This can help rule out or address medical conditions that might affect these treatments This evaluation may include:

• A personal and family medical history
• A physical exam
• Assessment of the need for age- and sex-appropriate screenings
• Identification and management of tobacco use and drug and alcohol misuse
• Testing for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, along with treatment, if necessary
• Assessment of desire for fertility preservation and referral as needed for sperm, egg, embryo or ovarian tissue cryopreservation
• Documentation of history of potentially harmful treatment approaches, such as unprescribed hormone use, industrial-strength silicone injections or self-surgeries

Behavioral health treatment

This treatment aims to improve your psychological well-being, quality of life and self-fulfillment. Behavioral therapy isn't intended to alter your gender identity. Instead, therapy can help you explore gender concerns and find ways to lessen gender dysphoria.

The goal of behavioral health treatment is to help you feel comfortable with how you express your gender identity, enabling success in relationships, education and work. Therapy can also address any other mental health concerns.

Therapy might include individual, couples, family and group counseling to help you:

• Explore and integrate your gender identity
• Accept yourself
• Address the mental and emotional impacts of the stress that results from experiencing prejudice and discrimination because of your gender identity (minority stress)
• Build a support network
• Develop a plan to address social and legal issues related to your transition and coming out to loved ones, friends, colleagues and other close contacts
• Become comfortable expressing your gender identity
• Explore healthy sexuality in the context of gender transition
• Make decisions about your medical treatment options
• Increase your well-being and quality of life

Therapy might be helpful during many stages of your life.

A behavioral health evaluation may not be required before receiving hormonal and surgical treatment of gender dysphoria, but it can play an important role when making decisions about treatment options. This evaluation might assess:

• Gender identity and dysphoria
• Impact of gender identity in work, school, home and social environments, including issues related to discrimination, abuse and minority stress
• Mood or other mental health concerns
• Risk-taking behaviors and self-harm
• Substance misuse
• Sexual health concerns
• Social support from family, friends and peers — a protective factor against developing depression, suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts, anxiety or high-risk behaviors
• Goals, risks and expectations of treatment and trajectory of care

Other steps

Other ways to ease gender dysphoria might include use of:

• Peer support groups
• Voice and communication therapy to develop vocal characteristics matching your experienced or expressed gender
• Hair removal or transplantation
• Genital tucking
• Breast binding
• Breast padding
• Aesthetic services, such as makeup application or wardrobe consultation
• Legal services, such as advanced directives, living wills or legal documentation
• Social and community services to deal with workplace issues, minority stress or parenting issues

More Information

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• Pubertal blockers
• Feminizing hormone therapy
• Feminizing surgery
• Gender-affirming (transgender) voice therapy and surgery
• Masculinizing hormone therapy
• Masculinizing surgery

Clinical trials

Explore Mayo Clinic studies testing new treatments, interventions and tests as a means to prevent, detect, treat or manage this condition.

Coping and support

Gender dysphoria can be lessened by supportive environments and knowledge about treatment to reduce the difference between your inner gender identity and sex assigned at birth.

Social support from family, friends and peers can be a protective factor against developing depression, suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts, anxiety or high-risk behaviors.

Other options for support include:

• Mental health care. You might see a mental health professional to explore your gender, talk about relationship issues, or talk about any anxiety or depression you're experiencing.
• Support groups. Talking to other transgender or gender-diverse people can help you feel less alone. Some community or LGBTQ centers have support groups. Or you might look online.
• Prioritizing self-care. Get plenty of sleep. Eat well and exercise. Make time to relax and do the activities you enjoy.
• Meditation or prayer. You might find comfort and support in your spirituality or faith communities.
• Getting involved. Give back to your community by volunteering, including at LGBTQ organizations.

Preparing for your appointment

You may start by seeing your primary care provider. Or you may be referred to a behavioral health professional.

Here's some information to help you get ready for your appointment.

What you can do

Before your appointment, make a list of:

• Your symptoms , including any that seem unrelated to the reason for your appointment
• Key personal information , including major stresses, recent life changes and family medical history
• All medications, vitamins or other supplements you take, including the doses
• Questions to ask your health care provider
• Ferrando CA. Comprehensive Care of the Transgender Patient. Elsevier; 2020. https://www.clinicalkey.com. Accessed Nov. 8, 2021.
• Hana T, et al. Transgender health in medical education. Bulletin of the World Health Organization. 2021; doi:10.2471/BLT.19.249086.
• Kliegman RM, et al. Gender and sexual identity. In: Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics. 21st ed. Elsevier; 2020. https://www.clinicalkey.com. Accessed Nov. 8, 2021.
• Ferri FF. Transgender and gender diverse patients, primary care. In: Ferri's Clinical Advisor 2022. Elsevier; 2022. https://www.clinicalkey.com. Accessed Nov. 8, 2021.
• Gender dysphoria. In: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM-5. 5th ed. American Psychiatric Association; 2013. https://dsm.psychiatryonline.org. Accessed Nov. 8, 2021.
• Keuroghlian AS, et al., eds. Nonmedical, nonsurgical gender affirmation. In: Transgender and Gender Diverse Health Care: The Fenway Guide. McGraw Hill; 2022. https://accessmedicine.mhmedical.com. Accessed Nov. 8, 2021.
• Coleman E, et al. Surgery. In: Standards of Care for the Health of Transsexual, Transgender and Gender Nonconforming People. Version 7. World Professional Association for Transgender Health; 2012. https://www.wpath.org/publications/soc. Accessed Nov. 3, 2021.

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• Introduction
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Error bars represent 95% CIs. GAS indicates gender-affirming surgery.

Percentages are based on the number of procedures divided by number of patients; thus, as some patients underwent multiple procedures the total may be greater than 100%. Error bars represent 95% CIs.

eTable.  ICD-10 and CPT Codes of Gender-Affirming Surgery

eFigure. Percentage of Patients With Codes for Gender Identity Disorder Who Underwent GAS

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Wright JD , Chen L , Suzuki Y , Matsuo K , Hershman DL. National Estimates of Gender-Affirming Surgery in the US. JAMA Netw Open. 2023;6(8):e2330348. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.30348

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National Estimates of Gender-Affirming Surgery in the US

• 1 Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York, New York
• 2 Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, University of Southern California, Los Angeles

Question   What are the temporal trends in gender-affirming surgery (GAS) in the US?

Findings   In this cohort study of 48 019 patients, GAS increased significantly, nearly tripling from 2016 to 2019. Breast and chest surgery was the most common class of procedures performed overall; genital reconstructive procedures were more common among older individuals.

Meaning   These findings suggest that there will be a greater need for clinicians knowledgeable in the care of transgender individuals with the requisite expertise to perform gender-affirming procedures.

Importance   While changes in federal and state laws mandating coverage of gender-affirming surgery (GAS) may have led to an increase in the number of annual cases, comprehensive data describing trends in both inpatient and outpatient procedures are limited.

Objective   To examine trends in inpatient and outpatient GAS procedures in the US and to explore the temporal trends in the types of GAS performed across age groups.

Design, Setting, and Participants   This cohort study includes data from 2016 to 2020 in the Nationwide Ambulatory Surgery Sample and the National Inpatient Sample. Patients with diagnosis codes for gender identity disorder, transsexualism, or a personal history of sex reassignment were identified, and the performance of GAS, including breast and chest procedures, genital reconstructive procedures, and other facial and cosmetic surgical procedures, were identified.

Main Outcome Measures   Weighted estimates of the annual number of inpatient and outpatient procedures performed and the distribution of each class of procedure overall and by age were analyzed.

Results   A total of 48 019 patients who underwent GAS were identified, including 25 099 (52.3%) who were aged 19 to 30 years. The most common procedures were breast and chest procedures, which occurred in 27 187 patients (56.6%), followed by genital reconstruction (16 872 [35.1%]) and other facial and cosmetic procedures (6669 [13.9%]). The absolute number of GAS procedures rose from 4552 in 2016 to a peak of 13 011 in 2019 and then declined slightly to 12 818 in 2020. Overall, 25 099 patients (52.3%) were aged 19 to 30 years, 10 476 (21.8%) were aged 31 to 40, and 3678 (7.7%) were aged12 to 18 years. When stratified by the type of procedure performed, breast and chest procedures made up a greater percentage of the surgical interventions in younger patients, while genital surgical procedures were greater in older patients.

Conclusions and Relevance   Performance of GAS has increased substantially in the US. Breast and chest surgery was the most common group of procedures performed. The number of genital surgical procedures performed increased with increasing age.

Gender dysphoria is characterized as an incongruence between an individual’s experienced or expressed gender and the gender that was assigned at birth. 1 Transgender individuals may pursue multiple treatments, including behavioral therapy, hormonal therapy, and gender-affirming surgery (GAS). 2 GAS encompasses a variety of procedures that align an individual patient’s gender identity with their physical appearance. 2 - 4

While numerous surgical interventions can be considered GAS, the procedures have been broadly classified as breast and chest surgical procedures, facial and cosmetic interventions, and genital reconstructive surgery. 2 , 4 Prior studies 2 - 7 have shown that GAS is associated with improved quality of life, high rates of satisfaction, and a reduction in gender dysphoria. Furthermore, some studies have reported that GAS is associated with decreased depression and anxiety. 8 Lastly, the procedures appear to be associated with acceptable morbidity and reasonable rates of perioperative complications. 2 , 4

Given the benefits of GAS, the performance of GAS in the US has increased over time. 9 The increase in GAS is likely due in part to federal and state laws requiring coverage of transition-related care, although actual insurance coverage of specific procedures is variable. 10 , 11 While prior work has shown that the use of inpatient GAS has increased, national estimates of inpatient and outpatient GAS are lacking. 9 This is important as many GAS procedures occur in ambulatory settings. We performed a population-based analysis to examine trends in GAS in the US and explored the temporal trends in the types of GAS performed across age groups.

To capture both inpatient and outpatient surgical procedures, we used data from the Nationwide Ambulatory Surgery Sample (NASS) and the National Inpatient Sample (NIS). NASS is an ambulatory surgery database and captures major ambulatory surgical procedures at nearly 2800 hospital-owned facilities from up to 35 states, approximating a 63% to 67% stratified sample of hospital-owned facilities. NIS comprehensively captures approximately 20% of inpatient hospital encounters from all community hospitals across 48 states participating in the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (HCUP), covering more than 97% of the US population. Both NIS and NASS contain weights that can be used to produce US population estimates. 12 , 13 Informed consent was waived because data sources contain deidentified data, and the study was deemed exempt by the Columbia University institutional review board. This cohort study followed the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology ( STROBE ) reporting guideline.

We selected patients of all ages with an International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, Tenth Revision ( ICD-10 ) diagnosis codes for gender identity disorder or transsexualism ( ICD-10 F64) or a personal history of sex reassignment ( ICD-10 Z87.890) from 2016 to 2020 (eTable in Supplement 1 ). We first examined all hospital (NIS) and ambulatory surgical (NASS) encounters for patients with these codes and then analyzed encounters for GAS within this cohort. GAS was identified using ICD-10 procedure codes and Common Procedural Terminology codes and classified as breast and chest procedures, genital reconstructive procedures, and other facial and cosmetic surgical procedures. 2 , 4 Breast and chest surgical procedures encompassed breast reconstruction, mammoplasty and mastopexy, or nipple reconstruction. Genital reconstructive procedures included any surgical intervention of the male or female genital tract. Other facial and cosmetic procedures included cosmetic facial procedures and other cosmetic procedures including hair removal or transplantation, liposuction, and collagen injections (eTable in Supplement 1 ). Patients might have undergone procedures from multiple different surgical groups. We measured the total number of procedures and the distribution of procedures within each procedural group.

Within the data sets, sex was based on patient self-report. The sex of patients in NIS who underwent inpatient surgery was classified as either male, female, missing, or inconsistent. The inconsistent classification denoted patients who underwent a procedure that was not consistent with the sex recorded on their medical record. Similar to prior analyses, patients in NIS with a sex variable not compatible with the procedure performed were classified as having undergone genital reconstructive surgery (GAS not otherwise specified). 9

Clinical variables in the analysis included patient clinical and demographic factors and hospital characteristics. Demographic characteristics included age at the time of surgery (12 to 18 years, 19 to 30 years, 31 to 40 years, 41 to 50 years, 51 to 60 years, 61 to 70 years, and older than 70 years), year of the procedure (2016-2020), and primary insurance coverage (private, Medicare, Medicaid, self-pay, and other). Race and ethnicity were only reported in NIS and were classified as White, Black, Hispanic and other. Race and ethnicity were considered in this study because prior studies have shown an association between race and GAS. The income status captured national quartiles of median household income based of a patient’s zip code and was recorded as less than 25% (low), 26% to 50% (medium-low), 51% to 75% (medium-high), and 76% or more (high). The Elixhauser Comorbidity Index was estimated for each patient based on the codes for common medical comorbidities and weighted for a final score. 14 Patients were classified as 0, 1, 2, or 3 or more. We separately reported coding for HIV and AIDS; substance abuse, including alcohol and drug abuse; and recorded mental health diagnoses, including depression and psychoses. Hospital characteristics included a composite of teaching status and location (rural, urban teaching, and urban nonteaching) and hospital region (Northeast, Midwest, South, and West). Hospital bed sizes were classified as small, medium, and large. The cutoffs were less than 100 (small), 100 to 299 (medium), and 300 or more (large) short-term acute care beds of the facilities from NASS and were varied based on region, urban-rural designation, and teaching status of the hospital from NIS. 8 Patients with missing data were classified as the unknown group and were included in the analysis.

National estimates of the number of GAS procedures among all hospital encounters for patients with gender identity disorder were derived using discharge or encounter weight provided by the databases. 15 The clinical and demographic characteristics of the patients undergoing GAS were reported descriptively. The number of encounters for gender identity disorder, the percentage of GAS procedures among those encounters, and the absolute number of each procedure performed over time were estimated. The difference by age group was examined and tested using Rao-Scott χ 2 test. All hypothesis tests were 2-sided, and P  < .05 was considered statistically significant. All analyses were conducted using SAS version 9.4 (SAS Institute Inc).

A total of 48 019 patients who underwent GAS were identified ( Table 1 ). Overall, 25 099 patients (52.3%) were aged 19 to 30 years, 10 476 (21.8%) were aged 31 to 40, and 3678 (7.7%) were aged 12 to 18 years. Private insurance coverage was most common in 29 064 patients (60.5%), while 12 127 (25.3%) were Medicaid recipients. Depression was reported in 7192 patients (15.0%). Most patients (42 467 [88.4%]) were treated at urban, teaching hospitals, and there was a disproportionate number of patients in the West (22 037 [45.9%]) and Northeast (12 396 [25.8%]). Within the cohort, 31 668 patients (65.9%) underwent 1 procedure while 13 415 (27.9%) underwent 2 procedures, and the remainder underwent multiple procedures concurrently ( Table 1 ).

The overall number of health system encounters for gender identity disorder rose from 13 855 in 2016 to 38 470 in 2020. Among encounters with a billing code for gender identity disorder, there was a consistent rise in the percentage that were for GAS from 4552 (32.9%) in 2016 to 13 011 (37.1%) in 2019, followed by a decline to 12 818 (33.3%) in 2020 ( Figure 1 and eFigure in Supplement 1 ). Among patients undergoing ambulatory surgical procedures, 37 394 (80.3%) of the surgical procedures included gender-affirming surgical procedures. For those with hospital admissions with gender identity disorder, 10 625 (11.8%) of admissions were for GAS.

Breast and chest procedures were most common and were performed for 27 187 patients (56.6%). Genital reconstruction was performed for 16 872 patients (35.1%), and other facial and cosmetic procedures for 6669 patients (13.9%) ( Table 2 ). The most common individual procedure was breast reconstruction in 21 244 (44.2%), while the most common genital reconstructive procedure was hysterectomy (4489 [9.3%]), followed by orchiectomy (3425 [7.1%]), and vaginoplasty (3381 [7.0%]). Among patients who underwent other facial and cosmetic procedures, liposuction (2945 [6.1%]) was most common, followed by rhinoplasty (2446 [5.1%]) and facial feminizing surgery and chin augmentation (1874 [3.9%]).

The absolute number of GAS procedures rose from 4552 in 2016 to a peak of 13 011 in 2019 and then declined slightly to 12 818 in 2020 ( Figure 1 ). Similar trends were noted for breast and chest surgical procedures as well as genital surgery, while the rate of other facial and cosmetic procedures increased consistently from 2016 to 2020. The distribution of the individual procedures performed in each class were largely similar across the years of analysis ( Table 3 ).

When stratified by age, patients 19 to 30 years had the greatest number of procedures, 25 099 ( Figure 2 ). There were 10 476 procedures performed in those aged 31 to 40 years and 4359 in those aged 41 to 50 years. Among patients younger than 19 years, 3678 GAS procedures were performed. GAS was less common in those cohorts older than 50 years. Overall, the greatest number of breast and chest surgical procedures, genital surgical procedures, and facial and other cosmetic surgical procedures were performed in patients aged 19 to 30 years.

When stratified by the type of procedure performed, breast and chest procedures made up the greatest percentage of the surgical interventions in younger patients while genital surgical procedures were greater in older patients ( Figure 2 ). Additionally, 3215 patients (87.4%) aged 12 to 18 years underwent GAS and had breast or chest procedures. This decreased to 16 067 patients (64.0%) in those aged 19 to 30 years, 4918 (46.9%) in those aged 31 to 40 years, and 1650 (37.9%) in patients aged 41 to 50 years ( P  < .001). In contrast, 405 patients (11.0%) aged 12 to 18 years underwent genital surgery. The percentage of patients who underwent genital surgery rose sequentially to 4423 (42.2%) in those aged 31 to 40 years, 1546 (52.3%) in those aged 51 to 60 years, and 742 (58.4%) in those aged 61 to 70 years ( P  < .001). The percentage of patients who underwent facial and other cosmetic surgical procedures rose with age from 9.5% in those aged 12 to 18 years to 20.6% in those aged 51 to 60 years, then gradually declined ( P  < .001). Figure 2 displays the absolute number of procedure classes performed by year stratified by age. The greatest magnitude of the decline in 2020 was in younger patients and for breast and chest procedures.

These findings suggest that the number of GAS procedures performed in the US has increased dramatically, nearly tripling from 2016 to 2019. Breast and chest surgery is the most common class of procedure performed while patients are most likely to undergo surgery between the ages of 19 and 30 years. The number of genital surgical procedures performed increased with increasing age.

Consistent with prior studies, we identified a remarkable increase in the number of GAS procedures performed over time. 9 , 16 A prior study examining national estimates of inpatient GAS procedures noted that the absolute number of procedures performed nearly doubled between 2000 to 2005 and from 2006 to 2011. In our analysis, the number of GAS procedures nearly tripled from 2016 to 2020. 9 , 17 Not unexpectedly, a large number of the procedures we captured were performed in the ambulatory setting, highlighting the need to capture both inpatient and outpatient procedures when analyzing data on trends. Like many prior studies, we noted a decrease in the number of procedures performed in 2020, likely reflective of the COVID-19 pandemic. 18 However, the decline in the number of procedures performed between 2019 and 2020 was relatively modest, particularly as these procedures are largely elective.

Analysis of procedure-specific trends by age revealed a number of important findings. First, GAS procedures were most common in patients aged 19 to 30 years. This is in line with prior work that demonstrated that most patients first experience gender dysphoria at a young age, with approximately three-quarters of patients reporting gender dysphoria by age 7 years. These patients subsequently lived for a mean of 23 years for transgender men and 27 years for transgender women before beginning gender transition treatments. 19 Our findings were also notable that GAS procedures were relatively uncommon in patients aged 18 years or younger. In our cohort, fewer than 1200 patients in this age group underwent GAS, even in the highest volume years. GAS in adolescents has been the focus of intense debate and led to legislative initiatives to limit access to these procedures in adolescents in several states. 20 , 21

Second, there was a marked difference in the distribution of procedures in the different age groups. Breast and chest procedures were more common in younger patients, while genital surgery was more frequent in older individuals. In our cohort of individuals aged 19 to 30 years, breast and chest procedures were twice as common as genital procedures. Genital surgery gradually increased with advancing age, and these procedures became the most common in patients older than 40 years. A prior study of patients with commercial insurance who underwent GAS noted that the mean age for mastectomy was 28 years, significantly lower than for hysterectomy at age 31 years, vaginoplasty at age 40 years, and orchiectomy at age 37 years. 16 These trends likely reflect the increased complexity of genital surgery compared with breast and chest surgery as well as the definitive nature of removal of the reproductive organs.

This study has limitations. First, there may be under-capture of both transgender individuals and GAS procedures. In both data sets analyzed, gender is based on self-report. NIS specifically makes notation of procedures that are considered inconsistent with a patient’s reported gender (eg, a male patient who underwent oophorectomy). Similar to prior work, we assumed that patients with a code for gender identity disorder or transsexualism along with a surgical procedure classified as inconsistent underwent GAS. 9 Second, we captured procedures commonly reported as GAS procedures; however, it is possible that some of these procedures were performed for other underlying indications or diseases rather than solely for gender affirmation. Third, our trends showed a significant increase in procedures through 2019, with a decline in 2020. The decline in services in 2020 is likely related to COVID-19 service alterations. Additionally, while we comprehensively captured inpatient and ambulatory surgical procedures in large, nationwide data sets, undoubtedly, a small number of procedures were performed in other settings; thus, our estimates may underrepresent the actual number of procedures performed each year in the US.

These data have important implications in providing an understanding of the use of services that can help inform care for transgender populations. The rapid rise in the performance of GAS suggests that there will be a greater need for clinicians knowledgeable in the care of transgender individuals and with the requisite expertise to perform GAS procedures. However, numerous reports have described the political considerations and challenges in the delivery of transgender care. 22 Despite many medical societies recognizing the necessity of gender-affirming care, several states have enacted legislation or policies that restrict gender-affirming care and services, particularly in adolescence. 20 , 21 These regulations are barriers for patients who seek gender-affirming care and provide legal and ethical challenges for clinicians. As the use of GAS increases, delivering equitable gender-affirming care in this complex landscape will remain a public health challenge.

Accepted for Publication: July 15, 2023.

Published: August 23, 2023. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.30348

Open Access: This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY License . © 2023 Wright JD et al. JAMA Network Open .

Corresponding Author: Jason D. Wright, MD, Division of Gynecologic Oncology, Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons, 161 Fort Washington Ave, 4th Floor, New York, NY 10032 ( [email protected] ).

Author Contributions: Dr Wright had full access to all of the data in the study and takes responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis.

Concept and design: Wright, Chen.

Acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data: All authors.

Drafting of the manuscript: Wright.

Critical review of the manuscript for important intellectual content: All authors.

Statistical analysis: Wright, Chen.

Administrative, technical, or material support: Wright, Suzuki.

Conflict of Interest Disclosures: Dr Wright reported receiving grants from Merck and personal fees from UpToDate outside the submitted work. No other disclosures were reported.

Data Sharing Statement: See Supplement 2 .

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States That Have Restricted Gender-Affirming Care for Trans Youth

As the issue of trans rights has become more political, states are increasingly banning gender-affirming care for trans minors.

States Restricting Gender-Affirming Care

Sue Ogrocki | AP

Trans-rights activists protest outside the House chamber at the Oklahoma state Capitol on Feb. 6, 2023, in Oklahoma City.

A large majority of transgender adults in the United States – 78% – say living with a gender different from the one assigned to them at birth has made them more satisfied with their lives, according to a survey from The Washington Post and Kaiser Family Foundation .

Among respondents, more than three-quarters had changed their type of clothing, hairstyle or grooming habits to align with their preferred gender, while 31% had used hormone treatments and 16% had undergone gender-affirming surgery or a related surgical treatment to alter their appearance.

But such options are becoming available on a more limited basis, as politicians in multiple states have attempted to restrict trans Americans’ ability to seek gender-affirming medical treatments.

What Is Gender-Affirming Care? 

The Human Rights Campaign, a LGBTQ+ advocacy group, defines gender-affirming care as “age-appropriate care that is medically necessary for the well-being of many transgender and non-binary people who experience symptoms of gender dysphoria, or distress that results from having one’s gender identity not match their sex assigned at birth.” The organization notes both the American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics support “age-appropriate, gender-affirming care for transgender and non-binary people.”

Conservatives often oppose the concept of gender-affirming care – which may or may not include surgery or other interventions – for various reasons, including religious beliefs and concerns about child abuse. “You don’t disfigure 10-, 12-, 13-year-old kids based on gender dysphoria,” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican, said at an August news conference.

Some have expressed concern about a lack of data on the possible long-term consequences of gender-affirming medical treatment for minors. A 2022 Reuters investigation , for example, found “no large-scale studies have tracked people who received gender-related medical care as children to determine how many remained satisfied with their treatment as they aged and how many eventually regretted transitioning.” Others, according to the article, have raised alarms about children who are not appropriately evaluated before receiving gender-affirming medical care.

These States Have Banned Gender-Affirming Care

Mississippi

North Carolina

North Dakota

South Dakota

West Virginia

Below are the states that have moved to restrict some form of gender-affirming care for minors in 2023 and so far in 2024, based largely on legislation tracking from the Equality Federation, an advocacy accelerator that works with a network of state-based LGBTQ+ organizations.

Some states, such as Arizona and Alabama , passed bans prior to 2023 and are not included on the list.

Dozens of bills are still being considered by lawmakers in other states, according to the federation. And officials elsewhere, including in Florida and Missouri, have bypassed state legislatures altogether.

Signed into law by new Republican Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders in March, Arkansas’ law will make health care providers liable for civil action for up to 15 years after a minor turns 18 if they performed a gender transition procedure on that minor – essentially making it easier to file malpractice lawsuits in these situations. On that note, experts say the law acts as a de facto ban on gender-affirming care for children because it makes it nearly impossible for providers to get malpractice insurance, according to the AP . In 2021, state lawmakers passed the nation’s first ban on gender-affirming care for minors. The move was temporarily blocked shortly after, but on June 20, 2023, a federal judge issued a permanent injunction against it, ruling the ban unconstitutional. It marked the first time such a state ban was overturned, but the more recent law signed by Sanders was still set to go into effect.

The state Department of Health’s Board of Medicine announced a new rule in March that prohibits several types of treatment and procedures – such as sex reassignment surgeries and puberty blockers – for treating gender dysphoria in minors. Then, on May 17, DeSantis signed into law a similar gender-affirming care ban from the state legislature , which, in addition to prohibiting procedures from being performed on minors, also grants Florida courts “temporary emergency jurisdiction” over a child if they have been subjected to or “threatened” with sex-reassignment prescriptions or procedures. The law also requires transgender adults to get written consent before undergoing such procedures by using a form adopted by the Board of Medicine and Board of Osteopathic Medicine, according to Reuters. But on June 6, a district court judge in Florida issued a preliminary injunction that temporarily blocked enforcement of some parts of the law on behalf of several young plaintiffs. Months later, the same judge ruled that the parts of the law that apply to transgender adults can still be enforced while it is challenged in court.

Senate Bill 140 was signed into law by Georgia Republican Gov. Brian Kemp in late March. The legislation , pushed forward by the Republican majority in the state’s General Assembly, prohibits “certain surgical procedures for the treatment of gender dysphoria in minors from being performed in hospitals and other licensed healthcare facilities.” There are exceptions, including treatments that are deemed “medically necessary” and situations covering continued treatment for minors undergoing “irreversible hormone replacement therapies” prior to July 1, 2023. A federal judge on Sept. 5 allowed Georgia to resume enforcing the portion of the law banning doctors from starting hormone therapy for transgender minors, weeks after blocking it with a preliminary injunction. The prohibition on surgical procedures was not covered by the legal challenges.

The state’s GOP Gov. Brad Little approved a bill that criminalizes providing gender-affirming care for youth. Signed on April 4, 2023, and set to go into effect in January 2024, the law was intended to make it a felony to provide hormones, puberty blockers or other gender-affirming medical care to minors. But in December 2023, a federal judge issued a temporary injunction blocking the law’s enforcement. Then, in March 2024, Little signed a new law which will prevent transgender people in Idaho from using publicly funded programs to help cover the cost of gender-affirming care. The ban included in the legislation, which is scheduled to go into effect on July 1, 2024, extends to state employees on work health insurance and adults using Medicaid.

Republican Gov. Eric Holcomb signed into law on April 5 a bill banning all gender-affirming care for minors, after previously saying there was “some vagueness to it,” according to the AP. The governor said in a statement that “permanent gender-changing surgeries with lifelong impacts and medically prescribed preparation for such a transition should occur as an adult, not as a minor.” The parts of the law banning puberty blockers and hormone treatments for minors were blocked by a federal judge on June 16, 2023, following a request for a preliminary injunction by the American Civil Liberties Union of Indiana. But a federal appeals court ruling on Feb. 27, 2024, allowed those restrictions to go into effect.

Iowa’s ban , signed into law on March 22, prohibits health care professionals from “knowingly” performing certain medical practices on minors if they are “for the purpose of attempting to alter the appearance of, or affirm the minor’s perception of, the minor's gender or sex, if that appearance or perception is inconsistent with the minor's sex.” Practices covered by the law include hormone therapies and surgical procedures. As with other states’ laws, there are some exceptions, including a “medically verifiable disorder of sex development.”

The state on March 29 joined others in banning gender-affirming medical care for minors when the Republican-led Kentucky General Assembly voted to override Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s veto, becoming the first state led by a Democrat to approve such a ban in 2023. The law notes that any health provider who violates the prohibition can have their license or certificate revoked. A federal judge on June 28 temporarily blocked the portion of the law that would have banned transgender youth from accessing puberty blockers and hormone therapy, but that same judge lifted the injunction on July 14 – allowing the restrictions to go into effect. A federal appeals court panel on July 31 allowed the state to continue enforcing the law – and so did another in September.

With a successful override attempt of former Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards’ veto by the state’s Republican supermajority legislature, Louisiana approved a ban on gender-affirming care for minors on July 18. The law , which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2024, covers procedures such as hormone therapies, puberty blockers and gender-reassignment surgeries. The ban’s ultimate approval came after a Republican lawmaker cast a tie-breaking vote to kill the legislation in May. But it was eventually resurrected and passed before Edwards’ veto. New Gov. Jeff Landry, a Republican, has supported the ban, saying in a post in X in May 2023, “Pediatric sex changes should have no place in our society.”

Mississippi’s law – among the first to be enacted in 2023 – bans any person from knowingly providing or engaging in conduct that aids and abets the performance of gender transition procedures on a minor in the state. The ban also prohibits the use of public funds or tax deductions for such procedures. Republican Gov. Tate Reeves said when he signed the bill into law that “radical activists” are telling children they are “just a surgery away from happiness,” according to the AP .

GOP Gov. Mike Parson on June 7 signed a bill that will restrict gender-affirming health care for minors and some adults in Missouri starting in late August. The law prevents the state’s Medicaid division from covering such treatment for people of any age, and prohibits providers from prescribing puberty-blockers or cross-sex hormones to minors until Aug. 28, 2027, unless they were being treated prior to the bill’s effective date. Missouri initially banned gender-affirming care in April through an emergency regulation from state Attorney General Andrew Bailey that limited treatments for both minors and adults, the latter of which was believed to be a first in the country . But Bailey terminated the rule – which had already been on pause due to a lawsuit – on May 16, citing the state legislature’s imminent ban. A circuit judge on Aug. 25 allowed the law to take effect.

Signed into law on April 28 by Republican Gov. Greg Gianforte, Montana’s ban on gender-affirming care for minors covers both surgical procedures and medications such as puberty blockers and testosterone. As with other state laws, the prohibition has exceptions including for someone “diagnosed with a disorder of sexual development.” Any physician who performs a banned procedure can be also sued in the 25 years following it if the after-effects result in any injury, “including physical, psychological, emotional or physiological harms.” Democratic state Rep. Zooey Zephyr, a transgender woman, was exiled from the Montana House floor after she said her fellow Republican lawmakers would have “blood on their hands” if they passed the bill. The law was set to take effect on Oct. 1, but a state judge issued a preliminary injunction on Sept. 27 that blocked its enforcement, according to the AP.

Republican Gov. Jim Pillen signed into law on May 22, 2023, a bill that limits gender-affirming medical care for minors, which covers people under the age of 19 in Nebraska. The law , which also bans abortions at 12 weeks of pregnancy, includes a ban on surgical procedures and limitations on “prescribed drugs related to gender alteration.” The regulations for hormone therapies – recommended by the state’s chief medical officer, a political appointee – were later approved by Pillen on March 12, 2024, and include a seven-day waiting period to start puberty-blocking medications or hormone treatments and a requirement for transgender patients under 19 to meet several therapy benchmarks. The gender-affirming care portion of the new law went into effect on Oct. 1, 2023.

Looking Back at 2023

The state’s Republican-dominated legislature on Aug. 16 voted to successfully override a veto from Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper and approve a ban on gender-affirming care for minors in North Carolina. The bill’s language covers both transition surgeries and puberty-blocking drugs or cross-sex hormones. The law goes into effect immediately, but as with other state bans that have been approved, there are some exceptions to the prohibition.

Republican Gov. Doug Burgum on April 19 signed a veto-proof bill into law that criminalizes providing gender-affirming medical care to minors. The law , which went into effect immediately as an “emergency measure,” makes performing sex reassignment surgery on a minor a felony, and makes providing gender-affirming medication such as puberty blockers to minors a misdemeanor. Burgum recommended in a statement that “thoughtful debate around these complex medical policies should demonstrate compassion and understanding for all North Dakota youth and their families,” according to the AP.

Republican Gov. Mike DeWine on Jan. 5, 2024, signed an executive order that prohibits young Ohioans from getting gender-affirming surgeries done before they turn 18. The order, which takes effect immediately, came just a week after DeWine vetoed a bill from the state legislature that would have instituted a broader restriction on gender-affirming care for minors, including hormone therapies. But on Jan. 24, the state Senate successfully voted to override the governor’s veto, meaning the more wide-reaching ban – which also prohibits transgender girls and women from girls’ and women’s sports teams at both the K-12 and collegiate level – was expected to take effect in 90 days.

GOP Gov. Kevin Stitt on May 1 signed into law a ban on gender-affirming care for minors in Oklahoma, saying he was “thrilled” to do so and “protect our kids.” The bill allows for any physician who knowingly provides gender transition procedures to be charged with a felony, but the prosecution must occur before the minor patient turns 45. The law went into effect immediately, but on May 18 the state agreed to not enforce it while opponents sought a temporary court order blocking it. A federal judge in October later declined to stop the law from taking effect.

Signed into law on Feb. 13, House Bill 1080 prohibits South Dakotan health care professionals from administering various types of gender-affirming procedures on minors. If a provider violates the law, the legislation requires a professional or occupational licensing board to revoke any license or certificate held by the provider. GOP Gov. Kristi Noem strongly supported the bill before signing it, according to the AP .

Tennessee’s legislation , which was signed by Gov. Bill Lee in March but was set to go into effect on July 1, bans health care providers from performing or offering to perform a medical procedure on a minor if its purpose is to enable that minor “to identify with, or live as, a purported identity inconsistent with the immutable characteristics of the reproductive system that define the minor as male or female.” It also prohibits such procedures if the purpose is to treat “purported discomfort or distress from a discordance between the minor's sex and asserted identity.” There are exceptions, and the law establishes penalties for providers who violate it. Just days before its July 1 effective date, a federal judge on June 28 temporarily blocked the portion of the law that would have banned transgender youth from accessing puberty blockers and hormone therapy. U.S. District Judge Eli Richardson, however, did not block the law’s ban on surgical procedures. A federal appeals court on July 8 temporarily reversed Richardson’s ruling, meaning the law can take effect at least until the court conducts a full review.

GOP Gov. Greg Abbott on June 2 signed a bill banning gender-affirming care for minors in Texas. The law contains exceptions similar to other states’ efforts at restricting transition care. The Texas Supreme Court on Aug. 31 allowed the law to go into effect on Sept. 1, overruling a state district judge who had issued a temporary injunction against the ban a week prior. The law’s passage was not Texas’ first attempt at limiting gender-affirming care: Abbott in 2022 ordered the investigation of families who were receiving such care, but the order was halted by a judge in the state.

Republican Gov. Spencer Cox signed into law on Jan. 28 the first gender-affirming care ban of the year. The Utah legislature’s Senate Bill 16 restricts health providers from performing “sex characteristic surgical procedures on a minor for the purpose of effectuating a sex change” or hormonal transgender treatment on minors who weren’t diagnosed with gender dysphoria before July 1, 2023. Cox said his approval of the law was an effort at least in part to pause “these permanent and life-altering treatments for new patients until more and better research can help determine the long-term consequences,” the AP reported .

A new law signed by GOP Gov. Jim Justice on March 29 prohibits minors from being prescribed hormone therapy and puberty blockers, or from receiving gender-affirming surgery. The law , which will take effect in January 2024, contains an exception geared toward youth for whom “treatment with pubertal modulating and hormonal therapy is medically necessary to treat the minor’s psychiatric symptoms and limit self-harm, or the possibility of self-harm.” In these cases, the minor must receive consent from their parents or guardians along with two medical providers.

Republican Gov. Mark Gordon on March 22 signed into law a measure that prohibits gender-affirming medical care for transgender minors. The ban , which is set to go into effect on July 1, 2024, covers treatment such as surgeries and puberty-blockers. While he did sign the bill, Gordon added that the legislation means the government is “straying into the personal affairs of families,” according to the AP.

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Tags: Arkansas , Florida , Georgia , Iowa , Mississippi , South Dakota , Tennessee , Utah , transgender people

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The Evidence for Trans Youth Gender-Affirming Medical Care

Research suggests gender-affirming medical care results in better mental health..

Posted January 24, 2022 | Reviewed by Abigail Fagan

• Sixteen studies to date have examined the impact of gender-affirming medical care for transgender youth.
• Existing evidence suggests that gender-affirming medical care results in favorable mental health outcomes.
• All major medical organizations oppose legislation that would ban gender-affirming medical care for transgender adolescents.

NOTE: This post was updated on October 11, 2022. In discussions of studies 5, 7, 8 and 10, the final sentence was appended to include further information about the study.

I'm a physician-scientist who studies the mental health of transgender and gender diverse youth. I also spend a lot of time on Twitter . And yes I know, that's my first mistake. I've noticed there seem to be hundreds if not thousands of Twitter accounts that will repeatedly post that there is no evidence that gender-affirming medical care results in good mental health outcomes for transgender youth.

Since several U.S. states are introducing legislation to outlaw gender-affirming medical care this year (despite opposition from just about every major medical organization including The American Medical Association, The American Academy of Pediatrics, and The American Psychiatric Association), I thought this was a good time to review the relevant research for you all. So buckle up — here we go. The studies are in chronological order. I'll provide a brief summary of each and provide the citation for people who want to read more. I'll plan on updating this post as new studies become available. As you read, please keep in mind that all studies have methodological strengths and weaknesses and conclusions must be drawn from all of these studies together.

The Studies

Study 1: De Vries, A. L., Steensma, T. D., Doreleijers, T. A., & Cohen‐Kettenis, P. T. (2011). Puberty suppression in adolescents with gender identity disorder: A prospective follow‐up study. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 8(8), 2276-2283.

This study from the Netherlands followed 70 transgender adolescents and measured their mental health before and after pubertal suppression. Study participants had improvements in depression and global functioning following treatment. However, feelings of anxiety and anger , gender dysphoria , and body satisfaction did not change.

Study 2: De Vries, A. L., McGuire, J. K., Steensma, T. D., Wagenaar, E. C., Doreleijers, T. A., & Cohen-Kettenis, P. T. (2014). Young adult psychological outcome after puberty suppression and gender reassignment. Pediatrics, 134(4), 696-704.

Another study from the Netherlands. This one followed 55 transgender adolescents through pubertal suppression, gender-affirming hormone treatment ( estrogen or testosterone ), and gender-affirming genital surgery (as adults). Of note, many of these participants were also participants in study 1 (this study followed them for longer). The researchers found that psychological functioning steadily improved over the course of the study and by adulthood these now young adults had global functioning scores similar to or better than age-matched peers in the general population. Of note, one patient in this study died from a surgical complication of vaginoplasty (necrotizing fasciitis), but little additional information is provided.

Study 3: Costa, R., Dunsford, M., Skagerberg, E., Holt, V., Carmichael, P., & Colizzi, M. (2015). Psychological support, puberty suppression, and psychosocial functioning in adolescents with gender dysphoria. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 12(11), 2206-2214.

This study is from the United Kingdom. They followed 101 adolescents who received pubertal suppression at the beginning of the study and 100 adolescents who, for a range of reasons, were deemed by the team not ready to start pubertal suppression and thus did not receive it over the course of the study. Both groups received supportive psychotherapy . Both groups saw improvement in mental health. While the pubertal suppression group had a 5-point higher mean score on the study's psychological functioning scale at the end of the study, the difference was not statistically significant. This could have been due to the small sample size by the end of the study (the researchers only had data from 36 participants in the therapy-only group and 35 participants in the pubertal suppression group at the final time point of the study). We will see that later studies were able to obtain larger sample sizes so that statistically significant differences between those who did and did not receive pubertal suppression could be detected.

Study 4: Allen, L. R., Watson, L. B., Egan, A. M., & Moser, C. N. (2019). Well-being and suicidality among transgender youth after gender-affirming hormones. Clinical Practice in Pediatric Psychology, 7(3), 302.

This study was from researchers at Children's Mercy Hospital Gender Pathway Services Clinic in Missouri. They followed 47 transgender adolescents who received gender-affirming hormones (estrogen or testosterone) to a mean 349 days after starting treatment. They found statistically significant increases in general well-being and a statistically significant decrease in suicidality. Of note, the adolescents also received psychotherapy.

Study 5: Kaltiala, R., Heino, E., Työläjärvi, M., & Suomalainen, L. (2020). Adolescent development and psychosocial functioning after starting cross-sex hormones for gender dysphoria. Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 74(3), 213-219.

This study is from Finland. Researchers conducted a retrospective chart review of 52 adolescents who received gender-affirming hormones (estrogen or testosterone) and found statistically significant decreases in need for specialist level psychiatric treatment for depression (decreased from 54% to 15%), anxiety (decreased from 48% to 15%), and suicidality or self-harm (decreased from 35% to 4%) following treatment. However, the authors note that gender reassignment is "not enough to improve functioning and relieve psychiatric comorbidities among adolescents with gender dysphoria."

Study 6: de Lara, D. L., Rodríguez, O. P., Flores, I. C., Masa, J. L. P., Campos-Muñoz, L., Hernández, M. C., & Amador, J. T. R. (2020). Psychosocial assessment in transgender adolescents. Anales de Pediatría (English Edition), 93(1), 41-48.

This study is from Spain. It followed 23 transgender adolescents who received gender-affirming hormones (estrogen or testosterone) and 30 cisgender controls for approximately one year. They found the transgender adolescents at baseline had worse measures of mental health than the cisgender control adolescents but that this difference equalized by the end of the study. The transgender adolescents in the study who received gender-affirming hormones had statistically significant improvements in several mental health measures, including anxiety and depression.

Study 7: van der Miesen, A. I., Steensma, T. D., de Vries, A. L., Bos, H., & Popma, A. (2020). Psychological functioning in transgender adolescents before and after gender-affirmative care compared with cisgender general population peers. Journal of Adolescent Health, 66(6), 699-704.

This was another Dutch study, with an impressive sample size. Researchers compared 272 transgender adolescents referred to the gender clinic who had not yet received pubertal suppression with 178 transgender adolescents who had received pubertal suppression. They found those who received pubertal suppression had better mental health outcomes than those who did not receive pubertal suppression. However, because subjects received psychotherapy, the authors note that the study does not provide "direct evidence" that pubertal suppression improves mental health in transgender youth.

Study 8: Achille, C., Taggart, T., Eaton, N. R., Osipoff, J., Tafuri, K., Lane, A., & Wilson, T. A. (2020). Longitudinal impact of gender-affirming endocrine intervention on the mental health and well-being of transgender youths: preliminary results. International Journal of Pediatric Endocrinology, 2020(1), 1-5.

This study was from Stony Brook Children's Hospital in New York. It followed 50 transgender adolescents longitudinally. Over the course of the study, 23 received pubertal suppression only, 35 received gender-affirming hormones only, and 11 received both. Three participants received no gender-affirming medical interventions. Over the course of the study, there was a statistically significant decrease in depression scores in one group: Male-to-female transitioners who underwent puberty suppression only.

Study 9: Kuper, L. E., Stewart, S., Preston, S., Lau, M., & Lopez, X. (2020). Body dissatisfaction and mental health outcomes of youth on gender-affirming hormone therapy. Pediatrics, 145(4).

This study was from a gender clinic in Dallas, Texas. The researchers followed 148 transgender adolescents who were receiving gender-affirming medical treatment. 25 received pubertal suppression only, 93 received gender-affirming hormones (estrogen or testosterone) only, and 30 received both. 15 participants received gender-affirming chest surgery. When examining all participants together, the study found statistically significant improvements in body dissatisfaction, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms.

Study 10: Turban, J. L., King, D., Carswell, J. M., & Keuroghlian, A. S. (2020). Pubertal suppression for transgender youth and risk of suicidal ideation. Pediatrics, 145(2).

This study was conducted by myself along with several other researchers from Harvard Medical School. It utilized data from a non-probability sample of 20,619 transgender adults who reported ever wanting pubertal suppression. Of these, 89 actually received pubertal suppression. After adjusting for potentially confounding variables , access to pubertal suppression was associated with a lower odds of lifetime suicidal ideation. Of note, this study did not identify psychotherapy as a potentially confounding variable.

Study 11: Carmichael, P., Butler, G., Masic, U., Cole, T. J., De Stavola, B. L., Davidson, S., ... & Viner, R. M. (2021). Short-term outcomes of pubertal suppression in a selected cohort of 12 to 15 year old young people with persistent gender dysphoria in the UK. PLoS One, 16(2), e0243894.

This is another study from the United Kingdom. Researchers presented data for transgender adolescents who had received pubertal suppression. They had data for 44 patients after 12 months of treatment, 24 patients after 24 months of treatment, and 14 patients after 36 months of treatment. They were unable to detect any changes on their mental health measures (positive or negative).

Study 12: Grannis, C., Leibowitz, S. F., Gahn, S., Nahata, L., Morningstar, M., Mattson, W. I., ... & Nelson, E. E. (2021). Testosterone treatment, internalizing symptoms, and body image dissatisfaction in transgender boys. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 132, 105358.

This study recruited 42 birth-assigned female adolescents from a gender clinic in Ohio. Nineteen were receiving testosterone and 23 were not. Those not receiving testosterone were not receiving it due to a number of reasons (referred to endocrinology but hadn't started, parents not providing consent, and one was not interested in testosterone). The adolescents who were receiving testosterone treatment had lower scores on measures of generalized anxiety, social anxiety , depression, and body image dissatisfaction.

Study 13: Hisle-Gorman, E., Schvey, N. A., Adirim, T. A., Rayne, A. K., Susi, A., Roberts, T. A., & Klein, D. A. (2021). Mental healthcare utilization of transgender youth before and after affirming treatment. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 18(8), 1444-1454.

This study utilized military healthcare data from transgender youth who received medical care through the U.S. military healthcare system. The researchers identified 963 transgender adolescents who had received some form of gender-affirming medical treatment. The mean age of starting any gender-affirming medical care was 18.2 (so this study may not technically qualify for our review of studies of adolescents). Their outcomes of interest were number of mental healthcare visits after gender-affirming medical care and number of days taking a psychiatric medication after starting gender-affirming medical care. In their adjusted models, there was no change in number of annual mental healthcare visits and an increase in days taking psychiatric medication from a mean 120 days per year to a mean 212 days per year. It's difficult to make firm conclusions based on this study, given the unusual outcome measure of number of days per year taking a psychiatric medication. The authors present a range of possible interpretations in the discussion section of the manuscript for those who are interested.

Study 14: Green, A. E., DeChants, J. P., Price, M. N., & Davis, C. K. (2021). Association of gender-affirming hormone therapy with depression, thoughts of suicide, and attempted suicide among transgender and nonbinary youth. Journal of Adolescent Health.

This study was conducted by researchers from The Trevor Project. They recruited 5,753 transgender adolescents who said they wanted gender-affirming hormone treatment (estrogen or testosterone). Of these, 1,216 had accessed gender-affirming hormones treatment. To focus on the results for only participants who were under 18: After adjusting for potential confounding variables, access to gender-affirming hormones was associated with lower odds of recent depression and suicide attempts when compared to those who desired but did not access gender-affirming hormones.

Study 15: Turban, J. L., King, D., Kobe, J., Reisner, S. L., & Keuroghlian, A. S. (2022). Access to gender-affirming hormones during adolescence and mental health outcomes among transgender adults. PLoS One, 17(1), e0261039.

This study was also conducted by me and other researchers at Harvard Medical School. We examined 21,598 adults who reported ever desiring gender-affirming hormones (estrogen or testosterone). Of these, 481 accessed gender-affirming hormones during adolescence, 12,257 accessed gender-affirming hormones as adults, and 8,860 were never able to access gender-affirming hormones. We found that regardless of age of initiation, accessing gender-affirming hormones was associated with lower odds of past-year suicidal ideation and past year severe psychological distress. We also found that access to gender-affirming hormones during adolescence was associated with a lower odds of these same adverse mental health outcomes when compared to not accessing gender-affirming hormones until adulthood. Because the study was cross-sectional, we created a variable for people who had suicidal ideation in the past but did not have it in the past year (a proxy for mental health improving over time). We found that people who accessed gender-affirming hormones were more likely to meet this criterion than people who desired but did not access gender-affirming hormones, arguing against reverse causation (a common problem with cross-sectional studies).

Study 16: Tordoff, D. M., Wanta, J. W., Collin, A., Stephney, C., Inwards-Breland, D. J., Ahrens, K. (2022) Mental Health Outcomes in Transgender and Nonbinary Youths Receiving Gender-Affirming Care. JAMA Network Open, 5(2), e220978.

This study was a prospective cohort study from Seattle Children's Gender Clinic. The researchers followed 104 transgender and non-binary youth who were receiving gender-affirming medical treatment. After adjusting for temporal trends and potential confounders, they found lower odds of depression and suicidality among young people who had started gender-affirming medical care, when compared to those who did not.

No Randomized Controlled Trials

One will notice that there have not been any randomized controlled trials. There is a general consensus in the field that such a trial would be unethical given the body of literature we have so far indicating that those in the control group would be likely to suffer adverse mental health outcomes compared to those randomized to the treatment groups. For this reason, it appears that no institutional review board would approve a randomized controlled trial at this time, under the principle of "equipoise" to which some bioethicists refer.

In summary, there have been, to my knowledge, 16 studies to date studying the impact of gender-affirming medical care for transgender adolescents. Taken together, the body of research indicates that these interventions result in favorable mental health outcomes. I will continue to update this post as new studies become available. Please feel free to contact me if you are aware of any new studies I have not yet included.

De Vries, A. L., Steensma, T. D., Doreleijers, T. A., & Cohen‐Kettenis, P. T. (2011). Puberty suppression in adolescents with gender identity disorder: A prospective follow‐up study. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 8(8), 2276-2283.

De Vries, A. L., McGuire, J. K., Steensma, T. D., Wagenaar, E. C., Doreleijers, T. A., & Cohen-Kettenis, P. T. (2014). Young adult psychological outcome after puberty suppression and gender reassignment. Pediatrics, 134(4), 696-704.

Costa, R., Dunsford, M., Skagerberg, E., Holt, V., Carmichael, P., & Colizzi, M. (2015). Psychological support, puberty suppression, and psychosocial functioning in adolescents with gender dysphoria. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 12(11), 2206-2214.

Allen, L. R., Watson, L. B., Egan, A. M., & Moser, C. N. (2019). Well-being and suicidality among transgender youth after gender-affirming hormones. Clinical Practice in Pediatric Psychology, 7(3), 302.

Kaltiala, R., Heino, E., Työläjärvi, M., & Suomalainen, L. (2020). Adolescent development and psychosocial functioning after starting cross-sex hormones for gender dysphoria. Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 74(3), 213-219.

de Lara, D. L., Rodríguez, O. P., Flores, I. C., Masa, J. L. P., Campos-Muñoz, L., Hernández, M. C., & Amador, J. T. R. (2020). Psychosocial assessment in transgender adolescents. Anales de Pediatría (English Edition), 93(1), 41-48.

van der Miesen, A. I., Steensma, T. D., de Vries, A. L., Bos, H., & Popma, A. (2020). Psychological functioning in transgender adolescents before and after gender-affirmative care compared with cisgender general population peers. Journal of Adolescent Health, 66(6), 699-704.

Achille, C., Taggart, T., Eaton, N. R., Osipoff, J., Tafuri, K., Lane, A., & Wilson, T. A. (2020). Longitudinal impact of gender-affirming endocrine intervention on the mental health and well-being of transgender youths: preliminary results. International Journal of Pediatric Endocrinology, 2020(1), 1-5.

Kuper, L. E., Stewart, S., Preston, S., Lau, M., & Lopez, X. (2020). Body dissatisfaction and mental health outcomes of youth on gender-affirming hormone therapy. Pediatrics, 145(4).

Turban, J. L., King, D., Carswell, J. M., & Keuroghlian, A. S. (2020). Pubertal suppression for transgender youth and risk of suicidal ideation. Pediatrics, 145(2).

Carmichael, P., Butler, G., Masic, U., Cole, T. J., De Stavola, B. L., Davidson, S., ... & Viner, R. M. (2021). Short-term outcomes of pubertal suppression in a selected cohort of 12 to 15 year old young people with persistent gender dysphoria in the UK. PLoS One, 16(2), e0243894.

Grannis, C., Leibowitz, S. F., Gahn, S., Nahata, L., Morningstar, M., Mattson, W. I., ... & Nelson, E. E. (2021). Testosterone treatment, internalizing symptoms, and body image dissatisfaction in transgender boys. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 132, 105358.

Hisle-Gorman, E., Schvey, N. A., Adirim, T. A., Rayne, A. K., Susi, A., Roberts, T. A., & Klein, D. A. (2021). Mental healthcare utilization of transgender youth before and after affirming treatment. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 18(8), 1444-1454.

Green, A. E., DeChants, J. P., Price, M. N., & Davis, C. K. (2021). Association of gender-affirming hormone therapy with depression, thoughts of suicide, and attempted suicide among transgender and nonbinary youth. Journal of Adolescent Health.

Turban, J. L., King, D., Kobe, J., Reisner, S. L., & Keuroghlian, A. S. (2022). Access to gender-affirming hormones during adolescence and mental health outcomes among transgender adults. PLoS One, 17(1), e0261039.

Tordoff, D. M., Wanta, J. W., Collin, A., Stephney, C., Inwards-Breland, D. J., Ahrens, K. (2022) Mental Health Outcomes in Transgender and Nonbinary Youths Receiving Gender-Affirming Care. JAMA Network Open, 5(2), e220978.

Jack Turban MD MHS is a writer and fellow in child and adolescent psychiatry at Stanford University School of Medicine, where he researches the mental health of transgender and gender diverse youth.

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• v.9(3); 2021 Mar

Regret after Gender-affirmation Surgery: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis of Prevalence

Valeria p. bustos.

From the * Division of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Mass.

Samyd S. Bustos

† Department of Plastic Surgery, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.

Andres Mascaro

‡ Department of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, Cleveland Clinic, Weston, Fla.

Gabriel Del Corral

§ Department of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, MedStar Georgetown University Hospital, Washington, D.C.

Antonio J. Forte

¶ Division of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, Mayo Clinic, Jacksonville, Fla.

Pedro Ciudad

∥ Department of Plastic, Reconstructive and Burn Surgery, Arzobispo Loayza National Hospital, Lima, Peru

Esther A. Kim

** Division of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, University of California, San Francisco, Calif.

Howard N. Langstein

†† Division of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, University of Rochester Medical Center, Strong Memorial Hospital, Rochester, N.Y.

Oscar J. Manrique

Associated data.

Supplemental Digital Content is available in the text.

Background:

There is an unknown percentage of transgender and gender non-confirming individuals who undergo gender-affirmation surgeries (GAS) that experiences regret. Regret could lead to physical and mental morbidity and questions the appropriateness of these procedures in selected patients. The aim of this study was to evaluate the prevalence of regret in transgender individuals who underwent GAS and evaluate associated factors.

A systematic review of several databases was conducted. Random-effects meta-analysis, meta-regression, and subgroup and sensitivity analyses were performed.

A total of 27 studies, pooling 7928 transgender patients who underwent any type of GAS, were included. The pooled prevalence of regret after GAS was 1% (95% CI <1%–2%). Overall, 33% underwent transmasculine procedures and 67% transfemenine procedures. The prevalence of regret among patients undergoing transmasculine and transfemenine surgeries was <1% (IC <1%–<1%) and 1% (CI <1%–2%), respectively. A total of 77 patients regretted having had GAS. Twenty-eight had minor and 34 had major regret based on Pfäfflin’s regret classification. The majority had clear regret based on Kuiper and Cohen-Kettenis classification.

Conclusions:

Based on this review, there is an extremely low prevalence of regret in transgender patients after GAS. We believe this study corroborates the improvements made in regard to selection criteria for GAS. However, there is high subjectivity in the assessment of regret and lack of standardized questionnaires, which highlight the importance of developing validated questionnaires in this population.

Introduction

Discordance or misalignment between gender identity and sex assigned at birth can translate into disproportionate discomfort, configuring the definition of gender dysphoria. 1 – 3 This population has increased risk of psychiatric conditions, including depression, substance abuse disorders, self-injury, and suicide, compared with cis-gender individuals. 4 , 5 Approximately 0.6% of adults in the United States identify themselves as transgenders. 6 Despite advocacy to promote and increase awareness of the human rights of transgender and gender non-binary (TGNB) individuals, discrimination continue to afflict the daily life of these individuals. 4 , 7

Gender-affirmation care plays an important role in tackling gender dysphoria. 5 , 8 – 10 Gender-affirmation surgeries (GAS) aim to align the patients’ appearance with their gender identity and help achieve personal comfort with one-self, which will help decrease psychological distress. 5 , 10 These interventions should be addressed by a multidisciplinary team, including psychiatrists, psychologists, endocrinologists, physical therapists, and surgeons. 1 , 9 The number of GAS has consistently increased during the last years. In the United States, from 2017 to 2018, the number of GAS increased to 15.3%. 8 , 11 , 12

Significant improvement in the quality of life, body image/satisfaction, and overall psychiatric functioning in patients who underwent GAS has been well documented. 5 , 13 – 19 However, despite this, there is a minor population that experiences regret, occasionally leading to de-transition surgeries. 20 Both regret and de-transition may add an important burden of physical, social, and mental distress, which raises concerns about the appropriateness and effectiveness of these procedures in selected patients. Special attention should be paid in identifying and recognizing the prevalence and factors associated with regret. In the present study, we hypothesized that the prevalence of regret is less than the last estimation by Pfafflin in 1993, due to improvements in standard of care, patient selection, surgical techniques, and gender confirmation care. Therefore, the aim of this study was to evaluate the prevalence of regret and assess associated factors in TGNB patients 13-years-old or older who underwent GAS. 20

Search Methodology

Following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analyses (PRISMA) guidelines, a comprehensive research of several databases from each database’s inception to May 11, 2020, for studies in both English and Spanish languages, was conducted. 21 The databases included Ovid MEDLINE(R) and Epub Ahead of Print, In-Process & Other Non-Indexed Citations, and Daily, Ovid EMBASE, Ovid Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials, Ovid Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, and Scopus. The search strategy was designed and conducted by an experienced librarian, with input from the study’s principal investigator. Controlled vocabulary supplemented with keywords was used to search for studies of de-transition and regret in adult patients who underwent gender confirmation surgery. The actual strategy listing all search terms used and how they are combined is available in Supplemental Digital Content 1. ( See Supplemental Digital Content 1, which displays the search strategy. http://links.lww.com/PRSGO/B598 .)

Study Selection

Search results were exported from the database into XML format and then uploaded to Covidence. 22 The study selection was performed in a 2-stage screening process. The first step was conducted by 2 screeners (V.P.B. and S.S.B.), who reviewed titles and abstracts and selected those of relevance to the research question. Then, the same 2 screeners reviewed full text of the remaining articles and selected those eligible according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria (Fig. ​ (Fig.1). 1 ). If disagreements were encountered, a third reviewer (O.J.M.) moderated a discussion, and a joint decision between the 3 reviewers was made for a final determination. Inclusion criteria were all the articles that included patients aged 13 years or more who underwent GAS and report regret or de-transition rates, and observational or interventional studies in English or Spanish language. Exclusion criteria were letter to the editors, case series with <10 patients, case reports correspondences, and animal studies.

PRISMA flow diagram for systematic reviews.

Data Extraction/Synthesis

After selecting the articles, we assessed study characteristics. We identified year of publication, country in which the study was conducted, population size, and number of transmasculine and transfemenine patients with their respective mean age (expressed with SD, range, or interquartile range if included in the study). In addition, we extracted information of the method of data collection (interviews versus questionnaires), number of regrets following GAS, as well as the type of surgery, time of follow-up, and de-transition procedures. We classified the type of regret based on the patient’s reasons for regret if they were mentioned in the studies. We used the Pfäfflin and Kuiper and Cohen-Kettenis classifications of regret (Table ​ (Table1 1 ). 20 , 23

Pfäfflin and Kuiper and Cohen-Kettenis Categories of Regret

Quality Assessment

To assess the risk of bias within each study, the National Institute of Health (NIH) quality assessment tool was used. 24 This tool ranks each article as “good,” “fair,” or “poor,” and with this, we categorized each article into “low risk,” “moderate risk,” or “high risk” of bias, respectively.

Our primary outcome of interest was the prevalence of regret of transgender patients who underwent any type of GAS. Secondary outcomes of interest were discriminating the prevalence of regrets by type gender transition (transfemenine and transmasculine), and type of surgery.

Data Analysis and Synthesis

The binominal data were analyzed, and the pooled prevalence of regret was estimated using proportion meta-analysis with Stata Software/IC (version 16.1). 25 Given the heterogeneity between studies, we conducted a logistic-normal-random-effect model. The study-specific proportions with 95% exact CIs and overall pooled estimates with 95% Wald CIs with Freeman-Turkey double arcsine transformation were used. The effect size and percentage of weight were presented for each individual study. 25 , 26

To evaluate heterogeneity, I 2 statistics was used. If P < 0.05 or I 2 > 50%, significant heterogeneity was considered. A univariate meta-regression analysis was performed to assess the significance in country of origin, tools of measurement, and quality of the studies.

To assess publication bias, we used funnel plot graphic and the Egger test. If this test showed us no statistical significance ( P > 0.05), we assumed that the publication bias had a low impact on the results of our metanalysis. To assess the impact of the publication bias on our missing studies, we used the trim-and-fill method.

A sensitivity analysis was conducted to assess the influence of certain characteristics in the magnitude and precision of the overall prevalence of regret. The following characteristics were excluded: <10 participants included, and the presence of a high risk of bias.

A total of 74 articles were identified in the search, and 2 additional records were identified through other sources. After the first-step screening process, 39 articles were relevant based on the information provided in their titles and abstracts. After the second-step process, a total of 27 articles were included in the systematic review and metanalysis (Fig. ​ (Fig.1 1 ).

Based on the NIH quality assessment tool, the majority of article ranged between “poor” and “fair” categories. 24 ( See Supplemental Digital Content 2, which displays the score of each reviewed study. http://links.lww.com/PRSGO/B599 .)

Study Characteristics

In total, the included studies pooled 7928 cases of transgender individuals who underwent any type of GAS. A total of 2578 (33%) underwent transmasculine procedures, 5136 (67%) underwent transfemenine surgeries, and 1 non-binary patient underwent surgery. In Table ​ Table2 2 characteristics of studies are listed. Without discriminating type of surgical technique, from all transfemenine surgeries included, 772 (39.3%) were vaginoplasty, 260 (13.3%) were clitoroplasty, 107 (5.5%) were breast augmentation, 72 (3.7%) were labioplasty and vulvoplasty, and a small minority were facial feminization surgery, vocal cord surgery, thyroid cartilage reduction, and oophorectomy surgery. The rest did not specify type of surgery. In regard to transmasculine surgeries, 297 (12.4%) were mastectomies, 61 (2.6%) were phalloplasties, and 51 (2.1%) hysterectomies (Table ​ (Table3 3 and ​ and4). 4 ). Overall, follow-up time from surgery to the time of regret assessment ranged from 0.8 to 9 years (Table ​ (Table2 2 ).

*Reflects the mean of both transmasculine and transfemenine.

†Includes both scheduled and completed surgery.

‡Includes both surgery and no surgery patients.

H, High; He, Heterosexual; Ho, Homosexual; I, Interview; IQR, Interquartile Range; L, Low; M, Moderate; Me, Median; NA, Not applicable; NS: Not specified, Q: Questionnaire; RAP: Radial Arterial Forearm-Flap Phalloplasty without or with cutaneous nerve to clitoral nerve anastomosis; SP: Suprapubic Pedicle-Flap Phalloplasty.

Studies Differentiating Type of Surgery among Transfemenine Patients

Studies Differentiating the Type of Surgery among Transmasculine Patients

Regrets and De-transition

Almost all studies conducted non-validated questionnaires to assess regret due to the lack of standardized questionnaires available in this topic. 15 , 19 – 33 Most of the questions evaluating regret used options such as, “ yes,” “sometimes,” “no” or “ all the time,” “sometimes,” “never,” or “most certainly, ” “very likely,” “maybe,” “rather not,” or “definitely not.” 14 , 18 , 19 , 23 , 27 – 38 Other studies used semi-structured interviews. 34 , 37 , 39 – 43 However, in both circumstances, some studies provided further specific information on reasons for regret. 14 , 20 , 23 , 29 , 32 , 36 , 41 , 44 – 46 Of the 7928 patients, 77 expressed regret (12 transmen, 57 transwomen, 8 not specified), understood by those who had “sometimes” or “always” felt it.

Reasons for Regret

The most prevalent reason for regret was the difficulty/dissatisfaction/acceptance in life with the new gender role. 23 , 29 , 32 , 36 , 44 Other less prevalent reasons were “failure” of surgery to achieve their surgical goals in an aesthetic level and psychological level. 29 , 32 , 36 , 47 Based on the reasons presented, we classified the types of regrets according to Pfäfflin’s types of regret and Kuiper and Cohen-Kettenis classification. According to Pfäfflin’s types, 28 patients had minor regret, and 34 patients had major regret. 14 , 20 , 23 , 29 , 32 , 36 , 41 , 44 , 45 Based on the Kuiper and Cohen-Kettenis regret classification, 35 patients had clear regret, 26 uncertain regret, 1 regret, and none presented with regret assumed by others. 23 In Table ​ Table5 5 and ​ and6, 6 , the reasons and classifications are shown.

Type of Regret

*8 mastectomies, 2 vaginectomies, 2 phalloplasties, 2 testicular implants removal, and 1 breast augmentation.

N, no; NS, not specified; Y, Yes.

Causes of Regret

NS, not specified.

Prevalence of Regret

The pooled prevalence of regret among the TGNB population after GAS was 1% (95% Confidence interval [CI] <1%–2%; I 2 = 75.1%) (Fig. ​ (Fig.2). 2 ). The prevalence for transmasculine surgeries was <1% (CI <1%–<1%, I 2 = 28.8%), and for transfemenine surgeries, it was 1% (CI <1%–2%, I 2 = 75.5%) (Fig. ​ (Fig.3). 3 ). The prevalence of regret after vaginoplasty was of 2% (CI <1%–4%, I 2 = 41.5%) and that after mastectomy was <1% (CI <1–<1%, I 2 = 21.8%) (Fig. ​ (Fig.4 4 ).

Pooled prevalence of regret among TGNB individuals after gender confirmation surgery. Heterogeneity χ 2 = 104.31 (d.f. = 26), P = 0.00, I 2 [variation in effect size (ES) attributable to heterogeneity] = 75.08%, Estimate of between-study variance Ʈ 2 = 0.02, Test of ES = 0, z = 4.22, P = 0.00.

Subgroup analysis of the prevalence of regret among TGNB individuals after gender confirmation surgery based on gender. ES, effect size.

Subgroup analysis of the prevalence of regret among TGNB individuals after gender confirmation surgery based on the type of surgery. ES, effect size.

Meta-regression and Publication Bias

No covariates analyzed affected the pooled endpoint in this metanalysis. The Funnel Plot shows asymmetry between studies (Fig. ​ (Fig.5). 5 ). The Egger test resulted in a P value of 0.0271, which suggests statistical significance for publication bias. The Trim & Fill method imputed 14 approximated studies, with limited impact of the adjusted results. The change in effect size was from 0.010 to 0.005 with no statistical significance (Fig. ​ (Fig.6 6 ).

Funnel plot.

Funnel plot of the Trim & Fill method.

Sensitivity Analysis

When excluding studies with sample sizes less than 10 and high-risk biased studies, the pooled prevalence was similar 1% (CI <1%–3%) compared with the pooled prevalence when those studies were included 1% (CI <1%–2%).

The prevalence of regret in the TGNB population after GAS was of 1% (CI <1%–2%). The prevalence of regret for transfemenine surgeries was 1% (CI <1%–2%), and the prevalence for transmasculine surgeries was <1% (CI <1%–<1%). Traditionally, the landmark reference of regret prevalence after GAS has been based on the study by Pfäfflin in 1993, who reported a regret rate of 1%–1.5%. In this study, the author estimated the regret prevalence by analyzing two sources: studies from the previous 30 years in the medical literature and the author’s own clinical practice. 20 In the former, the author compiled a total of approximately 1000–1600 transfemenine, and 400–550 transmasculine. In the latter, the author included a total of 196 transfemenine, and 99 transmasculine patients. 20 In 1998, Kuiper et al followed 1100 transgender subjects that underwent GAS using social media and snowball sampling. 23 Ten experienced regret (9 transmasculine and 1 transfemenine). The overall prevalence of regret after GAS in this study was of 0.9%, and 3% for transmasculine and <0.12% for transfemenine. 23 Because these studies were conducted several years ago and were limited to specific countries, these estimations may not be generalizable to the entire TGNB population. However, a clear trend towards low prevalences of regret can be appreciated.

The causes and types of regrets reported in the studies are specified and shown in Table ​ Table5 5 and ​ and6. 6 . Overall, the most common reason for regret was psychosocial circumstances, particularly due to difficulties generated by return to society with the new gender in both social and family enviroments. 23 , 29 , 32 , 33 , 36 , 44 In fact, some patients opted to reverse their gender role to achieve social acceptance, receive better salaries, and preserve relatives and friends relationships. These findings are in line with other studies. Laden et al performed a logistic regression analysis to assess potential risk factors for regret in this population. 46 They found that the two most important risk factors predicting regret were “poor support from the family” and “belonging to the non-core group of transsexuals.” 46 In addition, a study in Italy hypothesized that the high percentage of regret was attributed to social experience when they return after the surgery. 33

Another factor associated with regret (although less prevalent) was poor surgical outcomes. 20 , 23 , 36 Loss of clitoral sensation and postoperative chronic abdominal pain were the most common reported factors associated with surgical outcomes. 14 , 36 In addition, aesthetic outcomes played an important role in regret. Two studies mentioned concerns with aesthetic outcomes. 14 , 47 Only one of them quoted a patient inconformity: “body doesn’t meet the feminine ideal.” 14 Interestingly, Lawrence et al demonstrated in their study that physical results of surgery are by far the most influential in determining satisfaction or regret after GAS than any preoperative factor. 36 Concordantly, previous studies have shown absence of regret if sensation in clitoris and vaginal is achieved and if satisfaction with vaginal width is present. 36

Other factors associated to regret were identified. Blanchard et al in 1989 noted a strong positive correlation between heterosexual preference and postoperative regret. 32 All patients in this study who experienced regret were heterosexual transmen. 32 On the contrary, Lawrence et al in 2003 did not find such correlation and attributed their findings to the increase in social tolerance in North American and Western European societies. 36 Bodlund et al found that clinically evident personality disorder was a negative prognostic factor for regret in patients undergoing GAS. 48 On the other hand, Blanchard et al did not find a correlation among patient’s education, age at surgery, and gender assigned at birth. 32

In the present review, nearly half of the patients experienced major regret (based on Pfäfflin classification), meaning that they underwent or desire de-transition surgery, that will never pass through the same process again, and/or experience increase of gender dysphoria from the new gender. One study found that 10 of 14 patients with regret underwent de-transition surgeries (8 mastectomies, 2 vaginectomies, 2 phalloplasties, 2 testicular implants removal, and 1 breast augmentation) for reasons of social regret, true regret or feeling non-binary. 23 On the other hand, based on the Kuiper and Cohen Kettenis’ classification, half of the patients in this review had clear regret and uncertain regret . This means that they freely expressed their regret toward the procedure, but some had role reversal to the former gender and others did not. Interestingly, Pfäfflin concluded that from a clinical standpoint, trangender patients suffered from many forms of minor regrets after GAS, all of which have a temporary course. 20 This is an important consideration meaning that the actual true regret rate will always remain uncertain, as temporarity and types of regret can bring a huge challenge for assessment.

Regret after GAS may result from the ongoing discrimination that afflicts the TGNB population, affecting their freely expression of gender identity and, consequently feeling regretful from having had surgery. 15 Poor social and group support, late-onset gender transition, poor sexual functioning, and mental health problems are factors associated with regret. 15 Hence, assessing all these potential factors preoperatively and controlling them if possible could reduce regret rates even more and increase postoperative patient satisfaction.

Regarding transfemenine surgery, vaginoplasty was the most prevalent. 14 , 19 , 23 , 30 – 33 , 35 , 36 , 44 , 45 Interesintgly, regret rates were higher in vaginoplasties. 14 , 36 , 44 In this study, we estimated that the overall prevalence of regret after vaginoplasty was 2% (from 11 studies reviewed). This result is slightly higher than a metanalysis of 9 studies from 2017 that reported a prevalence of 1%. 13 Moreover, vaginoplasty has shown to increase the quality of life in these patients. 13 Mastectomy was the most prevalent transmasculine surgery. Also, it showed a very low prevalence of regret after mastectomy (<1%). Olson-Kennedy et al demonstrated that chest surgery decreases chest dysphoria in both minors and young adults, which might be the major reason behind our findings. 38

In the current study, we identified a total of 7928 cases from 14 different countries. To the best of our knowledge, this is the largest attempt to compile the information on regret rates in this population. However, limitations such as significant heterogeneity among studies and among instruments used to assess regret rates, and moderate-to-high risk of bias in some studies represent a big barrier for generalization of the results of this study. The lack of validated questionnaires to evaluate regret in this population is a significant limiting factor. In addition, bias can occur because patients might restrain from expressing regrets due to fear of being judged by the interviewer. Moreover, the temporarity of the feeling of regret in some patients and the variable definition of regret may underestimate the real prevalence of “true” regret.

Based on this meta-analysis, the prevalence of regret is 1%. We believe this reflects and corroborates the increased in accuracy of patient selection criteria for GAS. Efforts should be directed toward the individualization of the patient based on their goals and identification of risk factors for regrets. Surgeons should continue to rigorously follow the current Standard of Care guidelines of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WATH). 49

CONCLUSIONS

Our study has shown a very low percentage of regret in TGNB population after GAS. We consider that this is a reflection on the improvements in the selection criteria for surgery. However, further studies should be conducted to assess types of regret as well as association with different types of surgical procedure.

Acknowledgments

All the authors have completed the ICMJE uniform disclosure form. The authors are accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved.

Supplementary Material

Published online 19 March 2021

Disclosure: The authors have no financial interest to declare in relation to the content of this article.

Related Digital Media are available in the full-text version of the article on www.PRSGlobalOpen.com .

FACT CHECK: Is The Rate Of Regret After Gender-Affirming Surgery Only 1%?

A post shared on social media  claims only 1% of people regret their gender-affirmation surgery.

  View this post on Instagram   A post shared by matt bernstein (@mattxiv)

Verdict: Misleading

While the study cited does find a 1% regret rate, it and other subsequent studies share disclaimers and the limitations of research, suggesting the rate may actually be higher.

Fact Check:

The Instagram post claims that only 1% of patients regret their gender transition surgeries. The source used is “Regret after Gender-affirmation Surgery: A systematic Review and Meta-analysis of Prevalence” from the National Library of Medicine (NLM).

The caption is misleading, due to several factors and lack of research that were identified by the study itself and other subsequent papers. (RELATED: Did Canada Release A New Passport That Features Pride Flags?)

This study did not conduct original research, but rather compiled research done in many different places which resulted in a disclaimer warning of the danger of generalizing the results. “There is high subjectivity in the assessment of regret and lack of standardized questionnaires,” which varies from study to study, according to the NLM document.

The study quotes a 2017 study published in the Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy , which conducted a follow-up survey of regret among patients after their transition. The study notes a major limitation was that few patients followed up after surgery.

“This study’s main limitation was the sample representativeness. With a response rate of 37%, similar to the attrition rates of most follow-up studies,” according to the study. Out of the response rate, six percent reported dissatisfaction or regret with the surgery, the study claims.

Additional data found in a Cambridge University Press study showed subjects on average do not express regret in the transition until an average of 10 years after their surgery. The study also claimed twelve cases out of the 175 selected, or around seven percent, had expressed detransitioning.

“There is some evidence that people detransition on average 4 or 8 years after completion of transition, with regret expressed after 10 years,” the study suggests. It also states that the actual rate is unknown, with some ranging up to eight percent.

Another study published in 2007 from Sweden titled, “ Factors predictive of regret in sex reassignment ,” found that around four percent of patients who underwent sex reassignment surgery between 1972-1992 regretted the measures taken. The research was done over 10 years after the the procedures.

The National Library of Medicine study only includes individuals who underwent transition surgery and does not take into account regret rates among individuals who took hormone replacement. Research from The Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism (JCEM) found that the hormone continuation rate was 70 percent, suggesting nearly 30 percent discontinued their hormone treatment for a variety of reasons.

“In the largest surgery study, approximately 1% of patients regretted having gender-confirmation surgery,” Christina Roberts, M.D, a professor of Pediatrics at the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Medicine and a participant for the study for the JCEM, told Check Your Fact via email.

Roberts stated that while there were multiple major factors in regards to those regretting the surgery, including poor cosmetic outcome and lack of social support, she claimed discontinuation of hormone therapies and other treatment are “not the same thing as regret.”

“This is an apples to oranges comparison,” Roberts added. (RELATED: Is Disney World Replacing The American Flag With The LGBTQ+ Pride Flag In June 2023?)

Check Your Fact reached out to multiple doctors and researchers associated with the above and other studies and will update this piece if responses are provided.

Joseph Casieri

Fact check reporter.

My daughter took her own life waiting for a gender identity clinic appointment

My daughter Alice was a bright, bubbly child. 

She loved to be outside, toasting marshmallows on a campfire, running around with the dog. She enjoyed Dungeons and Dragons , and dancing and snuggling up with a good book. 

Her friends described her as witty, gentle and kind. She held so much potential and I felt blessed to know her.

But almost two years ago on May 26, 2022, Alice took her own life. She was just 20 years old.

At the inquest into Alice’s death, the coroner issued a prevention of future deaths (PFD) report. She listed five main matters of concern.  

One was the delays in access to gender affirming healthcare. At the time of her death, Alice had languished on the waitlist for 1,023 days. I know she would still be waiting today as clinics are only just offering first appointments to those referred in December 2018.

We hoped that going public with Alice’s suicide, and drawing attention to the lengthy waitlists and lack of mental health support for vulnerable young people during this period of limbo, might help change things for the better. 

Eight months later, with the publication of the Cass Review , these hopes are in tatters.

I sat at my kitchen table on Wednesday and wept. For all the young people waiting to be seen – and for their parents – in their helplessness at being unable to get their children ‘the support they need to thrive’.

The report’s recommendations aim to rectify this but I don’t believe they will.  

Cass makes 32 recommendations – which will be argued over in the coming months – and, in my opinion, fails to address how any of them, in her new vision for child and youth gender services , will be adequately funded and delivered. 

She wants ‘specialists’ and ‘experts’, but who are these people? Where are they coming from?  

Cass recognises ‘workforce shortfalls are one of the most challenging aspects of delivering this service’ then recommends a service with an extraordinary level of specialism that requires ‘every case considered for medical treatment should be discussed at a national Multi Disciplinary Team [meeting]’. 

A dystopian level of control. 

And without an adequate workforce there cannot be an adequate service. Meanwhile trans people wait. 

The common notion that children are being rushed through gender affirmative care is, in my experience, abject nonsense. Alice waited and waited. 

Her dysphoria was dramatically exacerbated by the bodily changes of puberty that could have been avoided with appropriate timely care. She waited some more, until she couldn’t wait any longer.

In Cass’s report she acknowledges in the sub section on suicide that ‘risk of suicidality was heightened at transition points in patient care’ before giving the example of the period of time between moving between child and adult services.

I have to ask whether that includes those waiting to be seen in the first place? Those, like Alice, who were waiting for NHS care to begin. 

There has been much talk online about how reversible puberty blockers are. By contrast nothing is more irreversible than death. 

While I commend Cass for speaking to some (but not enough) service users and their families, and to some elders in the trans community – who were once children themselves – I’ve talked with some who took part in her focus groups and they did not feel listened to. 

Meanwhile, I’ve been disheartened that those on the other side of the debate have trumpeted their delight at the review. It seems as if they feel entirely heard and as such, this has fed the ‘toxic’ conversation that the author made such a big deal of in the opening pages of her review. 

Much will be made of Cass’s decision to disregard ‘weak evidence’ from her review of trans healthcare . In my view, hormones seem to be under more scrutiny than other childhood medicines, which are swerving such intense investigation.

She recommends that those prescribing the hormones to those over 16 but under 18 should do so with ‘extreme caution’. And children hoping to get access to puberty blockers, as of March this year, will only be able to do so through clinical trials.

It’s a level of gate-keeping not seen anywhere else in paediatric medicine, as far as I’m aware.

The possibility of more robust evidence in the future from these trials is no reassurance for parents and those young people whose mental health is reliant on them receiving treatment now.

The biggest problem with trans healthcare remains its rationing and I believe that Cass’s recommendations only make this worse. 

While it feels positive to read, ‘a compassionate and kind society remembers that there are real children (and) families… behind the headlines’, Cass seems to entirely forget her own words. 

Her hints at rationing trans healthcare until someone turns 25 look like a mission creep that’s leaving many in the adult trans community anxious for their future.

If only Alice had been born just a few years earlier in 1998, as her brother was. Why? A child that went to nursery with my son now lives a rather ordinary settled life after completing her gender reassignment pathway. 

Isn’t this all any parent wants for their child; the opportunity for a settled life? 

It’s what I wanted for Alice. Lack of care denied her that chance. 

My family will never stop speaking up for trans people like her, who need the healthcare they deserve, today, not in 10 or 20 years time. 

Need support?

For emotional support you can call the Samaritans 24-hour helpline on 116 123 , email [email protected] , visit a Samaritans branch in person or go to the Samaritans website .

If you're a young person, or concerned about a young person, you can also contact PAPYRUS Prevention of Young Suicide UK. Their HOPELINK digital support platform is open 24/7, or you can call 0800 068 4141, text 07860039967 or email:  [email protected] between the hours of 9am and midnight.

Do you have a story you’d like to share? Get in touch by emailing [email protected] . 

Share your views in the comments below.

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Vatican calls gender fluidity and surrogacy threats to human dignity

Infinite Dignity declaration reaffirms church’s position on gender reassignment, abortion and euthanasia

The Vatican has described the belief in gender fluidity as “a concession to the age-old temptation to make oneself God”, as it released an updated declaration of what the Catholic church regards as threats to human dignity.

The new Dignitas infinita (Infinite Dignity) declaration released by the Vatican’s doctrinal office on Monday after five years in the making reiterates Pope Francis’s previous criticism of what he has called an “ugly ideology of our time”.

“Desiring a personal self-determination, as gender theory prescribes, apart from this fundamental truth that human life is a gift, amounts to a concession to the age-old temptation to make oneself God, entering into competition with the true God of love revealed to us in the gospel,” the 20-page document says.

Reiterating opposition to gender reassignment surgery, it adds: “It follows that any sex-change intervention, as a rule, risks threatening the unique dignity the person has received from the moment of conception.”

The Holy See distinguished between these sorts of surgeries and procedures to resolve “genital abnormalities” that are present at birth or develop later. It said those abnormalities could be treated with the help of healthcare professionals.

The Vatican said Pope Francis had approved the document, which also reaffirms its condemnation of surrogacy, saying the practice represents “a grave violation of the dignity of the woman and the child”.

“A child is always a gift and never the basis of a commercial contract,” the document says. “Every human life, beginning with that of the unborn child in its mother’s womb, cannot be suppressed, nor become an object of commodity.”

The chief cardinal, Victor Manuel Fernández, said on Monday that the pope had asked for the Vatican’s doctrinal office (DDF) to include “poverty, the situation of migrants, violence against women, human trafficking, war and other themes” in its updated assessment of threats to human dignity.

The document says gay people should be respected and denounces the fact that “in some places not a few people are imprisoned, tortured, and even deprived of the good of life solely because of their sexual orientation”.

Fernández, a liberal theologian who was appointed to the DDF role – one of the Vatican’s most powerful positions – by Francis last year, said punishing homosexuality was “a big problem” and that it was “painful” to see some Catholics support anti-homosexuality laws.

The declaration also reaffirms the church’s position on abortion and euthanasia while strongly condemning femicide. “Violence against women is a global scandal, which is increasingly being recognised,” it says.

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Advocates blast Vatican's new position on gender-affirming surgery as 'dangerously ignorant'

Doctrine says gender-affirming surgery and surrogacy reject god's plan for human life.

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Transgender activists and allies on Monday decried the Vatican's new doctrine against gender-affirming surgery as "hurtful" and devoid of the voices and experiences of trans, non-binary and gender-diverse people, especially in its distinction between transgender and intersex people.

"The suggestion that gender-affirming health care — which has saved the lives of so many wonderful trans people and enabled them to live in harmony with their bodies, their communities and (God) — might risk or diminish trans people's dignity is not only hurtful but dangerously ignorant," said Mara Klein, a non-binary, transgender activist who has participated in Germany's church reform project.

"Seeing that, in contrast, surgical interventions on intersex people — which if performed without consent especially on minors often cause immense physical and psychological harm for many intersex people to date — are assessed positively just seems to expose the underlying hypocrisy further," Klein said.

The Vatican on Monday declared gender-affirming surgery as well as surrogacy as grave violations of "human dignity," putting them on par with abortion and euthanasia as practices that it says rejects God's plan for human life.

The Vatican's doctrine office issued "Infinite Dignity," a 20-page declaration that has been in the works for five years. After substantial revision in recent months, it was approved March 25 by Pope Francis, who ordered its publication.

How trans content creators are fighting back against hate online

In its most eagerly anticipated section, the Vatican repeated its rejection of what it calls "gender theory," or the idea that one's gender can be changed. Gender theory, often called gender ideology by its detractors, suggests that gender is more complex and fluid than the binary categories of male and female, and depends on more than visible sex characteristics.

The term "gender theory" is often used to suggest that trans and non-binary people have a political agenda.

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"It follows that any sex-change intervention, as a rule, risks threatening the unique dignity the person has received from the moment of conception," the document said. 

It distinguished between gender-affirming surgeries, which it rejected, and what it called "genital abnormalities" that are present at birth or that develop later. Those abnormalities can be "resolved" with the help of health-care professionals, it said.

The Vatican's use of "sex-change" is also considered a loaded term by transgender advocates. The Trans Journalists Association notes that "sex-change" and "sex reassignment" are outdated terms and "are now generally considered offensive, though some medical literature still uses them. Some organizations with anti-trans political goals also use these phrases in lieu of gender-affirming care."

Warnings document could fuel hate and violence

Advocates for 2SLGBTQ+ Catholics immediately criticized the document as outdated, harmful and contrary to the stated goal of recognizing the "infinite dignity" of all of God's children. They warned it could have real-world effects on trans people, fuelling anti-trans violence and discrimination.

"While it lays out a wonderful rationale for why each human being, regardless of condition in life, must be respected, honoured, and loved, it does not apply this principle to gender-diverse people," said Francis DeBernardo of New Ways Ministry, which advocates for 2SLGBTQ+ Catholics.

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The document's existence, rumoured since 2019, was confirmed in recent weeks by the new prefect of the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, Argentine Cardinal Víctor Manuel Fernández, a close Francis confidant. 

The document comes at a time of some backlash against transgender people, including in the United States where Republican-led state legislatures are considering a new round of bills restricting medical care for transgender youths — and in some cases, adults.

Pope's stance on gender angers some Catholics

In addition, bills to govern youths' pronouns, sports teams and bathrooms at school are also under consideration, as well as some books and school curriculums.

"On top of the rising hostility toward our communities, we are faced with a church that does not listen and refuses to see the beauty of creation that can be found in our biographies," Klein said.

Francis has made reaching out to 2SLGBTQ+ people a hallmark of his papacy, ministering to trans Catholics and insisting that the Catholic Church must welcome all children of God.

But he has also denounced "gender theory" as the "worst danger" facing humanity today, an "ugly ideology" that threatens to cancel out what the church considers as God-given differences between man and woman.

He has blasted in particular what he calls the "ideological colonization" of the West in the developing world, where development aid is sometimes conditioned on adopting Western ideas about gender and reproductive health.

With files from CBC News

Vatican says sex reassignment surgery, surrogacy and gender theory threaten human 'dignity'

The Vatican has declared gender confirmation operations and surrogacy as grave threats to human "dignity", putting them on par with abortion and euthanasia as practices that violate God's plan for human life.

The Vatican's doctrine office on Monday published a 20-page declaration titled Infinite Dignity that was in the works for the past five years.

It was approved for publication by Pope Francis on March 25 after substantial revision in recent months.

In its most eagerly anticipated section, the Vatican reiterated its rejection of "gender theory" or the idea that one's gender can be "a self-determination".

It said God created man and woman as biologically different, separate beings, and said they must not tinker with that plan or try to "make oneself God".

"It follows that any sex-change intervention, as a rule, risks threatening the unique dignity the person has received from the moment of conception," the document said.

It distinguished between transitioning surgeries, which it rejected, and "genital abnormalities" that are present at birth or that develop later. Those abnormalities can be "resolved" with the help of health care professionals, it said.

The document's existence, rumoured since 2019, was confirmed in recent weeks by the new prefect of the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, Argentine Cardinal Víctor Manuel Fernández, a close confidante of Pope Francis.

He had cast it as something of a nod to conservatives after he authored a more explosive document approving blessings for same-sex couples that sparked criticism from conservative bishops around the world, especially in Africa.

While the new document rejected gender theory, it took pointed aim at countries — including many in Africa — that criminalise homosexuality.

It echoed Pope Francis's assertion in a 2023 interview that "being homosexual is not a crime", making the assertion now part of the Vatican's doctrinal teaching.

It denounced "as contrary to human dignity the fact that, in some places, not a few people are imprisoned, tortured, and even deprived of the good of life solely because of their sexual orientation".

The document restated well-known Catholic doctrine opposing abortion and euthanasia.

It also added to the list some of Pope Francis's main concerns as pope: the threats to human dignity posed by poverty, war, human trafficking and forced migration.

A child's right to 'a fully human origin'

In a newly articulated position, the declaration said surrogacy violated both the dignity of the surrogate mother and the child.

While much attention on surrogacy has focused on possible exploitation of poor women as surrogates, the Vatican document focuses more on the resulting child.

"The child has the right to have a fully human (and not artificially induced) origin and to receive the gift of a life that manifests both the dignity of the giver and that of the receiver," the document said.

"Considering this, the legitimate desire to have a child cannot be transformed into a 'right to a child' that fails to respect the dignity of that child as the recipient of the gift of life."

The Vatican published its most articulated position on gender in 2019, when the Congregation for Catholic Education rejected the idea that people can choose or change their genders.

It insisted on the complementary nature of biologically male and female sex organs to create new life.

Gender fluidity was described as a symptom of the "confused concept of freedom" and "momentary desires" that characterise post-modern culture.

The new document from the more authoritative Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith quoted from that 2019 education document but tempered the tone.

Significantly, it did not repurpose the 1986 language of a previous doctrinal document saying that homosexual people deserve to be treated with dignity and respect but that homosexual actions are "intrinsically disordered".

Francis has made reaching out to LGBTQ+ people a hallmark of his papacy, ministering to trans Catholics and insisting that the Catholic Church must welcome all children of God.

But he has also denounced "gender theory" as the "worst danger" facing humanity today, describing it as an "ugly ideology" that threatens to cancel out God-given differences between man and woman.

"It needs to be emphasised that biological sex and the sociocultural role of sex (gender) can be distinguished but not separated," the new document said.

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Vatican Document Casts Gender Change and Fluidity as Threat to Human Dignity

The statement is likely to be embraced by conservatives and stir consternation among L.G.B.T.Q. advocates who fear it will be used as a cudgel against transgender people.

By Jason Horowitz and Elisabetta Povoledo

Reporting from Rome

The Vatican on Monday issued a new document approved by Pope Francis stating that the church believes that gender fluidity and transition surgery, as well as surrogacy, amount to affronts to human dignity.

The sex a person is assigned at birth, the document argued, was an “irrevocable gift” from God and “any sex-change intervention, as a rule, risks threatening the unique dignity the person has received from the moment of conception.” People who desire “a personal self-determination, as gender theory prescribes,” risk succumbing “to the age-old temptation to make oneself God.”

Regarding surrogacy, the document unequivocally stated the Roman Catholic Church’s opposition, whether the woman carrying a baby “is coerced into it or chooses to subject herself to it freely.” Surrogacy makes the child “a mere means subservient to the arbitrary gain or desire of others,” the Vatican said in the document, which also opposed in vitro fertilization.

The document was intended as a broad statement of the church’s view on human dignity, including the exploitation of the poor, migrants, women and vulnerable people. The Vatican acknowledged that it was touching on difficult issues, but said that in a time of great tumult, it was essential, and it hoped beneficial, for the church to restate its teachings on the centrality of human dignity.

Even if the church’s teachings on culture war issues that Francis has largely avoided are not necessarily new, their consolidation now was likely to be embraced by conservatives for their hard line against liberal ideas on gender and surrogacy.

The document, five years in the making, immediately generated deep consternation among advocates for L.G.B.T.Q. rights in the church, who fear it will be used against transgender people. That was so, they said, even as the document warned of “unjust discrimination” in countries where transgender people are imprisoned or face aggression, violence and sometimes death.

“The Vatican is again supporting and propagating ideas that lead to real physical harm to transgender, nonbinary and other L.G.B.T.Q.+ people,” said Francis DeBernardo, the executive director of New Ways Ministry, a Maryland-based group that advocates for gay Catholics, adding that the Vatican’s defense of human dignity excluded “the segment of the human population who are transgender, nonbinary or gender nonconforming.”

He said it presented an outdated theology based on physical appearance alone and was blind to “the growing reality that a person’s gender includes the psychological, social and spiritual aspects naturally present in their lives.”

The document, he said, showed a “stunning lack of awareness of the actual lives of transgender and nonbinary people.” Its authors ignored the transgender people who shared their experiences with the church, Mr. DeBernardo said, “cavalierly,” and incorrectly, dismissing them as a purely Western phenomenon.

Though the document is a clear setback for L.G.B.T.Q. people and their supporters, the Vatican took pains to strike a balance between protecting personal human dignity and clearly stating church teaching, a tightrope Francis has tried to walk in his more than 11 years as pope.

Francis has made it a hallmark of his papacy to meet with gay and transgender Catholics and has made it his mission to broadcast a message for a more open, and less judgmental, church. Just months ago, Francis upset more conservative corners of his church by explicitly allowing L.G.B.T.Q. Catholics to receive blessings from priests and by allowing transgender people to be baptized and act as godparents .

But he has refused to budge on the church rules and doctrine that many gay and transgender Catholics feel have alienated them, revealing the limits of his push for inclusivity.

“In terms of pastoral consequences,” Cardinal Víctor Manuel Fernández, who leads the Vatican’s office on doctrine, said in a news conference Monday, “the principle of welcoming all is clear in the words of Pope Francis.”

Francis, he said, has repeatedly said that “all, all, all” must be welcomed. “Even those who don’t agree with what the church teaches and who make different choices from those that the church says in its doctrine, must be welcomed,” he said, including “those who think differently on these themes of sexuality.”

But Francis’ words were one thing, and church doctrine another, Cardinal Fernández made clear, drawing a distinction between the document, which he said was of high doctrinal importance, as opposed to the recent statement allowing blessings for same-sex Catholics. The church teaches that “homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered.”

In an echo of the tension between the substance of church law and Francis’ style of a papal inclusivity, Cardinal Fernández said on Monday that perhaps the “intrinsically disordered” language should be modified to better reflect that the church’s message that homosexual acts could not produce life.

“It’s a very strong expression and it requires explanation,” he said. “Maybe we could find an expression that is even clearer to understand what we want to say.”

Though receptive to gay and transgender followers, the pope has also consistently expressed concern about what he calls “ideological colonization,” the notion that wealthy nations arrogantly impose views — whether on gender or surrogacy — on people and religious traditions that do not necessarily agree with them. The document said “gender theory plays a central role” in that vision and that its “scientific coherence is the subject of considerable debate among experts.”

Using “on the one hand” and “on the other hand,” language, the Vatican’s office on teaching and doctrine wrote that “it should be denounced as contrary to human dignity the fact that, in some places, not a few people are imprisoned, tortured, and even deprived of the good of life solely because of their sexual orientation.”

“At the same time,” it continued, “the church highlights the definite critical issues present in gender theory.”

On Monday, Cardinal Fernández also struggled to reconcile the two seemingly dissonant views.

“I am shocked having read a text from some Catholics who said, ‘Bless this military government of our country that created these laws against homosexuals,’” Cardinal Fernández said on Monday. “I wanted to die reading that.”

But he went on to say that the Vatican document was itself not a call for decriminalization, but an affirmation of what the church believed. “We shall see the consequences,” he said, adding that the church would then see how to respond.

In his presentation, Cardinal Fernández described the long process of the drafting of a document on human dignity, “Infinite Dignity,” which began in March 2019, to take into account the “latest developments on the subject in academia and the ambivalent ways in which the concept is understood today.”

In 2023, Francis sent the document back with instructions to “highlight topics closely connected to the theme of dignity, such as poverty, the situation of migrants, violence against women, human trafficking, war, and other themes.” Francis signed off on the document on March 25.

The long road, Cardinal Fernández wrote, “reflects the gravity” of the process.

In the document, the Vatican embraced the “clear progress in understanding human dignity,” pointing to the “desire to eradicate racism, slavery, and the marginalization of women, children, the sick, and people with disabilities.”

But it said the church also sees “grave violations of that dignity,” including abortion, euthanasia, the death penalty, polygamy, torture, the exploitation of the poor and migrants, human trafficking and sex abuse, violence against women, capitalism’s inequality and terrorism.

The document expressed concern that eliminating sexual differences would undercut the family, and that a response “to what are at times understandable aspirations,” will become an absolute truth and ideology, and change how children are raised.

The document argued that changing sex put individualism before nature and that human dignity as a subject was often hijacked to “justify an arbitrary proliferation of new rights,” as if “the ability to express and realize every individual preference or subjective desire should be guaranteed.”

Cardinal Fernández on Monday said that a couple desperate to have a child should turn to adoption, rather than surrogacy or in vitro fertilization because those practices, he said, eroded human dignity writ large.

Individualistic thinking, the document argues, subjugates the universality of dignity to individual standards, concerned with “psycho-physical well-being” or “individual arbitrariness or social recognition.” By making dignity subjective, the Vatican argues, it becomes subject to “arbitrariness and power interests.”

Jason Horowitz is the Rome bureau chief for The Times, covering Italy, the Vatican, Greece and other parts of Southern Europe. More about Jason Horowitz

Elisabetta Povoledo is a reporter based in Rome, covering Italy, the Vatican and the culture of the region. She has been a journalist for 35 years. More about Elisabetta Povoledo

Column: California’s transgender sanctuary law survives a challenge as judge ridicules plaintiff’s claims

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In 2022, when legislation outlawing gender-affirming medical treatments erupted in mostly red-state legislatures across the land, California enacted a law creating a sanctuary for those whose treatments were blocked by the lawmakers.

SB 107, which was signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom that September, provided a safe harbor for people from those states who sought the treatment in California, where it’s legal.

The law prohibited the release of medical information about a patient if it was sought from a state that made the treatments illegal, and forbade the arrest or extradition of medical providers in California if the request came from authorities in states that had criminalized the treatments.

Our Watch firmly believes that transgenderism is a cultural issue that it must deal with in accordance with God’s design for every child, as outlined in the Bible.

— Our Watch vs. Bonta

Unsurprisingly, SB 107 became the target of right-wing, anti-LGBTQ+ activists in California. On Tuesday, federal Judge Dale A. Drozd of Sacramento dismissed an effort to declare the law unconstitutional .

It was the third attempt by the plaintiff, a nonprofit affiliated with a conservative Christian church in Temecula that says its mission is to “restore Christian-Judeo values in government and education,” to win Drozd’s approval for its lawsuit. This time, Drozd, plainly fed up with the plaintiff’s serial inability to make its case, forbade it to try again because any further filing would be, as he wrote, “futile under the circumstances.”

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Whether Drozd’s ruling will hold up under any appeal or whether the law itself can survive any other lawsuits to overturn it is impossible to say. But the lawsuit filed last year by the nonprofit Our Watch with Tim Thompson (he’s the pastor of the Temecula church) is nevertheless instructive. Our Watch was represented in court by lawyers affiliated with Advocates for Faith and Freedom , a Murrieta organization that lists “parental rights” and “the rights of children, both born and unborn,” among its concerns.

The lawsuit opens a window on the lengths to which zealots and fanatics will go to interfere with the activities of others because they conflict with their own narrow ideologies. There’s a polite name for them: “busybodies.”

The case also underscores how our personal rights are perched on a judicial knife edge in today’s America. There’s ample reason to believe that if such a case were to land in front of a Trump-appointed judge — U.S. Judge Matthew Kaczmaryk of Amarillo, Texas , for instance — the law would have been invalidated in a heartbeat. Appeal would have been taken to the Trump-infested 5th Circuit Court of Appeals, and perhaps ultimately to the Supreme Court, where its fate might be sealed.

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After all, that’s been the arc of Kaczmaryk’s ruling invalidating the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of the abortion drug mifepristone . In that case, Kaczmaryk and the 5th Circuit judges bought into the plaintiffs’ fanciful assertions that, as doctors, the prospect of medication abortions caused them “mental and emotional stress”; appeals judge James C. Ho rationalized upholding Kaczmaryk’s mifepristone ban by commenting, “Doctors delight in working with their unborn patients — and experience an aesthetic injury when they are aborted.”

That didn’t happen here because Drozd, an Obama appointee, can recognize a factitious claim for standing when it swims into his ken .

I’ve written before that transgender individuals have become the prime targets for discriminatory legislation in part because socially acceptable targets for hate-mongering and prejudice have become harder for conservative culture warriors to find.

As I observed in 2018 , open racism is out (though it made a strong comeback in the Trump era and in the hands of commentators such as Tucker Carlson ). In an increasingly pluralistic society, legislators who denigrated ethnic or religious minorities or those with mental illnesses or disabilities found themselves on the outs.

Gay and lesbian Americans have moved into the cultural and social mainstream. Many conservative families have found themselves embracing gay and lesbian siblings, children and parents as worthy of familial love and respect. Same-sex marriage has become embedded in the entertainment mainstream , portrayed on popular TV programs without apology.

Moreover, gay and lesbian people acquired a voice in the highest echelons of political power; gay-bashing no longer works for a political candidate as it has in the past, except perhaps in the most benighted corners of American society.

That leaves gender transition, which is easily caricatured and demonized by unscrupulous politicians aiming to rally their base against a wholly imaginary crisis. By early 2022, according to Human Rights Watch, 130 bills had been introduced in state legislatures. Many barred transgender youths from playing on sports teams or using bathrooms other than those designated for their birth gender.

As of this year, 23 states have banned or restricted gender-affirming treatments for youths ; some carry prison terms for violations or restrict insurance coverage. In Florida parents who allow such treatments for their children can lose custody; in Texas, they can be investigated for child abuse . Florida, Ohio and Missouri have implemented restrictions even on gender transition treatments for adults. A Florida rule barring Medicaid coverage for gender treatments was blocked by a federal judge, whose ruling is currently under appeal .

This is the environment that prompted California to enact its sanctuary law. Its law resembled the state’s effort to become a sanctuary for women seeking abortions that their home states had rendered illegal in the wake of the Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe vs. Wade in 2022.

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The plaintiff in this case left no question that its action was grounded in fundamentalist anti-transgender bias. “Our Watch firmly believes that transgenderism is a cultural issue that it must deal with in accordance with God’s design for every child, as outlined in the Bible,” the lawsuit says.

As so often occurs, the plaintiff’s case against the California law is a melange of misdirection and misrepresentations.

Our Watch positioned its lawsuit as an effort to protect the right “of parents to raise their children” without governmental interference. It depicted SB 107 as a law that “allows minors to obtain gender transition procedures like harmful puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and irreversible surgeries without parental consent, while denying parents access to their child’s medical information.”

This is a flatly inaccurate characterization of the law. It also turns the law’s goal on its head.

The truth is, as Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta observed in his response to the lawsuit , California law gives parents the right to access their children’s medical records. “Nothing in SB 107 changes that,” he noted. Further, he wrote, all those procedures listed in the lawsuit “generally require parental consent in California” — another regulation unaffected by SB 107.

The whole purpose of the California law, Bonta wrote, was to give parents of children seeking gender-affirming care refuge from out-of-state laws that interfered with their right to obtain medically indicated care for their children — not to allow such care over parents’ objections.

The lawsuit painted a picture of physicians willy-nilly imposing radical, irreversible gender-affirming treatments on innocent adolescents whose “gender dysphoria” (the medical term for gender uncertainties) might be transient and resolve themselves over time or with counseling.

That’s a caricature of the standard of care for gender dysphoria as it’s implemented by physicians following established protocols. The truth is that “prior to the onset of puberty, kids typically receive non-medical care,” explained Boston University psychologist Melissa K. Holt during a roundtable discussion of care for youths in 2022.

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Care for prepubescent children, Holt said, “is focused around social transitioning,” such as choosing a new name and adopting different dress, “and providing mental health and structural support, like schools using a child’s preferred gender pronouns and allowing them to use the bathroom that aligns with their gender identity.... There are no 4-year-olds going through irreversible medical procedures.”

Drugs such as puberty blockers and hormone treatments are typically administered only as children move into adolescence, are viewed as safe, and are expected to be used only after discussions with medical providers. Medical protocols discourage gender reassignment surgery before the age of 18. But professionals in the field say that outlawing such treatments or even counseling for younger children can produce long-standing psychological problems.

Much of the lawsuit’s argument was self-refuting. “Parents, not the government, are best suited to decide” on their child’s medical treatment, the lawsuit says. Exactly; so how do SB 107’s opponents explain state laws that allow the government to impose its judgment over the parents? The lawsuit is silent on that question.

In dismissing the case, Drozd didn’t address those issues, because he found that the lawsuit had a more fundamental shortcoming: The plaintiff didn’t have standing to bring the case at all.

“Standing” is a concept derived from the U.S. Constitution, which holds, roughly, that litigants in federal court must show that they’re directly harmed by a government action and that their lawsuit will remedy the injury. Our Watch couldn’t meet that requirement, Drozd ruled.

Our Watch claimed that it was “directly harmed” by SB 107 because the law prompted it to “divert our attention to transgender issues” rather than “tackling major cultural issues that violate Christian-Judeo values, including the sexual indoctrination of children, ... critical race theory, and abortion.” (Not to be churlish, but some people might be relieved that SB 107 narrowed the organization’s involvement in such overheated culture wars.)

Our Watch “plans to expend money on conferences to connect key stakeholders who are also fighting against the devastating effects of SB 107,” the lawsuit stated.

It wasn’t hard for the judge to see through this argument. Plaintiffs can’t “manufacture standing” through their own choices, he ruled: Our Watch’s “decision to place more focus and correspondingly commit more of its resources to ‘transgender issues’ ... was a voluntary decision — not a forced one.”

The culture wars over gender issues are sure to continue because they rely on public ignorance and prejudice — always the preferred weaponry of demagogues. The lawsuit to overturn California’s sanctuary law had, at its core, nothing to do with protecting children. If it did, its promoters wouldn’t have had to gin up a cause of action where none existed.

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Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Michael Hiltzik has written for the Los Angeles Times for more than 40 years. His business column appears in print every Sunday and Wednesday, and occasionally on other days. Hiltzik and colleague Chuck Philips shared the 1999 Pulitzer Prize for articles exposing corruption in the entertainment industry. His seventh book, “Iron Empires: Robber Barons, Railroads, and the Making of Modern America,” was published in 2020. His forthcoming book, “The Golden State,” is a history of California. Follow him on Twitter at twitter.com/hiltzikm and on Facebook at facebook.com/hiltzik.

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Hong Kong Amends Its Surgery Requirements to Change Gender Markers on IDs

H ong Kong no longer requires transgender people to undergo full gender-affirming surgery to change their legal gender markers in their IDs, more than a year after the Chinese enclave’s top court called the requirement unconstitutional.

The government announced the change on Wednesday, “having prudently considered the objective of the policy, relevant legal and medical advice, as well as drawing reference from the relevant practices overseas.”

Under the new rules, Hong Kong residents who have not undergone full sex reassignment surgery [SRS] who want to have their gender marker on their ID changed still must have completed select surgical treatment to modify their sexual characteristics—removal of the breasts for transgender men, removal of the penis and testes for transgender women—along with medical documentation. Previous guidelines required the removal of the uterus and ovaries or the construction of a penis or “some form” of it for female-to-male transition, and the removal of the penis and testes and the construction of a vagina for male-to-female transition.

“We are still concerned about the heavy emphasis on sex reassignment surgeries being a requirement,” Wong Hiu-chong, the lawyer for transgender activist Henry Tse , whose case led to the policy change, told TIME. “SRS can be life threatening.”

Those who wish to change their gender markers must also statutorily declare that they have gender dysphoria—the medical term for the psychological distress a person feels when their gender identity does not match with their assigned sex at birth—and have lived as the opposite sex for at least two years before their application. They must also show proof of receiving hormonal treatment throughout the previous two years, and will be subjected to random blood tests to check their hormonal profile.

“Our clients have waited a very long time for such an unconstitutional policy to be revised, and for them, the wait has been painful,” Wong said in a statement. She also questioned the need for blood tests, calling this requirement, among others that remain for gender marker changes, “potentially discriminatory” as it does not apply to other Hong Kong ID card holders.

A government spokesperson clarified in the announcement that the gender marker change will only apply to the Hong Kong Identity Card and that “the sex entry on a Hong Kong identity card does not represent the holder’s sex as a matter of law. It does not affect any other policies of the Government or the handling of any other gender-related matters under the law in Hong Kong or relevant legal procedures.”

The policy change comes years after Tse filed a case in 2017 to question the full gender-affirming surgery requirement. Despite the city’s Court of Final Appeal issuing a ruling deeming the requirement unconstitutional in February 2023, implementation of the ruling was long-delayed, which Tse also challenged . The ruling said “such surgical procedures are at the most invasive end of the treatment spectrum” and that “full SRS is not medically required by many transgender persons whose gender dysphoria has been effectively treated.”

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Hong Kong LGBTQ activists upset at revised ID card gender rules

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Reporting by Jessie Pang and Dorothy Kam in Hong Kong; Additional reporting by Laurie Chen in Beijing; Editing by Farah Master and Nick Macfie

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Jessie Pang joined Reuters in 2019 after an internship. She covers Hong Kong with a focus on politics and general news.

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One person was killed and seven others were injured on Friday in the southern Turkish province of Antalya after a cable car cabin collided with a broken pole, the local governor's office and broadcasters said.