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Senior Theses, Projects, and Awards

Translanguaging or code-switching : a case study of multilingual activities in college-level mandarin and japanese classrooms.

Huayu Liu , '23

Date of Award

Spring 2023

Document Type

Terms of use.

© 2023 Huayu Liu. This work is freely available courtesy of the author. It may be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0) license . For all other uses, please contact the copyright holder.

Creative Commons License

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts

Linguistics Department

Classroom translanguaging has recently gained popularity in ESL and foreign language classrooms, where students come from diverse linguistic backgrounds. In a nutshell, translanguaging researchers highlight an individual’s linguistic repertoire, which goes beyond the boundaries of named languages and focuses on all language elements that an individual knows. As a pedagogy, translanguaging advocates linguistic equity because it encourages students to access their linguistic repertoire, which is not limited to the target language in the classroom. Yet, the viability of this approach in the classroom is unclear, and its distinction from code-switching can also be ambiguous. Therefore, this thesis studies this issue further by utilizing data from interviews with Mandarin and Japanese language professors in a higher-education setting. Through accessing multilingual moments in the classroom and the professors’ understanding and attitudes toward translanguaging, this thesis finds that the translanguaging classroom is an impossible ideal in a higher education foreign language classroom context. And the limitation can be caused by institutional expectations, language hierarchies in the context, and the question of boundaries between named languages.

Recommended Citation

Liu, Huayu , '23, " Translanguaging or Code-switching? : A Case Study of Multilingual Activities in college-level Mandarin and Japanese Classrooms" (2023). Senior Theses, Projects, and Awards . 312. https://works.swarthmore.edu/theses/312

Since July 13, 2023

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ROUTING AND SWITCHING CASE STUDY ROUTING AND SWITCHING: Guided Case Study

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Maggie is a Britain-based reporter covering the European pharmaceuticals industry with a global perspective. In 2023, Maggie's coverage of Danish drugmaker Novo Nordisk and its race to increase production of its new weight-loss drug helped the Health & Pharma team win a Reuters Journalists of the Year award in the Beat Coverage of the Year category. Since November 2023, she has also been participating in Reuters coverage related to the Israel-Hamas war. Previously based in Nairobi and Cairo for Reuters and in Lagos for the Financial Times, Maggie got her start in journalism in 2010 as a freelancer for The Associated Press in South Sudan.

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Coffee & quality case study #1: angel reach, brief : may. 14, 2024.

This first Coffee & Quality Case Study focuses on Angel Reach, a nonprofit working with young people aging out of the foster care system and/or at risk of homelessness. The study seeks to understand the predictors and prerequisites of clients successfully completing Angel Reach's programming.

The Kinder Institute for Urban Research and United Way of Greater Houston created a program called Coffee & Quality Case Study that works with designated United Way organizations to 1) identify ways to build and bolster the organization's current data-collecting practices and 2) use data to understand and improve program outcomes. The first Coffee & Quality Case Study focused on Angel Reach , a nonprofit working with young people aging out of the foster care system and/or at risk of homelessness.

The United Way, the Kinder Institute and Angel Reach codesigned and codeveloped a series of research questions to help explore and better understand:

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The data used in this study were collected by Angel Reach from 2020 to 2023. They included information on clients' demographics, personal goals, and scores on a 12-item matrix identifying their needs in child care, education, employment, finances, food, health care, legal, mental health, shelter, substance abuse, support network and transportation/mobility.

Findings and lessons learned were also shared during a webinar hosted by the three organizations.

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Opinion Haiti’s plight is a case study in the ‘responsibility to protect’

Civilians at risk need protection, but when is humanitarian intervention justified?

After months of delay, a transitional council for Haiti has picked a president and prime minister. The interim appointments pave the way for deployment of an international security force, led by Kenyan police. Its job is to restore order and retake the capital, Port-au-Prince, from armed criminal gangs that control most of it and have already killed thousands . The ultimate goal is an election for a permanent government.

The mission faces a raft of challenges. Though authorized by the United Nations and funded by the United States, the deployment is unpopular in Kenya, where police have a reputation for human rights abuses. It’s unclear that the planned 1,100-man force is large and capable enough to take on hundreds of heavily armed gangs. Will the Kenyans be expected to disarm them? Or just provide a “static” presence at key buildings and infrastructure?

The Haiti deployment represents a comeback for the “ responsibility to protect .” This is the principle, born two decades ago — amid bloody wars in the Balkans, famine and anarchy in Somalia, and genocide in Rwanda — that the international community can, and should, intervene to save civilian populations in failed states. Since the United Nations General Assembly endorsed “R2P” in 2005, however, it has only been invoked once: the NATO-led military mission in Libya in 2011, which began with the goal of preventing massacres and ended with the toppling of Moammar Gaddafi amid anarchic factional fighting.

The Libya intervention not only went awry; it led China, Russia and nations of the Global South to denounce civilian protection as a pretext for the United States and Europe to engage in self-interested regime change. Yet even staunch proponents of R2P also looked at Libya and argued that it was, in hindsight, a misapplication of the concept. Libya helps explain why, in 2012, President Barack Obama hesitated to enforce his “red line” against the Syrian regime’s atrocities, despite urgings from R2P advocates in his administration. U.S. airstrikes might have toppled the regime — creating a power vacuum that the Islamic State could have exploited.

Haiti’s predicament, however, shows that the problem R2P meant to address remains real and that discarding the concept altogether would be a mistake. It needs to be applied more carefully and consistently. Gareth Evans, a former Australian foreign minister and president of the International Crisis Group, has identified five criteria for doing that.

First, the threat of mass civilian casualties must be serious and imminent. Second, while an intervention can never be free of geopolitical motivations or consequences, its primary goal must be to save civilians. Third, opportunities for diplomatic and economic pressure must be exhausted first. Fourth, the military force used must be sufficient to deal with all threats on the ground. Fifth, and crucially, intervention must be reasonably certain to do more good than harm.

These standards can help the U.S. public sort through its inevitably competing impulses: the decent wish to do something — anything — to stop the suffering and the skeptical concern that a given crisis is too complicated, remote and, for a nation with problems of its own, costly.

Such doubts are understandable regarding Haiti, where the record of interventions is lengthy and mixed — from the Marine Corps’s often-abusive 1915-1934 occupation to the cholera epidemic and accusations of sex trafficking during a 2004-2017 U.N. peacekeeping mission .

Also understandable are questions about selectivity: Why a U.S.-backed mission to Haiti but not, say, Sudan, where a two-year battle between dueling warlords has killed at least 15,000 people , displaced 9 million more, left millions on the brink of famine and led to a likely genocide in Darfur? Or Myanmar, whose military, bent on crushing a popular insurgency, has killed more than 6,000 people in almost three years and displaced 3 million more ?

Mr. Evans’s criteria provide answers. The slaughter in Sudan and Myanmar is clear, but not the chances intervention could do more good than harm. Also, the Haiti mission meets a sixth criterion we would add to Mr. Evans’s list: If intervention is warranted, it is crucial to assemble the broadest possible coalition, including countries from the region. The proposed Haiti mission is backed by a U.N. Security Council resolution and Kenyan police; the Bahamas, Barbados, Benin, Chad and Bangladesh have offered additional personnel. It did not trigger Russian and Chinese vetoes at the U.N., as more geopolitically sensitive missions elsewhere might have.

The main lingering uncertainty relates to Mr. Evans’s fourth criterion: force sufficiency. Gen. Peter Cosgrove, who commanded Australian troops in a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999, memorably attributed his success to telling local militias, “there’s only one military force allowed to posture here, and that’s my force.” If the Haiti operation cannot say the same to that country’s gangs, it could fail. With enough U.S. help, though, the mission could save Haitian lives and breathe much-needed new life into the responsibility to protect.

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Research: Negotiating Is Unlikely to Jeopardize Your Job Offer

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• Zhiying (Bella) Ren

A series of seven studies found that candidates have more power than they assume.

Job seekers worry about negotiating an offer for many reasons, including the worst-case scenario that the offer will be rescinded. Across a series of seven studies, researchers found that these fears are consistently exaggerated: Candidates think they are much more likely to jeopardize a deal than managers report they are. This fear can lead candidates to avoid negotiating altogether. The authors explore two reasons driving this fear and offer research-backed advice on how anxious candidates can approach job negotiations.

Imagine that you just received a job offer for a position you are excited about. Now what? You might consider negotiating for a higher salary, job flexibility, or other benefits , but you’re apprehensive. You can’t help thinking: What if I don’t get what I ask for? Or, in the worst-case scenario, what if the hiring manager decides to withdraw the offer?

• Einav Hart is an assistant professor of management at George Mason University’s Costello College of Business, and a visiting scholar at the Wharton School. Her research interests include conflict management, negotiations, and organizational behavior.
• Julia Bear is a professor of organizational behavior at the College of Business at Stony Brook University (SUNY). Her research interests include the influence of gender on negotiation, as well as understanding gender gaps in organizations more broadly.
• Zhiying (Bella) Ren is a doctoral student at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. Her research focuses on conversational dynamics in organizations and negotiations.

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