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Ang Politikal na Dynastiya ay kapaki-pakinabang para sa isang kapansin-pansin na pamilya

Sa kaayusan ng istruktura sa kalamangan ng kanilang mga piniling posisyon, ang pampulitika na Dynastiya ay maaaring gumamit ng sway, sumali sa mga mapagkukunang kaugnay ng pera at gamitin ang kanilang pampulitikang pagkakalansag sa pag-abuso sa mga bakanteng negosyo. Walang alinlangang gamitin ang pampulitika Dynastiya ang kanilang mga badyet cutoff puntos pagbabahagi ng mga parangal, administrasyon ng dedikasyon, at ball ng hukuman sa halip ng paglalagay ng mga yaman sa mga programa ng panlipunan progreso, kahulugang pagsasanay, at pagtatatag. sa ilalim ng mahigpit na paghihigpit at pagkakapantay-pantay Karamihan sa mga bansa. Ang mga kaugalian sa pulitika ay nagpapahiwatig ng kakayahang mapawi ang mga endowment ng mga espesyalista. Closeness Ang mga kapasidad, katangian, at etika ng trabaho ay lamang sa paminsan-minsan na mapabuti mula sa magpakailanman, lalo na sa mga pamilya na may pag-iisip na nagpapahalaga sa ginhawa at posisyon ng epekto. Tunay ng pagkatapos ng epicto ng Politikanhong dynastiya eksakto kapag ang mga tao mula sa isang comparative family isama ang iba't ibang mga pangyayari sa loob ng isang lungsod o Bayan, karamihan ay malamang na pagsamahin ang kapangyarihan sa isang tunay na monarchial paraan. Ang mga bagong pagsasaalang-alang ay nai-layo sa pamamagitan ng koordinasyon ng kapasidad ng konsiho bilang negatibong katauhan o pansarili na mga pamantayan ng pag-uugali ay lumakas Ang pamamahala ay nagpapatuloy sa pagkontrol sa pamamagitan ng pag-alis ng iba mula sa isang pagkakataong makapaglingkod. Kaya binabawasan nito ang elemento ng pakikilahok sa pulitika sa mga tao.

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Ano ang dinastiyang politikal?

ano ang dinastiyang politikal?

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Ang dinastiyang politikal ay ang paghahari ng isang pamilya sa isang tiyak na lugar na kung saan ang posisyong pinamamahalaan ay ipinapasa sa kanyang mga kadugo o kamag-anak o di naman kaya ang mga kamag-anak na ito ay inihahalal sa iba pang posisyon.

Ang dinastiyang politikal o sa ingles ay political dynasty ay sumiklab o kaugalian na ng mga indibidwal sa iba’t ibang panig ng mundo na kung saan ang mga namumuno sa isang lugar ay binubuo ng mga miyembro ng isang pamilya o di naman kaya ay mga kadugo ng mga ito. Ang lumang tawag sa ideyang ito ay monarkiya.

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Epekto Ng Dinastiyang Politikal – Halimbawa At Kahulugan

Ano ang epekto ng dinastiyang politikal (sagot).

DINASTIYANG POLITIKAL – Sa paksang ito, ating pag-aaralan kung ano nga ba ang mga epekto ng dinastiyang politikal.

Ang isang pamilya na kung saan mayroong maraming miyembro na nasa posisyong gobyerno ay tinatawag na dinastiyang pampulitka, partikular ng elektoral.

Epekto Ng Dinastiyang Politikal – Halimbawa At Kahulugan

Ang mga miyembro ay maaaring may nauugnay dahil sa dugo o kasal; Kadalasan, maraming henerasyon o maramihang magkakapatid ang makikita sa mga dinastyiang politikal. Maraming epekto ang uri ng dinastiyang ito katulad ng sumusunod:

Isang pamilya lamang ang patuloy na namamahala sa isang lugar dahil sa laki ng kanilang impluwensiya at hindi dahil sa serbisyo nila sa mga tao.
Hindi nabibigyan ng pagkakataon ang ibang tao na maglingkod para sa kanilang bayan kahit sila’y may mas magandang plataporma.
Ang pag-abuso sa kapangyarihan ng politika para maipa-angat ang miyembro ng kanilang pamilya.
Pagbuo ng sariling interes mula sa kapangyarihan.
Napapanatili sa isang pangkat lamang ang impluwensiya at kapangyarihan

Isang napaka kontrobersiyal na isyu ang dinastiyang politikal lalo na sa Pilipinas. Sa ating bansa, marami kang makikitang dinastiyang politikal. Halimbawa, sa isang probinsya, kasama ang Gobernador, mayor, at mga alkayde sa isang pamilya.

Salamat sa inyong maiiging pagbabasa. Aming sinisiguro ang pagserbisyo ng bago at pinaka-tinatangkilik na balita. Hanggang sa susunod na mga bagong balita mula dito lamang sa Philnews.

BASAHIN RIN: Pangunahing Layunin Ng Edukasyon – Ano Ang Pangunahing Layunin Nito

[OPINION] Dear political dynasty

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

Graphic by Alyssa Arizabal

Dear dynasty – you’re not all bad all the time.

Take, for example, the Cayetanos of Taguig. While some politicians mark public property with their names and faces, here the bailiwick is front and center with the ubiquitous “I Love Taguig.” And beneath the occasionally gimmicky viral trappings – a pandemic-era cyber-graduation with toga-toting robots bearing students’ faces! – it is a thriving city with vision, identity, and efficient governance.

The COVID crisis proved Taguig can have quick and clever solutions for almost everything: mobile markets, free testing, quarantine facilities, and just because they are “extra,” health tele-consultations not just for humans but pets, too. And one more thing – the flashy graduation robots? Made by the Taguig Robotics Team, comprised of students from the local science school.

Never to be outdone are the Binays of neighboring Makati. In between spells of corruption allegations and family drama, they consistently keep their city amongst the wealthiest and best run in the country. Its flush coffers and private sector partnerships have allowed them to provide enviable benefits to “Makatizens,” including government-subsidized health care, education, and entertainment, and tech initiatives like public wifi in targeted barangays and cashless government transactions. They are a global “smart city” contender, and soon, the most ambitious of their projects will come to fruition, too: an intra-city subway.

Thank you all for doing your job.

Unfortunately, even the best political dynasties can be problematic.

The painful truth: political family members may be qualified for a position, but they are not always representative . They may be following the letter of the law, but perhaps not its spirit . They may be democratically elected, but by simple existence can be effectively undemocratic. They may mean and even do well, but they usher in hidden dangers corrosive to a mature democracy.

First, let us look at representation. Here’s a simple thought exercise: remember when formal education and the elite workforce was dominated almost entirely by men? This meant that roughly 50% of the population (women or other identifications) had limited input in the running of industry and government. While that is a personal loss to them, it was an even bigger loss to larger society: imagine missing out on 50% of the population’s unique perspectives, solutions, and great ideas! How sooner could we have had new ways to combat cancer or invented computer programming if Marie Curie and Ada Lovelace types only had a voice earlier?

Unheard voices mean lost opportunities to improve society. This is what might happen if we continue filling our government with the same names. Our politics, already so anemic from lack of representation from the mid-to-lower economic classes, loses even more of the dynamism we can expect from diversity. We need experts from a wide range of disciplines and people from all walks of life. We need a variety of hard-earned perspectives borne from experience, not the same insular existence shared by one group of people at a family table.

See, it’s not that political families don’t care about the plight of the so-called common man – it’s just that sometimes, they can’t . It’s a failure of imagination, not a lack of intelligence or empathy.

How many of them, off the top of their heads, can state the contents and price of a market basket, or the average hours spent on a public commute? How many of them can grasp that for so many Filipinos, one medical emergency plunges the entire family into debt? How many can describe food insecurity?

They simply cannot change what they cannot see .

The importance of diversity in governments, schools, and corporations is fundamentally comprehensible because it mirrors nature; the inbred emerge damaged or incompatible with life. Our politics, in a way, is becoming more inbred and is falling sick with it.

Not that this is illegal. (Most) political families operate within the law, in running and holding office one after the other and/or alongside each other. But while that may be so, we must also consider the spirit of the law.

Why a glass of red wine is good for your gut

One of the most beautiful things about the law is that, in its barest bones, the common man has a sense of what is just. Juries are components of the legal process in other parts of the world for this reason – there is basic logic, common decency, and fair societal expectations even in people without a law degree.

This is why political dynasties can leave a sour taste in the mouth, even while being technically defensible…because if you go into the more fundamental idea of “fairness,” it gets stickier. As elusive as the concept may be, let’s face it – even a 3-year-old in the playground can understand “Give others a chance.”

This is before we even get into the subject of political dynasties being a barrier to the pursuit of justice, particularly against state crime. By acts of commission, omission or even by, incident – political families don’t create an atmosphere of transparency and impartiality. Would Mayor Child for example, look into the sketchy financials of Daddy Ex-Mayor? Would Baby President pursue investigations into Parent President’s repressive regime? Or even to a smaller degree – will a DUI Political Black Sheep be punished if Mom’s the Gov and Sis is in Congress?

While we’re at it, let’s imagine, say, how President Bongbong Marcos might celebrate the anniversary of the People Power Revolution. Or what will happen to the cases against his mother, or the continuing quest for martial law victims’ recognition and reparations.

He might be objective, he might not. But the point is – by his very existence in a position of power, we do not know how he will impact the allegations against members of his family. He and political scions like him – a certain “Inday” presidentiable with her own powerful and divisive pedigree included – can make people hesitate in investigating or upholding justice. And as human history has shown us so many times…individual courage can fail under such pressure.

Corollary to this, political dynasties are corrosive to a functioning democracy because they chip at our checks and balances, including the separation of powers. And with so much at stake, they are also dangerous, as they create and perpetuate toxic territorialism that sometimes escalates to violence.

Most realistic people agree that political dynasties are more tolerable than ideal, and some semblance of tighter anti-dynasty laws always seem to be in the works. However, they are difficult to define and operationalize, and many efforts have been stunted. Also, understandably, many politicians are hesitant to fire themselves.

No one wants to be unemployed, and I can acknowledge that it doesn’t seem fair to exclude qualified people from certain professions. However, if you are treating the Philippine government as the family business, this is the “tax”: someone in your family has to back down. These are your dues to society; this is the equalizer.

Another reason why a political family may be hesitant to let go is that they fear their foes will take over their job and do worse. That is a reasonable apprehension, too, but let’s look at this conundrum in another way: if your family members are the only ones qualified and decent enough to serve that office, you have failed.

Why? It means you were unable to develop educated and competent public servants beyond yourselves. It means you did not create lasting systems of checks and balances that could withstand challenges. It means, ultimately, that you did not create a healthy government – all you created was a dysfunctional dependency on you . I hope our proud, accomplished political families remember that, like a teacher setting a student free into the world, or a parent releasing their grown child – the final test of true service is in the graceful letting go. – Rappler.com

Isabel Lacson-Estrada is a freelance writer with a Master of Science Degree in Global Affairs from New York University. She is a stay-at-home mom and is underqualified but lucky to have the best job in the world.

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Asia's Political Dynasties: Philippines

The Philippines is noted for being a dynastic democratic country. Powerful clans have long played a major role in its politics for centuries. Political dynasty is not a new phenomenon in the Philippines. It originated with Spanish colonisation in the sixteenth century and has continued right up until the present day.

The situation, however, expanded dramatically in recent years, with the rise of "fat dynasties," in which numerous relatives of a politician simultaneously hold public office.

PrincialÍa: The Birth of Indigenous Elites

Prior to colonisation, the archipelago was divided into thousands of "barangays" (settlements), each one ruled by a "datu" (chief).

Eventually, the Spaniards instituted the " reducción" (reduction) system, which centralised authority and destroyed the datus-led barangays.

In exchange for giving up their barangays, the datus were granted positions as "gobernadorcillio" (little governor) and "cabeza de barangay" (barangay head) in the local government.

In addition, they were bestowed "principalÍa" (principality) status as members of the indigenous nobility with significant estates.

Luzon's PrincialÍa in the 19th century. Photo: Esquire Philippines

According to Spanish historian and author, Juan Antonio Inarejos , the datus turned principalÍa were in charge of collecting taxes and enforcing labour. Many exploited their positions and engaged in extortion. They also sold and donated public lands to the friars, enriching themselves while earning political and religious favours.

Alas, the principalÍa status, as well as the government positions held, were hereditary.

If the Spaniards inadvertently produced political dynasties in the country, the Americans codified them.

During the American occupation of the Philippines in the early twentieth century, suffrage rights and government positions were restricted to Americans and members of the principalÍa. This widened the gap between the rich and poor Filipinos, allowing political nepotism to flourish.

The Last Four Presidents

Since 2001, Filipinos have elected four presidents who were all descendants of political dynasties. These families shaped the Philippines’ political scene in the twenty-first century.

2022 – present: The Marcos family

In May 2022, Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos Jr. assumed the presidency of the Philippines, marking the return of the Marcos family to power.

The Marcoses felt a sense of déjà vu as they entered the Malacañan Palace. It was their residence for 20 years, when their father, Ferdinand Marcos Sr., ruled the country from 1965 to 1986.

The regime of Marcos Sr. was notorious for its corruption, cronyism, violations of human rights, and media censorship. In 1972, he proclaimed martial law , suspending constitutional rights and enabling him to maintain a firm grip on power.

Despite the dismal history, Marcos' supporters assert that it was a period of progress in the Philippines. Bongbong's campaign capitalised on this sentiment, which helped him win the presidency and restore the Marcos family's political supremacy in the Philippines, extending beyond their district in Ilocos Norte.

The Marcoses currently occupy positions in both the national and local governments.

Their relatives, the Romualdezes, are primarily engaged in local politics, particularly in the province of Leyte and Tacloban City - the domain of former First Lady Imelda Romualdez Marcos.

President Bongbong Marcos Jr. and his family in the government.

2016 – 2022: The Duterte family

The Duterte family is infamous for their controversial leadership style and strong-arm tactics. Rodrigo Roa Duterte, the family patriarch, served as mayor of Davao City for more than two decades before becoming president of the Philippines in 2016.

The drug war waged by Duterte during his presidency has been criticised for its brutality and disregard for due process. Still, Duterte remains a popular figure in the Philippines, with his supporters applauding his radical approach to government.

Members of the Duterte family are also active in politics. Duterte's daughter, Sara Duterte-Carpio, is the current vice president of the Philippines and was Bongbong Marcos Jr.'s running mate during the 2022 election.

Durterte’s sons, Sebastian and Paulo, both secured local positions.

Sebastian is the current mayor of Davao City, while his brother, Paolo is the representative for Davao's first congressional district.

Duterte may not have inherited the position of chief executive from his parents. But he certainly benefited from his father's influence in local politics, which eventually led him to the presidency.

His father, Vicente Duterte , was the former governor of Davao and a member of Ferdinand Marcos Sr.'s cabinet secretaries.

If his father was pro-Marcos, Duterte's mother, Soledad Duterte , was a leader of Davao's anti-Marcos movement.

Rodrigo Duterte's political posture changed over the years, from supporting the Aquinos to the Marcoses, presumably due to the fact that his parents held opposing political views.

The Dutertes in Malacañan Palace, 2016: (L-R) Sebastian Duterte, Veronica Duterte, former President Rodrigo Roa Duterte, Sara Duterte-Carpio, and Paolo Duterte. Photo: Presidential Communications Office

2010 – 2016: The Aquino family

Benigno Simeon 'Noynoy' Aquino III, a former senator and congressman, was the 15 th president of the Philippines. He entered politics thanks to his parents' legacy.

His father, Benigno Aquino Jr., was a prominent opposition leader during Ferdinand Marcos Sr.'s dictatorship, and his assassination in 1983 contributed to the People Power Revolution that brought down the Marcos regime.

In 1986, following the demise of Noynoy's father, his mother, Corazon Aquino, became the first female president of the Philippines. Through the 1987 revision of the Philippine Constitution, her presidency was marked by efforts to restore democracy and advance social justice.

Noynoy Aquino III was elected as president in 2010. His administration pursued an aggressive anti-corruption agenda, and he led the Philippines to a historic victory in the South China Sea Arbitration against China.

As a member of the political elite, he was nevertheless criticised for being too sluggish to respond to crises and for perpetuating the same political system he professed to oppose.

Noynoy Aquino III passed away in June 2021. This marked the end of a political era for the Aquino family.

However, their influence inspires a new generation of activists in the Philippines.

Noynoy Aquino III's last day as president, working inside his bare office in Malacañan Palace, 2016. Photo: Gil Nartea/Malacanang Photo Bureau

2001 – 2010: The Macapagal-Arroyo family

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) was the second female president of the Philippines, ruling the country for nine years from 2001 to 2010.

She entered politics in the late 1980s and was elected vice president under former president Joseph Estrada in 1998. When Estrada was impeached in 2001, GMA succeeded the presidency, and got reelected in 2004.

Her interest in politics was significantly influenced by her father, Diosdado Macapagal, who was also a former Philippine president.

During her tenure, GMA managed to maintain the country's GDP growth through foreign investments.

However, her leadership was plagued by controversies, including accusations of electoral fraud in the 2004 presidential poll, and criticism for human rights violations, such as extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances, committed by state security forces.

She was also implicated in multiple high-level malversation scandals, including the NBN-ZTE deal .

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's second oath of office as the 14th Philippine president in 2004. Photo: Rolex Dela Pena

GMA's political career persisted after her presidency. She is still an active member of Congress, having served as House Speaker under Duterte's leadership in 2018, and is now the Senior Deputy Speaker under Bongbong Marcos Jr.'s administration.

Her two sons, Dato and Mikey Arroyo, are also involved in politics.

Another prominent political dynasty in the Philippines is the Villar family, led by former Senate President Manuel Villar Jr. He lost the presidential bid to Noynoy Aquino III in 2010, but his family remained a political power in the Philippines.

Cynthia Villar, his wife, and Mark Villar, his son, are both senators. Las Piñas Congresswoman Camille Villar, his daughter, has been the House Deputy Speaker since 2020.

Because of their close alliances with the Marcoses, Dutertes, and Macapagal-Arroyos, the Villar family has enormous political influence in the Philippines. They are also recognised as one of the country's top oligarchs , owing to their multibillion-dollar real estate empire.

The Villar family: (L-R) former Senate President Manuel Villar Jr., Sen. Cynthia Villar, Las Piñas Rep. Camille Villar, Sen. Mark Villar, and Manuel Paolo Villar III. Photo: Philippine Star

Fatter Dynasties, Poorer Communities

Based on the study conducted by Ateneo School of Government, from 1988 to 2019, the percentage of fat dynasties in Philippine politics increased from 19% to 29%, with approximately 170 positions added per election year.

Term limitations were implemented as an institutional change in the 1987 constitution to prevent dynastic dominance after Ferdinand Marcos Sr.'s 15-year tyranny.

Nonetheless, powerful families were able to circumvent restrictions and place more relatives in office, giving them an unfair advantage in politics.

Senator Alan Peter Cayetano of Taguig City's political family argued that term limitation is why fat dynasty thrives. He called the three-year term limit " too short " for local positions. As a result, politician's kin are prompted to run for office to design and implement community projects that will assist the people.

Contrary to Cayetano's statement, another study revealed that political dynasties have a detrimental impact on governance and development, with territories dominated by incumbent powerful clans outside the Luzon region are suffering from extreme poverty.

This circumstance reemphasises the significance of dynasty regulation not only because the Constitution requires it, but also because it promotes equitable political competition and inclusivity, improves governance, and boosts development impact.

The Anti-Political Dynasty bill is frequently touted during campaign seasons in the Philippines, but after elected officials gain power, the bill becomes dormant.

The Philippines' 19th Congress in session. Photo: PTV4

In February 2023, the Advocates for National Interest , a group of retired senior officials, urged the government to pass legislation barring political dynasties before the 2025 election.

In a statement, the group said:

“ To institutionalize good governance by elected and appointed officials, the constitutional provision on removing political dynasties be legislated as soon as possible, and that electoral reforms to do away with money politics be initiated and implemented in due time, before the next national and local elections in May 2025 .”

Such a request, however, is unlikely to be addressed in the current 19th Congress, because approximately 70% of the legislative body is made up of political dynasties that have neither filed nor submitted an anti-political dynasty act.

The 2022 election results, which reinstated powerful families to the government, suggests that the Philippines might not yet be prepared to abandon its status quo on dynastic democracy.

**Banner image: The Marcos family during President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr.'s inauguration in 2022. Rappler

-Asia Media Centre

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Philippine Legal Research

Dynasties in the Political Landscape of the Philippines

INTRODUCTION

A political dynasty, which is a significantly shared political trait in most countries, has persisted since the ancient times, be it in any system of government. At present, it has fostered in developing democracies, one in which a generation passes its political prowess to another like a family heirloom. The Philippines is a perfect picture of that scenario – either in a national or local scale.

The remarkable prevalence of a political dynasty – why it has thrived successfully – has motivated the researchers to seek its socioeconomic outcomes and determine the legislative attempts of putting a stop to its reign. With this, the researchers believe, that they could point out the indicative element of its success. On that note, this study aims to know what a political dynasty is by identifying several dynastic families on a national and local level, to discover the reason behind a political dynasty’s success through identifying socioeconomic implications of dynasties in the political landscape of the Philippines and to determine bills or laws that have been passed or made to stop its reign.

Dynastic families have their own political agenda; they can pass these to another relative after finishing their term or share these with another elected relative during their tenure. Identifying a handful of these families can help the researchers define what a political dynasty is.

The extended time horizons brought about by the continued holding of office have necessary socioeconomic implications and the researchers would want to bridge the cause of its continued success and the socioeconomic outcomes of political dynasties, thereby discovering such outcomes along the process.

Lastly, the reign of these dynasties have clearly been uncompromised, otherwise they would have not thrived so successfully this long. For this reason, the researchers would want to determine the attempts at legislation of abrogating this practice by political families – whether our Constitution promotes its preservation or not.

RELATED LITERATURE

William Safire, political lexicographer, defines “dynasty” as the “recurrence of political power in generations of a single family; previously, the passing of power among a small group of political elite.”

Dynasties around the world differs. Sociologist C. Wright Mills points out that “throughout US history, well over half of the American political elite have come from families not previously connected with political affairs. They come from families highly placed in terms of money and position than political influence.”

The term “dynast” is sometimes used to refer to agnatic descendants of a realm’s monarchs, and sometimes to those who hold succession rights through cognatic royal descent. The term can therefore describe overlapping but distinct sets of people. However, there are differnces between monarchy and dynasty. According to Joseph Kostiner, monarchy is a political system based upon the undivided sovereignty or rule of a single person and the term applies to states in which supreme authority is vested in the monarch, an individual ruler who functions as the head of state and who achieves his or her position through heredity. Dynasty, on the otherhand, Cambridge English Dictionary defined such a series of rulers or leaders who are all from the same family, or a period when a country is ruled by them.

Political dynasty was defined by Simbulan (2007) as a succession of people from the same family who plays a role in politics. Kurtz (1989) also defined such as: “political family exist when two or more relatives or have held in public office if two or more families are lined by kinship, they are interlocked, forming a kinship network.”

According to Simbulan (2007) different cities in the Philippines are being ruled by about 250 political dynasties. They have the superiority in the Philippine politics, both national and local levels have been there for at least three decades.

OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY

There are three primary objectives of this study:

To define what a political dynasty is;
To discover the cause of a political dynasty’s continued success by identifying socioeconomic implications in the political landscape of the Philippines.
To determine the bills or laws that have been passed or made to stop its reign

Due to time constraint and limited resources, the researchers made use of established research papers of political dynasties and statistics of the advantages and disadvantages of political dynasties, specifically relating to the state of poverty in our country in this study.

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

This study focuses on political families that are known to be involved in holding public offices both in a national and local scale. This is necessary for the researchers to branch out the objectives without touching too much on other aspects of political dynasties.

The researchers were given a couple of months to do and furnish the study and in addition, resources were limited.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

Dynasty in the Political Landscape of the Philippines

According to record, one-hundred and sixty-nine (169) of the two-hundred (200) elected House of Representatives were members of traditional families back in 1972. As such, seventy-percent (70%) of the 15 th Philippine Congress continued the trend of Philippine politics making it dynastic; this is only a matter on the national offices. To name one, the Aquinos who originated from Tarlac, began their reign in the Congress with Servillano Aquino; from then on, generation after generation filled other positions in the Legislature. The famous bloodless revolution paved the way for Corazon Aquino to rise up and oust Ferdinand Marcos from presidency. Inspired by his mother’s legacy, Benigno Aquino, Jr. followed her footsteps as president. Other prominent political families that held offices varying from the executive and legislative branches in the national government are the Marcoses, Estradas and Ampatuans. In local areas, the families of Tan and Roxas are known to have continually assumed office in their hometowns as mayors and governors. In Davao city, the Dutertes have occupied the position of mayor since 1988, passing such to a child like a heritage. To date, the Ortegas are believed to hold the longest unbroken record of political rule in the province of La Union. Gleaning from all these, a political dynasty is basically characterized as families who have politically established governance in a city or province and/or have networks to coordinate their efforts to move on to positions of national political prominence. Their amalgamated support in the province is the fruit of years and years of political and economic dominion. With the fast-paced improvements of technology, the reach of political dynasties are verily enhanced and uncompromised; for this reason, their grip has only gotten tighter and more promising.

Bridging Socioeconomic Implications of Political Dynasties and Source of Its Continued Success

With that said, studies show that a political dynasty is positively associated with poverty but upon close scrutiny, another one rebuts this fact by pointing out that the extended time horizons of political dynasties have beneficial outcomes to the socio-economy. The contrasting findings lead the researchers to bridge these causal effects, more particularly the socioeconomic outcomes to the root cause of a political dynasty’s continued success. In a study conducted by Ateneo de Manila University, it claims that the presence of political dynasties is positively poverty in some areas outside of Luzon. In another study conducted by Asia Pacific Journal through narrative inquiry, the collective utterances of the respondents highlighted political dynasty as a project characterized by continuation and completion. The results underlined the undeniable fact that political dynasties are beneficial for implementing long-term goals like scholarships but all point to one particular form of aid: financial support. The respondents’ utterances which gear toward patronizing political dynasties uncover that once a politician has achieved the loyalty by providing personal benefits to the citizen, the voting intelligence of the citizen is declined and marred by the indulgences brought by these supports. This raises the negative impact on the development of an active citizenship which indicates unwise voting. In addition, Table 5, in particular shows that political dynasties do not hold much of an influence on poverty in Luzon. If placed differently, the evidence suggests that political dynasties in Luzon neither worsen nor reduce poverty. In contrast, Table 6 reveals that political dynasties have a significant and positive influence on poverty in Visayas and Mindanao. To piece it all together, there is an interrelationship between geography and institutions as to the determination of socioeconomic outcomes like poverty. Under the light of these two studies, the results suggest that the relationship between political dynasties and poverty is more manifest in provinces outside of Luzon for the reason that the role of political dynasties in improving socioeconomic outcomes through livelihood and other economic activities can have different impacts in Luzon than in other parts of the country. Moreover, socioeconomic outcomes in areas outside of Luzon could turn bleak because the local monopolies such as transport, utilities, and the like by traditional dynastic families were made not only to restrain local economic activities but also restrict economic opportunities for the people. It is to be noted that links between dynastic politics-protected business interests are common in developing democracies. With all these to consider, the voters have become too complacent and submissive that they would rather stick to the one who brought them progress but blinded by the potential political tumults that can be seismically triggered by these dynastic families. As a result, political dynasties continue to flourish the nation with its continued existence and pose an instant sigh of relief for the citizens.

Tables (Political Dynasties and Poverty: Illustration of Measurement and Initial

Evidence of Linkages in the Philippines)

Attempts at Legislation to Abrogate the Reign of Political Dynasty

Without defining it, it is clear that the Constitution provides for an anti-political dynasty. Section 26 of Article II of the 1987 Constitution states that: “The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law ” (Emphasis supplied). No enabling law has been passed by Congress to enforce the said provision of the Constitution.

Anti-political dynasty bill have since been passed in both the Senate and the House of the Representatives but none became a law to enforce and to effect Section 26, Article II of the 1987 Constitution.

On January 24, 2011, the late Senator Miriam Santiago filed Senate Bill 2649 ( http://www.senate.gov.ph/lisdata/106169091!.pdf ), an act to prohibit political dyansty in the Philippines. The said bill disqualifies candidates up to the 2 nd degree of consaguinty to participate in the elections but this did not reach the House of Representatives.

On December 16, 2013, The House of Representatives Committee on Suffrage and Electoral Reforms consolidated three bills into House Bill 3587. This bill seeks to limit the number of members allowed to participate in the elections from a particular clan on a particular period. This bill have reached the plenary but was then abandoned.

Other bills were passed such House Bill Number 332 ( http://www.congress.gov.ph/legisdocs/basic_17/HB00332.pdf ) filed by the representatives of the Bayan Muna Partylist together with six other partylists and House Bill No. 911 filed by Representative Harry Roque ( http://www.congress.gov.ph/legisdocs/basic_17/HB00911.pdf ) which did not flourished.

The latest bill regarding political dynasty was House Bill No. 8025 filed by Magdalo Rep. Gary Alejano. However, leaders of the House of Representatives said that there was no chance for the Anti-Political Dynasty bill to prosper in the 17 th Congress. Rep. Belmonte said that the proposal will unlikely prosper due to lack of time and champions.

The closest law we have right now which prohibits political dynasty was approved on January 15, 2016 during the Aquino Administration; the Republic Act No. 10742 or the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act of 2015 ( http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/images/uploads/2016-IRR-RA-10742-SK.pdf ). Section 10 of the said act enumerates the the qualifications of an official of the Sangguniang Kabataan and provides that: “ x x x must not be related within the second civil degree of consangunity or affinity to any incumbent elected national official or to any elected regional, provincial, city or municipal, or barangay official in the locality where he or she seeks to be elected, x x x.”

In a country predominantly ruled by political dynasties, attempts can only be made in defining and enabling the Constitution’s mandate on anti-political dynasty.

CONCLUSIONS

The prevalence and reign of political dynasties can be traced to the unconventionality of citizens in their political responsibilities and duties. The complacency brought by the assurance of the dynastic families through development, financial support and other forms of benefits has been deeply set in the minds of the citizens that consequentially allowed political dynasties to foster. The individuals’ voting scheme was garnered from the things they think that would benefit them. It merely sets out that politicians and citizens alike share eccentricity in behaviours corresponding to such political issues.

The Congress has yet to create a law that would define and effect the anti-political dynasty provision of the 1987 Constitution. For the record, bills have been passed already but until now, none has been successful enough to become a law.

RECOMMENDATIONS

This study recommends that the government, the education and youth should develop campaigns that promote anti-individualistic voting preferences. This would serve as a mechanism in promoting intelligent voting. All citizens should see the bigger picture of the nation rather than the benefit they can draw from voting.

It is a fact that our country can never abolish political dynasties. Since most of the lawmakers in the country belong to a political dynasty, banning them would do more bad than good. However, just what Ateneo School of Government Dean, Ronald Mendoza, suggested, instead of banning dynasties altogether, it would be best regulate them by prohibiting only families with two or more members in power all of the same time allowing only those who serve in succession.

Asako, Y., Iida T., Matsubayashi, T., & Ueda, M. (2015). “Dynastic Politicians: Theory and Evidence from Japan,” Japanese Journal of Political Science, 16(1), 5-32.

Beckett, J. (1994). “Political Families and Family Politics Among the Muslim Maguindanaon of Cotabato,” in A. McCoy (Ed.), An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Cabigao, S. (2013). „It Runs In The Family‟ The Making Of Political Dynasties In The Philippines. University of the Philippines Forum . Retrieved September 2, 2015 from http://www.up.edu.ph/it-runs-in-the-family-the-making-of-political-dynasties-in-the-philippines/

Curato, N. (2012). “What is Wrong with Political Dynasties?,” GMA News. Retrieved from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/276345/opinion/what-is-wrong-with-political-dynasties

Dal Bo, E., Dal Bo, P., & Snyder, J. (2009). “Political Dynasties,” Review of Economic Studies, 76(1), 115-142.

Mendoza, R., Beja, E., Venida, V., and Yap, D. (2014). An Empirical Analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress. Research Gate. Retrieved September 5, 2015 from http://www.researchgate.net/publication/228276641_An_Empirical_Analysis_of_Political_Dynasties_in_the_15th_Philippine_Congress

Myrina, K. (2013). 55 political families have unbreakable hold on power, one clan for 43 years. GMA News Online. Retrieved September 2, 2015 from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/316096/news/specialreports/55-political-families-have-unbreakable-hold-on-power-one-clan-for-43-years

Santiago, M. (2011). Senate Bill 2649 Explanatory Note. Retrieved September 5, 2015) from http://www.senate.gov.ph/lisdata/106169091 !.pdf

Researchers: Cedric Lance M. Millitar and Laila Marie P. Abalajon

Published by Jocelle Batapa Sigue

ATTY. JOCELLE BATAPA-SIGUE • Named as one of The Outstanding Women in Nation’s Service of the Philippines or TOWNS for 2016 in the field of Information and Communications Technology or ICT • Positions: Past Vice President (2018) and Past President (2010-2012) and Past Trustee (2013-2017) of the National ICT Confederation of the Philippines or NICP • Founder, Former President and Current Executive Director of the Bacolod-Negros Occidental Federation for ICT or BNEFIT • Served for 3 terms as councilor of Bacolod City • Chosen as one of Asia Society Top Ten Philippines 21 Young Leaders in 2009 • Chosen as the Eisenhower Fellow of the Philippines in 2012 • Awarded as Philippine Individual Contributor of the Year during the International ICT Awards given by the Canadian Chamber of Commerce and Industry in the Philippines View all posts by Jocelle Batapa Sigue

One thought on “ Dynasties in the Political Landscape of the Philippines ”

What an interesting article! As a young voter, this article has provided me the necessary information about how grave the political dynasty in the Philippines has become. I agree with your results wherein a people from a particular town/municipality/province will likely vote for someone who gives them assistance and the people will keep voting on that politician. This scenario would end up in a situation in which a politician has gained a substantial amount of political power, influence, and loyalty from the people he/she governs. Since humans are naturally non-altruistic, there’s a tendency a person would exploit his acquired power for personal interests.

Clan politics reign but a family is divided in the race to rule the Philippines

Julie McCarthy

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018.

A foiled succession plan, sensational allegations, and a family feud at the pinnacle of power — these are the ingredients in what promises to be a riveting race to succeed outgoing Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

The no-holds-barred contest scheduled for May 2022 has already produced what some observers see as an unsettling alliance: the offspring of two presidents pairing off in an unprecedented bid to run the country.

Taking full advantage of their prominence, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., has teamed up with Sara Duterte, daughter of President Rodrigo Duterte in the national election.

He is running for president in this dynastic duo, while she vies for vice president.

Are dynasties and celebrities narrowing democracy?

Political dynasties in the Philippines are nothing new.

Richard Heydarian, an expert on Philippine politics, says they are such a dominant feature in the country that between 70% and 90% of elected offices have been controlled by influential families.

But even by those standards, this Marcos-Duterte coupling takes powerful clan politics to a new level, says University of the Philippines Diliman political science professor Aries Arugay.

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is surrounded by supporters after attending the recount of votes in the 2016 vice presidential race at the Supreme Court. Marcos narrowly lost that contest to Leni Robredo, the current vice president. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Speaking at a recent online forum of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Arugay says second generation dynasts are behaving like a "cartel".

He says their calculus is as damaging as it is simple: "Why can't we just share power, limit competition, and make sure that the next winners of the presidential and national elections come from us?"

Then there is the celebrity factor.

Heydarian notes a narrowing of democracy in the pairing of dynasties with the celebrity class, which includes former film stars, television personalities and sports figures. He says the two elite groups monopolize national office, putting elected office beyond the reach of a lot of ordinary Filipinos who he says may have the merit and passion to serve, but are effectively blocked from fully participating.

It makes a "mockery" of democracy, Heydarian says, but it's also a trend that could be difficult to reverse.

"After all, in politics you need a certain degree of messaging, communications machinery and charisma," he said. And, he added, especially in the age of social media, "It's not for dull people."

Running on a name, not a track record

Consider Manny Pacquiao.

His stardom as one of the legends of the boxing world has catapulted him into the race for president next year. He is currently a sitting senator and is in the running for the highest office not on the power of his record in the upper chamber marked by absenteeism, but on the strength of his career as the country's most acclaimed athlete.

So prized have name recognition and celebrity status become in winning Philippine elections that observers worry it's turning democracy into the preserve of the rich and well-connected.

Marcos is part and parcel of the phenomenon, according to Manila-based analyst Bob Herrera-Lim, who notes that his undistinguished career as a senator and congressman has been no barrier to his ambition for the presidency.

"[Marcos] is running on entitlement. He is running on the weaknesses of the system," Herrera-Lim said.

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao. Manman Dejeto/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao.

Marcos' vice presidential partner Sara Duterte is an accomplished politician, occupying the post her father held for decades as the mayor of Davao City, the third largest in the country. But the fact the 43-year-old First Daughter, whose work is little known outside Davao, led in a presidential opinion poll this past summer can only be put down to the power of a famous family name.

Revisionism, a PR campaign of distortion — and fond memories of the Marcos era

Bongbong Marcos is now making waves, rewriting the past and embellishing his family's legacy.

It's been 35 years since his father was ousted by a popular uprising, exiled, and exposed for rights abuses and kleptocracy.

Marcos Sr. is believed to have amassed up to $10 billion while in office, and now his son has been resuscitating the family's image with a sophisticated social media campaign.

Marcos Jr. narrates seamlessly scored videos that cast his parents, Ferdinand and Imelda, as generous philanthropists, and his father as a great innovator who made possible new strains of rice and united the archipelago with infrastructure heralded as the "Golden Age" of the Philippines.

Critics decry what they call the revisionist history and systematic airbrushing of the sins of the father's 20-year rule that turned the country into his personal fiefdom.

Marcos Sr. engaged in land-grabbing, bank-grabbing, and using dummies to hide acquisitions from public view, according to Professor Paul Hutchcroft of the Australian National University, who has written extensively on the political economy of the Philippines.

The late dictator dispensed special privileges to relatives, friends and cronies, writes Ronald Mendoza, dean of the School of Government at Ateneo de Manila University, providing them access to the booty of the state, "even as the country failed to industrialize and was eventually plunged into debt and economic crises in the mid-1980s."

Activists wear masks with anti-Marcos slogans during a rally in front of the Supreme court in Manila in 2016 as they await the high court's decision on whether to allow the burial of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the "Cemetery of Heroes." Ted Aljibe/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Yet, despite all of it, the Marcos family is not without its loyalists among both the elites and ordinary Filipinos.

At a small community market in central Manila, where fishmongers congregate amid aquariums and chopping blocks, vendors and shoppers talk about the Marcos era with a sense of nostalgia.

Chereelyn Dayondon, 49, says she likes how Marcos Sr. ran the country before and she wants that to come back. The single mother earns $80 a month directing traffic and worries that the cost of living is getting too high.

"It's not going to be enough," she says. "You never know, maybe Bongbong can change the Philippines. Let's try him out."

Meanwhile, fish seller Teodora Sibug-Nelval, 57, reminisces about the old Marcos era and memories of cheap food and law and order.

"I had a good life. I was able to send my sibling to school ... I was able to buy a house," she says.

In the pandemic, however, Sibug-Nelval lost her home and her vending stall. And now she wants her life back. She says she believes that if Marcos wins the election, "our lives will be better."

Herrera-Lim also says that many Filipinos see a confusing, chaotic political situation: "There is no clear delineations, political parties don't work for our benefit, we are looking for order."

And that, he says, is what Marcos is offering.

"Bongbong Marcos is saying that during his father's time, there was this order. There was peace in the country, which again, is a myth," he says.

The challenger to the dynasty

Leni Robredo is the current vice president of the Philippines and a liberal progressive.

A lawyer by training, Robredo co-authored an anti-dynasty bill when she served as a member of the Philippine House of Representatives.

In the Philippines, the vice president and president are elected separately and Robredo is on the opposite end of the political spectrum from President Duterte, with whom she has repeatedly sparred over human rights, the handling of the pandemic and Duterte's close ties with China.

Among the many candidates for president, including a former police chief, the mayor of Manila and Duterte's closest aide, Robredo appears to represent the greatest challenge to Bongbong Marcos.

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race. Jam Sta Rosa/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race.

Robredo defeated Marcos Jr. for vice president in 2016, and now she has pledged that if she wins the top office, she will recover the Marcos family's plundered riches.

Alluding to Marcos' perceived popularity, Robredo told a news conference last weekend that it was "sad that the people allow themselves to be fooled" into believing Marcos would save the country when the family's ill-gotten wealth "was the reason they are poor."

Yet Robredo may need more than tough rhetoric and moral rectitude.

Marites Vitug, the editor-at-large for the online news site Rappler, whose CEO won this year's Nobel Peace Prize , said the country was witnessing the "rehabilitation of the Marcos dynasty." Young people were especially susceptible to the Marcos rebranding, she said, because there were no standard history textbooks in the Philippines that explained the Marcos martial law years.

"I was shocked to hear from some millennials that this was never discussed in class," she said.

Vitug said the odd teacher or professor may present it, but it was not systematic.

"It should have been required reading," she said.

Political economist Calixto Chikiamco adds that the revived Marcos family fortunes represent a counter-revolution to the one that ousted Marcos Sr. in 1986. That so-called Yellow Revolution was a model that Chikiamco says has failed to deliver genuine change.

"Because our politics remain dysfunctional, our economy is still not doing so well, a quarter of the workforce is unemployed ... still a large number of people go abroad to seek better opportunities. So it is a revolt against their present situation," he said.

"That's the reason the Marcoses are making a comeback."

The Duterte dynasty is a house divided

The campaign promises to be one of the Philippines' most bitterly fought contests in years, not least because the Marcos-Duterte tie-up has not won the blessing of Sara Duterte's father.

Rodrigo Duterte did make the controversial decision to allow the late dictator's remains to be moved to the "Cemetery of Heroes," a decision confirmed by the Supreme Court. But the once-friendly relations between Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos have frayed, possibly beyond repair.

Duterte had wanted his daughter to seek the presidency, not play second fiddle, to provide him protection from the International Criminal Court investigating his violent anti-drug war. The probe has been suspended for a procedural review, but court watchers expect the case of alleged crimes against humanity to resume. Meanwhile, Chikiamco says while Sara may talk of continuing her father's policies, by declining to run for the top job, she has gone her own way.

"The daughter is fiercely independent and didn't want to be under the thumb of President Duterte. And also she could not perhaps tolerate the president's men," Chikiamco said.

A grandmother and her grandchild light a candle beside mock chalk figure representing an extra judicial killing victim during a prayer rally condemning the government's war on drugs in Manila in 2017. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Herrera-Lim adds that daughter and father apparently "did not see eye to eye on many things related to the family or on the governance of Davao."

Fundamentally, though, Herrera-Lim says President Duterte doesn't trust Bongbong Marcos to shield him from ICC prosecutors.

"On these matters, family is very important," he said.

And even if there were such a bargain between the two men, Herrera says Duterte would worry it might not hold.

In what analysts regard as a means to protect himself, Duterte is making a bid for a seat in the Senate in the 2022 election.

One authoritative poll shows Marcos the early frontrunner to succeed him. But not, it seems, if President Duterte has anything to say about it.

He ignited a stir earlier this month by declaring in a televised address that an unnamed candidate for president uses cocaine.

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte. AFP/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

Without identifying who, he said the offender was a "very weak leader" and that "he might win hands down."

Marcos took a drug test this past week, saying he was clean. Other candidates hurriedly lined up to clear their name.

Marcos is also under attack by groups eager to have him disqualified from running at all. The Commission on Elections is reviewing four separate petitions challenging his candidacy. At least one charges that Marcos misrepresented his eligibility to seek the presidency by stating he had no criminal conviction that would bar him from office. Petitioners argue that his 1995 conviction for failing to pay taxes for several years in the 1980s ends his bid for the presidency.

The Commission on Elections announced no ballots will be printed until the petitions are decided.

The campaign that officially begins in February is already generating drama enough for some to lament that the race for president is fast becoming a "political circus."

But Richard Heydarian says circuses are not always the worst thing. "Sometimes," he says, "they can produce a magical outcome. Let's see."

Correction Dec. 16, 2021

An earlier version of this story incorrectly said Aries Arugay was a professor at Philippine University. He is with the University of the Philippines Diliman. Also, Ateneo de Manila University was misspelled as Ateno de Manila University.

Home / Essay Samples / Government / Philippine Government / Family Ties and Political Dynasties in the Philippines

Family Ties and Political Dynasties in the Philippines

Category: Government , Education , Science
Topic: Philippine Government , Political Correctness , Political Culture

Pages: 3 (1541 words)

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