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Guest Voz: “You’re not really Mexican” – a personal essay about my cultural identity crisis

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In guest voz , znew headline.

By Sophia Campos VoiceBox Media

All my life I’ve lived between two worlds.

As a Mexican-American, it’s easy to be confused as to which world you think you should identify with more; I feel undoubtedly Mexican-American when I make tamales or listen to mariachis, but that feeling fades away when I speak broken Spanish.

Spanish might not seem like an important characteristic for all Mexican-Americans, but not knowing it in central Texas— an area where Spanish is spoken all over the region by Mexican-Americans —can surely make you feel like a foreigner.

Although I sometimes feel confused as to which world I belong to, there’s no question I’m first and foremost an American; I’m the product of my Mexican grandparents’ American Dream, I’ve never been to Mexico (besides Cancun, where there are probably more American tourists than Mexicans) and I can’t say certain words in Spanish without revealing my obvious American accent.

Growing up, I always lived in predominantly Caucasian neighborhoods in states that have very low Hispanic populations, thus the majority of my friends throughout my life have been Caucasian. I never really understood that I was any different than my Caucasian friends because we really weren’t. We lived in the same neighborhood, went to the same school, and our parents had similar jobs. We shopped at the same stores, joined the same clubs, and so on.

Even though we had similarities, I knew I was different because I looked different, ate different foods and my parents spoke Spanish to each other. I started realizing I also belonged to another world when my friends and I started hitting puberty, and they would complain about Mexicans whistling at them.

I’d ask, “Mexicans?” and they would say yes, it had to have been Mexicans because it happened at the construction site down the block. When I would respond defensively to their claims—because even at a young age I took offense to and recognized these stereotypes—they would reply with “well, you’re not really Mexican…you know what I mean!”

As a young girl, I wouldn’t argue further when I heard remarks like that, but I’ve always wondered: what did my friends mean? Did they mean that since my dad had a white-collar job, and since I spoke English without an accent like they did, that I must not have been of Mexican descent? What made them assume that all Hispanics were Mexican? Where did these warped stereotypes come from?

It’s not uncommon to find myself in these awkward situations; more recently I found myself the only Mexican-American among a group of Caucasian adults, who, as a result of my presence, were having a very restrained conversation about their “changing” neighborhoods, and their desire to move away because “the demographics” were shifting—which, I inferred, meant more Hispanics were moving in and they wanted to get out.

I feel an inherent responsibility to correct people when they categorize all Hispanics as Mexicans or when I hear an incorrect stereotype because I’m both offended and desperate to try and educate people about this topic. What puzzles me, though, is that although I feel alienated and oftentimes hurt when people make these remarks, I know that the people making them are also just like me. I have more in common with them than Mexicans.

What I’ve learned from living between these two worlds is that how you identify with someone isn’t necessarily based on race or ethnicity, it’s socio-economic class.

Sure, people of the same culture share traditions and practices, but what makes someone truly identify with someone else is sharing a similar lifestyle. A poor Caucasian kid will have more in common with a poor Mexican kid than with a rich Caucasian kid, no matter the cultural similarities or differences between them.

However, not many people look for similarities in people across cultures since our American history includes exclusion of so many groups, including Hispanics.

One of the most recent examples is Trump suggesting that Mexicans are “rapists” and “drug dealers.” Instances like this is no wonder that there might be a cultural divide between Mexican-Americans and Caucasians, and even confusion that Mexican-Americans are indeed just as American as everyone else.

Even though I sometimes face confusion about my cultural identity, I know that, after all, America is a melting pot. This debate within myself is the product of being fed the incessant mantra that we are truly a multicultural and diverse nation, and I’m sure Mexican-Americans aren’t the only ones in this country who experience this self-reflection.

I believe that this multiculturalism is what America has tried to achieve all along, and I believe that we are supposed to be a melting pot. This realization has made it easier for me to identify myself as Mexican-American; I know I can exist happily between these two worlds, accepting the American part of me as well as the fundamental Mexican part of me.  

Sophia Campos is a 21-year-old student at Texas State University.

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About the Author

Marc Leroux-Parra is a member of the Harvard College class of 2022 and a proud resident of Cabot House. He is pursuing an A.B. in Art, Film, and Visual Studies – Film with a secondary in Government. He is a publications intern at ReVista .

A Reflection on Latinx Identity

by Marc Leroux-Parra | Jan 22, 2020

When I introduce myself to people, I usually don’t mention my Latinx heritage. It may come up at some point during that conversation, but I even have had instances where I surprise close friends by speaking Spanish. They sometimes say they had no idea I spoke Spanish, let alone that I am half Mexican. It occasionally leads to expressions of disbelief, since how could I, a preppy-dressing and pale-skinned college student, possibly be Mexican?

I sometimes ask myself why I don’t immediately reveal my Mexican heritage. After all, I often go to visit relatives in Mexico and I often speak Spanish at home. I have grown up with countless Latin American friends and family members with whom I have wonderful memories and relationships.

How come I do not wear my Mexican heritage on my sleeve? Why do I keep it hidden behind the outer layers of who I present myself to be? The easy answer would be to say: “I don’t know, that’s the way I’ve done things so far and so I’ll continue to do so.” Fortunately I have never quite been a fan of these cop-out answers. Unfortunately, there is no concrete way to answer that question. But I can try.

One could start by pointing out the turbulent political climate in the United States, as reflected in the response of disbelief that someone like me could be Mexican. When a cultural or ethnic people is unfairly singled out, as Mexicans are often singled out by the conservative voices in the United States, it makes sense to try and minimize that “otherness” in order to fit in. One could go as far as to say that the United States pressures its immigrant communities to abandon their strong cultural ties and pledge absolute allegiance to the “American” way of life. Cultural assimilation is good, they say, because it makes newcomers feel welcomed by this country. They feel like they fit in with everyone else.

Notwithstanding the wonderful lie that is, those are not quite the reasons. I don’t readily share my Mexicanness because I feel culturally pressured to hide it, although that is the truth for many first-generation immigrants. If anything, everything about my Latinx heritage demands, screams, to be shared with the world. My parents have always taught me about Mexican history and culture, and stressed how proud my brother and I ought to be to come from such a distinguished people. Every story I write is shaped by the experiences I have had visiting family in Mexico, and my worldview is defined by my Mexicanness.

In spite of all that, I can’t help but feel somewhat out of place when it comes to publicly embracing my Latinx heritage. It’s a feeling that I am immensely proud of who I am and the culture with which I identify, yet simultaneously not being identified with that culture.

My mom has occasionally asked me whether or not I have considered joining Latinx or Latin American organizations on campus. My honest reply has always been “yes, I have considered it, but no, I do not plan on joining.” I have never really felt comfortable in campus Latino organizations mainly because I don’t fit into one of the two primary archetypes of Latinos: one being the white, upper- and upper middle-class students who have come to the U.S. to study at elite universities or whose families fled one of the many redistributive leftist regimes in Latin America; the other being the students of color who generally come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, whose families are either fleeing persecution and violence or lack of economic opportunity in their countries of origin. These organizations also have other archetypes, like the few mestizo , or multi-racial, immigrants from the upper classes, or even rarer, the mestizo  immigrant from the lower classes. Instead, I am a white-passing, second-generation immigrant student from the middle class who dresses like a stereotypical preppy, or fresa in Mexican Spanish, young adult. I cannot deeply relate to any of these categories, simply because I have not lived and experienced the archetypical conditions of these students’ backgrounds.

As a result, I am a member of a third archetype in the Latinx community: those caught in the middle. At the organizational level at an elite institution of higher education, both of the primary archetypical groups come into conflict, sometimes quite seriously. There is a marked over- representation of the white-passing, upper-class students in many elite colleges and their ethnic organizations, particularly in leadership positions. This naturally causes a divisional rift, where students of underrepresented communities feel further underrepresented. A good friend of mine, Caesar (name changed for anonymity), mentioned to me that this conflict boiled over at Emerson College, where students of color fairly criticized the white and wealthy leadership of the Latino organizations, the response to which was quite abrasive.

At a superficial level, this degree of conflict within the Latinx community seems baffling. How could a people as committed to unity and solidarity as the Latinx be subject to these bitter conflicts amongst themselves? Yet it makes a lot of sense at an institutional level. In Latin American countries, the key, politically salient societal division is socio-economic status. This is what political elites use to mobilize support, what irritates people most, the lens to which they analyze and try to solve injustice. In the United States by contrast, that key, politically salient societal division is race. That is not to say that race does not play a crucial role in Latin America—it definitely does due to the racial distribution of socio-economic levels—nor that economic class does not play a crucial role in the United States; rather, race in Latin America and class in the United States still do not drive political mobilization.

The importance behind this distinction means that being Latinx means different things to different people. And ultimately, everyone, to some extent, defaults to the stereotypes they have internalized from their respective societies. For immigrants, being Latinx means having Latin American heritage, although people from similar socio-economic backgrounds develop stronger familiar bonds. For Latinx-Americans, being Latinx is defined by the experience of being a racial minority community which faces systematic racism and often outright hostility by members of the majority. In my view, herein lies the clue to understanding the conflict occurring at elite college campuses. The white, upper-class immigrants tend to see the organizations as collections of Latin Americans as a whole, and feel offended when they are criticized on the basis of racial discrimination because they, for the first time, are experiencing some degree of racial “otherization” since Latinxs are all labeled as a racial minority here in the United States. Their naïveté puts them in a position where they expect strong solidarity from the Latinx community, because they fail to understand that the Latinx community itself is further subdivided by race, even if the broad category of peoples is already a minority; minorities and discriminations stack. The Latinx of color tend to be frustrated by the difficulty in achieving leadership status and approaching their organizations, and further bristle at the economic inequality inherent in the elite college environment.

Those of us caught in the middle are quite different, because there are a lot of Latinx people who don’t fit into these archetypes for reasons as diverse as Latin Americans themselves. In my case, I feel like I don’t belong because my physical appearance categorizes me as one of the upper class, white elites. Yet I can in no way relate to this group because I grew up between two middle-class households, each of which had one of my divorced parents working modest jobs and struggling with the demands of being a single parent. That upbringing makes me more sympathetic to Latinx peers with similar socio-economic background. Yet I also cannot fully relate with the majority of them either because I do not struggle with the racial difficulties that Latinx of color confront daily. I’m sure the white-passing Latina from a middle-class family in Texas who was in my Freshman Seminar would relate with being caught in the middle as well, for her own reasons. Reasons which do not lend themselves to the creation of an umbrella organization, for they are too far apart, but to lend themselves as a simple point of connection.

Unfortunately, the saliency of the racial pressures placed upon everyone living in the United States makes it challenging to avoid being “otherized” by your own people. Personally, I experience this most painfully in the form of language. I have practically given up trying to speak Spanish to strangers I know are native speakers, because the overwhelming response I get is English. The assumption triggered by my stereotype-breaking appearance, someone who learned Spanish in high school and is using it to pander—while a fair assumption—hurts. In a country where language is a political flashpoint—all you have to do is look at Sam Huntington’s thoughts on the Spanish language and conservative pundits assertions across the media landscape—this denial of such a fundamental point of connection serves as the ultimate “you are not a part of my community.” What hurts most is that I have seen and heard of friends of mine who are Chicano receiving this same response, simply because they can’t speak the language at the highest level of standard fluency.

This sense of “otherization” from within the Latinx community is precisely the reason I keep telling my well-intentioned mom that I don’t want to go study abroad in Mexico. I love visiting my various family members, but outside the cozy, confined walls of their homes creeps a lack of belonging. Even with close family friends my age I feel this subconscious tug that I don’t quite belong. And why would I? I am Mexican-American after all. Growing up in the United States has made me an American, whether I like it or not. Yet this feeling of not belonging is this subliminal undertow by everyone which seems to say, “you’re a visitor, here for a short while before going back to that other place.” While it doesn’t bother me anywhere else, it hits different when it is my heritage rebuffing my place in it.

I do not share the experience of deported dreamers or Mexican-American children, but I can empathize with their lack of place in Mexican society, although the rebuffal in their case is worse because Mexico doesn’t see them as temporary visitors, but an inconvenient problem with no easy solutions. To add insult to injury, they often have few personal connections to Mexico themselves—they are culturally  American— thus being dropped in a place where they are told they belong by the United States, only to realize that they cannot belong because they are not  members of that people. They are abandoned by their country and rebuffed by their heritage.

Which makes me wonder, can Latinx even encompass the entire Latinx community? Is it fair for every one of Latin American heritage to fall under the same label? To what extent should we further fragment the Latin American community? Does our collective political power in America not come from a unified front? Does the term Latin American not inherently refer to a people which transcends the geopolitical borders of more than a continent and a half—South America, Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean?

Our identity as Latin Americans is one of the most diverse identities in the world. There are very few places where citizens of two different nations could identify with each other as strongly as Latin Americans. That is because the struggles of the continent are incredibly similar: all of the countries have vibrantly colorful cultures which carry the visible imprint of colonialism, all are politically mobilized by class, all have been subject to U.S. imperialism in some form, most all speak the same primary language, and most all suffer similar injustices of different magnitudes. Yet that cohesive strength erodes when you include the United States. The experiences of Latinx-Americans are strikingly diverse, not to mention the drastic differences between them and immigrants, both temporary and permanent—both types of which have their own differences. It is important that we Latinx recognize each of these vast experiential differences as being legitimate in their own right. To drive conversations both with the wider U.S. public, and, most importantly, within the Latin American communities. For we are a diverse people, and the strength of diversity comes with understanding those experiences, and being able to find those similarities which bridge us, rather than those differences which would divide us.

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Can You Lose A Language You Never Knew?

Kevin Garcia

Olvera Street, a historic Mexican marketplace in downtown Los Angeles. 1935. Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images hide caption

Olvera Street, a historic Mexican marketplace in downtown Los Angeles. 1935.

I grew up a monolingual Mexican-American by accident.

My father was often away for weeks at a time, driving 18-wheeler trucks importing and exporting goods throughout the Southwest. My mother worked an office job, and had to juggle her career, finishing her degree and raising two young children. With both parents working full time, this left my brother and me in a bit of a free-fall.

But when I was around four, help arrived. My aunt Nena moved from Mexico to the U.S. — the plan was for her to live with our family and take care of my brother and me while settling into life in Los Angeles.

At the time, it seemed like a wonderful idea. My aunt would help with childcare while teaching us Spanish. What no one anticipated was her own eagerness to learn English, essential for her transition to the U.S. And who better to learn from than two native English speakers?

This resulted, much to everyone's chagrin, in two stubbornly Anglophone children. I can't speak Spanish. It's a simple fact that fills me with shame.

Will Spanish Thrive Or Decline In The U.S.?

What I didn't know at the time was that my situation reflects a question in the broader Latinx community: Just how important is knowing how to speak Spanish, anyway?

The answer, even among the Latinx community, is complicated. A Pew Research Center study from October of 2017, found that "while the number of Latinos who speak Spanish at home continues to increase due to the overall growth of the Latino population, the share of Latinos who speak the language has declined over the past decade."

In other words: While the population is growing, a smaller percentage of us are speaking the language. In 2006, 78 percent of Latinxs spoke Spanish at home. By 2015, that number had dropped to 73 percent.

I'm part of that decline. Living in a city with nearly 5 million Latinxs provided me with countless opportunities to engage my culture. I have fond childhood memories of outings to Olvera Street , weekly trips to the local panadería , and dance lessons in ballet folklórico .

I'm proud of my culture. But despite all this, I struggle with my Mexican identity.

Growing up, I was told that understanding the language of the home country was of the utmost importance. Sometimes this message was subtle: Spanish-speaking strangers who, after trying and failing to interact with me, would let out a pointed "¿No habla español? "

Latinx: The Ungendering of the Spanish Language

Other times, it was more explicit — the gentle (and not-so-gentle) teasing from family and friends for mixing up ser and estar ; the uncomfortable silence that fell between my cousins and me, neither of us able to communicate during my family's trips to Mexico.

This disconnect between language and culture is all too common for Latinx Americans. According to Pew , 71 percent of self-identified Hispanic adults said that you don't need to speak Spanish to be considered Latinx. At the same time, nearly 90 percent say that it's important for future generations of Latinx Americans to speak Spanish.

Language is central to just about every cultural identity. And language, particularly for Hispanics, transcends national borders. We have a word for this: Latinidad . It's an understanding that Latin American communities are varied and complex, but connected by a shared language.

For me, this understanding played out on a personal level. In school, my friends were Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican and Salvadoran. We didn't necessarily share a common experience. But Spanish was supposed to be a way we could understand one another despite our different backgrounds.

This perceived understanding explains the warmth and affection I receive from Hispanic strangers I meet in public. It also accounts for their visible disappointment when I reveal the extent of my American assimilation. Growing up, it didn't matter to my friends or to strangers that I could make tamales or sing my heart out to Selena's Como La Flor (albeit with a bit of stumbling through the lyrics).

In the view of many of my Hispanic compatriots, I wasn't Mexican-American. I was just American.

Mark Hugo Lopez is the Director of Hispanic Research at Pew . He's the researcher who found that a declining proportion of Latinxs speak Spanish. Lopez says that when he talks to Latinxs about how they identify, language often becomes the focal point.

"A lot of Latinos will say it's important that future generations of Hispanics in the U.S. speak Spanish," Lopez says. But, he adds, "the proof is in the pudding. How many of them actually do? ... There's a lot of tension here about what people want and what actually happens."

That tension exists for good reason. Language is so important because it's "how we experience the world," says Amelia Tseng. She's a professor of linguistics at Georgetown University, a research associate at the Smithsonian Institution and a scholar in residence at American University , where she studies multilingualism and identity. "We live our lives in language."

Tseng says that's part of why so many people, consciously or not, think of American identity and speaking English as inextricably linked.

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And it's probably why I have such complicated feelings about being a Mexican-American who can't speak Spanish.

This feeling, called "language insecurity" in the academic community, is especially common among second-generation Latinxs in the U.S., according to Tseng.

"They kind of feel like they can never win," she explains. "They're just very aware that any moment they could be told, 'You're not doing it right,' and there's sort of a challenge to that part of their identity."

Despite this insecurity, Tseng stresses that growing up monolingual, like I did, isn't anyone's fault. For second- and third-generation Latinx Americans, retaining Spanish "isn't a question of how much you want to keep it. It's a question of how much opportunity you have to keep it."

Tseng says there are barriers to bilingualism that are often outside of our control: social pressure, stigmatization and discrimination.

Ultimately, Tseng adds, it's important for Latinxs to grapple with these sentiments openly. "It helps people understand themselves and where they come from better. And then they can also make more informed choices about what they want to do."

Some people may not want to learn Spanish. "That's OK," she says. "Let's celebrate all identities, and not just the ones we think are correct."

I'm not sure if I'll ever be comfortable with my relationship to Spanish. I mourn the loss of a language that I've been told all my life I have a some sort of claim over. But, can I lose something I never really had to begin with?

Whatever the answer may be, one thing is certain: I'll continue belting my heart out to Selena: "Yo sé perder, pero ay cómo me duele."

"I know how to lose, but, oh, how it hurts me."

Kevin Garcia is an intern on NPR's RAD team. You can follow him @keangarc .

What Does It Mean To Be A 'Nation Of Immigrants'?

• mexican american

Cultural Identity Essay

27 August, 2020

12 minutes read

Author:  Elizabeth Brown

No matter where you study, composing essays of any type and complexity is a critical component in any studying program. Most likely, you have already been assigned the task to write a cultural identity essay, which is an essay that has to do a lot with your personality and cultural background. In essence, writing a cultural identity essay is fundamental for providing the reader with an understanding of who you are and which outlook you have. This may include the topics of religion, traditions, ethnicity, race, and so on. So, what shall you do to compose a winning cultural identity essay?

Cultural Identity Paper: Definitions, Goals & Topics 

Before starting off with a cultural identity essay, it is fundamental to uncover what is particular about this type of paper. First and foremost, it will be rather logical to begin with giving a general and straightforward definition of a cultural identity essay. In essence, cultural identity essay implies outlining the role of the culture in defining your outlook, shaping your personality, points of view regarding a multitude of matters, and forming your qualities and beliefs. Given a simpler definition, a cultural identity essay requires you to write about how culture has influenced your personality and yourself in general. So in this kind of essay you as a narrator need to give an understanding of who you are, which strengths you have, and what your solid life position is.

Yet, the goal of a cultural identity essay is not strictly limited to describing who you are and merely outlining your biography. Instead, this type of essay pursues specific objectives, achieving which is a perfect indicator of how high-quality your essay is. Initially, the primary goal implies outlining your cultural focus and why it makes you peculiar. For instance, if you are a french adolescent living in Canada, you may describe what is so special about it: traditions of the community, beliefs, opinions, approaches. Basically, you may talk about the principles of the society as well as its beliefs that made you become the person you are today.

So far, cultural identity is a rather broad topic, so you will likely have a multitude of fascinating ideas for your paper. For instance, some of the most attention-grabbing topics for a personal cultural identity essay are:

• Memorable traditions of your community
• A cultural event that has influenced your personality 
• Influential people in your community
• Locations and places that tell a lot about your culture and identity

Cultural Identity Essay Structure

As you might have already guessed, composing an essay on cultural identity might turn out to be fascinating but somewhat challenging. Even though the spectrum of topics is rather broad, the question of how to create the most appropriate and appealing structure remains open.

Like any other kind of an academic essay, a cultural identity essay must compose of three parts: introduction, body, and concluding remarks. Let’s take a more detailed look at each of the components:

Introduction 

Starting to write an essay is most likely one of the most time-consuming and mind-challenging procedures. Therefore, you can postpone writing your introduction and approach it right after you finish body paragraphs. Nevertheless, you should think of a suitable topic as well as come up with an explicit thesis. At the beginning of the introduction section, give some hints regarding the matter you are going to discuss. You have to mention your thesis statement after you have briefly guided the reader through the topic. You can also think of indicating some vital information about yourself, which is, of course, relevant to the topic you selected.

Your main body should reveal your ideas and arguments. Most likely, it will consist of 3-5 paragraphs that are more or less equal in size. What you have to keep in mind to compose a sound ‘my cultural identity essay’ is the argumentation. In particular, always remember to reveal an argument and back it up with evidence in each body paragraph. And, of course, try to stick to the topic and make sure that you answer the overall question that you stated in your topic. Besides, always keep your thesis statement in mind: make sure that none of its components is left without your attention and argumentation.

Conclusion 

Finally, after you are all finished with body paragraphs and introduction, briefly summarize all the points in your final remarks section. Paraphrase what you have already revealed in the main body, and make sure you logically lead the reader to the overall argument. Indicate your cultural identity once again and draw a bottom line regarding how your culture has influenced your personality.

Best Tips For Writing Cultural Identity Essay

Writing a ‘cultural identity essay about myself’ might be somewhat challenging at first. However, you will no longer struggle if you take a couple of plain tips into consideration. Following the tips below will give you some sound and reasonable cultural identity essay ideas as well as make the writing process much more pleasant:

• Start off by creating an outline. The reason why most students struggle with creating a cultural identity essay lies behind a weak structure. The best way to organize your ideas and let them flow logically is to come up with a helpful outline. Having a reference to build on is incredibly useful, and it allows your essay to look polished.
• Remember to write about yourself. The task of a cultural identity essay implies not focusing on your culture per se, but to talk about how it shaped your personality. So, switch your focus to describing who you are and what your attitudes and positions are. 
• Think of the most fundamental cultural aspects. Needless to say, you first need to come up with a couple of ideas to be based upon in your paper. So, brainstorm all the possible ideas and try to decide which of them deserve the most attention. In essence, try to determine which of the aspects affected your personality the most.
• Edit and proofread before submitting your paper. Of course, the content and the coherence of your essay’s structure play a crucial role. But the grammatical correctness matters a lot too. Even if you are a native speaker, you may still make accidental errors in the text. To avoid the situation when unintentional mistakes spoil the impression from your essay, always double check your cultural identity essay. 

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Fostering Latino Cultural Self-Identity among Mexican American Adolescents

Antonio l. estrada 1* , ricardo jasso 2 , barbara d. estrada 3.

1 Department of Mexican American Studies, the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA

2 Amistades Inc., Tucson, Arizona, USA

3 Impact Consultants, Inc., Tucson, Arizona, USA

* Corresponding author: Antonio L. Estrada, Department of Mexican American Studies, the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA

Received Date: 04 December, 2022

Accepted Date: 13 December, 2022

Published Date: 16 December, 2022

Citation: Estrada AL, Jasso R, Estrada BD (2022) Fostering Latino Cultural Self-Identity among Mexican American Adolescents. Adv Prev Med Health Care 5: 1036. DOI: https://doi.org/10.29011/2688-996X.001036

The goal of El Renacimiento is to increase Latino cultural self-identity among Mexican American adolescents in order to reduce the negative effects of acculturative stress. The curriculum, El Renaciemiento, was implemented after school hours in predominantly Mexican American middle and high schools in a U.S.-Mexico border community. Two-hundred and seventeen (217) Mexican American males and females ages 12-21 participated in the curriculum. The evaluation of the curriculum uses a pre-test post-test design to assess positive changes in Latino cultural self-identity. Self-administered pre-curriculum measures included acculturation level, acculturative stress, and Latino cultural self-identity. Measures were available in English and Spanish depending on the preference of the participant. One moth post-curriculum participants’ repeated the Latino cultural selfidentity measure. The primary outcome measure was change in Latino cultural self-identity among Mexican American males and females who participated in El Renacimiento. Prior to the curriculum, students’ acculturation level was negatively correlated with acculturative stress (r=-.228, p<.005). Mexican American females reported a more “Mexican-Bicultural” cultural orientation than Mexican American males, though not significantly so (p<.10). Those adolescents 14 years of age and younger reported a “Very Mexican” cultural orientation compared to those adolescents 15-17 and 18 and older who tended to report a more “Mexican-Bicultural” cultural orientation (p<.05). At Post-curriculum, Mexican American adolescents showed a statistically significant increase in Latino cultural self-identity (p<.01). Fostering Latino cultural self-identification among Mexican American adolescents is an important social and cognitive process that has the potential of decreasing acculturative stress and its negative health consequences.

Keywords: Ethnic identity; Acculturation; Acculturative stress; Adolescents; Mexican Americans; Latinos

Introduction

Negative perceptions, opinions and discriminatory practices toward immigrant and non-immigrant Latinos have long been part of the socio-historical reality in the American Southwest [1]. Historical documents and research findings convincingly demonstrate the insidious nature of discrimination and prejudice experienced by Mexican Americans over the past 170 years [2,3].

When do Latino adolescents begin to experience and internalize racist attitudes and discriminatory practices from others? Bernal and colleagues [4] have shown that beginning early in a Mexican American child’s life, feelings of difference and inferiority are transmitted by the dominant non-Latino society via social institutions like schools or government organizations, and policies like those enacted by Arizona to suppress Latino historical and cultural knowledge [5]. Likewise, during the Trump administration, anti-Mexican sentiment resulted in immigrant child removal and detention, sometimes including American citizens [6]. Mexican and Mexican American adolescents thus internalize negative perceptions about their ethnicity from the dominant society, which can lead to negative health and mental health outcomes. Several studies have documented the effects of family separation and/or detention in Mexican American families and neighborhoods, and are considered Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACES) [7-10].

Ethnic and Cultural Identity among Latino Adolescents

Research literature cites both positive and negative psychological effects of ethnic and cultural identity [4,11]. Ethnic identity can have a positive impact on the effects of acculturative stress and symptoms of depression. Lower levels of ethnic identity or negative perceptions of one’s own ethnic identity are found to be associated with higher levels of anxiety, higher rates of depression, and higher rates of acculturative stress [12]. Alternatively, high levels of ethnic identity are found to increase acculturative stress as proposed by Berry [13] and others. Findings of a “buffering effect” of ethnic or cultural identity, moderating the effects of acculturative stress on negative psychological and physical health outcomes are documented in the literature as well [14,15].

Studies have found that a positive self-concept is negatively associated with lower rates of depression and anxiety as reported among Latino adolescents [16]. Further, having positive selfesteem is negatively associated with initiation and continuation of substance abuse and HIV risk behaviors [17,18]. Other studies demonstrate that positive self-esteem is positively correlated with measures of resiliency [12]. Resiliency is a positive psychological trait that enhances a person’s ability to cope in stressful situations [19]. Increasing resiliency and reducing the effects of acculturative stress among Latino adolescents are important in order to build self-esteem and other protective factors and to reduce risk factors for a number of health-associated risks [20].

Acculturation and Acculturative Stress among Latino Adolescents

Acculturation theory is based on the hypothesis that people from cultures outside of the U.S. adapt or “acculturate” to U.S. mainstream societal values, norms, beliefs and ways of behaving or interacting with others [13,21]. The process of acculturation involves interactions with familial, social and cultural institutions that either facilitate or hinder adoption of mainstream cultural values, beliefs and behaviors. It is well documented that acculturation varies with age, length of time in the U.S., generation status, and immigration status. Acculturation to mainstream values, beliefs and behaviors occurs faster among youth than for adults, generating intergenerational conflict in Latino families [22]. Additionally, Latinos who have resided in the U.S. for two or more generations tend to be more acculturated than newly arrived immigrants [13]. The acculturation process itself, though not necessarily stressful, has been viewed as stressful in some situations and has been linked to negative psychological and physical health outcomes among Latinos [23].

Acculturative stress, the negative stress reactions of Mexicans when acculturating to the U.S. mainstream culture, has been the focus of many studies on Mexican Americans and other Latino subgroups [24,25]. Acculturative stress among Mexican American adolescents is associated with engaging in a number of risk behaviors including initiation of substance abuse, early sexual behavior, HIV risk behaviors, and psychological symptoms of depression and anxiety [26].

The linkage between ethnic or cultural identity, acculturation, and acculturative stress is explicit. Models of Latino youth development include appraisals of discrimination, racism and ethnic identity that lead to perceptions of acculturative stress. Several acculturative stress models are documented in the literature Caplan [27] . Caplan (p.96) provides a useful framework for conceptualizing the interdimensionality of acculturative stress that includes instrumental/ environmental (e.g., language barriers, unsafe neighborhoods), social/interpersonal (e.g., loss of familial and friendship networks, intergenerational conflicts) and societal (e.g., discrimination, racism, historical trauma). Taken together, these dimensions shape the context of experiencing acculturative stress.

Even though there are over two-dozen documented acculturation measures [28], there are fewer valid and reliable measures of acculturative stress with Mexican American adults and adolescents in the research literature [29]. Acculturative stress measures often include items related to perceptions of discrimination and racism experienced by Latinos. Acculturative stress measures have also been adapted and utilized among Latino adolescents [29,30].

Few studies have reported interventions designed to overcome the effects of acculturative stress among Mexican American adolescents through an intervention or curricula designed to strengthen cultural resiliency [31]. Cultural resiliency is the positive identification with cultural strengths such as values, beliefs, and traditional ways of knowing that have a positive influence on a person’s ethnic self-identify and self-esteem [12,14,32].

The Current Study

This study is a preliminary evaluation of a community-based Latino-focused cultural curriculum designed to enhance Latino cultural resiliency and reduce acculturative stress among Mexican American adolescents in a southwestern border community.

Amistades, Inc., a Latino non-profit community-based organization, developed and implemented El Renacimiento (the Renaissance) curricula. Amistades, Inc. developed the curricula to include the concept of cultural healing in addressing the heightened levels of cultural trauma experienced by Mexican American adolescents and transition age youth in US-Mexico border communities, resulting in unhealthy assimilation as opposed to healthy acculturation. The goal of the curriculum is to empower Latino youth through a positive connection to their cultural and historical roots. To accomplish this goal, the eleven (11) week Renacimiento curriculum introduces the importance of heritage, history, and identity for Mexican American adolescents and transition age youth ages 12 to 21. The examination of indigenous (Indio-Latino) concepts, language and current issues that youth may find relevant to their lives and situations, allows for an openness to exploring one’s own identity, awakening thoughts through empowerment, and encouraging voice. Guided by a trained instructor, Mexican American participants explore their heritage and create a positive Latino cultural self-identity by perceiving themselves within a socio-historical context and from an indigenous (Mestizo) perspective. The instructor uses storytelling to discuss current issues relevant to the lives and situations of participants. The instructor address participant’s cultural conflicts, health and wellness, self-sufficiency issues, and educational readiness skills, all within the positive context of their rich culture (please contact the authors for a complete description of the curriculum).

The study recruited Mexican American adolescents from several public and charter middle and high schools in a predominantly Mexican American community in the American southwest. Recruitment began in August 2019 and continued through April 2020, when schools closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Two-hundred and seventeen (217) Mexican American adolescents participated in the eleven-week El Renacimiento curriculum. Before the curriculum participants completed the Hispanic Stress Inventory for Youth [29], the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican American Youth [33] and a Latino Cultural Self-Assessment developed by Amistades, Inc. One-month postcurriculum, participants completed the Latino Cultural SelfIdentify assessment again. One-hundred eighty-two (182) of the 217 participants completed both pre and post-curriculum assessments. All instruments were self-administered and available in English or Spanish depending on the preference of the participant.

The data analysis plan consisted of performing cross tabulations for categorical coded variables, one-way analysis of variance for categorical independent variables with a continuous dependent variable, and correlations among variables. Chi-Square analyses, with Bonferroni Post-Hoc Tests, was used to assess statistical analysis at p<.05. All data analyses were performed using SPSS Version 26. As noted previously, the present study used several cultural measures to assess acculturative stress, cultural self-identity and acculturation level among Latino adolescents. All measures have high levels of internal consistency as measured by Cronbach’s Alpha.

• The Hispanic Stress Inventory for Youth – Modified [30] measured acculturative stress with higher scores indicating more acculturative stress (alpha =.843).
• The Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican American Youth – Modified [33] measured acculturation, with higher scores indicating higher acculturation to the Anglo dominant culture (alpha =.875).
• A Latino Cultural Self-Identity assessment for Latino Youth measured cultural self-identity with higher scores indicating a more positive Latino cultural identification. (alpha Pre = .929, Post = .943)

Sample Characteristics

The age range for the sample of Latino adolescents was 1021 years (M=15.00, SD =2.64). About forty-six percent of youth were 14 and younger, about one-third (32.7 percent) were between the ages of 15-17, and slightly over one-fifth (22 percent) were 18 and older. The majority of the sample was male (78 percent).

Table 1: Latino Cultural Measures Used in the Current Study.

As originally developed, the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican American Youth assesses the “type” of acculturation level by taking the total score on the acculturation scale and dividing it by the number of scale items [34]. The ratings are comprised of five (5) types: “Very Mexican,” “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural”, “True Bicultural”, “Anglo-Oriented Bicultural”, and “Very Anglicized.” In the present study, we categorized all participants using these five acculturation types. As seen in Table 2, the majority of the sample are “Very Mexican” and “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural”. About one-fifth are “True Bicultural”, and 12.5 percent are “Anglo-Oriented Bicultural” or “Very Anglicized.” However, due to only one participant falling into the “Very Anglicized” orientation category, the final acculturation rating scale had four types – “Very Mexican,” “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural,” “True Bicultural,” and “Anglo-Oriented/ Very anglicized.”

Table 2: Sample Characteristics of Study Population.

Gender differences showed that a higher percentage of Latino females than Latino males had a “Very Mexican” cultural orientation, though not significantly so (p<.10). A significantly higher percentage of Latino adolescents 15-17 years of age had a “Very Mexican” orientation than those Latino adolescents 14 years and younger (p<.05). Alternatively, a higher percentage of Latino adolescents 14 and younger, and 18 and older had a “Mexican-Bicultural” orientation. Controlling for age, we found that younger Latino males held a more “Mexican” orientation than Latino females did.

Table 3: Sample Demographic Characteristics by Acculturation Rating Scale Type.

Pearson moment correlation coefficients among the variables of interest are shown in Table 4. Latina females were significantly more likely to be older in age than Latino males (r=-.232, p<.001), and were more likely to have a more “Mexican” cultural orientation than Latino males (r=.165, p<.05). Acculturation level was negatively correlated with the acculturative stress (r=-.228, p<.01), indicating that those Mexican American adolescents who had a more “Mexican” cultural orientation reported higher levels of acculturative stress.

Table 4: Pearson Product Moment Correlations for Pre-Test Variables and Post-Latino Cultural Self-Identity.

Pre-Curriculum Results

The study used a one-group, pretest-posttest research design to evaluate differences in Latino Cultural Self-Identity before and after participating in El Renacimiento curriculum. One-tailed Paired T-Tests were used to examine pre-post curriculum differences on the Latino cultural self-identity assessment, with p<.05 set as the aprioi significance criterion.

The results showed that Latino adolescents who had a more “Mexican” cultural orientation were more likely to report higher acculturative stress levels as measured by the Hispanic Stress Inventory. The Acculturation Rating Scale was negatively correlated with the Hispanic Stress Inventory (r=-.258, p<.005), indicating that Mexican American adolescents who had a “Mexican” cultural orientation reported experiencing significantly more acculturative stress than other cultural typologies. The Hispanic Stress Inventory was not statistically associated with the Latino Cultural Self-identification measure at pre-curriculum. Statistically significant differences were found between acculturation level and age and gender of Latino adolescents, with older adolescents having higher acculturation levels, and Mexican American females having a more “Mexican” orientation than males (p<.05).

Post-Curriculum Results

Using one sample t-tests, a statistically significant finding emerged for improvement in the Latino Cultural Self-Identity assessment post curriculum (p<.001), with a mean increase of 2.1 points or a 15.3 percent increase in positive Latino cultural selfidentification. The results showed that Latino adolescents who participated in El Renacimiento curriculum were significantly more likely to report a more positive Latino cultural self-identification of themselves post-curriculum. Overall, El Renacimiento curriculum had a positive impact on Latino adolescents’ cultural self-identification. Post-curriculum results did not show significant mean pre-post differences between Latino females and males.

Multiple generations of Mexican Americans have experienced anti-Mexican sentiment through prejudice, discrimination and institutional violence [1,2]. Interrupting this cycle of psychosocial stress among Mexican American adolescents may be the first step in fostering cultural resiliency and reducing the negative effects of acculturative stress. A focus on enhancing multiple protective factors while also reducing multiple risk factors is the hallmark of much of the substance abuse prevention research targeting Latino youth and other groups [34]. Our results show that the enhancement of ethnic identity and cultural self-identification among Mexican American adolescents could potentially prevent or buffer the negative psychological and physiological effects of acculturative stress.

There are limitations of the present study, however, that we hope to resolve in future research. Participation in El Renacimiento was non-random. The majority of Latino adolescents either were referred by school personnel or were self-selected into the curriculum. Another limitation is that the sample of Latino adolescents in our study was comprised primarily of “MexicanOriented” or “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural” acculturation orientations. Given that the study was in the US-Mexico border region this finding may not be too surprising. The study also did not administer the Hispanic Stress Inventory post-curriculum, which would have assisted in understanding the effects of the curriculum in reducing acculturative stress. In addition, the study obtained limited sociodemographic information from participants (gender and age). A major limitation of the study is that the research design did not include a comparison group. One-sample pretest-posttest interventions without control or comparison groups calls into question the internal validity and reliability of the findings and their generalizability to other Latino subgroups [35].

Nevertheless, few published studies document the positive effects of Latino cultural curricula in enhancing Latino cultural strengths, including ethnic identity [15]. Findings from the present study, although preliminary, provides some evidence that strengthening Latino cultural identification through an immersive, Latino focused cultural curriculum may prove useful in fostering a positive cultural self-identification. In addition, our findings corroborate other findings in the literature on acculturation level and acculturative stress wherein lower acculturation levels are correlated with higher levels of acculturative stress, and vice-versa [12]. Further, we believe that the use of the categorical acculturation typology conveys more information on participants’ cultural orientation rather than simply “lower” or “higher” acculturation does. With this in mind, our approach suggests that research using more standard acculturation measures may not convey a more nuanced approach.

Taking the prevention of acculturative stress and intergenerational trauma one-step further, the current study documents an approach that increases Latino cultural selfidentification among Mexican American adolescents as a potential buffer against the negative effects of acculturative stress. Statistically significant findings post-curriculum with Latino cultural self-identification is another strength of the study and adds to the literature regarding evidence-based cultural curricula leading to positive changes in Latino adolescents’ cultural identification.

The increase in positive Latino cultural identification among Latino adolescents participating in El Renacimiento curriculum are encouraging. El Renacimiento has had a positive impact on increasing Mexican American males and females Latino cultural self-identity. After the curriculum, Latino adolescents were significantly more likely to have a more positive Latino cultural self-identity than before going through the curriculum.

Increasing cultural self-identification among Latino adolescents is an important social and cognitive process that has the potential of decreasing acculturative stress and its negative health consequences. More prevention and intervention programs are necessary that facilitates Latino adolescents’ reconnection to their culture and history. It is unfortunate that curricular policies in several southwestern states have essentially banned the teaching of Mexican American or Chicano Studies in K-12 education that otherwise could have a positive impact on Latino youths’ self-esteem and self-identity, and in turn reduce the effects of acculturative stress. El Renacimiento curriculum will continue its efforts in reducing the negative effects of acculturative stress and increase a positive sense of cultural pride, self-worth, and empowerment among Latino adolescents.

Acknowledgements

All procedures were in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000. Informed consent was obtained from all participants included in the study. We would like to thank Ms. Anahi Valenzuela for her assistance in translation of measures and data management. We also want to thank the Latino adolescents who participated in El Renacimiento for their enthusiasm and contagious inspiration. We would also like to thank all of the schools involved for allowing the participation of their students and providing space. Finally, we would like to thank our funder for the project, The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s Forward Promise Empowerment Initiative (Grant ID #61732), for their vision in allowing us to explore Latino cultural strengths to help combat the effects of acculturative stress.

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Mexican Adventures

Understanding the Multifaceted Identity: Exploring Race Classification Among Mexicans

Mexico has a diverse population with various racial backgrounds. The majority identify as mestizo, a mix of Indigenous and European ancestry. Other significant racial groups include Indigenous peoples, Afro-Mexicans, and individuals of European or Asian descent. Mexican nationality does not necessarily determine one’s specific race.

Is Mexican a Race or Ethnicity? Understanding the Difference

What does it mean to identify as mexican a look into cultural identity and race, breaking stereotypes: debunking common misconceptions about mexicans and their race, mexican heritage: exploring the multicultural roots of mexican identity, mexicans and racial diversity: embracing the mosaic of mexican ancestry, racial identity in mexico: understanding the phenomenon of colorism, unveiling the complexity of mexican race: a historical perspective, the intersectionality of mexican identity: race, ethnicity, and nationality revisited, defying the boundaries: celebrating the unity of mexicans across different races.

Mexican is an ethnicity, not a race. Ethnicity refers to a group of people who share common cultural practices, traditions, language, and ancestry. Mexican ethnicity primarily refers to individuals from Mexico or those with Mexican heritage, regardless of their racial background. Race, on the other hand, is a social construct based on physical characteristics such as skin color, hair texture, and facial features. While Mexico is a diverse country with individuals of various racial backgrounds, including Indigenous, mestizo, white, and Afro-Mexican, Mexican itself is not a specific race but an ethnic identity.

Identifying as Mexican means aligning oneself with the cultural, social, and historical aspects associated with Mexico. It encompasses a sense of belonging and pride in the Mexican heritage, traditions, values, language, and customs.

Cultural identity plays a significant role in shaping an individual’s perspective and experiences. Being Mexican, or identifying as such, implies embracing the rich diversity and vibrant cultural tapestry that Mexico offers. This includes the appreciation of Mexican cuisine, art, music, folklore, and celebrations like Día de los Muertos and Independence Day.

Furthermore, identifying as Mexican often goes beyond national borders, as the Mexican diaspora is spread worldwide. Individuals who identify as Mexican may have a deep connection to their ancestors’ country of origin, even if they were born and raised in another country. They may maintain connections with extended family, uphold Mexican traditions, and actively participate in Mexican communities abroad.

It is important to note that identifying as Mexican is not solely based on racial background or genetic heritage. Mexicans can come from a variety of racial backgrounds, including Indigenous, mestizo (mixed Indigenous and European ancestry), Afro-Mexican, and others. Mexican identity is more about shared cultural experiences and a sense of belonging rather than solely based on race.

In summary, identifying as Mexican denotes a strong connection to Mexican culture, history, traditions, and values. It encompasses a sense of pride, belonging, and appreciation for the diverse aspects that make up Mexican identity.

Breaking stereotypes requires education and understanding. Mexicans are a diverse group of people with rich cultural backgrounds, and it is essential to debunk common misconceptions and stereotypes about Mexicans and their race.

Firstly, one common misconception is that all Mexicans are of the same race. However, Mexico is a melting pot of different ethnicities and races, including indigenous Mexican people, mestizos (people of mixed indigenous and European descent), Afro-Mexicans, and Europeans who migrated to Mexico throughout history. It is important to recognize and respect this diversity when discussing Mexicans and their race.

Secondly, a prevalent stereotype is that Mexicans are lazy or lack a strong work ethic. This stereotype is inaccurate and unfair, as Mexicans are hardworking individuals who contribute significantly to various industries across the globe. Mexicans have a strong sense of family and community, which often drives their work ethic and determination to provide for their loved ones.

Another misconception is that Mexican immigrants are solely responsible for an increase in crime rates in certain countries. Research has consistently shown that immigrants, including Mexicans, are generally less likely to commit crimes compared to the native population. It is crucial to separate individual actions from an entire ethnic group and not perpetuate these unfounded generalizations.

Furthermore, Mexicans are often stereotyped as being uneducated or unintelligent. This notion is far from the truth, as Mexico has a strong commitment to education, with a literacy rate comparable to many developed countries. Mexican students and professionals excel in various fields, including science, technology, arts, and literature. It is important to acknowledge and celebrate their contributions to academia and intellectual pursuits.

Lastly, Mexicans are frequently associated with negative stereotypes related to immigration, such as being associated with illegal immigration or being a burden on society. However, it is essential to recognize that migration is a universal phenomenon and that immigrants contribute positively to the economies of both their home and host countries. Many Mexican immigrants fill essential roles in industries such as agriculture, construction, and healthcare, contributing to the growth and prosperity of their adopted countries.

Debunking these stereotypes is not only crucial for Mexicans but for society as a whole. By promoting accurate and positive representations of Mexicans and their race, we foster inclusivity and break down barriers that hinder understanding and appreciation of different cultures. Education, empathy, and open-mindedness are key in eradicating misconceptions and embracing the true diversity of Mexicans and their race.

Mexican Heritage encompasses a rich tapestry of cultures, traditions, and historical influences that have shaped Mexican identity throughout the centuries. From the indigenous civilizations that thrived before the arrival of the Spanish, to the colonial era and subsequent waves of immigration, Mexico’s multicultural roots demonstrate the intricate blending of various ethnicities and customs.

Indigenous cultures, such as the Maya, Aztec, and Zapotec, laid the foundation for Mexican heritage, contributing invaluable knowledge in fields such as agriculture, mathematics, and astronomy. Their artistic expressions, architectural marvels, and spiritual beliefs continue to inspire and resonate with modern-day Mexicans.

The arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century marked a turning point in Mexican history. The melding of indigenous and European cultures birthed a uniquely Mexican identity, showcasing a fusion of languages, religions, and culinary traditions. Spanish influences can be seen in colonial architecture, the language of Mexican Spanish, and the predominant Catholic religion.

However, Mexican heritage extends beyond the indigenous and Spanish roots. Other cultures have also left their mark on Mexican identity . African slaves brought by the Spanish contributed to the vibrant Afro-Mexican communities, influencing music, dance, and cuisine. Chinese immigrants during the 19th century introduced new ingredients and cooking techniques, enriching the Mexican culinary landscape.

Mexican identity today is a testament to the resilience and survival of these multicultural influences. From the vibrant festivities of Día de los Muertos, to traditional music like mariachi and regional dances like the Jarabe Tapatío, Mexican heritage is alive and cherished. The recognition and celebration of this diversity contribute to a collective pride in being Mexican and reinforce the country’s stance as a multicultural nation.

Exploring Mexican heritage allows us to delve into a complex and multifaceted identity, characterised by its diversity and unity. It fosters an appreciation for the contributions of various cultures and strengthens the cultural fabric of Mexico, perpetuating its rich legacy for future generations.

Mexico is a country known for its rich cultural heritage and diverse population. Its history has contributed to a unique blend of ethnicities and races that make up Mexican ancestry. Mexicans embrace this mosaic of diversity, understanding that their identity is not confined to a single racial category.

One of the significant factors that have shaped the racial diversity in Mexico is its complex history of colonization. The Spanish conquest in the 16th century led to the mixing of indigenous peoples with European settlers, giving rise to a mestizo population. This blending continued over the centuries as Mexico opened its doors to immigrants from different parts of the world, resulting in a fusion of European, Indigenous, African, and Asian influences.

Today, Mexico recognizes and celebrates its multicultural and multiethnic society. Mexicans take pride in their mixed heritage, appreciating the contributions each group has made to their cultural fabric. This openness to diversity can be seen in various aspects of Mexican life, including music, food, art, and traditions.

In recent years, there has been a growing awareness and effort to acknowledge and include marginalized communities within the broader Mexican identity. Indigenous peoples, Afro-Mexicans, and other minority groups have been actively reclaiming their cultural heritage and demanding equal representation. This movement aims to create a space for all Mexicans to celebrate their unique ancestry and ensure that no one is left behind.

Overall, Mexicans embrace the mosaic of their ancestry, recognizing the beauty and strength that lies in their diverse racial backgrounds. This acceptance and celebration of differences contribute to the vibrant and dynamic culture that remains an integral part of Mexican identity .

Racial identity in Mexico is a complex and multifaceted issue that is heavily influenced by the phenomenon of colorism. Colorism refers to the discrimination and prejudice based on the shade of one’s skin color, with lighter skin tones being more valued and associated with higher social status.

In Mexico, colorism has historical roots dating back to the Spanish colonization, which introduced a hierarchical social structure based on racial categories and skin color. Lighter-skinned individuals were typically placed at the top of the social ladder, while darker-skinned individuals faced marginalization and discrimination.

This phenomenon of colorism continues to persist in Mexico today, shaping the racial identity of its population. People with lighter skin tones are often perceived as more desirable and are more likely to have better access to education, employment opportunities, and higher social status. In contrast, individuals with darker skin tones often face systemic barriers and are more likely to experience discrimination and limited opportunities.

It is important to note that racial identity in Mexico is not simply black and white, but encompasses a range of diverse ethnicities and mixtures resulting from the blending of Indigenous, European, and African heritage. This creates a unique racial mosaic and reinforces the complexity of racial identity in the country.

Efforts are being made to raise awareness about colorism and challenge its impact on racial identity in Mexico. Advocacy groups and individuals are working towards dismantling discriminatory attitudes and ensuring equal opportunities for all individuals, regardless of their skin color.

In conclusion, understanding the phenomenon of colorism is crucial in comprehending the intricacies of racial identity in Mexico. It sheds light on the historical, social, and cultural factors that shape Mexico’s racial landscape and highlights the need for continued efforts to combat discrimination and promote inclusivity.

The complexity of Mexican race can be understood by examining its historical perspective. Mexico has a rich and diverse racial heritage that reflects a complex intermingling of indigenous peoples, Spanish colonialism, and African and Asian influences.

Before the arrival of Spanish colonizers in the 16th century, Mexico was home to several indigenous civilizations, such as the Aztec, Maya, and Zapotec. These indigenous populations had their own distinct racial characteristics and cultural practices. The Spanish colonization brought about significant changes in Mexico’s racial dynamics, as intermarriage between Spanish settlers and indigenous populations led to the emergence of a mestizo (mixed-race) population, which became the majority.

During the colonial era, Mexico also experienced the importation of African slaves to work in various industries, particularly in mining and agriculture. This further contributed to the racial diversity in Mexico, as African and indigenous populations mixed, giving rise to Afro-Mexican communities in regions such as Veracruz and Guerrero.

Moreover, Mexican history is also marked by influences from Asian immigrants, particularly Chinese and Filipino workers who arrived in the 19th and early 20th centuries. They contributed to Mexico’s racial tapestry, particularly in the northern regions, where their descendants can still be found today.

The racial complexity of Mexico is further complicated by factors such as socio-economic status and regional variations. Indigenous peoples, Afro-Mexicans, and people of mixed heritage often face socio-economic disparities and discrimination. Moreover, regional differences in racial composition and cultural practices also exist, with northern Mexico having a greater presence of European and Asian influences, while southern regions boast stronger indigenous and African roots.

Overall, understanding the complexity of Mexican race requires a historical perspective that acknowledges the diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds that have shaped the country. This complexity continues to shape Mexico’s cultural identity, social dynamics, and ongoing struggles for equal rights and recognition for all its racial and ethnic communities.

The intersectionality of Mexican identity involves understanding the complex relationship between race, ethnicity, and nationality. Mexico’s history is shaped by the blending of Indigenous, European, and African influences, resulting in a diverse population with various racial and ethnic backgrounds.

Race plays a significant role in Mexican identity, with a spectrum of skin tones and physical characteristics. The concept of “mestizaje” emphasizes the mixed heritage of many Mexicans, highlighting the fusion of Indigenous and European ancestry. However, racial dynamics in Mexico are nuanced, and individuals can face discrimination or privilege based on their perceived racial identity.

Ethnicity also contributes to Mexican identity, as the country encompasses a range of Indigenous communities, each with its distinct languages, cultures, and traditions. Indigenous peoples have faced historical marginalization and continue to struggle for recognition and rights within Mexican society.

Nationality, on the other hand, refers to legal citizenship and is not inherently tied to race or ethnicity. However, the Mexican national identity often embraces a collective pride in the country’s cultural diversity and unique historical heritage. This sense of nationhood can transcend racial and ethnic differences and serve as a unifying force for Mexicans.

Revisiting the intersectionality of Mexican identity prompts discussions on the ongoing struggles and complexities faced by different racial and ethnic groups within the nation. It highlights the need for addressing racial inequalities, Indigenous rights, and promoting inclusivity and acceptance of diverse identities.

Mexican racial identity is a complex and multifaceted issue due to the country’s history of colonization, intermingling of indigenous cultures, and influence of European immigration. The concept of race in Mexico is often intertwined with factors such as social class, ancestry, appearance, and cultural practices.

Navigating this challenging terrain of Mexican racial identity involves recognizing and understanding the diverse range of identities and experiences within the Mexican population. Mexicans may identify as mestizo (mixed indigenous and European heritage), indigenous, Afro-Mexican, or identify with specific regional or ethnic identities.

Personal reflections and experiences play a crucial role in understanding Mexican racial identity. Individuals’ perceptions of their own racial identity are shaped by their lived experiences, family heritage, and social interactions.

It is essential to acknowledge the importance of self-identification and self-expression when discussing Mexican racial identity. Each person’s experience is unique, and individuals should be respected and recognized for their own perceptions of their racial identity.

Engaging in conversations and dialogues about Mexican racial identity can provide opportunities for learning and growth. Cultural appreciation, education, and the promotion of diversity and inclusion are important steps towards navigating the challenging terrain of Mexican racial identity.

The unity of Mexicans across different races is a powerful testament to the strength and resilience of the Mexican people. Despite the societal boundaries and divisions that exist, Mexicans have found common ground in their shared culture, history, and values. This unity defies any attempts to separate them based on race or ethnicity.

Through celebrations, such as cultural festivals and holidays, Mexicans come together to honor their heritage and embrace their diversity. These events provide an opportunity for people of all races to learn from each other, appreciate different perspectives, and foster a sense of belonging and togetherness.

Defying the boundaries that society may impose, Mexicans have shown that their unity is a force to be reckoned with. By embracing their multicultural roots, they not only honor their ancestors but also pave the way for a future where all races can coexist harmoniously.

The celebration of unity among Mexicans across different races is a reminder that divisions based on race are arbitrary and unnecessary. It serves as a call to dismantle prejudices and create a society in which all people, regardless of their race, are respected and valued equally.

Ultimately, by celebrating their unity, Mexicans are breaking down boundaries and paving the way for a more inclusive and diverse society, not only within their own country but also worldwide.

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I Am Not Your Perfect Mexican Daughter

Erika l. sánchez, ask litcharts ai: the answer to your questions.

Julia Reyes has a large, overbearing, and occasionally abusive family. From her judgmental and gossipy Tía Milagros to the predatory Tío Cayetano to Julia’s impossibly strict mother and aloof, silent father, the extended Reyes clan often brings Julia more confusion than comfort. Julia is embarrassed not just of her family, but in many ways, of her cultural identity as well, and of her status as the daughter of immigrants—she feels disconnected from her family’s traditions, and disdainful of the idea that she needs to do certain things to be seen as the “perfect Mexican daughter.” As the novel progresses and Julia learns more about her family during a long trip to visit her mother’s relatives in Mexico, Erika L. Sánchez argues that taking the time to learn more about one’s family, roots, and cultural identity helps one to better understand themselves in the end. 

From the beginning of the novel, Julia is self-conscious about her failure to be the “perfect Mexican daughter” her parents always wanted. Her older sister Olga stayed at home and cared for their parents while working a part-time office job and taking classes at a community college, while the rebellious Julia always nursed dreams of moving far away, making a career in the arts, and shirking the burdens of marriage and motherhood. Julia won’t even let her mother teach her to make tortillas—that’s how afraid she is of falling into the trap of familial and cultural duty. Julia has issues with judgement and superiority in her life at school and with her friends—issues that stem from her desire to escape her present life. The root of those issues is a feeling of not belonging in her family. Julia has always been the black sheep, overshadowed by the unimpeachably good Olga, and when Olga dies, her memory is canonized even more. In death, Olga is truly perfect—she can never make a mistake. In living and, inevitably, making mistakes, Julia becomes more and more flawed. Her self-consciousness about the mistakes she’s making, the outspokenness she’s unable (or unwilling) to tamp down, and the ways in which her beliefs about the goals of life increasingly diverge from those of her parents, all cause Julia to want to distance herself from her family. Little does she know that in distancing herself from her family—her roots, her culture, and her only sources of unconditional love in the entire world—she’s actually only growing farther and farther from the truth of herself.

As the novel continues and Julia wrestles with depression, anxiety, and an attempt at suicide, those around her realize that her grief, insecurity, and self-hatred are not merely growing pains: Julia is truly at sea, disconnected from her family, herself, her past, and her future alike. When Amá and Apá send Julia to Mexico to get some air, some space, and some distance, they’re actually hoping she’ll be able to reconnect with her roots—Julia always loved summer vacations to Mexico, and in spite of her ambivalence about her culture and her family in Chicago, they believe a break from the everyday will help Julia recover and reconnect with who she really is. Indeed, in the warm and small desert town of Los Ojos, Julia is able to reconnect not just with her family but with herself. She learns things about her parents she’d never known—terrible secrets, but also beautiful hidden parts of their personalities, such as Apá’s past success as a painter—and by understanding more about who her parents are and the things both good and bad that have made them that way, Julia understands more about her own journey. She sees at last that in spite of whatever conflicts or grievances she has with her parents, she has as much of a responsibility to them as they have to her. She must honor their sacrifices, remember their origins, and embrace the people life has made them into—relationships are a two way street, and as Julia returns to Chicago, she works hard to see her parents, her culture, and even the more difficult members of her extended family through a more forgiving and empathetic eye. Julia understands her family in a new way, and is able to see herself through a new lens as well: she knows she’ll never be the “perfect Mexican daughter” her parents want her to be, but at last has some confidence in her choices and less shame about her shortcomings.

For Julia’s family, many of whom have left behind loved ones and sacrificed their passions in order to make a life in the United States, culture is a way to connect to the past. For Julia—for most of her life, anyway—her family’s hard adherence to tradition and ritual has been impossible to understand, and she’s always felt like an outsider looking in. By the end of the novel, Julia has come to understand why her parents want her to carry on their family’s culture and traditions, and is able to see that her role in those traditions is special, and even sacred. Though Julia remains on track to pursue her dream of becoming a New York writer, her ability to talk about her responsibility to her family as the central component as her college admissions essay shows that she has come to better understand not just her parents, but herself.

Family, Immigrant Cultural Identity, and the Self ThemeTracker

Family, Immigrant Cultural Identity, and the Self Quotes in I Am Not Your Perfect Mexican Daughter

Saint Olga, the perfect Mexican daughter. Sometimes I wanted to scream at her until something switched on in her brain. But the only time I ever asked her why she didn’t move out or go to a real college, she told me to leave her alone in a voice so weak and brittle, I never wanted to ask her again. Now I’ll never know what Olga would have become. Maybe she would have surprised us all.

Olga’s friend Angie comes running in, looking like she was the one hit by a semi. She’s beautiful, but, damn, is she an ugly crier. Her skin is like a bright pink rag someone has wrung out. As soon as she sees Olga, she starts howling almost worse than Amá. I wish I knew the right thing to say, but I don’t. I never do.

“You know, Julia, you’re always causing trouble, creating problems for your family. Now that she’s dead, all of a sudden you want to know everything about her? You hardly even spoke to her. Why didn’t you ask her anything when she was alive? Maybe you wouldn’t have to be here, asking me questions about her love life.”

The sky is still dark, but it’s beginning to brighten. There are beautiful, faint streaks of orange over the lake. It looks like it’s been cracked open.

I think of Jazmyn’s face when I told her about Olga. Everywhere I go, my sister’s ghost is hovering.

Amá just shakes her head. “You know, Julia, maybe if you knew how to behave yourself, to keep your mouth shut, your sister would still be alive. Have you ever thought about that?” She finally says it. She says what her big, sad eyes were telling me all along.

Connor’s house has a giant wraparound porch and enormous windows. It’s as big as our entire apartment building. Part of me wonders if I should go back home. I feel nervous and start tugging at my hair.

I walk toward the ice-skating rink as the sky begins to darken. I wish I had a few dollars for a cup of hot chocolate, but I barely have enough to get back on the bus. I’m tired of being broke. I’m tired of feeling like the rest of the world always gets to decide what I can do. I know I should go back home, but I can’t seem to move. I can’t keep going like this anymore. What is the point of living if I can’t ever get what I want?

What if I’m wrong about my sister? What if she was the sweet, boring Olga I always knew her to be? What if I just want to think there was something below the surface? What if, in my own messed-up way, I want her to be less than perfect, so I didn’t feel like such a fuck-up?

How could I have been so dumb not to notice anything? But then again, how would anyone have known? Olga kept this sealed up and buried like an ancient tomb. My whole life I’ve been considered the bad daughter, while my sister was secretly living another life, the kind of life that would shatter Amá into tiny pieces. I don’t want to be mad at Olga because she’s dead, but I am.

My body feels like it weighs a thousand pounds. I picture my mother’s face streaked with tears and dirt, my father bowing his head in defeat. “And Olga? What about Olga? She was . . . She was ...” I can’t get the words out.

Tía Fermina clasps her hands to her chest and nods. “See, mija, that’s why I want you to know. So when you and your mother fight, you can see where she’s come from and understand what’s happened to her. She doesn’t mean to hurt you.”

“I understand that it hurts, believe me, but this isn’t about you. […] Why would you want to cause your family more pain?

“Because we shouldn’t be living lies,” I say. […] “I’m tired of pretending and letting things blister inside me. Keeping things to myself almost killed me. I don’t want to live like that anymore.”

“What are you talking about?”

“Forget it.” Part of me wonders if Angie is right—who am I to do this to my family?—but I hate this feeling, like the weight of this will make my chest collapse.

Angie wipes the tears from her eyes with her palms. “Some things should never be said out loud, Julia. Can’t you see that?”

“What do I do with this?” I say to myself aloud. “How do I bury this, too?”

“What do you mean?”

“I mean, how am I going to keep this secret? Why do I have to be the one living with this shit?”

“Please, don’t tell your parents. Olga never wanted to hurt them.”

“Why wouldn’t I? And why should I listen to you?”

“Sometimes it’s best not to tell the truth.”

How can I leave them like this? How can I just live my life and leave them behind? What kind of person does that? Will I ever forgive myself?

“We love you, Julia. We love you so much,” Amá says, and presses some money into my hand. “Para si se te antoja algo,” she says, in case I crave something when I get to New York. “Remember you can come back whenever you want.”

I still have nightmares about Olga. Sometimes she’s a mermaid again, other times she’s holding her baby, which is often not a baby at all. Usually, it’s a rock, a fish, or even a sack of rags. Though it’s slowed, my guilt still grows like branches. I wonder when it’ll stop, feeling bad for something that’s not my fault. Who knows? Maybe never.

I pull out Olga’s ultrasound picture from my journal before we land. At times, it looks like an egg. Occasionally, it looks like an eye. The other day I was convinced I could see it pulsing. How can I ever give this to my parents, something else to love, something dead? These last two years I combed and delved through my sister’s life to better understand her, which meant I learned to find pieces of myself—both beautiful and ugly—and how amazing is it that I hold a piece of her right here in my hands?

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• Exploring My Mexican Identity in Mexico
• Student Stories

I am the child of immigrants and a first-generation student. My parents moved to the United States from México before I was born. They wanted me to live where I would have opportunities they didn’t have growing up, to get a better education and live a better life. My mother believed in my future, so she sacrificed her comfort and her family in hopes that one day, I’d have the life she dreamt for me.

It was hard for my mother to transition to the culture in the United States and leave all she  knew behind. It was especially hard to leave her family. She didn’t understand the language nor the culture, but she persevered. She found a job and quickly learned how to speak English, but living in the United States took a toll on her emotional health. She felt alone. She couldn’t see or hug her family back in México, and she missed them. We never had the opportunity to travel to México because of our economic status. However, she never regretted leaving. 

Being Mexican — and American   

Growing up, my siblings and I were surrounded by Mexican culture. We ate tamales, frijoles, pozole, tacos, and a variety of other Mexican foods. There was a piñata at every birthday party, México’s Independence Day, rosca for el Día de los Reyes Magos, and endless quinceañeras. However, I have also grown up in U.S. culture and sometimes feel like I know it better, simply because it’s ingrained in the education system. 

I identify as Mexican-American, but it’s an identity I have struggled with. I’m proud of my identity and my Mexican heritage. But sometimes I felt like I wasn’t Mexican enough. How much did I really know about the country of my ancestors? I didn’t grow up there. Did that make me less Mexican? All of my other friends and family had been to México and described its beauty to me in detail. But I never had the chance to visit.  

That’s why I decided to study abroad in México. Being here is a way to help me understand my Mexican identity. My mother didn’t understand. “I came to the U.S. to give you a better life, and you want to go back?” she’d ask. I had to explain what it meant for me to travel the world and especially how meaningful it was to me to come to México. Once she understood, she was still concerned, but she was glad I’d get to meet her family, who she hasn’t seen in 20 years.  

Coming home to México  

I didn’t know how I would feel, but once I stepped off the plane in México City, I felt a wave of happiness and ease rush through my body. I was home. These feelings intensified as my host parents picked me up in Mérida. The sun’s warmth felt like a hug. I felt like México was welcoming me with open arms and embraced me like a mother embraces her child, with love. 

My first month here has been wonderful. I didn’t know how much my heart yearned to be in México until I was finally here, and it has helped me explore my identity. Little by little, I’m getting to know México, well, Yucatán. I’ve met such kind people that have made me feel welcome. I’m learning more about a variety of topics and I’ve had interesting conversations with people about politics and the culture.  

Staying with a host family has helped me feel at home and allowed me to get to know and understand the people here and their way of life. Taking classes at UADY and engaging with students here has also helped. I’ve learned a lot just from being in the classroom, seeing how students engage with one another, and hearing their thoughts on different topics. 

Part of me feels like a foreigner. In class, I can see that I’ve been educated differently and have learned different things. There are things I don’t understand or know because I didn’t grow up here. I stand out at the university, but part of me also feels like I belong. I’m excited to keep exploring and learn more about México, myself, and how I fit in here. 

—Carolina R.-B. (Colby College), Mérida Universities Program ; IFSA scholarship recipient  

Once I stepped off the plane in México City, I felt a wave of happiness and ease rush through my body. I was home.

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Mexican culture: Customs and traditions

Mexican culture brings together elements of ancient Central-American heritage and European customs.

Population of Mexico

Languages of mexico, religions of mexico, ​​values of the mexican people, mexican food, mexican arts, mexican fashion, doing business in mexico, mexican holidays and celebrations, additional resources and reading, bibliography.

Mexican culture has undergone a tremendous transformation in its recent history with varying impacts in different regions. Many Mexicans live in cities, but smaller rural communities still play a strong role in defining the country's collective vibrant community. 

Mexico can trace some of its cultural heritage back to the Aztec and Maya peoples who once controlled much of Central America, but equally it owes a great deal to the colonial heritage from Spain. Many of the customs in Mexico can be traced back through one of these branches of history.

"Mexico's characteristics set it apart from other Spanish American nations. No other country among them has so actively traced its cultural origins [through] so dramatic a history to such deep roots; none has so thoroughly fused European and non-European cultural influences," wrote Peter Standish and Steven M. Bell in " Culture and customs of Mexico " (Greenwood, 2004).

Mexico is the 10th most populous country in the world, with over 128 million people according to the United States Census Bureau estimate published on July 1, 2021 . According to the Index Mundi , Mexico consists of several ethnic groups. The mestizo (meaning people of mixed indigenous Central American heritage and European heritage) group accounts for 62% of the population. Indigenous Central American or predominantly indigenous Central American people account for 21%, while 10% of the population has a mostly European background. These groups create a culture that is unique to Mexico. However Index Mundi notes that Mexico does not collect census data on ethnicity.

According to the Mexican National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI) the median age of the population is 29 years old, which is a jump up from 2015 when it was 27. Index Mundi adds that 26% of the population is under 14-years-old, just under 17% is 15 to 24, 41% is 25 to 54, a little over 8% is 55 to 64 and nearly 8% are 65 or older.

It's estimated that 81% of the total population of Mexico lives in urban areas with Mexico City alone having a population of nearly 22 million in the wider area, according to Index Mundi, making it the fifth most populous city in the world.

The overwhelming majority of Mexicans today speak Spanish. According to the CIA , Spanish is spoken by 93.8% of the Mexican population. About 5.4% of the population speaks Spanish as well as indigenous languages, such as Mayan, Nahuatl and other regional languages. Indigenous Mexican words have also become common in other languages, including English. For example, chocolate, coyote, tomato and avocado all originated in Nahuatl.  

"Much of Mexican culture revolves around religious values and the church, as well as the concept of family and inclusiveness," said Talia Wagner , a marriage and family therapist in Los Angeles. Around 78% of Mexicans identify themselves as Catholic, according to the CIA, although many have incorporated pre-Hispanic Mayan elements as part of their faith. Some of this dates back to the first colonists looking to merge the approaches of Europe and Central America to bring Christianity to the region.

"Public ritual had always been essential to both pre-Columbian religion and Spanish Catholicism. Consequently, priests quickly introduced their aboriginal parishioners to religious plays, music, and festivals, especially at Easter and Corpus Christi, both of which celebrated the Holy Eucharist," wrote Linda A Curcio-Nagy, professor of history at the University of Nevada in " The Oxford History of Mexico " (Oxford University Press, 2010), edited by Michael C. Meyer and William H. Beezley.

Other Christian denominations represented in Mexico include Presbyterians, Jehovah's Witnesses, Seventh-Day Adventists, Mormons, Lutherans, Methodists, Baptists and Anglicans. There are also small communities of Muslims, Jews and Buddhists. 

Especially outside of cities, families are typically large and Mexicans are very conscious of their responsibilities to immediate family members and extended family such as cousins and even close friends. Hosting parties at their homes plays a large part of Mexican life and making visitors feel comfortable is a large part of the values and customs of the country.

"Family units are usually large, with traditional gender roles and extensive family involvement from the external members who assist one another in day to day life," Wagner told Live Science. There is a strong connection among family members. "Parents are treated with a high degree of respect, as is the family in general and there may be constant struggle, especially for the growing children between individual wants and needs and those wants and needs of the family," added Wagner.

One large event in a Mexican family is the quinceañera. This is a celebration of a young lady's 15th birthday. It signifies the girl's journey from childhood to womanhood. The party includes an elaborate dress for the girl of honor, food, dancing, friends and families. Before the party there is often a mass at the girl's church. The girl is accompanied throughout the festivities by her damas (maids of honor) and chambelánes (chamberlains), according to Encyclopedia Britannica .

Mexican cuisine varies widely between regions, as each town has its own culinary traditions, according to "Mexico For You," a publication of the Mexican Cultural Institute of Washington, D.C. Tortillas and other food made from corn are common everywhere, though, as are pepper, tomatoes and beans. Rice is also a staple, according to History.com. 

Many foods that originated in Mexico are popular worldwide, including avocados, chocolate and pumpkins, in fact Mexican food is one of the country's most popular cultural exports. "Salsa now outsells catsup in the United States and $5 billion worth of tortillas are sold internationally each year," wrote Robert Buffington, Suzanne B. Pasztor, and Don M. Coerver in " Mexico: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Culture and History " (ABC-CLIO, 2004)

Mexico is known for its tequila, which is made from agave cactus that is well suited to the climate of central Mexico. Soda is a very popular drink in Mexico, as the country has a well-developed beverage industry.

Clay pottery, embroidered cotton garments, wool shawls and outer garments with angular designs, colorful baskets and rugs are some of the common items associated with Mexican folk art. Millennia-old traditions continue in silver-smithing, mosaics, textiles, pottery and basket-weaving, according to "Mexico For You."

The country is closely associated with the Mariachi style of folk music. Originated in the southern part of the state of Jalisco sometime in the 19th century, it involves a group of musicians — playing violins, guitars, basses, vihuelas (a five-string guitar) and trumpets — and wearing silver-studded charro suits and elaborate hats. "La Cucaracha" is a well-known Mariachi staple.

Two of Mexico's most famous artists are Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. Their paintings include vibrant colors and depictions of life in Mexico. Rivera was a pioneer of Muralism, a movement that used expansive wall art to educate the people. Kahlo's work drew from personal pain and also the deep history of Mexico itself. "The work of Frida Kahlo (1907–54) is also steeped in Mexicanness, although it is primarily a record of her difficult life, marked in pain, disappointment, and loneliness," wrote Helen Delpar, a professor of history at the University of Alabama in " The Oxford History of Mexico " (Oxford University Press, 2010). 

Many may not think of Mexico as a place that fosters high fashion, but many fashion designers hail from Mexico, such as Jorge Duque and Julia y Renata. There is also a Mexico Fashion Week . In the cities, fashion in Mexico is influenced by international trends, so the typical urban Mexican dresses similar to people in Europe and the United States.

Traditional Mexican clothing for women includes a sleeveless tunic-like dress called a huipil, according to Don Quijote Spanish School. Originally, these cotton dresses were made very simple with garnishes of color. However, traditional Mexican women's clothing now regularly includes lots of ornate embroidery, often including images and patterns that have symbolic meaning attached to them.

One distinguishing article of traditional men's clothing is a large blanket cape called a sarape. Boots are also a wardrobe staple. The charro suit, with its origins as the outfit worn by Mexican cowboys, is most associated with Mariachi musicians. The suit is also an acceptable substitute for a tuxedo at formal events in Mexico. The charro suit includes the sombrero, a wide-brimmed hat that provides plenty of shade.

Mexico's currency is the peso. Almost 65% of the country's GDP comes from the service sector with industry making up 31% and agriculture contributing 3.6%, according to the CIA. Its primary agricultural products are sugar cane, maize, milk, oranges , sorghum, tomatoes, poultry, wheat, green chillies/peppers and eggs.

Mexican business culture tends to value personal relationships, a strong hierarchy and a clear consciousness of status, according to Santander . "Doing business of any sort is normally preceded by a period of socializing," wrote Peter Standish and Steven M. Bell in "Culture and customs of Mexico."

The Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe , which is celebrated on Dec. 12, is a major Mexican holiday celebrating the appearance of the Virgin Mary to an indigenous Mexican in the first years of Spanish rule. She is the patron saint of the country. This is followed closely by Posadas, a nine-day celebration in which people re-enact Mary and Joseph's journey to Bethlehem to search for a place to stay. Families go from door to door carrying candles and singing, asking for shelter until the owners open the door, at which point the party begins.

The Day of the Dead (Día de los Muertos), celebrated on Nov. 2, is a day set aside to remember and honor those who have died, according to the University of New Mexico. Carnival is also celebrated in many communities throughout Mexico to mark the period before Lent.

Independence Day , marking the country's separation from Spain in 1810, is celebrated on Sept. 16. Cinco de Mayo, which marks a Mexican military victory over the French in 1862, is more widely celebrated in the United States (as a beer promotion) than it is in Mexico.

Learn more about the colonial history of Mexico and Central America more widely by reading about one of the men who helped to shape events, Hernán Cortés .

If the culture and life of Central America before the arrival of European colonists is what interests you, then a deep dive into the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán is for you.

• " Culture and customs of Mexico " by Peter Standish and Steven M. Bell (Greenwood, 2004)
• " The Oxford History of Mexico " edited by Michael C. Meyer and William H. Beezley (Oxford University Press, 2010)
• " Mexico: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Culture and History " by Robert Buffington, Suzanne B. Pasztor, and Don M. Coerver (ABC-CLIO, 2004)
• Mercedes Benz Fashion Week
• "Mexico Business Practices" Santander Trade Markets
• "Our Lady of Guadalupe" Catholic Online
• " The History of Mexican Independence" Mexonline

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Jonathan is the Editor of All About History magazine, running the day to day operations of the brand. He has a Bachelor's degree in History from the University of Leeds . He has previously worked as Editor of video game magazines games™ and X-ONE and tech magazines iCreate and Apps. He is currently based in Bournemouth, UK.

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Ballet folklórico: Celebrating Mexican culture through dance

Growing up in a Mexican household in San Diego, California, third-year UC Berkeley student Alexa Carrillo Espinoza says there was always dancing in her home. She’d always wanted to try ballet folklórico, a traditional Mexican folklore dance, but never had the chance. So, when she got to Berkeley in 2019 and saw the student group Ballet Folklórico Reflejos de Mexico tabling on Sproul Plaza, she signed up right away. “As I dance, I have this overwhelming sense of pride,” she says.

Reflejos co-artistic director Graciela Ruiz, a fourth-year social welfare major, began dancing folklórico when she was 5 after her mom enrolled her in community classes near her hometown, Madera, in the Central Valley. She co-leads two classes — one for beginners and another for intermediate and advanced dancers.

“We welcome students of all identities, regardless of their level of experience,” says Ruiz. “Each semester, about 80% of the students have never seen this style of dance. It’s been a really refreshing and rewarding experience. All we ask is that you have an enthusiasm to learn.”

Learn more about Ballet Folklórico Reflejos de Mexico on the group’s website and on its Instagram and Facebook pages.

Read a transcript of Berkeley Voices episode #85: “Ballet folklórico: Celebrating Mexican culture through dance.”

Intro : This is Berkeley Voices. I’m Anne Brice.

[Music: “El Son de la Negra” by by Mariachi Vargas De Tecalitlán]

Graciela Ruiz : I started dance at a very young age. Or, this style of dance — called ballet folklórico. I used to go to my older brother’s practices. And I remember seeing him and the group that was in practice and I would go on the floor and disrupt their practice because I thought it was so fun, the way the girls were wearing their skirts for the region they were practicing. And I was just in awe of the way they were moving. And I guess my mom took that as a sign that maybe this is something that I, as her daughter, would be good at.

My name is Graciela Ruiz, and I’m a fourth-year here at UC Berkeley, so senior year, I’ll be graduating. Very exciting.

The dance group is called Ballet Folklórico Reflejos de Mexico, but usually we just refer to ourselves as Reflejos. In English, that means “reflections.” So, it’s reflections of Mexico, right?

Our group is a Mexican folklore group. We try to showcase traditional art, traditions and customs through a folkloric style of dance. Our mission is to promote cultural diversity here at Cal.

I’m one of the artistic directors. I lead the group, along with my co-director, Mariela. We have a class that’s for beginners, so that’s for people who don’t have experience or maybe they have a little bit of experience. And then we also have an additional class for intermediate and advanced dancers, so those are students who might have had more years of experience or are pretty advanced.

Alexa Carrillo Espinoza : My name is Alexa Carrillo Espinoza. I’m a third-year linguistics major at UC Berkeley. I feel like part of growing up in a Mexican household, there’s always some kind of dancing or some party, something to practice your steps for.

I never did folklórico until my first year here, the first class that I took with Reflejos.

I was definitely a little nervous like I get for most things, just like being with people I didn’t know. But immediately, as soon as I got there and we were… I think when I got there, they were doing stretches and they were playing music that I usually hear, like Reggaeton. It wasn’t the music we were going to be dancing to, but I immediately felt that sense of comfort. Almost a sense of belonging, like, “Oh, I belong here,” which was very meaningful being a minority in this big, big school.

I think it has just really become… I have gotten a deeper sense of connection with the dance itself and even my Mexican-ness, I guess you could say.

My parents were undocumented, so I was never really able to go to Mexico, as a lot of my other friends were. I never really had… I almost felt like I didn’t have that deep of a connection because of that — like I lost out in a certain part of that.

But doing this and being able to represent so many different regions of Mexico has definitely led me to have a greater understanding and appreciation for my culture and its beauty.

Outro : You can subscribe to Berkeley Voices and give us a rating wherever you listen to your podcasts. Look for new episodes every other Friday. You can find all of our podcast episodes with transcripts and photos on Berkeley News at news.berkeley.edu/podcasts.

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Collective Identity and Cultural Resistance in Contemporary Chicana/o Autobiography

• © 2016
• Juan Velasco 0

Santa Clara University , Santa Clara, USA

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Part of the book series: Literatures of the Americas (LOA)

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Table of contents (8 chapters)

Front matter, introduction: beyond the hunger of memories.

Juan Velasco

Automitografía

Culture as resistance, making familia from scratch, the new mestizas, canicular consciousness, conclusion: interrelationality, back matter.

• 1 Chicano/a studies
• 2 Latino/a studies
• 3 Autobiography
• 4 Ethnic literature
• 5 Border studies
• cross-border
• history of literature
• North America
• twentieth century
• visual arts
• World Literature

About this book

The first book length study of this genre, Collective Identity and Cultural Resistance in Contemporary Chicana/o Autobiography facilitates new understandings of how people and cultures are displaced and reinvent themselves. Through the examination of visual arts and literature, Juan Velasco analyzes the space for self-expression that gave way to a new paradigm in contemporary Chicana/o autobiography. By bringing together self-representation with complex theoretical work around culture, ethnicity, race, gender, sex, and nationality, this work is at the crossroads of intersectional analysis and engages with scholarship on the creation of cross-border communities, the liberatory dimensions of cultural survival, and the reclaiming of new art fashioned against the mechanisms of violence that Mexican-Americans have endured.

“This is the book I wanted to write. Combining film study, political theory, historical analysis, and theories of autobiography, Velasco traces the tensions imminent in any notion of a stable ‘self’ identity in order to configure the ways in which fracture can be ameliorated through a healing connection to ancient sources of a collective identity located in automitografía . ” (Genaro M. Padilla, English Department Chair, University of California, Berkeley, USA and the author of “My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American Autobiography”)

“A brilliant reconceptualization of the autobiography genre in Mexican American literary production. Velasco has identified a splendid Chicano/a literary technology for inscribing individual self-experience and affirmation coupled with a will to resist and struggle against political, social and economic oppression for their community.” (Maria Herrera Sobek, Professor of Chicana/o Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, USA and the author of “Northward Bound: The Mexican Immigrant Experience in Ballad and Song”)

“Velasco situates Chicana/o autobiographical writing within the critical geography of the borderlands and the temporalities of postcolonial trauma, political and aesthetic revolution, and future collective transformation. His new readings are historically grounded, theoretically-informed, and elegantly arranged to represent a movement and a literature of mutual construction.” (Leigh Gilmore, Visiting Scholar, Brown University, USA and the author of “The Limits of Autobiography: Trauma and Testimony“)

 “Velasco’s compelling study powerfully redefines a genre and makes a decisive case for the centrality of Chicana/o writings in contemporary American literature.” (Ramon Saldivar, Hoagland Family Professor of Humanities and Sciences, Stanford University, USA and the author of “Chicano Narrative: The Dialectics of Difference”)

Authors and Affiliations

About the author.

Juan Velasco is an Associate Professor in the Department of English and Modern Languages at Santa Clara University, USA where he teaches courses in non-fiction creative writing, autobiography and Latina/o literature. He is the author of Las fronteras móviles: tradición, modernidad y la búsqueda de ‘lo mexicano’ en la Literatura Chicana contemporánea (2003) and his academic publications have appeared in Latino/a Literature In The Classroom: 21 st Century Approaches to Teaching , edited by Frederick Luis Aldama; Expanding the Circle: Creating an Inclusive Environment in Higher Education for LGBTQ Students and Studies , edited by John Hawley; and in Ethnic Literatures and Transnationalism , edited by Aparajita Nanda. 

Bibliographic Information

Book Title : Collective Identity and Cultural Resistance in Contemporary Chicana/o Autobiography

Authors : Juan Velasco

Series Title : Literatures of the Americas

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59540-9

Publisher : Palgrave Macmillan New York

eBook Packages : Literature, Cultural and Media Studies , Literature, Cultural and Media Studies (R0)

Copyright Information : The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016

Hardcover ISBN : 978-1-137-59771-7 Published: 29 July 2016

Softcover ISBN : 978-1-349-95578-7 Published: 30 May 2018

eBook ISBN : 978-1-137-59540-9 Published: 28 July 2016

Series ISSN : 2634-601X

Series E-ISSN : 2634-6028

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XV, 236

Topics : Postcolonial/World Literature , Literary History , Fiction , Arts , Twentieth-Century Literature , North American Literature

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Mexican American Culture's Role In Shaping My Identity

I grew up in a two-parent household with my parents being married before they had children. My father has always been the one that provides finically, while my mother was the one who took care of my siblings and I throughout my childhood. Being that both of my parents were born in Mexico, I consider myself Mexican American. I am proud to be Mexican American. Culture plays a huge role in shaping your identity. A person’s beliefs and morals are made up by culture and remain throughout your entire life. Culture is what made you the person you are today and also determines who or what you choose to associate yourself with. My identity would not exist if it were not for my own culture and the values I have carried from it along the years. The morals I have today exist …show more content…

I am nothing like that. I was fortunate enough to have parents who instilled values from an early age, such as respect, compassion, and honesty. My parents always told me, that I should always respect myself and everyone else. Equally important, my father always emphasized the importance of honesty, acknowledging how being truthful is always worth it. As far as social economic status I would consider my family being a middle class family. During childhood I was taught my parents that I was to respect every body no matter if they looked different than me. Having grown in such a diversity community I never encountered problems with people form different racial or ethnic background. I believe it is a blessing to have grown up in such a diverse community because you get to see interaction between people from different cultures. Therefore, I think it enables you to approach people from different ethnic groups with an open

Essay About Being Mexican American

I am not white, but I am not Mexican either. I am, however, a first generation Mexican American with parents from San Luis Potosi, Mexico. Perhaps I do not know what it is like to cross the border that refrains me from being Mexican, or the color of my skin that refrains me from being white, but my own personal experiences make me the Mexican American that I am today. Growing up I celebrated the Fourth of July with fireworks, and the Day of the Virgin of Guadalupe with matlachines.

Personal Narrative: My Mexican Heritage

I believe the term, hispanic, itself does not define who I am. I define who I am and who I want to become. However, I do come from a Mexican heritage. Coming from a Mexican heritage has influenced and deeply impacted my life. My heritage has taught me a lot.

Personal Narrative: My Growing Up As A First-Generation Mexican American

Growing up as a first-generation Mexican American was a huge advantage for me in that it allowed me to grow up in a culturally diverse community. I learned how to work well with people of all backgrounds and empathize with people from all walks of life. However, while being the first in my family to go to college was a momentous accomplishment, the lack of instruction and guidance lead me to commit many mistakes that could have been easily avoided during my first years at college. My timidity and downright arrogance lead me to believe that I did not need anyone’s assistance and thus I found myself denial that there was a problem in terms of my grades during my first semesters. I have since addressed this issue and have worked diligently to

Personal Narrative: Growing Up In A Latino Community

From as early as I could remember I noticed I was not like the others kids. I had an interest for things most kids would not be interested in. I liked interacting with people, knowing about people and their life stories; I wanted to help in anyway that I could when I would hear everyone’s problems. I thought outside the box throughout my whole childhood and I wanted to make the most out of my knowledge. I told myself that I was going to dedicate my life to helping my community.

Personal Narrative: My Authentic Hispanic Family

I come from an authentic Hispanic family, who is traditional in plenty distinct aspects. We treasure all the memories that have occurred to all of us and we laugh about the embarrassing moments we all had. We hold traditional customs and we accept new traditions as well. All of us are over protective of each and every family member, meaning that if anyone in the family has a problem we will not stop until it is fixed. To every family member, family is always first.

Being A Mexican American Essay

One of the toughest adjustments, having been born to Mexican parents, is migrating to an unknown country where traditions and languages differ from one 's own. Though many pursue an education and strive for a better life, the purpose behind an immigrant, like myself, differs from the typical American. Immigrants strive for a life that was once impossible, going to school is not only to attain an education, but to better prove that we can also become successful regardless of our traditions and skin color. I lived in a country for over fifteen years, fearing deportation, not only losing a home, but potentially saying goodbye to a bright future. Although many feel empathy for Mexican-Americans, it is undeniably difficult to truly comprehend the immense trauma children and even adults undergo  upon experiencing racism and prejudice.

Essay About Being Hispanic

They always look up towards me and will always see me working. My parents always tell me stories how they were raised and how they had little money but they continued to work hard and are blessed with all these things. Being hispanic automatically make anything think that you are a hard worker. They may not know where you came from but know you are willing to do anything at any cost. I plan to teach my future children what it really means to be from a hispanic culture and how they should go out and proudly tell the world who they really are.

My Mexican Culture Essay

Culture impacted my personality and how I act and feel. To me, culture is a very important part of every person’s life. Culture can influence my different types of values. My mom practices Mormon and my dad is Catholic and because of this circumstance, I grew up with both beliefs. In my family on Christmas, we celebrate the Birth of Christ.

Being A Mexican-American Research Paper

Choosing to be a Mexican over American Today I feel more like a Mexican than anything else even though I was born in the united states. I may have papers and be American but hearing other ethnicities call my people immigrants and illegal makes me feel more like an immigrant myself. I feel this way because although I am considered an American I would much rather stand by my people and my culture. I would label myself as a Mexican-American, Latina, person of color, and as a minority. I describe myself as a Mexican-American because I was born and raised in Chicago and from Mexican descent.

Personal Narrative: My Identity As A Latina

I identify as a Latina. I have always considered myself as a Latina, but throughout time, I believe that I have assimilated more into a white individual because of the privilege that I hold and because I have lived in the US most of my life. I have received mostly negative messages from those who are not from my ethnicity. My peers and I were told we wouldn’t graduate high school and be laborers for the rest of our lives. With the current politics, I believe that this still holds true where some people still hold stereotypes and give oppressing messages to Latinos.

Personal Narrative: I Am Proud Of My Hispanic Heritage

I am very proud of my Hispanic heritage. Even though, I am an United States citizen, I am always going to belong to my Hispanic backgrounds. There are so many reasons that I am proud to be Guatemalan and American that I could write a whole book about it. However, I regularly participate in my Hispanic culture and community through my family, traditions, and by being bilingual.

Mexican Americans Subculture

1. Who is this subculture group? Where are they from? The Mexican Americans are a population of Spanish speaking individuals whom inhabit an area of Southern Texas named Hidalgo County. This cultural group often refers to themselves as being “true Texans” while referring to those individuals who speak English as being outsiders.

Being A Mexican Culture Essay

I’m the first generation of my family to be Mexican -American, but I have been introduced to the Mexican culture since I was born. I appreciate the difficulties my parents have faced to make me the person that I am today even though I wasn’t born in Mexico my parents have taught me the language and the culture which I’m so proud of being part of. For others being Hispanic is actually being born in any Latin American countries which is not true at all. Being Hispanic is much more than my cultural background it actually describes how much I appreciate my culture and how I get to experience things other people don’t. I fit into the Hispanic community through the experiencing the culture first hand ,participating in traditions and planning to include my culture in my future.

My Cultural Identity Essay

The background of my cultural identity I am an African American female but that isn’t all there is to know me for. I am an African American girl who is very interactive with my religion and also my culture. Cultural identity can be hard to explain because some people don’t know what’s really in their culture and they fail to see , and understand it. I know what my cultural identity is because of my ethiopian flag, the baked macaroni, and the movie the lion king.

Essay On Mexican American Culture

Cultural influences people on how to communicate with one another and its methods of communication from one culture to another. Culture plays a significant role in intercultural communication. Cultural identity is an element in a person’s life when one understands their own culture, leading to an understanding and appreciation of other cultures as well. It promotes a vital part of communication between people who come from different cultures. This paper will examine my Mexican American cultural background and how it affects my way of communicating with others.

More about Mexican American Culture's Role In Shaping My Identity

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What It Means To Be Asian in America

The lived experiences and perspectives of asian americans in their own words.

Asians are the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in the United States. More than 24 million Americans in the U.S. trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

The majority of Asian Americans are immigrants, coming to understand what they left behind and building their lives in the United States. At the same time, there is a fast growing, U.S.-born generation of Asian Americans who are navigating their own connections to familial heritage and their own experiences growing up in the U.S.

In a new Pew Research Center analysis based on dozens of focus groups, Asian American participants described the challenges of navigating their own identity in a nation where the label “Asian” brings expectations about their origins, behavior and physical self. Read on to see, in their own words, what it means to be Asian in America.

Table of Contents

Introduction, this is how i view my identity, this is how others see and treat me, this is what it means to be home in america, about this project, methodological note, acknowledgments.

No single experience defines what it means to be Asian in the United States today. Instead, Asian Americans’ lived experiences are in part shaped by where they were born, how connected they are to their family’s ethnic origins, and how others – both Asians and non-Asians – see and engage with them in their daily lives. Yet despite diverse experiences, backgrounds and origins, shared experiences and common themes emerged when we asked: “What does it mean to be Asian in America?”

In the fall of 2021, Pew Research Center undertook the largest focus group study it had ever conducted – 66 focus groups with 264 total participants – to hear Asian Americans talk about their lived experiences in America. The focus groups were organized into 18 distinct Asian ethnic origin groups, fielded in 18 languages and moderated by members of their own ethnic groups. Because of the pandemic, the focus groups were conducted virtually, allowing us to recruit participants from all parts of the United States. This approach allowed us to hear a diverse set of voices – especially from less populous Asian ethnic groups whose views, attitudes and opinions are seldom presented in traditional polling. The approach also allowed us to explore the reasons behind people’s opinions and choices about what it means to belong in America, beyond the preset response options of a traditional survey.

The terms “Asian,” “Asians living in the United States” and “Asian American” are used interchangeably throughout this essay to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

“The United States” and “the U.S.” are used interchangeably with “America” for variations in the writing.

Multiracial participants are those who indicate they are of two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Asian). Multiethnic participants are those who indicate they are of two or more ethnicities, including those identified as Asian with Hispanic background.

U.S. born refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, or other U.S. territories.

Immigrant refers to people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.S. citizens. The terms “immigrant,” “first generation” and “foreign born” are used interchangeably in this report.  

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia with at least one first-generation, or immigrant, parent.

The pan-ethnic term “Asian American” describes the population of about 22 million people living in the United States who trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. The term was popularized by U.S. student activists in the 1960s and was eventually adopted by the U.S. Census Bureau. However, the “Asian” label masks the diverse demographics and wide economic disparities across the largest national origin groups (such as Chinese, Indian, Filipino) and the less populous ones (such as Bhutanese, Hmong and Nepalese) living in America. It also hides the varied circumstances of groups immigrated to the U.S. and how they started their lives there. The population’s diversity often presents challenges . Conventional survey methods typically reflect the voices of larger groups without fully capturing the broad range of views, attitudes, life starting points and perspectives experienced by Asian Americans. They can also limit understanding of the shared experiences across this diverse population.

Across all focus groups, some common findings emerged. Participants highlighted how the pan-ethnic “Asian” label used in the U.S. represented only one part of how they think of themselves. For example, recently arrived Asian immigrant participants told us they are drawn more to their ethnic identity than to the more general, U.S.-created pan-ethnic Asian American identity. Meanwhile, U.S.-born Asian participants shared how they identified, at times, as Asian but also, at other times, by their ethnic origin and as Americans.

Another common finding among focus group participants is the disconnect they noted between how they see themselves and how others view them. Sometimes this led to maltreatment of them or their families, especially at heightened moments in American history such as during Japanese incarceration during World War II, the aftermath of 9/11 and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. Beyond these specific moments, many in the focus groups offered their own experiences that had revealed other people’s assumptions or misconceptions about their identity.

Another shared finding is the multiple ways in which participants take and express pride in their cultural and ethnic backgrounds while also feeling at home in America, celebrating and blending their unique cultural traditions and practices with those of other Americans.

This focus group project is part of a broader research agenda about Asians living in the United States. The findings presented here offer a small glimpse of what participants told us, in their own words, about how they identify themselves, how others see and treat them, and more generally, what it means to be Asian in America.

Illustrations by Jing Li

Publications from the Being Asian in America project

• Read the data essay: What It Means to Be Asian in America
• Watch the documentary: Being Asian in America
• Explore the interactive: In Their Own Words: The Diverse Perspectives of Being Asian in America
• View expanded interviews: Extended Interviews: Being Asian in America
• About this research project: More on the Being Asian in America project
• Q&A: Why and how Pew Research Center conducted 66 focus groups with Asian Americans

One of the topics covered in each focus group was how participants viewed their own racial or ethnic identity. Moderators asked them how they viewed themselves, and what experiences informed their views about their identity. These discussions not only highlighted differences in how participants thought about their own racial or ethnic background, but they also revealed how different settings can influence how they would choose to identify themselves. Across all focus groups, the general theme emerged that being Asian was only one part of how participants viewed themselves.

The pan-ethnic label ‘Asian’ is often used more in formal settings

“I think when I think of the Asian Americans, I think that we’re all unique and different. We come from different cultures and backgrounds. We come from unique stories, not just as a group, but just as individual humans.” Mali , documentary participant

Many participants described a complicated relationship with the pan-ethnic labels “Asian” or “Asian American.” For some, using the term was less of an active choice and more of an imposed one, with participants discussing the disconnect between how they would like to identify themselves and the available choices often found in formal settings. For example, an immigrant Pakistani woman remarked how she typically sees “Asian American” on forms, but not more specific options. Similarly, an immigrant Burmese woman described her experience of applying for jobs and having to identify as “Asian,” as opposed to identifying by her ethnic background, because no other options were available. These experiences highlight the challenges organizations like government agencies and employers have in developing surveys or forms that ask respondents about their identity. A common sentiment is one like this:

“I guess … I feel like I just kind of check off ‘Asian’ [for] an application or the test forms. That’s the only time I would identify as Asian. But Asian is too broad. Asia is a big continent. Yeah, I feel like it’s just too broad. To specify things, you’re Taiwanese American, that’s exactly where you came from.”

–U.S.-born woman of Taiwanese origin in early 20s

Smaller ethnic groups default to ‘Asian’ since their groups are less recognizable

Other participants shared how their experiences in explaining the geographic location and culture of their origin country led them to prefer “Asian” when talking about themselves with others. This theme was especially prominent among those belonging to smaller origin groups such as Bangladeshis and Bhutanese. A Lao participant remarked she would initially say “Asian American” because people might not be familiar with “Lao.”

“​​[When I fill out] forms, I select ‘Asian American,’ and that’s why I consider myself as an Asian American. [It is difficult to identify as] Nepali American [since] there are no such options in forms. That’s why, Asian American is fine to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Nepalese origin in late 20s

“Coming to a big country like [the United States], when people ask where we are from … there are some people who have no idea about Bhutan, so we end up introducing ourselves as being Asian.”

–Immigrant woman of Bhutanese origin in late 40s

But for many, ‘Asian’ as a label or identity just doesn’t fit

Many participants felt that neither “Asian” nor “Asian American” truly captures how they view themselves and their identity. They argue that these labels are too broad or too ambiguous, as there are so many different groups included within these labels. For example, a U.S.-born Pakistani man remarked on how “Asian” lumps many groups together – that the term is not limited to South Asian groups such as Indian and Pakistani, but also includes East Asian groups. Similarly, an immigrant Nepalese man described how “Asian” often means Chinese for many Americans. A Filipino woman summed it up this way:

“Now I consider myself to be both Filipino and Asian American, but growing up in [Southern California] … I didn’t start to identify as Asian American until college because in [the Los Angeles suburb where I lived], it’s a big mix of everything – Black, Latino, Pacific Islander and Asian … when I would go into spaces where there were a lot of other Asians, especially East Asians, I didn’t feel like I belonged. … In media, right, like people still associate Asian with being East Asian.”

–U.S.-born woman of Filipino origin in mid-20s

Participants also noted they have encountered confusion or the tendency for others to view Asian Americans as people from mostly East Asian countries, such as China, Japan and Korea. For some, this confusion even extends to interactions with other Asian American groups. A Pakistani man remarked on how he rarely finds Pakistani or Indian brands when he visits Asian stores. Instead, he recalled mostly finding Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese items.

Among participants of South Asian descent, some identified with the label “South Asian” more than just “Asian.” There were other nuances, too, when it comes to the labels people choose. Some Indian participants, for example, said people sometimes group them with Native Americans who are also referred to as Indians in the United States. This Indian woman shared her experience at school:

“I love South Asian or ‘Desi’ only because up until recently … it’s fairly new to say South Asian. I’ve always said ‘Desi’ because growing up … I’ve had to say I’m the red dot Indian, not the feather Indian. So annoying, you know? … Always a distinction that I’ve had to make.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in late 20s

Participants with multiethnic or multiracial backgrounds described their own unique experiences with their identity. Rather than choosing one racial or ethnic group over the other, some participants described identifying with both groups, since this more accurately describes how they see themselves. In some cases, this choice reflected the history of the Asian diaspora. For example, an immigrant Cambodian man described being both Khmer/Cambodian and Chinese, since his grandparents came from China. Some other participants recalled going through an “identity crisis” as they navigated between multiple identities. As one woman explained:

“I would say I went through an identity crisis. … It’s because of being multicultural. … There’s also French in the mix within my family, too. Because I don’t identify, speak or understand the language, I really can’t connect to the French roots … I’m in between like Cambodian and Thai, and then Chinese and then French … I finally lumped it up. I’m just an Asian American and proud of all my roots.”

–U.S.-born woman of Cambodian origin in mid-30s

In other cases, the choice reflected U.S. patterns of intermarriage. Asian newlyweds have the highest intermarriage rate of any racial or ethnic group in the country. One Japanese-origin man with Hispanic roots noted:

“So I would like to see myself as a Hispanic Asian American. I want to say Hispanic first because I have more of my mom’s culture in me than my dad’s culture. In fact, I actually have more American culture than my dad’s culture for what I do normally. So I guess, Hispanic American Asian.”

–U.S.-born man of Hispanic and Japanese origin in early 40s

Other identities beyond race or ethnicity are also important

Focus group participants also talked about their identity beyond the racial or ethnic dimension. For example, one Chinese woman noted that the best term to describe her would be “immigrant.” Faith and religious ties were also important to some. One immigrant participant talked about his love of Pakistani values and how religion is intermingled into Pakistani culture. Another woman explained:

“[Japanese language and culture] are very important to me and ingrained in me because they were always part of my life, and I felt them when I was growing up. Even the word itadakimasu reflects Japanese culture or the tradition. Shinto religion is a part of the culture. They are part of my identity, and they are very important to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Japanese origin in mid-30s

For some, gender is another important aspect of identity. One Korean participant emphasized that being a woman is an important part of her identity. For others, sexual orientation is an essential part of their overall identity. One U.S.-born Filipino participant described herself as “queer Asian American.” Another participant put it this way:

“I belong to the [LGBTQ] community … before, what we only know is gay and lesbian. We don’t know about being queer, nonbinary. [Here], my horizon of knowing what genders and gender roles is also expanded … in the Philippines, if you’ll be with same sex, you’re considered gay or lesbian. But here … what’s happening is so broad, on how you identify yourself.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 20s

Immigrant identity is tied to their ethnic heritage

Participants born outside the United States tended to link their identity with their ethnic heritage. Some felt strongly connected with their ethnic ties due to their citizenship status. For others, the lack of permanent residency or citizenship meant they have stronger ties to their ethnicity and birthplace. And in some cases, participants said they held on to their ethnic identity even after they became U.S. citizens. One woman emphasized that she will always be Taiwanese because she was born there, despite now living in the U.S.

For other participants, family origin played a central role in their identity, regardless of their status in the U.S. According to some of them, this attitude was heavily influenced by their memories and experiences in early childhood when they were still living in their countries of origin. These influences are so profound that even after decades of living in the U.S., some still feel the strong connection to their ethnic roots. And those with U.S.-born children talked about sending their kids to special educational programs in the U.S. to learn about their ethnic heritage.

“Yes, as for me, I hold that I am Khmer because our nationality cannot be deleted, our identity is Khmer as I hold that I am Khmer … so I try, even [with] my children today, I try to learn Khmer through Zoom through the so-called Khmer Parent Association.”

–Immigrant man of Cambodian origin in late 50s

Navigating life in America is an adjustment

Many participants pointed to cultural differences they have noticed between their ethnic culture and U.S. culture. One of the most distinct differences is in food. For some participants, their strong attachment to the unique dishes of their families and their countries of origin helps them maintain strong ties to their ethnic identity. One Sri Lankan participant shared that her roots are still in Sri Lanka, since she still follows Sri Lankan traditions in the U.S. such as preparing kiribath (rice with coconut milk) and celebrating Ramadan.

For other participants, interactions in social settings with those outside their own ethnic group circles highlighted cultural differences. One Bangladeshi woman talked about how Bengalis share personal stories and challenges with each other, while others in the U.S. like to have “small talk” about TV series or clothes.

Many immigrants in the focus groups have found it is easier to socialize when they are around others belonging to their ethnicity. When interacting with others who don’t share the same ethnicity, participants noted they must be more self-aware about cultural differences to avoid making mistakes in social interactions. Here, participants described the importance of learning to “fit in,” to avoid feeling left out or excluded. One Korean woman said:

“Every time I go to a party, I feel unwelcome. … In Korea, when I invite guests to my house and one person sits without talking, I come over and talk and treat them as a host. But in the United States, I have to go and mingle. I hate mingling so much. I have to talk and keep going through unimportant stories. In Korea, I am assigned to a dinner or gathering. I have a party with a sense of security. In America, I have nowhere to sit, and I don’t know where to go and who to talk to.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in mid-40s

And a Bhutanese immigrant explained:

“In my case, I am not an American. I consider myself a Bhutanese. … I am a Bhutanese because I do not know American culture to consider myself as an American. It is very difficult to understand the sense of humor in America. So, we are pure Bhutanese in America.”

–Immigrant man of Bhutanese origin in early 40s

Language was also a key aspect of identity for the participants. Many immigrants in the focus groups said they speak a language other than English at home and in their daily lives. One Vietnamese man considered himself Vietnamese since his Vietnamese is better than his English. Others emphasized their English skills. A Bangladeshi participant felt that she was more accepted in the workplace when she does more “American” things and speaks fluent English, rather than sharing things from Bangladeshi culture. She felt that others in her workplace correlate her English fluency with her ability to do her job. For others born in the U.S., the language they speak at home influences their connection to their ethnic roots.

“Now if I go to my work and do show my Bengali culture and Asian culture, they are not going to take anything out of it. So, basically, I have to show something that they are interested in. I have to show that I am American, [that] I can speak English fluently. I can do whatever you give me as a responsibility. So, in those cases I can’t show anything about my culture.”

–Immigrant woman of Bangladeshi origin in late 20s

“Being bi-ethnic and tri-cultural creates so many unique dynamics, and … one of the dynamics has to do with … what it is to be Americanized. … One of the things that played a role into how I associate the identity is language. Now, my father never spoke Spanish to me … because he wanted me to develop a fluency in English, because for him, he struggled with English. What happened was three out of the four people that raised me were Khmer … they spoke to me in Khmer. We’d eat breakfast, lunch and dinner speaking Khmer. We’d go to the temple in Khmer with the language and we’d also watch videos and movies in Khmer. … Looking into why I strongly identify with the heritage, one of the reasons is [that] speaking that language connects to the home I used to have [as my families have passed away].”

–U.S.-born man of Cambodian origin in early 30s

Balancing between individualistic and collective thinking

For some immigrant participants, the main differences between themselves and others who are seen as “truly American” were less about cultural differences, or how people behave, and more about differences in “mindset,” or how people think . Those who identified strongly with their ethnicity discussed how their way of thinking is different from a “typical American.” To some, the “American mentality” is more individualistic, with less judgment on what one should do or how they should act . One immigrant Japanese man, for example, talked about how other Japanese-origin co-workers in the U.S. would work without taking breaks because it’s culturally inconsiderate to take a break while others continued working. However, he would speak up for himself and other workers when they are not taking any work breaks. He attributed this to his “American” way of thinking, which encourages people to stand up for themselves.

Some U.S.-born participants who grew up in an immigrant family described the cultural clashes that happened between themselves and their immigrant parents. Participants talked about how the second generation (children of immigrant parents) struggles to pursue their own dreams while still living up to the traditional expectations of their immigrant parents.

“I feel like one of the biggest things I’ve seen, just like [my] Asian American friends overall, is the kind of family-individualistic clash … like wanting to do your own thing is like, is kind of instilled in you as an American, like go and … follow your dream. But then you just grow up with such a sense of like also wanting to be there for your family and to live up to those expectations, and I feel like that’s something that’s very pronounced in Asian cultures.”

–U.S.-born man of Indian origin in mid-20s

Discussions also highlighted differences about gender roles between growing up in America compared with elsewhere.

“As a woman or being a girl, because of your gender, you have to keep your mouth shut [and] wait so that they call on you for you to speak up. … I do respect our elders and I do respect hearing their guidance but I also want them to learn to hear from the younger person … because we have things to share that they might not know and that [are] important … so I like to challenge gender roles or traditional roles because it is something that [because] I was born and raised here [in America], I learn that we all have the equal rights to be able to speak and share our thoughts and ideas.”

U.S. born have mixed ties to their family’s heritage

“I think being Hmong is somewhat of being free, but being free of others’ perceptions of you or of others’ attempts to assimilate you or attempts to put pressure on you. I feel like being Hmong is to resist, really.” Pa Houa , documentary participant

How U.S.-born participants identify themselves depends on their familiarity with their own heritage, whom they are talking with, where they are when asked about their identity and what the answer is used for. Some mentioned that they have stronger ethnic ties because they are very familiar with their family’s ethnic heritage. Others talked about how their eating habits and preferred dishes made them feel closer to their ethnic identity. For example, one Korean participant shared his journey of getting closer to his Korean heritage because of Korean food and customs. When some participants shared their reasons for feeling closer to their ethnic identity, they also expressed a strong sense of pride with their unique cultural and ethnic heritage.

“I definitely consider myself Japanese American. I mean I’m Japanese and American. Really, ever since I’ve grown up, I’ve really admired Japanese culture. I grew up watching a lot of anime and Japanese black and white films. Just learning about [it], I would hear about Japanese stuff from my grandparents … myself, and my family having blended Japanese culture and American culture together.”

–U.S.-born man of Japanese origin in late 20s

Meanwhile, participants who were not familiar with their family’s heritage showed less connection with their ethnic ties. One U.S.-born woman said she has a hard time calling herself Cambodian, as she is “not close to the Cambodian community.” Participants with stronger ethnic ties talked about relating to their specific ethnic group more than the broader Asian group. Another woman noted that being Vietnamese is “more specific and unique than just being Asian” and said that she didn’t feel she belonged with other Asians. Some participants also disliked being seen as or called “Asian,” in part because they want to distinguish themselves from other Asian groups. For example, one Taiwanese woman introduces herself as Taiwanese when she can, because she had frequently been seen as Chinese.

Some in the focus groups described how their views of their own identities shifted as they grew older. For example, some U.S.-born and immigrant participants who came to the U.S. at younger ages described how their experiences in high school and the need to “fit in” were important in shaping their own identities. A Chinese woman put it this way:

“So basically, all I know is that I was born in the United States. Again, when I came back, I didn’t feel any barrier with my other friends who are White or Black. … Then I got a little confused in high school when I had trouble self-identifying if I am Asian, Chinese American, like who am I. … Should I completely immerse myself in the American culture? Should I also keep my Chinese identity and stuff like that? So yeah, that was like the middle of that mist. Now, I’m pretty clear about myself. I think I am Chinese American, Asian American, whatever people want.”

–U.S.-born woman of Chinese origin in early 20s

Identity is influenced by birthplace

“I identified myself first and foremost as American. Even on the forms that you fill out that says, you know, ‘Asian’ or ‘Chinese’ or ‘other,’ I would check the ‘other’ box, and I would put ‘American Chinese’ instead of ‘Chinese American.’” Brent , documentary participant

When talking about what it means to be “American,” participants offered their own definitions. For some, “American” is associated with acquiring a distinct identity alongside their ethnic or racial backgrounds, rather than replacing them. One Indian participant put it this way:

“I would also say [that I am] Indian American just because I find myself always bouncing between the two … it’s not even like dual identity, it just is one whole identity for me, like there’s not this separation. … I’m doing [both] Indian things [and] American things. … They use that term like ABCD … ‘American Born Confused Desi’ … I don’t feel that way anymore, although there are those moments … but I would say [that I am] Indian American for sure.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 30s

Meanwhile, some U.S.-born participants view being American as central to their identity while also valuing the culture of their family’s heritage.

Many immigrant participants associated the term “American” with immigration status or citizenship. One Taiwanese woman said she can’t call herself American since she doesn’t have a U.S. passport. Notably, U.S. citizenship is an important milestone for many immigrant participants, giving them a stronger sense of belonging and ultimately calling themselves American. A Bangladeshi participant shared that she hasn’t received U.S. citizenship yet, and she would call herself American after she receives her U.S. passport.

Other participants gave an even narrower definition, saying only those born and raised in the United States are truly American. One Taiwanese woman mentioned that her son would be American since he was born, raised and educated in the U.S. She added that while she has U.S. citizenship, she didn’t consider herself American since she didn’t grow up in the U.S. This narrower definition has implications for belonging. Some immigrants in the groups said they could never become truly American since the way they express themselves is so different from those who were born and raised in the U.S. A Japanese woman pointed out that Japanese people “are still very intimidated by authorities,” while those born and raised in America give their opinions without hesitation.

“As soon as I arrived, I called myself a Burmese immigrant. I had a green card, but I still wasn’t an American citizen. … Now I have become a U.S. citizen, so now I am a Burmese American.”

–Immigrant man of Burmese origin in mid-30s

“Since I was born … and raised here, I kind of always view myself as American first who just happened to be Asian or Chinese. So I actually don’t like the term Chinese American or Asian American. I’m American Asian or American Chinese. I view myself as American first.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 60s

“[I used to think of myself as] Filipino, but recently I started saying ‘Filipino American’ because I got [U.S.] citizenship. And it just sounds weird to say Filipino American, but I’m trying to … I want to accept it. I feel like it’s now marry-able to my identity.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 30s

For others, American identity is about the process of ‘becoming’ culturally American

Immigrant participants also emphasized how their experiences and time living in America inform their views of being an “American.” As a result, some started to see themselves as Americans after spending more than a decade in the U.S. One Taiwanese man considered himself an American since he knows more about the U.S. than Taiwan after living in the U.S. for over 52 years.

But for other immigrant participants, the process of “becoming” American is not about how long they have lived in the U.S., but rather how familiar they are with American culture and their ability to speak English with little to no accent. This is especially true for those whose first language is not English, as learning and speaking it without an accent can be a big challenge for some. One Bangladeshi participant shared that his pronunciation of “hot water” was very different from American English, resulting in confusions in communication. By contrast, those who were more confident in their English skills felt they can better understand American culture and values as a result, leading them to a stronger connection with an American identity.

“[My friends and family tease me for being Americanized when I go back to Japan.] I think I seem a little different to people who live in Japan. I don’t think they mean anything bad, and they [were] just joking, because I already know that I seem a little different to people who live in Japan.”

–Immigrant man of Japanese origin in mid-40s

“I value my Hmong culture, and language, and ethnicity, but I also do acknowledge, again, that I was born here in America and I’m grateful that I was born here, and I was given opportunities that my parents weren’t given opportunities for.”

–U.S.-born woman of Hmong origin in early 30s

During the focus group discussions about identity, a recurring theme emerged about the difference between how participants saw themselves and how others see them. When asked to elaborate on their experiences and their points of view, some participants shared experiences they had with people misidentifying their race or ethnicity. Others talked about their frustration with being labeled the “model minority.” In all these discussions, participants shed light on the negative impacts that mistaken assumptions and labels had on their lives.

All people see is ‘Asian’

For many, interactions with others (non-Asians and Asians alike) often required explaining their backgrounds, reacting to stereotypes, and for those from smaller origin groups in particular, correcting the misconception that being “Asian” means you come from one of the larger Asian ethnic groups. Several participants remarked that in their own experiences, when others think about Asians, they tend to think of someone who is Chinese. As one immigrant Filipino woman put it, “Interacting with [non-Asians in the U.S.], it’s hard. … Well, first, I look Spanish. I mean, I don’t look Asian, so would you guess – it’s like they have a vision of what an Asian [should] look like.” Similarly, an immigrant Indonesian man remarked how Americans tended to see Asians primarily through their physical features, which not all Asian groups share.

Several participants also described how the tendency to view Asians as a monolithic group can be even more common in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“The first [thing people think of me as] is just Chinese. ‘You guys are just Chinese.’ I’m not the only one who felt [this] after the COVID-19 outbreak. ‘Whether you’re Japanese, Korean, or Southeast Asian, you’re just Chinese [to Americans]. I should avoid you.’ I’ve felt this way before, but I think I’ve felt it a bit more after the COVID-19 outbreak.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in early 30s

At the same time, other participants described their own experiences trying to convince others that they are Asian or Asian American. This was a common experience among Southeast Asian participants.

“I have to convince people I’m Asian, not Middle Eastern. … If you type in Asian or you say Asian, most people associate it with Chinese food, Japanese food, karate, and like all these things but then they don’t associate it with you.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 30s

The model minority myth and its impact

“I’ve never really done the best academically, compared to all my other Asian peers too. I never really excelled. I wasn’t in honors. … Those stereotypes, I think really [have] taken a toll on my self-esteem.” Diane , documentary participant

Across focus groups, immigrant and U.S.-born participants described the challenges of the seemingly positive stereotypes of Asians as intelligent, gifted in technical roles and hardworking. Participants often referred to this as the “model minority myth.”

The label “model minority” was coined in the 1960s and has been used to characterize Asian Americans as financially and educationally successful and hardworking when compared with other groups. However, for many Asians living in the United States, these characterizations do not align with their lived experiences or reflect their socioeconomic backgrounds. Indeed, among Asian origin groups in the U.S., there are wide differences in economic and social experiences. 

Academic research on the model minority myth has pointed to its impact beyond Asian Americans and towards other racial and ethnic groups, especially Black Americans, in the U.S. Some argue that the model minority myth has been used to justify policies that overlook the historical circumstances and impacts of colonialism, slavery, discrimination and segregation on other non-White racial and ethnic groups.

Many participants noted ways in which the model minority myth has been harmful. For some, expectations based on the myth didn’t match their own experiences of coming from impoverished communities. Some also recalled experiences at school when they struggled to meet their teachers’ expectations in math and science.

“As an Asian person, I feel like there’s that stereotype that Asian students are high achievers academically. They’re good at math and science. … I was a pretty mediocre student, and math and science were actually my weakest subjects, so I feel like it’s either way you lose. Teachers expect you to fit a certain stereotype and if you’re not, then you’re a disappointment, but at the same time, even if you are good at math and science, that just means that you’re fitting a stereotype. It’s [actually] your own achievement, but your teachers might think, ‘Oh, it’s because they’re Asian,’ and that diminishes your achievement.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in late 20s

Some participants felt that even when being Asian worked in their favor in the job market, they encountered stereotypes that “Asians can do quality work with less compensation” or that “Asians would not complain about anything at work.”

“There is a joke from foreigners and even Asian Americans that says, ‘No matter what you do, Asians always do the best.’ You need to get A, not just B-plus. Otherwise, you’ll be a disgrace to the family. … Even Silicon Valley hires Asian because [an] Asian’s wage is cheaper but [they] can work better. When [work] visa overflow happens, they hire Asians like Chinese and Indian to work in IT fields because we are good at this and do not complain about anything.”

–Immigrant man of Thai origin in early 40s

Others expressed frustration that people were placing them in the model minority box. One Indian woman put it this way:

“Indian people and Asian people, like … our parents or grandparents are the ones who immigrated here … against all odds. … A lot of Indian and Asian people have succeeded and have done really well for themselves because they’ve worked themselves to the bone. So now the expectations [of] the newer generations who were born here are incredibly unrealistic and high. And you get that not only from your family and the Indian community, but you’re also getting it from all of the American people around you, expecting you to be … insanely good at math, play an instrument, you know how to do this, you know how to do that, but it’s not true. And it’s just living with those expectations, it’s difficult.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 20s

Whether U.S. born or immigrants, Asians are often seen by others as foreigners

“Being only not quite 10 years old, it was kind of exciting to ride on a bus to go someplace. But when we went to Pomona, the assembly center, we were stuck in one of the stalls they used for the animals.” Tokiko , documentary participant

Across all focus groups, participants highlighted a common question they are asked in America when meeting people for the first time: “Where are you really from?” For participants, this question implied that people think they are “foreigners,” even though they may be longtime residents or citizens of the United States or were born in the country. One man of Vietnamese origin shared his experience with strangers who assumed that he and his friends are North Korean. Perhaps even more hurtful, participants mentioned that this meant people had a preconceived notion of what an “American” is supposed to look like, sound like or act like. One Chinese woman said that White Americans treated people like herself as outsiders based on her skin color and appearance, even though she was raised in the U.S.

Many focus group participants also acknowledged the common stereotype of treating Asians as “forever foreigners.” Some immigrant participants said they felt exhausted from constantly being asked this question by people even when they speak perfect English with no accent. During the discussion, a Korean immigrant man recalled that someone had said to him, “You speak English well, but where are you from?” One Filipino participant shared her experience during the first six months in the U.S.:

“You know, I spoke English fine. But there were certain things that, you know, people constantly questioning you like, oh, where are you from? When did you come here? You know, just asking about your experience to the point where … you become fed up with it after a while.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in mid-30s

U.S.-born participants also talked about experiences when others asked where they are from. Many shared that they would not talk about their ethnic origin right away when answering such a question because it often led to misunderstandings and assumptions that they are immigrants.

“I always get that question of, you know, ‘Where are you from?’ and I’m like, ‘I’m from America.’ And then they’re like, ‘No. Where are you from-from ?’ and I’m like, ‘Yeah, my family is from Pakistan,’ so it’s like I always had like that dual identity even though it’s never attached to me because I am like, of Pakistani descent.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 20s

One Korean woman born in the U.S. said that once people know she is Korean, they ask even more offensive questions such as “Are you from North or South Korea?” or “Do you still eat dogs?”

In a similar situation, this U.S.-born Indian woman shared her responses:

“I find that there’s a, ‘So but where are you from?’ Like even in professional settings when they feel comfortable enough to ask you. ‘So – so where are you from?’ ‘Oh, I was born in [names city], Colorado. Like at [the hospital], down the street.’ ‘No, but like where are you from?’ ‘My mother’s womb?’”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 40s

Ignorance and misinformation about Asian identity can lead to contentious encounters

“I have dealt with kids who just gave up on their Sikh identity, cut their hair and groomed their beard and everything. They just wanted to fit in and not have to deal with it, especially [those] who are victim or bullied in any incident.” Surinder , documentary participant

In some cases, ignorance and misinformation about Asians in the U.S. lead to inappropriate comments or questions and uncomfortable or dangerous situations. Participants shared their frustration when others asked about their country of origin, and they then had to explain their identity or correct misunderstandings or stereotypes about their background. At other times, some participants faced ignorant comments about their ethnicity, which sometimes led to more contentious encounters. For example, some Indian or Pakistani participants talked about the attacks or verbal abuse they experienced from others blaming them for the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Others discussed the racial slurs directed toward them since the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Some Japanese participants recalled their families losing everything and being incarcerated during World War II and the long-term effect it had on their lives.

“I think like right now with the coronavirus, I think we’re just Chinese, Chinese American, well, just Asian American or Asians in general, you’re just going through the same struggles right now. Like everyone is just blaming whoever looks Asian about the virus. You don’t feel safe.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 30s

“At the beginning of the pandemic, a friend and I went to celebrate her birthday at a club and like these guys just kept calling us COVID.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in early 20s

“There [were] a lot of instances after 9/11. One day, somebody put a poster about 9/11 [in front of] my business. He was wearing a gun. … On the poster, it was written ‘you Arabs, go back to your country.’ And then someone came inside. He pointed his gun at me and said ‘Go back to your country.’”

–Immigrant man of Pakistani origin in mid-60s

“[My parents went through the] internment camps during World War II. And my dad, he was in high school, so he was – they were building the camps and then he was put into the Santa Anita horse track place, the stables there. And then they were sent – all the Japanese Americans were sent to different camps, right, during World War II and – in California. Yeah, and they lost everything, yeah.”

–U.S.-born woman of Japanese origin in mid-60s

As focus group participants contemplated their identity during the discussions, many talked about their sense of belonging in America. Although some felt frustrated with people misunderstanding their ethnic heritage, they didn’t take a negative view of life in America. Instead, many participants – both immigrant and U.S. born – took pride in their unique cultural and ethnic backgrounds. In these discussions, people gave their own definitions of America as a place with a diverse set of cultures, with their ethnic heritage being a part of it.

Taking pride in their unique cultures

“Being a Pakistani American, I’m proud. … Because I work hard, and I make true my dreams from here.” Shahid , documentary participant

Despite the challenges of adapting to life in America for immigrant participants or of navigating their dual cultural identity for U.S.-born ones, focus group participants called America their home. And while participants talked about their identities in different ways – ethnic identity, racial (Asian) identity, and being American – they take pride in their unique cultures. Many also expressed a strong sense of responsibility to give back or support their community, sharing their cultural heritage with others on their own terms.

“Right now it has been a little difficult. I think it has been for all Asians because of the COVID issue … but I’m glad that we’re all here [in America]. I think we should be proud to be here. I’m glad that our families have traveled here, and we can help make life better for communities, our families and ourselves. I think that’s really a wonderful thing. We can be those role models for a lot of the future, the younger folks. I hope that something I did in the last years will have impacted either my family, friends or students that I taught in other community things that I’ve done. So you hope that it helps someplace along the line.”

“I am very proud of my culture. … There is not a single Bengali at my workplace, but people know the name of my country. Maybe many years [later] – educated people know all about the country. So, I don’t have to explain that there is a small country next to India and Nepal. It’s beyond saying. People after all know Bangladesh. And there are so many Bengali present here as well. So, I am very proud to be a Bangladeshi.”

Where home is

When asked about the definition of home, some immigrant participants said home is where their families are located. Immigrants in the focus groups came to the United States by various paths, whether through work opportunities, reuniting with family or seeking a safe haven as refugees. Along their journey, some received support from family members, their local community or other individuals, while others overcame challenges by themselves. Either way, they take pride in establishing their home in America and can feel hurt when someone tells them to “go back to your country.” In response, one Laotian woman in her mid-40s said, “This is my home. My country. Go away.”

“If you ask me personally, I view my home as my house … then I would say my house is with my family because wherever I go, I cannot marry if I do not have my family so that is how I would answer.”

–Immigrant man of Hmong origin in late 30s

“[If somebody yelled at me ‘go back to your country’] I’d feel angry because this is my country! I live here. America is my country. I grew up here and worked here … I’d say, ‘This is my country! You go back to your country! … I will not go anywhere. This is my home. I will live here.’ That’s what I’d say.”

–Immigrant woman of Laotian origin in early 50s

‘American’ means to blend their unique cultural and ethnic heritage with that in the U.S.

“I want to teach my children two traditions – one American and one Vietnamese – so they can compare and choose for themselves the best route in life.” Helen , documentary participant (translated from Vietnamese)

Both U.S.-born and immigrant participants in the focus groups shared their experiences of navigating a dual cultural environment between their ethnic heritage and American culture. A common thread that emerged was that being Asian in America is a process of blending two or more identities as one.

“Yeah, I want to say that’s how I feel – because like thinking about it, I would call my dad Lao but I would call myself Laotian American because I think I’m a little more integrated in the American society and I’ve also been a little more Americanized, compared to my dad. So that’s how I would see it.”

–U.S.-born man of Laotian origin in late 20s

“I mean, Bangladeshi Americans who are here, we are carrying Bangladeshi culture, religion, food. I am also trying to be Americanized like the Americans. Regarding language, eating habits.”

–Immigrant man of Bangladeshi origin in mid-50s

“Just like there is Chinese American, Mexican American, Japanese American, Italian American, so there is Indian American. I don’t want to give up Indianness. I am American by nationality, but I am Indian by birth. So whenever I talk, I try to show both the flags as well, both Indian and American flags. Just because you make new relatives but don’t forget the old relatives.”

–Immigrant man of Indian origin in late 40s

Pew Research Center designed these focus groups to better understand how members of an ethnically diverse Asian population think about their place in America and life here. By including participants of different languages, immigration or refugee experiences, educational backgrounds, and income levels, this focus group study aimed to capture in people’s own words what it means to be Asian in America. The discussions in these groups may or may not resonate with all Asians living in the United States. Browse excerpts from our focus groups with the interactive quote sorter below, view a video documentary focused on the topics discussed in the focus groups, or tell us your story of belonging in America via social media. The focus group project is part of a broader research project studying the diverse experiences of Asians living in the U.S.

Read sortable quotes from our focus groups

Browse excerpts in the interactive quote sorter from focus group participants in response to the question “What does it mean to be [Vietnamese, Thai, Sri Lankan, Hmong, etc.] like yourself in America?” This interactive allows you to sort quotes from focus group participants by ethnic origin, nativity (U.S. born or born in another country), gender and age.

Video documentary

Videos throughout the data essay illustrate what focus group participants discussed. Those recorded in these videos did not participate in the focus groups but were sampled to have similar demographic characteristics and thematically relevant stories.

Watch the full video documentary and watch additional shorter video clips related to the themes of this data essay.

Share the story of your family and your identity

Did the voices in this data essay resonate? Share your story of what it means to be Asian in America with @pewresearch. Tell us your story by using the hashtag #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewidentity on Twitter, as well as #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewresearch on Instagram.

This cross-ethnic, comparative qualitative research project explores the identity, economic mobility, representation, and experiences of immigration and discrimination among the Asian population in the United States. The analysis is based on 66 focus groups we conducted virtually in the fall of 2021 and included 264 participants from across the U.S. More information about the groups and analysis can be found in this appendix .

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. This data essay was funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF, an advised fund of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; the Henry Luce Foundation; The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation; The Dirk and Charlene Kabcenell Foundation; The Long Family Foundation; Lu-Hebert Fund; Gee Family Foundation; Joseph Cotchett; the Julian Abdey and Sabrina Moyle Charitable Fund; and Nanci Nishimura.

The accompanying video clips and video documentary were made possible by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from The Sobrato Family Foundation and The Long Family Foundation.

We would also like to thank the Leaders Forum for its thought leadership and valuable assistance in helping make this study possible. This is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of a number of individuals and experts at Pew Research Center and outside experts.

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My Cultural Identity

This essay about my culture explores the unique blend of Eastern European heritage and northeastern United States customs that define my cultural identity. It discusses how cuisine serves as a vital cultural expression, blending traditional dishes with local flavors to create a rich tapestry of food that marks both familial and festive gatherings. The essay also touches on the role of language, noting how Polish and Ukrainian phrases permeate family conversations, preserving the linguistic heritage of my ancestors. Additionally, it describes the influence of the local environment on community activities that are deeply intertwined with the changing seasons, reflecting a strong connection to both place and tradition. Finally, the essay highlights core values such as hard work, resilience, and the importance of education, which have been inherited from immigrant ancestors and remain central to my cultural ethos today. Overall, the essay paints a picture of a dynamic cultural identity that merges historical legacies with contemporary life.

How it works

The journey into one’s cultural realm is a labyrinthine expedition, traversing the intricacies of personal and collective identity. It entails an immersion into the labyrinth of traditions, ethos, and societal mores that thread through generations, etching indelible imprints upon the psyche and conduct of individuals within a social milieu. Contemplating the inquiry, “What defines my cultural essence?” compels me to navigate through a mosaic of historical legacies, geographical contexts, and socio-cultural landscapes that delineate my distinct cultural tapestry.

At its nucleus, my cultural ethos embodies an amalgamation of indigenous norms from the northeastern expanse of the United States and the inherited legacies of Eastern European forebears.

This fusion bequeaths a singular modus vivendi that exalts the fortitude of immigrant enclaves juxtaposed against the whirlwind of innovation characterizing contemporary American ethos. The cultural ethos, encapsulated within gastronomic delights, festive revelries, and oral traditions, serves as a testament to the resilience of diasporic narratives amidst the currents of adaptation and assimilation.

The culinary arena emerges as a palpable terrain of cultural expression, where ancestral lore converges with contemporary culinary sensibilities. The hearth becomes a crucible where ancestral legacies intermingle with contemporary innovations, engendering a palimpsest of flavors that narrate tales of diasporic odyssey. Holiday repasts bear witness to this cultural communion, wherein quintessential American fare harmonizes with Eastern European delicacies such as pierogi and borscht, each culinary creation a testament to the odyssey of migration and acculturation.

Language, with its vernacular cadences and idiomatic lexicon, constitutes a linchpin of my cultural identity. While English serves as the lingua franca of quotidian discourse, vestiges of Slavic linguistic heritage punctuate familial colloquy, particularly in matters pertaining to culinary alchemy and familial camaraderie. Though the younger generation may not wield these linguistic nuances fluently, they serve as mnemonic vestiges of ancestral provenance, kindling sentiments of pride and nostalgia amidst familial communion.

Community life serves as a tableau vivant, wherein the seasonal vicissitudes of nature choreograph communal rites and festivities. Residing in locales where seasonal transitions orchestrate the cadence of daily life, communal engagements are inextricably intertwined with the flux of natural cycles: autumnal revelries, winter frolics, vernal rejuvenation, and summertime sojourns to coastal enclaves. Each season bequeaths its pantheon of rituals and festivities, many of which are testament to the adaptive ingenuity of diasporic communities in synchronizing ancestral legacies with local landscapes.

Furthermore, my cultural ethos is imbued with a valorization of toil, tenacity, and the pursuit of knowledge. These cardinal virtues, bequeathed by predecessors who traversed oceans in pursuit of greener pastures, reverberate resoundingly within our family’s ethos, shaping our approach towards life’s vicissitudes and aspirations. Manifesting in a reverence for scholastic pursuits and vocational pursuits, these values mirror the broader American zeitgeist of ambition and individual endeavor.

In summation, my cultural identity emerges as a symphony of epochs, a confluence of bygone legacies and emergent narratives. It is characterized by a variegated epicurean repertoire, a polyglot linguistic mosaic, a tapestry of communal conviviality, and an ethos steeped in ancestral wisdom and aspirational verve. The odyssey of exploring and articulating the intricacies of my cultural ethos not only engenders a profound rapport with ancestral moorings but also fosters a heightened appreciation for the kaleidoscopic diversity enshrined within the tapestry of global cultures.

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My Cultural Identity. (2024, Apr 22). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/my-cultural-identity/

"My Cultural Identity." PapersOwl.com , 22 Apr 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/my-cultural-identity/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). My Cultural Identity . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/my-cultural-identity/ [Accessed: 25 Apr. 2024]

"My Cultural Identity." PapersOwl.com, Apr 22, 2024. Accessed April 25, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/my-cultural-identity/

"My Cultural Identity," PapersOwl.com , 22-Apr-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/my-cultural-identity/. [Accessed: 25-Apr-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). My Cultural Identity . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/my-cultural-identity/ [Accessed: 25-Apr-2024]

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