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Master Thesis: The EU's Conception of Security and Defence: Questioning the Success of EU and NATO Missions

2018, The EU’s Conception of Security and Defence: Questioning the Success of EU and NATO Missions

The European Union is striving to further consolidate its Common Security and Defence Policy with a view to eventually establish the integration of defence under the Institution’s umbrella. At a time in which NATO remains a leading actor in international security, the EU has conducted a decent amount of operations to establish its place as an international security actor as well. The comparative analysis of the European Union’s military operations Concordia/FYROM and EUFOR RCA to Operation Essential Harvest and Unified Protector of NATO is conducted in the aim to critically assess the effectiveness and capabilities of the EU. The influence of NATO in the development of European defence and the leadership of NATO in international security contribute to the assessment of the Union’s common defence capabilities to highlight the degree to which the Union can perform as an international security actor. The European Union is seen to have developed a functional defence capability, however, compared to NATO’s the Union has a long road ahead. Identifying different aspects of success and the significance of multiple factors in the evaluation of an Operation, it has been observed, that the impression of success differs between internal and external assessment of effectiveness. The accomplishment of an operation’s objective and the perception created from it can create gaps, which the Organisations should be eager to align.

Related Papers

Journal of Liberty and International Affairs

Recent crises show clearly that Europeans security depends on external developments. The Common Security and Defense Policy failed to provide security, while the European Union military missions were limited in terms of their scope. This inability threatens the interests and security of the member states. Exactly, this research explores the concept of military power of the EU. In order to elaborate anatomy of military power of the EU, the descriptive-analytic method is used. Military performance analysis proves that the EU is able to have the greatest impact in the global arena. The research shows that with the achievement of a political strategy among the stakeholder, on which the replacement of the consensus mechanism with an ordinary majority is predicted, the EU would be able to lead a proactive and efficient security policy.

Roberto Menotti

The “European defense” project suffers from a number of limitations not just a lack of adequate resources but also conceptual flaws. It is not yet clear what fundamental common interests the EU members wish to pursue through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and consequently through the defense instrument that should be made available by the end of 2003. This step would also help NATO better define its own missions, ensuring that the European allies enhance their contribution. The EU needs the equivalent of a “strategic concept”, which can be developed in parallel with the ongoing transformation of NATO.

Journal of European Integration

Kristin Haugevik , Nina Graeger

This article assesses the EU’s performance as a security actor in the context of NATO, both at the institutional level and when acting as a bloc of member states within NATO. Informed by a definition of ‘performance’ as the ability to achieve preset objectives (effectiveness) in an efficient, relevant and viable manner, we observe that the EU’s performance in the context of NATO remains limited. This could be seen as a reflection of underlying political divergences between the two organisations, hampering systematic and formalised intra-institutional cooperation as well as effective cooperation between the EU member states in NATO. More importantly, it has resulted in the emergence of more informal and ad hoc EU practices in the context of NATO as well as parallel EU and NATO practices.

Romanian Military Thinking

romica cernat

Ira Ogorodnikova

Annotation: This article provides constructive analysis of the activities of members of the European Union concerning ensuring security and peacekeeping, and also in the field of cooperation and collaboration the joined efforts of the European Union and NATO in conducting their common operational missions to prevent and solve conflicts. Defined main achievements of the Baltic states in the development of potential to defend the interests of the Alliance.

Philippe Lefevre

The Berlin Plus agreement, established in 2002, has not been visibly seen in mainstream European security policy since the creation of Operation Althea in 2004. This agreement gave the EU access to NATOs planning, command and control, communications, and capabilities, for the operation of any EU-led operations, significantly bolstering the EUs security and defence capabilities. Despite two operations under this agreement launched, and one of which being still active, the package of agreements has faded from the European security debate into relative obscurity. Should the agreement therefore be declared missing, presumed dead? This study seeks to shed light on the Berlin Plus agreement, and establish what conditions led to its creation, and how do these compare to the current day. In this we seek to evaluate the Berlin Plus agreement’s overall relevance to the modern EU-NATO relationship. Alongside this question, we also explore the extent to which the EU has managed to meet the capability gaps that existed in its security and defence policy in 2002, and ultimately whether the EU needs NATO in the pursuit of any future CSDP operations. Using Resource Dependence Theory, we look at the relationship through a lens of material and symbolic resource exchange, creating levels of dependency between the two organisations, which lead to different strategies of dependency management. Furthermore, through interviews with actors in the EU-NATO relationship, we aim to provide a practical as well as theoretical approach. We find that Berlin Plus remains relevant primarily for the political bridging between the two organisations, with its operational relevance halted owing to political and strategic disagreements between Member States of the EU and NATO Allies. Through concerted capability generation the EU has managed to symbolically bridge many of the gaps that it had when Berlin Plus was signed, yet still cannot match the scale to which NATOs capabilities aided it in the creation of Operation Althea. Ultimately, whilst the political and military scope for NATO cooperation in CSDP missions has shrunk, the EU will need to rely on NATOs capabilities in the event of large scale and high-intensity missions. Our research has implications for both the operational relationship that currently exists between the EU and NATO, as well as existing unexplored avenues for further collaboration that exist.

Governance, Intelligence and Security in the 21st Century, , Craiova, Editura Sitech, eds. Adrian IVAN, Cristian GĂZDAC, Claudiu Marian, 2018, ISBN 978-606-11-6293-2

Edina Lilla Meszaros

Traditionally the EU has been a civilian power, leaving the conduct of its security issues in the hands of the North Atlantic Organisation. The end of the Cold War and the new millennium brought new security challenges making it harder and harder for the USA to play the role of the "world's gendarme" and to carry on its shoulders the burdens of the entire humanity, needing the help of its European allies, which demanded that their concerns to be taken serious, and to be consulted by their transatlantic counterpartners, the USA not being able to shape any further the transatlantic policies accroding to its own interest. This paper wants to initiate the reader in the European security architecture, emphasizing its relationship with the NATO, wondering if this "great experiment" called the European Union will be ever able to rise above its condition and to provide its own and its neighbourhood's security without any kind of foreign assistance.

NATO Review

Global Journal of Human-Social Science (GJHSS)

Bruna R Reisdoerfer

The paper aims to discuss the causal mechanism through which the international structure operates in the process of defense cooperation in Western Europe since the post-Cold War. The central argument is that this mechanism is the ‘search for security or profit’ which pushes and solves the defense cooperation in the region. So, the research differs itself by focusing on the causal process by which defense cooperation takes place, highlighting the defense institutions and not only its causal variables. The hypotheses are: i) the polarity and nature of the threats encourage European powers to use defense cooperation as a complementary tool to achieve their security objectives. Thus, the actual defense cooperation form (the CSDP), is intentionally characterized by a varied multinational structure, with sub regional initiatives lead by central countries, permanent and temporary command and control, intergovernmental institutions, and duplication of capabilities. ii) CSDP is a response to US pressure for cost sharing and its distance due an offshore balancing position. So, the capabilities and structure of the CSDP is designed in a close relation with NATO, with the aim of developing a longterm "good partner" policy and of bargaining with that position. Neoclassical realism is used as analytical model.

EU crisis management: institutions …

Isabelle Ioannides

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State Archive of the Modern History of the Saratov Oblast'

Address: 410600, Saratov Oblast, Saratov, ul. Sakko i Vantsetti, 57

You can reach the archive by trolleybus no 15; marshrutka no. 79; buses nos. 53, 6, 90, 2 (stop: Krytyi rynok) or trolleybus nos. 2, 2A (stop: ul. Vol'skaia)

Web: http://saratov.rusarchives.ru/cdniso.html Email:  [email protected] Phone:  (452) 27-16-77/ (452) 73-57-03/ (452) 26-41-49 Fax:  (452) 27-16-77 Archive Director:  Anatolii Alekseevich Gerasimov Chief Archivist:  Svetlana Mikhailovna Solomatina

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• Volga German History

The Volga Germans comprised a community of ethnic Germans who undertook migration Russia during the 18th and 19th centuries. The Russian government, under the leadership of Catherine the Great, invited them to settle in the area and contribute to the development of agricultural land along the fertile banks of the Volga River. Responding to this opportunity, Volga Germans originating from various German regions, such as the Rhineland, Hesse, and Swabia, proceeded to establish colonies within the region. This initiative culminated in the establishment of over 100 German-speaking villages, effectively fostering the creation of a distinct German cultural and agrarian community. While adapting to their Russian environment, the Volga Germans diligently preserved their German language, customs, and traditions, upholding their collective German identity.

The displacement of Germanic people from their native lands resulted from the enduring ramifications of prolonged warfare in Germanic territories spanning nearly five generations. Following the slow reconstruction in the aftermath of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), Europe was embroiled in yet another protracted conflict. The Seven Years' War (1756-1763) was a major global conflict that involved many European powers. Initially triggered by territorial disputes in North America between Great Britain and France in 1754, the hostilities swiftly escalated into a global conflagration by 1756. Numerous battles ravaged the Hessian states, leaving vast swaths of Germany decimated in the wake of the war's culmination in 1763.

Germans were plunged into abject destitution. Their conditions were worsened by coercive military conscription and excessive tax burdens imposed by their governments to sustain the war efforts. Those who managed to survive the perils of warfare had to grapple with its aftermath – a debilitated economy and reduced food sources. Generations endured a relentless cycle of hardships until, beginning in 1763, they were offered a chance to forge a new life.

In the 1760s, Catherine II, a former German princess hailing from the principality of Anhalt-Zerbst, ascended to Empress of Russia, gaining control over extensive stretches of untamed land along the lower reaches of the Volga River. Catherine was determined to turn this region into productive agricultural land as well as to populate the area as a protective barrier against the nomadic Asiatic tribes who inhabited the region.

On July 22, 1763, Catherine issued a manifesto inviting foreigners to settle in the vast uncultivated lands of her domain. The manifesto offered settlers free land, self-government, freedom from military service, and the protection of their cultural and religious heritage. Over 90% of those who responded to Catherine's invitation emigrated from Germanic states and principalities in Central Europe. Known as the Volga Germans or Wolgadeutsche , these settlers established 106 "mother colonies" near the Volga River, near the regions of Saratov and Samara. While steadfastly preserving their distinct German cultural patterns, this initial cohort of German immigrants gradually assimilated into Russian customs and traditions. Over time, the Volga Germans became the originator of a distinct cultural group widely recognized today as German-Russians.

Image:  Oetinger, F., Flourished 1785 Artist. European Battle Scene , 1785. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Initially, Catherine's invitation garnered little attention from the German populace until 1765, when she dispatched field agents to seek out potential settlers. These field agents, known as Menschenfaenger or "people catchers," traversed the war-torn landscapes of Germanic villages, spreading the news of the invitation.

The most substantial wave of German settlement came from the Hessian states of Kassel and Darmstadt. These regions, ravaged and destitute, lived in desperation. In his book on the Volga Germans, Fred Koch said the Tsaritsa’s hunters…

“Knew where a century and a half of virtually unending wars and civil strife had left their deepest and rawest scars…they knew the areas, like the Hesses’ Odenwald and Vogelsberg, which usually yielded the poorest productivity, and where deliberately overstocked game of all species was protected and coddled to furnish sport for royal hunts at the cost of the peasants’ pitifully sparse crops.” 

The promise of renewed hope propelled individuals to undertake arduous journeys spanning hundreds of miles. The peasants of the Hesse region, according to Koch, were the greatest success in Catherine’s campaign. Of the original 106 Volga German Mother Colonies established between 1764 and 1767, sixty-eight were founded by Germans from the Hesse region. From 1763 to 1768, over 27,000 colonists embarked on a journey to settle along the Volga River near Saratov, Russia. 

The journey to Russia began in ports across Germanic states, all of which would go to St. Petersburg. From there, the immigrants embarked on a challenging route, traversing the Neva River for up to 45 miles until reaching Lake Ladoga. Subsequently, their voyage continued to the mouth of the Volkhov River, spanning approximately 120 miles. At Lake Ilmen, the settlers were confronted with the demanding task of carrying their belongings and provisions, including livestock, covering a distance of around 200 miles to reach suitable landing areas along the Volga River. The trip on the Volga was over 1,000 miles to Saratov, where the immigrants would then be on their way to their respective colonies.

For many families, the trip to the Volga was close to 1,500 miles and often took close to a year to complete if the weather was especially bad. The first group of immigrants did not make it to Saratov before the river froze and thus had to lodge in Russian villages along the river for the entire six-month winter. As the immigrants neared the culmination of their voyage, a sense of restlessness pervaded their spirits as they eagerly anticipated the beginning of their new lives in what they had been led to believe were well-established villages. Few were adequately prepared for the harsh reality that awaited them.

After a long, dreadful journey, the settlers were hopeful that they could begin their lives anew. Instead, the German immigrants who survived the trek to the Volga region were met with an unfamiliar, almost frightening landscape. The wagons dropped them off into a sea of dry grass as far as the eye could see. There were no homes, horses, or plowed fields like they were promised – they would have to build their villages from the ground up with little to no assistance. The first settlers found almost no lumber to build traditional homes as they had in Germany. Instead, they had to move underground into "caves" or zemlyanky , where they lived in squalor conditions in cramped and damp homes. To make matters worse, many families arrived at their colonies with not enough time to plant crops to survive the winter. For the first few years, the settlers relied on a pittance from the Russian Crown, which barely covered the price of essential provisions such as grain and fish. To exacerbate matters, opportunistic locals took advantage of the settlers' desperation by inflating prices, knowing full well the extent of their vulnerability.

The harsh living conditions caused a surge in illnesses and fatalities. As noted by Koch, "In one colony of 157 persons, no fewer than 26 died in a four-month period. Entire families were wiped out in some instances." Spring, however, brought little reprieve since the rapid rise in temperature created flooding conditions that destroyed homes and property.

The administrative body entrusted with the welfare of the immigrants was the "Tutel-Kanzlei" (Chancellery Tutel), initially headquartered in St. Petersburg but soon relocated to Saratov. The locals referred to the governing body simply as the Kontor.

The Kontor, like much of government at that time, was ruled by corruption, personal greed, and a general disregard for the working “peasant” class. The immigrants found themselves at the mercy of a government that controlled their seed allocations, which, as the newly arrived settlers lamented, consistently arrived too late to be viable for germination. Adding to their plight, when the last two mother colonies were founded in September of 1767, the Kontor President Rezanov passed a law forbidding any of the settlers to participate in any industry other than agriculture. Only half of all settlers possessed a background in agriculture, with the remaining individuals belonging to an assortment of trades and professions. Under the looming threat of violence and starvation, the various tradespeople were forced to toil in unfamiliar labor.

Overall, the first few years for the Volga settlers were marked by numerous hardships. Insufficient assistance from the government hindered the establishment of a robust agricultural presence in the Volga region, resulting in meager crop yields that translated into limited income and sustenance for the settlers. Perhaps most painful was that, despite the hardships they faced in the war-torn portions of Germany, the settlers could not help but feel homesick as the promises of a brighter future seemed out of reach. It would take nearly a decade for many of the mother colonies to firmly establish themselves amidst the vast steppes of Russia.

Image:  Saratovskai︠a︡ Gubernii︠a︡ . Russian Federation Saratov Oblast, 1856. Courtesy of Library of Congress. 

Though the Volga Germans faced many hardships during the first generation, they slowly began to make the Volga their new home. The first truly successful crop year did not come until 1775. Following a prolonged period of drought, precipitation increased, leading to improved crop yields. This upturn in agricultural productivity gave the Volga Germans a measure of independence from the Russian Crown. Over time, the once fledgling settlers evolved into hardened people, both physically and mentally. The new generations of children knew no other home and thus did not suffer from nostalgia or homesickness. Despite the numerous setbacks, from the horrible weather to the unreliable Russian government, the Volga Germans became masters of agriculture through hard work and perseverance.

They carried their German culture, protecting it at all costs against the forces that would strip them of their cultural identity. Their culture was shielded in their isolated colonies and grew as hundreds of “daughter” colonies sprung up as the population began to rise.

In 1871, the Russian Crown revoked the Colonial Law of 1764, which originally protected the settler's land rights. It was replaced by a law that gave power to the regional political entities in Saratov. Even for the failures of the Kontor, the thought of having their legal rights in the hands of local politicians caused great fear among the Volga Germans. Historian Fred Koch said the settlers “saw in this development an intensification in the erosion of their Manifesto-granted rights and freedoms. In a single government mandate, they were lowered to the status of the Russian serfs….” No longer would their land rights be protected, nor would families be assured that their children would receive land allocations under the new laws.

Land restrictions were just one aspect of the Russian government’s attempts to strip the Volga Germans and other non-Russian settlers of their heritage. This process, later known as “Russification,” aimed to create a stronger, more “unified” Russia by replacing distinct language and culture with Russian practices. By the late 19 th century, Tsar Alexander III had intensified the Russification program, leaving no aspect of the Volga Germans’ lives unaffected. The regime enforced religious practices, mandated military service, imposed heavier tax burdens, and instilled a pervasive fear of the complete eradication of their German identity.

The measures struck the heart of the thousands of Volga Germans who had come to call Russia home. They had no ill will against Russian culture or its people, but Volga Germans vehemently resisted the attempted assimilation. The confluence of land shortages, economic disparities, and the erosion of their precious heritage compelled thousands of Volga Germans to seek new opportunities in the New World.

In 1862, President Lincoln signed the U.S. Homestead Act, offering access to free land for individuals who were willing to cultivate and improve the land. By the early 1870s, rumors and advertisements had reached the Volga Germans. In 1873, leaders from various Volga colonies convened to deliberate on the information they had received and determine a course of action. They sent a group of exploratory emissaries ( Kundschafter ) whose mission was to assess the prospect in the United States and report back. The emissaries returned with soil samples, advertisements, and positive accounts that conveyed the promising life that awaited the Volga Germans in America. Traveling to the other side of the world was no small feat – even under the threat of Russification, thousands of Volga Germans remained in Russia.

According to Richard Sallet, the first Volga German settlement was established in Lincoln, Nebraska. Over time, the Volga German population in the United States grew substantially, with more than 118,000 individuals of Volga German descent residing primarily in Colorado, Kansas, and Nebraska by the end of the second generation of immigrants. Volga Germans, once again, grew to be masters of agriculture in the heart of the sugar beet industry throughout the Great Plains. Like their Black Sea counterparts, Volga Germans take pride in their foodways, cherish their farmland, and value the rewards of hard work.

Volga German Mother Colonies

Kloberdanz, Timothy J. Thunder on the Steppe: Volga German Folklife in a Changing Russia. Lincoln: American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, 2001. ( Purchase )

Heritage of Kansas: Volga Germans . Kansas: Center for Great Plains Studies, Emporia State University, 1976. ( Purchase )

Walters, George J. Wir Wollen Deutsche Bleiben: Story of Volga Germans . Kansas City: Halcyon House Publishers, 1993. ( Purchase )

Long, James W. From Privileged to Dispossessed: The Volga Germans, 1860-1917 .  Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988.

Weidenweber, Sigrid. The Volga Germans. Portland: Center for Volga German Studies at Concordia University, 2008.

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